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    <title>The Useful Narcissist - Journal #163</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-27T08:28:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.e-flux.com/journal/163/6776887/the-useful-narcissist</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>mattseybold 2026 publicintellectuals usefulidiots clebrity russelljacoby googlengram jeffreyepstein sambankman-fried elonmusk donaldtrump coldwar broadcast televison dickcavett alanburke pbs npr williamfbuckley media williamsafire chuchcommittee kurtanderson susanlindauer elites elitism richardposner overtonwindow consensus anncoulter thomasfriedman ralphnader gorevidal jamesbaldwin oligarchy tedgioia attention attentioneconomy online internet intellectualism neoliberalism latecapitalism capitalism huntersthompson politics washingtonconsensus</dc:subject>
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    <title>LLMs and the Library Card Fallacy - Freddie deBoer</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-22T08:08:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/llms-and-the-library-card-fallacy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the LLM tutor story is the Khan Academy story is the MOOCs story"

...

"I don’t know how many American colleges and universities will exist in ten years. Probably fewer than now, but then a little right-sizing has made sense for awhile, and would likely increase rather than decrease the health of the system. The ones that keep existing, which is to say most of them, will go on doing what they’ve always done, which is to supply the external scaffolding that the vast majority of human beings require in order to learn anything they don’t already want to learn: deadlines, grades, embarrassment in front of peers, the looming presence of a teacher who will notice…. That scaffolding is the product and always has been. The lectures are incidental, the textbooks are incidental, and the personalized AI tutor will turn out to be incidental too. What is not incidental is the social and institutional pressure that compels an ordinary late adolescent to sit in a room and slog through the Federalist Papers when every fiber of their being would rather be doing anything else. Maybe we can’t make young people feel that pressure in a meaningful way anymore. Maybe. But that just means that our whole society is doomed anyway, and ChatGPT is not going to be able to fix it.

No chatbot can manufacture the desire to learn. And the people who insist otherwise will, a decade from now, write the same essays they’re writing today about how this time the revolution is really, finally, coming. Damp continuity, like I said. I’ve never been the doomer people have made me out to be, but I confess that in the last couple of years I’ve quietly given up, and if LLMs have done one thing for me, it’s to force me to recognize just how little the average person gives a shit and just how willing the great mass of humanity is to slip into apathy and decline. But I do have hope for individuals, the exceptional and talented people who really give a shit. For them, the ones who need it least, the ability to learn is there. The library card has been in our collective wallet for a hundred years. The whole internet has been in our pockets for fifteen. So go learn something."]]></description>
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    <title>Marc Andreessen is a philosophical zombie | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T04:28:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/tldr/897566/marc-andreessen-is-a-philosophical-zombie</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Silicon Valley innovates again!"

[archived:
https://archive.is/FjFtH ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://mondoweiss.net/2025/07/a-new-dossier-reveals-extensive-pro-israel-bias-among-reporters-editors-and-executives-at-the-nytimes/">
    <title>A new ‘dossier’ reveals extensive pro-Israel bias among reporters, editors and executives at the ‘NYTimes’ – Mondoweiss</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-27T20:50:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mondoweiss.net/2025/07/a-new-dossier-reveals-extensive-pro-israel-bias-among-reporters-editors-and-executives-at-the-nytimes/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["New York Times reporters are supposed to follow a strict code of ethics to avoid even the appearance of bias. A new report shows how the paper ignores this when it comes to covering Palestine."

...

"Normally, New York Times journalists work under a strict code of behavior meant to reduce the appearance of bias in their reports. They are not, for instance, allowed to attend political rallies or demonstrations in their personal capacity. One Times reporter told me years ago that she couldn’t go to a pro-abortion rights march, even though she didn’t cover the issue. These restrictions extend into the Internet Age. Times journalists on social media are supposed to be guarded in their opinions, and they can be cautioned if they overstep.

But the Times’s struggle against even the appearance of bias vanishes when the subject is Israel and the Palestinians. The organization called Writers Against the War on Gaza recently released a “dossier” [https://newyorkwarcrimes.com/dossier ] which listed “high-ranking editors, journalists and executive officers at the Times” who the group alleges have “material and ideological ties to occupation and apartheid.”

