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    <title>Pope Leo XIV's 'Magnifica humanitas' (with Jack Hanson) - Know Your Enemy - Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T08:30:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pope-leo-xivs-magnifica-humanitas-w-jack-hanson/id1462703434?i=1000773716438</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/know-your-enemy-pope-leo-xiv-magnifica-humanitas/ ]

"As promised, here is our episode about Pope Leo XIV's recent encyclical, Magnifica humanitas, in which he brings to bear Catholic social teaching on the perils of artificial intelligence and what they reveal about what it really means to be human being. It's a distinctly Augustinian reading of our nature and destiny, marked not just by Leo's attention to our limits as flawed and fallible creatures, but the joy and hope found by living into them—which, finally, becomes his plea to see life from the perspective of the lowly, the downcast, the abandoned. 

To help us explain such a rich document, we had on our friend Jack Hanson, one of the most perceptive American writers on the Catholic Church. We tease out the connections between this Leo's first and encyclical and that of his namesake Leo XIII's Rerum novarum, an intervention on behalf of working people during the industrial and considered the origin of Catholic social teaching; Leo's "Augustinianism"; the encyclical's critique of artificial intelligence and what that has to do with its account of what really makes us human; and more.

Sources:

Pope Leo XIV, Magnifica humanitas, May 15, 2026
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiv/en/encyclicals/documents/20260515-magnifica-humanitas.html

Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, May 15, 1891
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum.html

Jack Hanson, "A Serious Man: The Militant Mysticism of Charles Péguy," Commonweal, May 3, 2021
https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/serious-man-0

– “The Heresy of Americanism,” The Drift, Jun 10, 2025. 
https://newsletter.thedriftmag.com/p/the-heresy-of-americanism

Michael Oakeshott, "The Tower of Babel" in On History and Other Essays (1983)
https://about.libertyfund.org/books/on-history-and-other-essays/

Reinhold Niebuhr, "The Tower of Babel" in Beyond Tragedy: Essays on the Christian Interpretation of History (1937)
https://books.google.com/books/about/Beyond_Tragedy.html?id=-Y0WAQAAMAAJ

Donna Haraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto,” (1985)
https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduates/modules/fictionnownarrativemediaandtheoryinthe21stcentury/manifestly_haraway_----_a_cyborg_manifesto_science_technology_and_socialist-feminism_in_the_....pdf "]]></description>
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    <title>The Zionist project is coming to an end, with Ilan Pappé - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-24T22:14:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z-SQuxleYtI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are joined by Ilan Pappé, professor of history at the University of Exeter in the UK and director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies.

Pappé gained renown as one of the “new historians,” a group of Israeli scholars who in the 1980s shattered longstanding Zionist lies about the founding of Israel, and corroborated Palestinian accounts of the Nakba using Israeli archival sources.

He’s the author of many books including A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples and The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Pappé is also a regular contributor to The Electronic Intifada. 

Nora Barrows-Friedman, Asa Winstanley, Ali Abunimah and Jon Elmer of The Electronic Intifada were joined by Ilan Pappé, Israeli historian, and Dr. Ben Thomson, who recently returned from the Gaza Strip, on the day 166 livestream. You can watch the entire broadcast here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=saM09yo0crU "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fLQfDKYntIw">
    <title>In solidarity with Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-16T02:37:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fLQfDKYntIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers reflect on the suspension of Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian for having committed herself to justice, equality, rights, freedom and love: principles which Zionist institutions and the Zionist state clearly find themselves to be incompatible."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/30396168
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/in-solidarity-with-nadera-shalhoub-kevorkian ]

[See also:

"Call to Action: Support academic freedom for Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian
Hebrew University's suspension of Palestinian professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian sends a chilling message to scholars worldwide. Silencing her undermines academic freedom and the broader struggle for human rights and dignity in Palestine and beyond."
https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/call-to-action-support-academic-freedom-for-nadera-shalhoub-kevorkian/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cw3Y-6GqytM">
    <title>“There is so much love in Palestine&quot; with Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-10T05:08:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cw3Y-6GqytM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers talk with Dr. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian (link) about life under occupation in East Jerusalem, the scattering and reconstitution of Palestinian bodies and Palestine itself, and the affirmation of life and love that lie at the heart of the Palestinian struggle for freedom.