Most obvious are Times reporters who have personal or family connections to Israel’s military. The dossier cites Natan Odenheimer, who actually served in the army’s “Maglan” special forces commando unit for almost 4 years. Interestingly, Odenheimer’s own summary [https://www.nytimes.com/by/natan-odenheimer ] of his experience on the Times website completely leaves out this portion of his biography. He tells us: “I’ve reported on Israelis and Palestinians for over a decade, and my work has also taken me to Jordan, Egypt, Iraq and other locations.” But somehow his military experience didn’t make the cut.

Reporter Isabel Kershner’s two sons served in Israel’s military. And in the past, Ethan Bronner’s son was also a soldier. The dossier notes that Bill Keller, then the Times’s executive editor, actually defended that connection, arguing that Bronner’s reporting benefited, because his son’s service “suppl[ied] a measure of sophistication about Israel and its adversaries that someone with no connections would lack.” (For the record, this site has over the years been on top of this story. Here’s the Kershner connection [https://mondoweiss.net/2014/10/another-reporters-israeli/ ], from more than a decade ago. And Phil Weiss explained [https://mondoweiss.net/2014/09/reporters-joined-israeli/ ] how Bronner went to great lengths to try and conceal the link.)

Let’s pause for a thought experiment. Let’s say the Times considered hiring a Palestinian reporter in Jerusalem — who it then turned out had belonged to a militant group in his or her youth. The ensuing firestorm of criticism would instantly sink the appointment. 

The dossier also cites Times opinion writers who have strong pro-Israel views, including columnists Bret Stephens, Thomas Friedman, and David Brooks. Here, in fairness, the paper is on firmer ground, because editorial writers, unlike reporters, are allowed, in fact encouraged, to have opinions. That said, you certainly won’t find anything approaching balance — which would be (at least) three columnists with pro-Palestinian backgrounds and views who regularly appear on the paper’s editorial page.

The dossier also cites people in Times management to raise still more legitimate questions of bias. One key example is Meredith Kopit Levien, who was on the advisory board of the pro-Zionist organization B’nai B’rith when she was picked as the paper’s CEO in 2020. In fairness, Levien is also not an actual reporter, and she doesn’t have to meet the same exacting standards. However: another thought experiment. Let’s say the Times found a talented candidate for a senior management post who was part of a group that advocated on behalf of another foreign government with a long list of human rights abuses. Would he or she get the job?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>nytimes bias palestine journalism reporting 2025 jamesnorth israel ethics isabelkershner natanodenheimer iod idf billkeller ethanbronner philweiss thomasfriedman bretstephens zionism meredithkopitlevien b'naib'rith media genocide ethniccleansing settlercolonialism colonialism colonization policy politics warcrimes complicity dehumanization gaza occupation apartheid bds boycott divestment oppression iof davidbrooks hasbara propaganda</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ktrYjMP75Mk">
    <title>Iran, Israel, USA and World War 3 | Chris Hedges | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-20T16:29:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ktrYjMP75Mk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Chris Hedges joins us on UNAPOLOGETIC for a conversation on what the consequences could be if Israel draws the USA into a full-blown war with Iran.

Hedges reflects on his years reporting from war zones, the cynical nihilism driving Netanyahu’s assault, and how Israel’s genocide in Gaza has become a “spectacle” that has irreparably broken trust between North and South.

Are Israel’s and the Pentagon’s stated shifting priorities real, or a façade to continue diminishing societal infrastructure in the region? Will the complicity of Arab states in the genocide lead to blowback? Is regime change the goal, or is this just an excuse?