Date of recording: March 6, 2024"

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/30289268
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/there-is-so-much-love-in-palestine-w-nadera-shalhoub-kevorkian ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>makdisistreet naderashalhoub-kevorkian 2024 palestine israel genocide eastjerusalem jerusalem gaza ethniccleansing haifa academia universities colleges oppression sareemakdisi ussamamakdisi karimmakdisi francescaalabanese dehumanization abuse colonization colonialism nablus settlers settlercolonialism violence displacement erasure dispossession malice evil ethnonationalism humanrights power resistance bodies death burial torture nonbeing zakiyyahimanjackson bodybags frantzfanon epistemicviolence media defiance hortensespillers alexanderghediweheliye biopolitics feminism slavery westbank jenin hebron unchilding storytelling horror babies destruction evidence ontology necropolitics racialviolence children racism race nakba marchofreturn humiliation emasculation benjaminnetanyahu idf foucault michelfoucault joebiden propaganda socialmedia tiktok youtube instagram victimology zionism necrocapitalism criminology indigenous indigeneity flesh childhood childhoodstudies corruption moralbankruptcy culture strength wea</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://archive.is/rYEe5">
    <title>Opinion | Christine Emba: Men are lost. Here’s a map out of the wilderness. - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-15T03:04:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archive.is/rYEe5</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[saved from here:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/07/10/christine-emba-masculinity-new-model/ ]

"Worrying about the state of our men is an American tradition. But today’s problems are real and well documented. Deindustrialization, automation, free trade and peacetime have shifted the labor market dramatically, and not in men’s favor — the need for physical labor has declined, while soft skills and academic credentials are increasingly rewarded. Growing numbers of working-age men have detached from the labor market, with the biggest drop in employment among men ages 25 to 34. For those in a job, wages have stagnated everywhere except the top.

Meanwhile, women are surging ahead in school and in the workplace, putting a further dent in the “provider” model that has long been ingrained in our conception of masculinity. Men now receive about 74 bachelor’s degrees for every 100 awarded to women, and men account for more than 70 percent of the decline in college enrollment overall. In 2020, nearly half of women reported in a TD Ameritrade survey that they out-earn or make the same amount as their husbands or partners — a huge jump from fewer than 4 percent of women in 1960.

Then there’s the domestic sphere. Last summer, a Psychology Today article caused a stir online by pointing out that “dating opportunities for heterosexual men are diminishing as relationship standards rise.” No longer dependent on marriage as a means to financial security or even motherhood (a growing number of women are choosing to create families by themselves, with the help of reproductive technology), women are “increasingly selective,” leading to a rise in lonely, single young men — more of whom now live with their parents than a romantic partner. Men also account for almost 3 of every 4 “deaths of despair,” either from a suicide, alcohol abuse or an overdose.

And while the past 50 years have been revolutionary for women — the feminist movement championed their power, and an entire academic discipline emerged to theorize about gender and excavate women’s history — there hasn’t been a corresponding conversation about what role men should play in a changing world. At the same time, the increasing visibility of the LGBTQ+ movement has made the gender dynamic seem less stable, less defined.

Because men still dominate leadership positions in government and corporations, many assume they’re doing fine and bristle at male complaint. After all, all 45 U.S. presidents have been male, and men still make up more than two-thirds of Congress. A 2020 analysis of the S&P 500 found that there were more CEOs named Michael or James than there were female CEOs, period. Women are still dealing with historical discrimination and centuries of male domination that haven’t been fully accounted for or rectified. Are we really worrying that men feel a little emasculated because their female classmates are doing well?

But millions of men lack access to that kind of power and success — and, downstream, cut loose from a stable identity as patriarchs deserving of respect, they feel demoralized and adrift. The data show it, but so does the general mood: Men find themselves lonely, depressed, anxious and directionless."

...

"Past models of masculinity feel unreachable or socially unacceptable; new ones have yet to crystallize. What are men for in the modern world? What do they look like? Where do they fit? These are social questions but also ones with major political ramifications. Whatever self-definition men settle on will have an enormous impact on society. Yet many people, like Taylor, hesitate to be the one to try to outline a new standard of manliness. Who are they to set the rules?

Only one group seems to have no such doubts about offering men a plan."

...

"Men were constantly told to be “better” and less “toxic,” he said, but what that “better” might look like seemed hard to pin down. “You pretty much have to figure it out yourself. But yet society still has the expectation that, you know, you have to be a certain way.”

Then he turned wistful. “I don’t feel like men in general have the same types of role models that women do, even in their own personal lives. … Just because you’re in the majority doesn’t mean you don’t need support.”

Technically, men are slightly in the minority in the United States. But apart from that, Bray had a point — and what he said explained a lot about why the left and the mainstream are losing men."

...

"What ends up happening is that, if women are still seen as needing tools to overcome disadvantage, men are often expected to just shape up by themselves. For a group that can be focused to a fault on addressing microaggressions, it’s surprisingly acceptable for those on the left to victim-blame men who are struggling themselves. “So we just let men off the hook? Maybe we should give them electroshock therapy for their hysteria,” a progressive female friend of mine joked when I told her about this essay.

To the extent that any vision of “nontoxic” masculinity is proposed, it ends up sounding more like stereotypical femininity than anything else: Guys should learn to be more sensitive, quiet and socially apt, seemingly overnight. It’s the equivalent of “learn to code!” as a solution for those struggling to adjust to a new economy: simultaneously hectoring, dismissive and jejune.

The thing is, I get it. I understand the reluctance to spend time worrying about men. And I say that as someone who loves them: as friends, romantic partners and members of my family.

Justifiably, progressives want to preserve the major gains made for women over the past several decades — gains that are still fragile. It’s easy to mistake attention as zero-sum, to fear that putting effort toward helping men might mean we won’t have space for women anymore.

There is something appealing, too, in the idea of gender neutrality — or at least rejecting gender essentialism — as a social ethos. After all, attaching specific traits to men will redound to women, too. If we say “real” men are strong, does that mean real women must be weak? If men are leaders, are women destined to follow?

I’m convinced that men are in a crisis. And I strongly suspect that ending it will require a positive vision of what masculinity entails that is particular — that is, neither neutral nor interchangeable with femininity. Still, I find myself reluctant to fully articulate one. There’s a reason a lot of the writing on the crisis in masculinity ends at the diagnosis stage."

...

"Reeves, who is launching his own institute focused on men and boys, knows there’s a danger inherent in seeming too eager to help men or too intent on promoting a particular vision of masculinity.

“As soon as you start articulating virtues, advantages, good things about being male … then you’ve just dialed up the risk factor of the conversation,” he said. “But I’m also acutely aware that the risk of not doing it is much greater. Because without it, there’s a vacuum. And along comes Andrew Tate to make Jordan Peterson look like a cuddly old uncle.”

A new script for men

If the right has overcorrected to an old-fashioned (and somewhat hostile) vision of masculinity, many progressives have ignored the opportunity to sell men on a better vision of what they can be.

In the conversations I had with men for this essay, I kept hearing that many would still find some kind of normative standard of masculinity meaningful and useful, if only to give them a starting point from which to expand.

...

"“Where I think this conversation has come off the tracks is where being a man is essentially trying to ignore all masculinity and act more like a woman. And even some women who say that — they don’t want to have sex with those guys. They may believe they’re right, and think it’s a good narrative, but they don’t want to partner with them.”

I, a heterosexual woman, cringed in recognition.

“And so men should think, ‘I want to take advantage of my maleness. I want to be aggressive, I want to set goals, go hard at it. I want to be physically really strong. I want to take care of myself.’”

Galloway leaned into the screen. “My view is that, for masculinity, a decent place to start is garnering the skills and strength that you can advocate for and protect others with. If you’re really strong and smart, you will garner enough power, influence, kindness to begin protecting others. That is it. Full stop. Real men protect other people.”