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim

Chapters
0:00 Introduction
1:40 Was Iran strike inevitable
4:10 Israel’s plan for Iran
8:00 Will US go deeper
9:45 Who leads US policy
12:30 Why regime change fails
15:00 Netanyahu’s nihilist war plan
20:00 Arab states’ complicity
25:00 Gaza genocide as spectacle
31:00 West Bank’s grim future
35:00 Risk of regional war
41:00 Global fallout of war
47:00 US politics and war
56:00 Journalism’s collapse today
1:04:00 Just US policy vision"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/journalists-and-their-shadows-w-patrick">
    <title>Journalists and Their Shadows (with Patrick Lawrence) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-12T23:26:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/journalists-and-their-shadows-w-patrick</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Patrick Lawrence and Chris Hedges chronicle the decline of mainstream media and the craft of journalism, and the dark psychological reality behind media complicity in schemes of the powerful."]]></description>
<dc:subject>journalism media chrishedges patricklawrence 2025 ajliebling coldwar capitalism corporations corporatism mainstreammedia thenation noamchomsly ralphnader johndewey context history causality agency responsibility russiagate iraqwar ukraine tedpostol andrewbacevich margaretflowers healthcare power heritagefoundation cia americanenterpriseinstitute economics politics policy abm billionaires inequality elite elitism us ifstone cwrightmills josephalsop complicity professionalization walterlippmann press hlmencken publiuc 1920s professionalclass workingclass 1975 gaza 9/11 ussr communism sovietunion arnoldtoynbee johnwinthrop arifleischer society jillabramson nytimes harrrytruman judymiller dickcheney scooterlibby iraw middleeast richardperle al-qaeda carljung manufacturingconsent manufacturedconsent nationalism racism cambodia sydneyschanberg metrodesk aberosenthal arthurmiller deathofasalesman psychology descartes sartre jean-paulsartre wapo washingtonpost time ideology imperialism empire malaysia korea indonesia</dc:subject>
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    <title>&quot;The Biggest Problems in Legacy Media&quot; A Conversation With Chris Hedges - YouTube</title>
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    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4IQz8Ff-A0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-biggest-problems-in-legacy-media

"I went on Hasan Piker's show to discuss my new book, "A Genocide Foretold," Gaza and the United States' descent into fascism."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/virtue-hoarders-and-the-rejection">
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    <dc:date>2025-06-01T20:36:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/virtue-hoarders-and-the-rejection</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Catherine Liu details how the professional managerial class (PMC) has betrayed workers for seats within the halls of power, all while they wag their fingers at the politically incorrect working class."

[direct link to YouTube video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PuIb4j_hxSw ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thebaffler.com/latest/critical-counterinsurgents-zehner">
    <title>Critical Counterinsurgents | Harry Zehner</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T04:38:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/latest/critical-counterinsurgents-zehner</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The writers critiquing Israel to rescue Zionism"

[See also:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KIt-dO21S3Y ]
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HJDhnwc-YVQ">
    <title>Why Joe Biden Won’t Stop Israel - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-22T23:25:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HJDhnwc-YVQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s been almost seven months since the start of the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide in Gaza, which has claimed – at minimum – tens of thousands of Palestinian lives, including at least 15,000 children. There is mass starvation in the north, countless mass graves are being found every day from where the Israelis have withdrawn and a ground invasion of Rafah, which is under heavy bombardment, is still on the books. Despite all this and the growing domestic pressure on the U.S. government to change course, Joe Biden and his administration have shown no desire to choose a different course. Instead, unlike the media narrative that puts blame squarely on Netanyahu, this administration is showing what Joe Biden has shown throughout his career: complete deference to and support of the state of Israel."]]></description>
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    <title>The Rise and Fall of Baby Boomer Zionism</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-21T22:32:03+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Zionism has long been the tip of a spear aimed at the heart of a multiracial left."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/zionism-and-jewish-identity/">
    <title>Zionism and Jewish identity – Mondoweiss</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-12T20:11:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/zionism-and-jewish-identity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["American Zionists are not deluded about Zionism. They know exactly what Israel is, and they are actively supporting blatant supremacy, racism, and apartheid. But that is changing, because Zionism is finally being challenged in the left/liberal press."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2024/jan/16/the-tyranny-of-the-algorithm-why-every-coffee-shop-looks-the-same">
    <title>The tyranny of the algorithm: why every coffee shop looks the same | | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-21T16:42:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/2024/jan/16/the-tyranny-of-the-algorithm-why-every-coffee-shop-looks-the-same</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From the generic hipster cafe to the ‘Instagram wall’, the internet has pushed us towards a kind of global ubiquity – and this phenomenon is only going to intensify"

...