Richard Reeves, in our earlier conversation, had put it somewhat more subtly. “I try to raise my boys” — he has three — “to have the confidence to ask a girl out, if that’s their inclination; the grace to accept no for an answer; and the responsibility to make sure that, either way, she gets home safely.” His recipe for masculine success echoed Galloway’s: proactiveness, agency, risk-taking and courage, but with a pro-social cast.

This tracked with my intuitions about what “good masculinity” might look like — the sort that I actually admire, the sort that women I know find attractive but often can’t seem to find at all. It also aligns with what the many young men I spoke with would describe as aspirational, once they finally felt safe enough to admit they did in fact carry an ideal of manhood with its own particular features.

Physical strength came up frequently, as did a desire for personal mastery. They cited adventurousness, leadership, problem-solving, dignity and sexual drive. None of these are negative traits, but many men I spoke with felt that these archetypes were unfairly stigmatized: Men were too assertive, too boisterous, too horny.

But, in fact, most of these features are scaffolded by biology — all are associated with testosterone, the male sex hormone. It’s not an excuse for “boys will be boys”-style bad behavior, but, realistically, these traits would be better acknowledged and harnessed for pro-social aims than stifled or downplayed. Ignoring obvious truths about human nature, even general ones, fosters the idea that progressives are out of touch with reality.

The essentialist view — that it’s in men’s nature to be brave, stoic and in charge while women remain docile, nurturing and submissive — would be dire news for social equality and for the vast numbers of individuals who don’t fit those stereotypes. Biology isn’t destiny — there is no one script for how to be a woman or a man. But despite a push by some advocates to make everything from bathrooms to birthing gender-neutral, most people don’t actually want a completely androgynous society. And if a new model for masculinity is going to find popular appeal, it will depend on putting the distinctiveness of men to good use in whatever form it comes.

“Femininity or masculinity are a social construct that we get to define,” Galloway concluded. “They are, loosely speaking, behaviors we associate with people born as men or born as women, or attributes more common among people born as men or as women. But the key is that we still get to fill that vessel and define what those attributes are, and then try and reinforce them with our behavior and our views and our media.”

What would creating a positive vision of masculinity look like? Recognizing distinctiveness but not pathologizing it. Finding new ways to valorize it and tell a story that is appealing to young men and socially beneficial, rather than ceding ground to those who would warp a perceived difference into something ugly and destructive."

...

"A path forward

"For all their problems, the strict gender roles of the past did give boys a script for how to be a man. But if trying to smash the patriarchy has left a vacuum in our ideal of masculinity, it also gives us a chance at a fresh start: an opportunity to take what is useful from models of the past and repurpose it for boys and men today.

We can find ways to work with the distinctive traits and powerful stories that already exist — risk-taking, strength, self-mastery, protecting, providing, procreating. We can recognize how real and important they are. And we can attempt to make them pro-social — to help not just men but also women, and to support the common good.

Influencers on the right have found an audience by recognizing and exaggerating these tropes. What else is an incel but a stymied procreator building an identity out of his failures? Who are Tucker Carlson’s tire-flipping civilizational guards but the protector, made absurd? Right-wing political figures such as Josh Hawley have clearly latched on to many men’s desire to provide, but their solutions are often 1950s throwbacks that depend on castigating women for providing for themselves.

What critics miss is that if there were nothing valid at the core of these constructs, they wouldn’t command this sort of popularity. People need codes for how to be human. And when those aren’t easily found, they’ll take whatever is offered, no matter what else is attached.

For the left, there’s room to elaborate on visions of these qualities that are expansive, not reductive, that allow for many varieties of masculinity and don’t deny female value and agency.

In my ideal, the mainstream could embrace a model that acknowledges male particularity and difference but doesn’t denigrate women to do so. It’s a vision of gender that’s not androgynous but still equal, and relies on character, not just biology. And it acknowledges that certain themes — protector, provider, even procreator — still resonate with many men and should be worked with, not against.

But how to implement it? Frankly, it will be slow. A new masculinity will be a norm shift, and that takes time. The women’s movement succeeded in changing structures and aspirations, but the social transformation didn’t take place overnight. And empathy will be required, as grating as that might feel.

It is harder to be a man today, and in many ways, that is a good thing: Finally, the freer sex is being held to a higher standard.

Even so, not all of the changes that have led us to this moment are unequivocally positive. And if left unaddressed, the current confusion of men and boys will have destructive social outcomes, in the form of resentment and radicalization.

In the end, the sexes rise and fall together. The truth is that most women still want to have intimate relationships with good men. And even those who don’t still want their sons, brothers, fathers and friends to live good lives.

The old script for masculinity might be on its way out. It’s time we replaced it with something better."]]></description>
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    <title>Beautiful Losers | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2020-03-20T22:58:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/beautiful-losers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On Super Tuesday, Bernie Sanders had a bad night. His moderate rival, Joe Biden, riding the strength of his dominating win in South Carolina and boosted by endorsements from Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar, swept the South, and beat out Sanders in Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Texas. Sanders won California, Colorado, Utah, and his home state of Vermont, but finished the night trailing Biden by sixty-five delegates. Sanders and his supporters had hoped to rack up a formidable delegate lead, forcing the recalcitrant Democratic establishment to acknowledge him as a palatable nominee and cementing his viability in the minds of primary voters. That didn’t happen.

I watched these results come in—on a pirated MSNBC stream—with a few friends and my roommate, Dan, who is unemployed and spends most of his waking hours calling and texting for Bernie. A pall fell over our living room as state after state went for Biden, a familiar sense of dread and inevitability. Preternaturally upbeat and optimistic in most circumstances, Dan did not conceal his growing despair, pacing the apartment, darkly muttering to himself. A rolling tide of gloom, resignation, and recrimination overtook my Twitter feed. It was over. “The establishment” had conspired against Sanders. Elizabeth Warren had “kneecapped” the progressive movement. Our enemies were too powerful, too nefarious, too corrupt. The forces of capital had won. Again.

The following morning, light crept back through our windows. Plans were made for trips to canvass in Michigan. Dan returned to the auto-dialer. But I couldn’t get the evening’s pre-post-mortems out of my head. It all felt familiar. The left, of which I am doomed to remain a perpetual partisan, has an intimate relationship with defeat. Defeat is our mother: our sustainer and our burden. “The history of socialism,” writes historian Enzo Traverso, “is a constellation of defeats nourished for almost two centuries.” The affective life of the left is defined by nostalgia, belatedness, memory, and mourning. We cherish a serial history of might-have-beens: if the Communards had stormed Versailles, if the work of Radical Reconstruction had been completed, if the Soviet Union had exorcised its totalitarian demons, if the Spanish Republic had survived the civil war, if the Prague Spring had been allowed to flourish, if Allende had survived the coup, if Mitterand had resisted the call of rigueur, if workers had seized power during this or that general strike, if Bernie had won the primary in 2016, if if if…

This mood, I suspect, is familiar to many leftists. It feeds a bitterly hopeful disposition, which Traverso calls “left-wing melancholy.” For Marxists, every generation of militants is doomed to fail, save the last one. We derive strength and purpose, not despair, from the memory of the vanquished and the worlds they envisioned. In January 1919, in the final days of a failed uprising by German communists, Rosa Luxemburg wrote, “The whole road of socialism is paved with nothing but thunderous defeats” from which socialists, nonetheless, must “draw historical experience, understanding, power and idealism.” The final victory, Luxemburg wrote, would be built on a foundation of every preceding failure. The next day, Luxemburg was murdered by the Freikorps, her body tossed into the Landwehr Canal.

In his final speech, delivered inside the besieged Moneda Palace amid a CIA-backed coup, the socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, prefigured his own martyrdom: “These are my last words, and I am certain that my sacrifice will not be in vain,” he said, broadcasting the message over Radio Magallanes, “Go forward knowing that, sooner rather than later, the great avenues will open again where free men will walk to build a better society.” Moments later, Allende put an AK-47 between his legs and shot himself under the chin.