"Pursuing Instagrammability is a trap: the fast growth that comes with adopting a recognisable template, whether for a physical space or purely digital content, gives way to the daily grind of keeping up posts and figuring out the latest twists of the algorithm – which hashtags, memes or formats need to be followed. Digital platforms take away agency from the business owners, pressuring them to follow in lockstep rather than pursue their own creative whims. There’s a risk as well in hewing too closely to trends. If a trope becomes stale, the algorithmic audiences won’t engage with it, either. That’s why the perfect generic coffee shop design keeps changing slightly, adding more potted plants or taking a few away. In the algorithmic feed, timing is everything.

The other strategy is to remain consistent, not worrying about trends or engagement and simply sticking to what you know best – staying authentic to a personal ethos or brand identity in the deepest sense. In a way, coffee shops are physical filtering algorithms, too: they sort people based on their preferences, quietly attracting a particular crowd and repelling others by their design and menu choices. That kind of community formation might be more important in the long run than attaining perfect latte art and collecting Instagram followers. That is ultimately what Anca Ungureanu was trying to do in Bucharest. “We are a coffee shop where you can meet people like you, people that have interests like you,” she said. Her comment made me think that a certain amount of homogeneity might be an unavoidable consequence of algorithmic globalisation, simply because so many like-minded people are now moving through the same physical spaces, influenced by the same digital platforms. The sameness has a way of compounding."]]></description>
<dc:subject>kylechayka 2024 algorithms internet instagram marketing web ubiquity coffeeshops cafes sameness homogeneity monotony monoculture globalization airbnb homogenization spivak manuelcastells thomasfriedman local authenticity wework coworking platforms tiktok luisbarragán airspace whiteness wealth gentrification online socialmedia growth slow small consistency trends engagement metrics coffeehouses gayatrichakravortyspivak</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:acc84ee12d15/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uFKG8S7K0wM">
    <title>How To Start A War And Get Away With It - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-03-17T03:25:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uFKG8S7K0wM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Twenty years ago the U.S. began its invasion of Iraq. What came next is a story well tread— a bloody, brutal and senseless war— but what lead up to the invasion deserves just as much scrutiny. Americans had come to believe the target for their anger and grief over 9/11, the people who’d done it and the means of perpetuating more harm against the U.S. were in Iraq, all beliefs that were later revealed to be baseless. But anger alone didn’t spur America to go to war, and it wasn’t the only thing that blinded Americans to the truth. Over the course of 18 months, the U.S. news media literally helped make the case for the country to go to war with spurious claims, dubious sources and an unquestioning deference to government talking points. Now 20 years later, Sana Saeed, in the first episode of Backspace’s second season, investigates the worst warmongering in the history of U.S. media (that makes yellow journalism look pale in comparison) and traces the line from the past to where the worst offenders, in government and media, are today."

[See also:

"War Made Easy: Norman Solomon on How Mainstream Media Helped Pave Way for U.S. Invasion of Iraq"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hi1CWb82CpI

"As we continue to mark the 20th anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, we look at how the corporate U.S. media helped pave the way for war by uncritically amplifying lies and misrepresentations from the Bush administration while silencing voices of dissent. Longtime media critic Norman Solomon says many of the same media personalities and news outlets that pushed aggressively for the invasion then are now helping to solidify an elite consensus around the Ukraine war. "In the mass media, being pro-war is portrayed as objective. Being antiwar is portrayed as being biased," he says. Solomon is author of War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death and the forthcoming _War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine_."]]]></description>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b4467519035b/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/02/28/wendell-berrys-advice-for-a-cataclysmic-age">
    <title>Wendell Berry’s Advice for a Cataclysmic Age | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2022-05-14T19:15:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/02/28/wendell-berrys-advice-for-a-cataclysmic-age</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sixty years after renouncing modernity, the writer is still contemplating a better way forward."

...

"The place was so inviting, I wondered if anyone had ever broken in—seeking, perhaps, a little food and a furtive night’s rest. “Yes, once,” Berry said. He was pretty sure he knew the culprit. “Someone took out a few panes and tried to get into my safe. I wrote him a note—‘Dear Thief, if you’re in trouble, don’t tear this place up. Come to the house, and I’ll give you what you need.’”