In defeat, the radical left’s morbid historical memory serves as a profound (if perverse) source of comfort. In a telegram to his friend Bill Haywood on the occasion of his execution, anarchist labor icon Joe Hill is supposed to have said, “Don't waste any time mourning. Organize!” (He followed up with another message: “Could you arrange to have my body hauled to the state line to be buried? I don't want to be found dead in Utah.”) The phrase—don’t mourn, organize—is repeated on the occasion of major setbacks for labor and the left. I heard it frequently in the wake of Donald Trump’s election. But generations of leftists have tended to do both at once, deriving discipline and determination from mourning, sacralizing not the victims themselves, but their commitments and hopes, their dreams. At its best, writes Traverso, left-wing melancholy “perceives the tragedies and the lost battles of the past as a burden and a debt, which are also a promise of redemption.”

I’ve been a leftist my entire adult life. I know these stories. I’ve participated in failed union drives, failed electoral campaigns, failed social movements. I’ve watched left governments come to power and lose it, or keep it and be corrupted. Many times I’ve sublimated defeat into conviction; mourning into organizing. But when it comes to practical politics, melancholia is not always a helpful disposition. Conditioned by history to expect defeat—to see it as inevitable, the product of malevolent forces beyond our control—we welcome its arrival with something like relief. There is comfort in this sense of fated doom. We lost not because we did something wrong, but because we did something right in a world that’s wrong. When we acknowledge the awesome might and baleful intentions of our enemies, when we point our fingers at the traitors in our midst, what we seek is not a clear-eyed reckoning of the battlefield, but freedom from guilt for failing to win. Lurking behind our dour pessimism is, at times, a desire to evade accountability for our own mistakes.

A corrective can be found in an essay written by Bertolt Brecht in 1934, from exile in Denmark. Never one to wait and see, Brecht fled Germany in February 1933, weeks after Hitler was appointed chancellor. A Marxist and proponent of “distanced” drama, Brecht was notoriously allergic to sentimentality, both the bourgeois and socialist varieties. For Brecht, intimacy and affect obscured reality; only alienation and discomfort could disclose it. His essays, plays, and poems have a meanness about them, a clear-eyed coldness in the face of injustice that feels especially foreign to twenty-first-century-American ears. The journalist and critic Richard Eder summarized Brecht’s rules for himself as “no pity, no terror and, above all, no purgation.” Cleansing absolution, that elemental aspiration of the American psyche, has no place in Brecht’s vision of art or politics.

In “Writing the Truth: Five Difficulties,” Brecht wrote:

<blockquote>[It] takes courage to tell the truth about oneself, about one’s own defeat. Many of the persecuted lose their capacity for seeing their own mistakes. It seems to them that the persecution itself is the greatest injustice. The persecutors are wicked simply because they persecute; the persecuted suffer because of their goodness. But this goodness has been beaten, defeated, suppressed; it was therefore a weak goodness, a bad, indefensible, unreliable goodness. For it will not do to grant that goodness must be weak as rain must be wet. It takes courage to say that the good were defeated not because they were good, but because they were weak.</blockquote>

I often find myself rereading these words in moments of defeat, to ward off the comforts of melancholy. The Sanders campaign has been premised, in part, on the idea of a righteous struggle: against the callous forces of profit and their political enablers. Our cause is righteous. But we should remember that righteousness is not enough to win. And that if we fail, our righteousness will be no consolation at all. The Bernie campaign is good, but if we are losing—to Joe Biden!—then the form of its goodness is “bad, indefensible, unreliable.”

Often it seems everything wrong with Bernie’s campaign can be attributed to something he’s doing right, but for which he’s being punished by Democratic elites or the corporate media (“the persecuted suffer because of their goodness”). Bernie doesn’t win Black voters because they’re too conservative and loyal to the establishment; his supporters are accused of online abuse because they’re particularly enthusiastic and economically desperate; he has fewer endorsements because he’s an outsider and other elected officials are afraid to buck the bosses; he receives little earned media because the media hates him for refusing to flatter the pundit class and their expertise. These things may all be true, but they’re also explanations which preclude solutions; they absolve us, attest to our innocence, and prefigure an alibi for our inevitable downfall.