From this sliver of vanishing America, Berry cultivates the unfashionable virtues of neighborliness and compassion. He divides his time between writing and farmwork, continuing his vocation of championing sustainable agriculture in a country fuelled by industrial behemoths, while striving to insure that rural Americans—a mocked, despised, and ever-dwindling minority—do not perish altogether. Whenever the country struggles with a new man-made emergency, Berry is rediscovered. A Twitter feed called @WendellDaily recently circulated one of his maxims: “Rats and roaches live by competition under the law of supply and demand; it is the privilege of human beings to live under the laws of justice and mercy.”

Berry’s admirers call him an Isaiah-like prophet. Michael Pollan and Alice Waters say that he changed their lives with five words: “Eating is an agricultural act.” Pollan became a scourge of the meat industry, genetically modified food, and factory farms; Waters launched the farm-to-table movement. The cultural critic bell hooks, another Kentuckian, began reading Berry in college, finding his work “fundamentally radical and eclectic.” Decades later, she visited him at his farm to talk about the importance of home and community and the complexities of America’s racial divide.

Berry’s critics see him as a utopian or a crank, a Luddite who never met a technological innovation he admired. In “Why I Am Not Going to Buy a Computer,” an infamous 1987 essay that ran in Harper’s, he announced, “I do not see that computers are bringing us one step nearer to anything that does matter to me: peace, economic justice, ecological health, political honesty, family and community stability, good work.” When indignant readers sent a blizzard of letters to the editor, Berry noted in reply that one man, who called him “a fool” and “doubly a fool,” had “fortunately misspelled my name, leaving me a speck of hope that I am not the ‘Wendell Barry’ he was talking about.”"

...

"In the early sixties, the Berrys seemed to be launched on a very different life. After Wendell received a Guggenheim Fellowship, they lived for a year in Tuscany and southern France, then moved with their children, Mary and Den, to New York, where Wendell taught at New York University. In 1964, he announced to his astonished colleagues that he had accepted a professorship at the University of Kentucky, in Lexington, and that he was going to take up farming near his family’s “home place.” That year, he and Tanya bought their house and their first twelve acres. His New York friends, imagining him surrounded by moonshine-swilling hillbillies and feuding clans, were sure he had consigned himself to intellectual death. He set out to prove them wrong, even as he admitted, “I seem to have been born with an aptitude for a way of life that was doomed.”

He found a kind of salvation, and a subject, in stewardship of the land. With renunciative discipline, he tilled his fields as his father and grandfather had, using a team of horses and a plow. And he took up organic gardening. I’d learned from the letters that it was my father who introduced Berry to the practice, sending him Leonard’s book “Gardening with Nature,” and recommending the works of Sir Albert Howard. An early-twentieth-century English botanist, Howard had studied traditional farming methods in India and emerged as an evangelist for sustainable agriculture. In 1977, Berry quoted Howard, his defining guide on the topic, as “treating the whole problem of health in soil, plant, animal, and man as one great subject.”

I confessed that I’d never read Howard. Berry, turning professorial, retrieved “An Agricultural Testament” and read aloud, enunciating each word: “ ‘Mother Earth never attempts to farm without livestock; she always raises mixed crops; great pains are taken to preserve the soil and to prevent erosion; the mixed vegetable and animal wastes are converted into humus; there is no waste.’ ” Berry closed the book. “That’s it,” he said. “That’s the pinch of the hourglass.”"

...

"When Wendell and his three siblings were young, Henry County was famous for a light-leafed, unusually fragrant crop known as burley tobacco. The small farmers of the “burley belt”—including parts of Kentucky, Missouri, Indiana, Ohio, and West Virginia—saw themselves as part of a centuries-old culture that produced the most labor-intensive agricultural product in the world. In “Tobacco Harvest: An Elegy,” a book of photographs that Berry’s college friend James Baker Hall took in 1973 at a neighbor’s farm, Berry writes about the cultivation of tobacco as “a sort of agrarian passion, because of its beauty at nearly every stage of production and because of the artistry required to produce it.” At harvest time, neighbors “swapped work,” as they did when putting up hay or killing hogs, undertakings that took days and required intense collective labor. In one story, Andy Catlett, Wendell’s fictional counterpart, tells a young helper, “If you don’t have people, a lot of people, whose hands can make order of whatever they pick up, you’re going to be shit out of luck.”

I had always associated tobacco with lung cancer. Seeing that I needed help understanding it as a cultural touchstone, Berry said, “I’d better tell you about my daddy.” His father, John Marshall Berry, had a searing early experience that shaped his life, as well as the lives of his children and grandchildren. In January, 1907, when John was six, he woke up in what he called “the black of midnight” to the sound of his father’s horse on the gravel driveway. He was heading for the annual tobacco auction, in Louisville. The family had sat around the fire earlier, speculating about how much he would get for the year’s crop, and how they would use the money to pay down their debts. Instead, he returned empty-handed. The American Tobacco Company, a trust run by the tycoon James B. Duke, had forced the price of tobacco below the cost of production and transport. Wendell said, “My dad saw grown men leaving the warehouses crying.”

John Berry became an attorney, married Virginia Erdman Perry, from Port Royal, and established himself as a prominent citizen of Henry County. According to Tom Grissom, who is writing a book about the local history of tobacco, Berry was a member of his town’s bank board, a trustee of his college, and a Sunday-school teacher at the Baptist church. He was also a fervent advocate of a new organization, the Burley Tobacco Growers Cooperative Association. It enabled farmers to free themselves from the grip of the trust by establishing production controls and parity prices, and by selling their tobacco directly to manufacturers.

In 1933, as prices plummeted during the Great Depression, the Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration passed the Agricultural Adjustment Act, to save farmers from ruin. The act introduced production controls in return for price supports—a federal version of the regional Burley Association. John Berry served as the association’s president from 1957 until 1975, and insisted that the programs were not handouts but the equivalent of a minimum wage. Wendell maintained that the purpose of the Burley Association was to “achieve fair prices, fairly determined, and with minimal help from the government.”

Berry often writes of trying to nurture a “human economy”—the antithesis of America’s “total economy,” run by latter-day robber barons and the politicians who count on their donations. By his definition, a corporation is “a pile of money to which a number of persons have sold their moral allegiance.” Objecting to Supreme Court rulings that treat corporations as persons, Berry argues that “the limitless destructiveness of this economy comes about precisely because a corporation is not a person.” In other words, “It can experience no personal hope or remorse, no change of heart. It cannot humble itself. It goes about its business as if it were immortal, with the single purpose of becoming a bigger pile of money.”"

...

"School held little interest for Wendell. “I didn’t like confinement,” he said. Second-grade teachers gave boys knives for perfect attendance, but he spurned the bribe, and by the eighth grade was earning F’s in conduct. When he was fourteen, his parents, determined to see their bright children buckle down, sent him and John to Millersburg Military Institute; their younger sisters, Mary Jo and Markie, later went to a private school in Virginia.

Millersburg had an effect on Wendell, but not the one his parents had intended. “The highest aim of the school was to produce a perfectly obedient, militarist, puritanical moron who could play football,” Berry writes in “The Long-Legged House.” His greatest lesson from those years: “Take a simpleton and give him power and confront him with intelligence—and you have a tyrant.” Each year, when school let out for the summer, Wendell headed to his great-uncle Curran’s camp with an axe and a scythe, to mow the wild grass and horseweed. “It was some instinctive love of wilderness that would always bring me back here,” he wrote, “but it was by the instincts of a farmer that I established myself.”

He turned himself around at the University of Kentucky, where he earned undergraduate and master’s degrees in English. He studied creative writing with Robert Hazel, a charismatic poet and novelist with a gift for shaping raw talents, including Ed McClanahan, James Baker Hall, Gurney Norman, and Bobbie Ann Mason. Wendell recalled, “He did me the great service of never allowing me to be satisfied with any work I showed him.”"

...

"In 1958, Berry was awarded a Wallace Stegner writing fellowship at Stanford. He and Tanya packed their things and three-month-old Mary in their Plymouth and drove across the country. Berry prized his seminars with Stegner, whom he considers the West’s foremost “storyteller, historian, critic, conservator and loyal citizen.” In a Jefferson Lecture in 2012, he quoted Stegner’s description of Americans as one of two basic types, “boomers” and “stickers.” Boomers are “those who pillage and run,” who “make a killing and end up on Easy Street.” Stickers are “those who settle, and love the life they have made and the place they have made it in.” They are “placed people,” in Berry’s term—forever attached to the look of the sky, the smell of native plants, and the vernacular of home."