We can do more than blame the formidable forces arrayed against us. We can be open to good-faith criticism, to new strategies, and to new allies (including those who have no interest in our righteousness or our struggle but who merely want to beat Donald Trump). Rigorous self-criticism is a left-wing value as well, after all. I don’t have all the answers. The way forward for Bernie may require a change in posture, from outsider resentment to magnanimous inclusivity; from hostility to the Democratic establishment to narrating how our program fulfills the highest hopes of the Democratic Party’s egalitarian tradition. Bernie needs to grow his coalition. He can’t do that by naming enemies alone. We must also seek out and embrace new friends. When you’re losing, it can feel good to huddle with the righteous few already on your side. But a willingness to face our present weakness may be a prerequisite for the strength we need to win.

It could be over soon. Some of the projections for the next round of primaries are grim. But the world is in crisis. Everything can change in an instant. And despair is not an option. As organizer Mariame Kaba has said, hope is a discipline; it must be practiced.

Too many times I’ve seen the left preemptively settle for virtuous defeat—accepting that we, like those before us, will be vanquished and remembered fondly for our attempt. But the waters are rising. We can’t wait to see whether ours is the generation that will fulfill the hopes of the radicals who fell before us. Whether or not history has caught up with us, ecology has us in its grasp. In this, I agree with my friend, the author and organizer Jonathan Smucker, who writes, “I take no solace in the prospect of history listing me among the righteous few who denounced the captain of a ship that sank.” We must set our aspirations higher. If we want to save the ship, “we must conspire to take the helm.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>socialism politics 2020 elections us berniesanders left defeat learning howwelearn media elizabethwarren samadler-bell progressive movements organizing nostalgia belatedness memory mourning radicalism spanishcivilawar chile salvadorallende marxism rosaluxemburg power idealism coup istory radiomagallanes 1973 pessimism accountability labor joehill enzotraverso melancholy redemtion melancholia bertholdbrecht affect intimacy alienation discomfort reality richardeder absolution weakness goodness democrats criticism self-criticism establishment egalitarianism mariamekaba discipline hope optimism radicals canon golpemilitar</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://steamcommunity.com/app/287600/discussions/0/45350791170836413/?tscn=1417886496">
    <title>Gone Home all over again? :: Sunset Discusiones generales</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-18T16:09:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://steamcommunity.com/app/287600/discussions/0/45350791170836413/?tscn=1417886496</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Publicado originalmente por ToT:

<blockquote>But there is a certain beauty in the way that humans are a part of nature. Their fragility, their lack of control, their weakness are all charming in a way. And they create a strong bond between us all.</blockquote>

Hmm, I thought I had seen the game advertise itself with something along the lines of 'Who will you be? A lover, a traitor, a freedom fighter?', which suggests that the player has clear agency in the direction that the protagonist takes.

But you are right. So many games present the player with choices that will have a great and transparent impact on the game-world, the philosophy being that games should satisfy the human desire to leave a mark. But I now realize how much I yearn for a gaming experience in which things just happen to you, and in which small actions can have great or small consequences, forseen or unforseen. There is certainly a peculier sense of exhileration (and anxiety) in surrendering to the uncontrollable nature of life.

This is also why I am so friggin excited for the remake of Pathologic. :p"

[via: http://notgames.tumblr.com/post/105182523812/but-i-now-realize-how-much-i-yearn-for-a-gaming ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>systems systemsthinking 2014 games gaming videogames humans choice legacy control surrender life living unpredictability weakness helplessness</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://stager.tv/blog/?p=3401">
    <title>Balance : Stager-to-Go</title>
    <dc:date>2014-11-21T04:37:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://stager.tv/blog/?p=3401</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ah, balance!

Balance is the Fabreze of education policy. It is a chemical spray designed to mask the stench of a two year-old tuna sandwich found in the minvan with the artificial bouquet of an April rain dancing on a lily pad.

• Balanced literacy got us systemic phonics.
• Balanced math begot Singapore Math worksheets.
• Balanced standards produced The Common Core.
• Balanced policy debates produced No Child Left Behind and Race-to-the-Top

A balanced approach to educational technology made computer science extinct in schools and has now taught two generations of children to find the space bar in a computer lab-based keyboarding class.

I could go on.

Balance is elusive. It is fake and lazy and cowardly and sad. Balance is embraced by those who don’t know or can’t/won’t articulate what they truly believe. Balance fills the void left by the absence of alternative models and excellence. It is anonymous.

Educators are told that passion should be tempered. Every pedagogical idea is just fine as long as it is “for the children.” We should just do our jobs and not complain about outrageous attacks on our dignity, paycheck, curriculum, working conditions, or the living conditions of the students we serve.

Balance fills the school day with mandates and directives and lots of interruptions that while offering an illusion of options make it impossible for a learner to focus on anything long enough to become good at it.

Balance teaches children that teachers are helpless pawns in a system they don’t control or cannot understand.
Balance is the absentee parent of incrementalism. As educators take “baby steps” towards what they know is right or righteous they lead a long and meandering hike after which the followers cannot remember the original destination.

<blockquote>“This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.” (Martin Luther King, Jr., 1963)</blockquote>

Educators are to remain neutral and seek consensus at all-costs. Balance programs us to find the silver lining in tornados. There MUST be SOMETHING good in what Bill Gates or Sal Khan or any number of a million corporations with ED or MENTUM or ACHIEVE or VATION in their names happen to be peddling.

The laws of the political universe, and education is inherently political, greet each embrace of “balance” as ten steps in a more conservative direction. There is no balance – just weakness.

I urge you to read one of my favorite passages ever written about “balance” in education. It is from a lesser-known classic, On Being a Teacher,”  by the great American educator, Jonathan Kozol. Please take a few minutes to read, “Extreme Ideas. [http://stager.tv/blog/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/Kozol-Extreme-Ideas.pdf ]”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hg3umXU_qWc">
    <title>We should all be feminists: Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie at TEDxEuston - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2014-02-25T22:36:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hg3umXU_qWc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Bookmarking this again because it's so good.]

[Previously bookmarked (with quotes) here: 
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:484a2474be43 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://tobia.tumblr.com/post/69044483039/we-teach-females-that-in-relationships-compromise">
    <title>Toyin Odutola Studio Blog: We teach females that in relationships, compromise...</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-05T19:06:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://tobia.tumblr.com/post/69044483039/we-teach-females-that-in-relationships-compromise</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We teach females that in relationships, compromise is what women do. We raise girls to see each other as competitors, not for jobs or for accomplishments— which I think can be a good thing— but for the attention of men. We teach girls that they cannot be sexual beings in the way that boys are. If we have sons, we don’t mind knowing about our sons’ girlfriends, but our daughters boyfriends? ‘God forbid!’ But of course when the time is right, we expect those girls to bring back the perfect man to be their husband. We police girls, we praise girls for virginity, but we don’t praise boys for virginity. And it’s always made me wonder how exactly this is supposed to work out because [laughs] the loss of virginity is usually a process that involves [laughs]….
 
We teach girls shame. ‘Close your legs!’ ‘Cover yourself!’ We make them feel as though by being born female, they are already guilty of something. And so, girls grow up to be women who cannot say they have desire. They grow up to be women who silence themselves. They grow up to be women who cannot say what they truly think. And they grow up—and this is the worst thing we do to girls—they grow up to be women who have turned pretense into an art form."

—Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

[Direct link to talk: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hg3umXU_qWc ]

"We do a great disservice to boys in how we raise them. We stifle the humanity of boys. We define masculinity in a very narrow way. Masculinity becomes this hard small cage. And we put boys inside the cage. We teach boys to be afraid of fear. We teach boys to be afraid of weakness, of vulnerability. We teach them to mask their true selves. Because they have to be “hard men”."

[Quoted here: http://notgames.tumblr.com/post/77778358006/johnyzuper-we-do-a-great-disservice-to-boys-in ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>chimamandangoziadichie chimamandaadichie 2013 girls society relationships parenting virginity gender sex pretense boys masculinity fear vulnerability weakness manhood</dc:subject>
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    <title>Cowbird · And now comes good sailing</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-21T07:43:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://cowbird.com/story/9637</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Jonathan Harris tells three stories about his fourth grade teacher, Baz

1. What make a great teacher?
2. How to engage your audience
3. On death]]]></description>
<dc:subject>relationships creativity living cv self audience mystery uncertainty vulnerability weakness baz wisdom teaching writing 2012 cowbird jonathanharris</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:932994557f59/</dc:identifier>
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