...

"lthough Berry is enviably prolific, he doesn’t find writing easy. When I asked about his process, he replied with a parable. On a bitterly cold winter day, he had to leave the comfort of the house: his livestock was out, and a fence had to be mended. His gloves made his fingers clumsy, so he took them off, freezing his hands as he twisted the wire. “What’s curious to me is that, once started, you’re interested, you’re into it, you’re doing your work, and you’re happy,” he said. “That applies to writing. Sometimes I don’t believe I can stand it another day, but then I’m working at problems I know how to deal with, to an extent.”"

...

"In 1977, as my father was being ushered into retirement, Berry was told that it was time to find a new publisher. Two years later, he said, North Point Press “adopted me.” North Point was a new venture in Berkeley, co-founded by Jack Shoemaker, a thirty-three-year-old former bookseller. Shoemaker, who now edits Berry at Counterpoint Press, told me that his books were popular with environmentalists, hippies, and civil-rights advocates: “Wendell was a hero to those people, saying the unsayable out loud.” His ideas about the virtues of agrarian societies had sweeping implications—to solve the problems of the modern world required thoroughly reconceiving how we live. Wallace Stegner once wrote to him, “Your books seem conservative. They are actually profoundly revolutionary.”

Berry distrusts political movements, which, he writes, “soon decline from any possibility of reasonable discourse to slogans, shouts, and a merely hateful contention in the capitols and streets.” Still, he is a lifelong protester. In 1967, he helped lead the Sierra Club’s successful effort to block the Red River Gorge Dam, in east-central Kentucky. The following year, he marched against the Vietnam War in Lexington, where he told the crowd that, as a member of the human race, he was “in the worst possible company: communists, fascists and totalitarians of all sorts, militarists and tyrants, exploiters, vandals, gluttons, ignoramuses, murderers.” But, he insisted, he was given hope by people “who through all the sad destructive centuries of our history have kept alive the vision of peace and kindness and generosity and humility and freedom.”

On Valentine’s Day weekend, 2011, Berry joined a small group of activists to occupy Governor Steve Beshear’s office in Frankfort, as hundreds more marched outside with “I Love Mountains” placards. They aimed to convince the Governor to withdraw from a lawsuit that the Kentucky Coal Association had filed against the E.P.A. for its efforts to clean up waters polluted by toxic mining runoff. Beshear agreed to visit a few particularly afflicted towns. In Hueysville, a resident named Ricky Handshoe took him to Raccoon Creek, which had turned a fluorescent orange. Aghast, Beshear asked, “But you’re on city water, aren’t you?” Handshoe said recently that the Governor meant well, but was no match for the coal lobby: “After he left, nothing much happened.”

Berry puts his faith in citizens who are committed to restoring their communities. One of the people at the sit-in was his friend Herb E. Smith, from a family of miners in Whitesburg. In 1969, at the age of seventeen, Smith and seven other young people helped found a film workshop, called Appalshop, to produce stories about eastern Kentucky that countered the conventional narrative about benighted Appalachians. Smith told me that in the past half century, as coal jobs have disappeared, Appalshop has grown. With support from government agencies and foundations, it runs a radio station, a theatre program, an art gallery, a filmmaking institute, and a record label. Another nonprofit in town provides health care to the uninsured. A bakery up the road employs recovering opioid addicts. Addressing political disagreements in a solidly red state, Smith said, “These are people with deep concerns about community survival, even in places thought of as full of reactionaries. In reality, people accommodate each other.”

Berry hailed the concentration of talent, work, and courage in Whitesburg, citing its most famous resident, Harry Caudill, whose history of Appalachia, “Night Comes to the Cumberlands,” came out in 1963 and “brought the war on poverty to eastern Kentucky.” He also talked about a married couple, Tom and Pat Gish, who in 1956 bought the local newspaper, the Mountain Eagle, and ran it for fifty-two years. Their first decision was to replace its anodyne motto, “A Friendly Non-Partisan Weekly Newspaper,” with “It Screams.” Not everyone welcomed the paper’s candor about the hazards of mining and the misdeeds of corrupt officials. In 1974, someone threw a firebomb into its offices. The Gishes moved the paper’s operations to their house and got out the next issue. Chuckling, Berry noted that the only thing they changed was the slogan: “It Still Screams.” He added, “That story has been worth a lot to me. And so much has gathered there and kept on right in the presence of the permanent destruction of the world.”"

...

"Despite Berry’s veneration of his ancestors, he can be unsparing about their sins. “I am forever being crept up on and newly startled by the realization that my people established themselves here by killing or driving out the original possessors, by the awareness that people were once bought and sold here by my people, by the sense of the violence they have done to their own kind and to each other and to the earth,” he wrote in his 1968 essay “A Native Hill.” He saw the rapacious practices of modern agribusiness, Big Coal, the military-industrial complex, and Wall Street as the perpetuation of “some intransigent destructiveness” that drove the European settlers in America.

That year, Berry began writing “The Hidden Wound,” a book that examines racism as “an emotional dynamics which has disordered both the heart of the society as a whole and of every person in the society.” The title refers to an ugly story handed down through generations of Berrys, in which John J. Berry sold a slave who, the story went, was “too defiant and rebellious to do anything with.” Although it showed the “innate violence of the slave system,” it was relayed “as a bit of interesting history.” Berry admitted, “I have told it that way many times myself. And so the wound has lived beneath the skin.”"

...

"
Thomas Friedman, of the Times, is scolded for a preening column in which he calls himself a “green capitalist” and blames Congress for not cracking down on coal, oil, and gas producers. Berry observes, “The deal we are being offered appears to be that we can change the world without changing ourselves.” This kind of thinking enables us to continue using too much energy “of whatever color,” hoping that “fields of solar panels and ranks of gigantic wind machines” will absolve us of guilt as consumers. Which is not to say that Berry renounces the use of green energy. He posed for a photograph several years ago in front of the solar panels by his house, grinning and flashing a peace sign.

Berry summons writers, from Homer to Twain, who extended “understanding and sympathy to enemies, sinners, and outcasts: sometimes to people who happen to be on the other side or the wrong side, sometimes to people who have done really terrible things.” In this spirit, he offers an assessment of Robert E. Lee, whom he calls “one of the great tragic figures of our history.” He presents Lee as a white supremacist and a slaveholder, but also as a reluctant soldier who opposed secession and was forced to choose between conflicting loyalties: his country and his people. “Lee said, ‘I cannot raise my hand against my birthplace, my home, my children,’ ” Berry writes. “For him, the words ‘birthplace’ and ‘home’ and even ‘children’ had a complexity and vibrance of meaning that at present most of us have lost.”

Berry wants readers to hate Lee’s sins but love the sinner, or at least understand his motives. War, he suggests, begins in a failure of acceptance. He writes of exchanging friendly talk with Trump voters at Port Royal’s farm-supply store, a kind of tolerance that is necessary in a small town: “If two neighbors know that they may seriously disagree, but that either of them, given even a small change of circumstances, may desperately need the other, should they not keep between them a sort of pre-paid forgiveness? They ought to keep it ready to hand, like a fire extinguisher.” Without this, we risk conflagration: “A society with an absurdly attenuated sense of sin starts talking then of civil war or holy war.”

If readers were incredulous about Berry’s claim that a pencil was a better tool than a computer, it’s not hard to imagine how many will react to his plea that we extend sympathy to a general whose army fought to perpetuate slavery in America. Several of Berry’s friends urged him to abandon the book, anticipating Twitter eruptions and withering reviews. He writes, “My friends, I think, were afraid, now that I am old, that I am at risk of some dire breach of political etiquette by feebleness of mind or some fit of ill-advised candor.” He listened, and fretted, but kept going. “They are asking me to lay aside my old effort to tell the truth, as it is given to me by my own knowledge and judgment, in order to take up another art, which is that of public relations.” In a letter, he told me that he didn’t want to offend “against truth or goodness,” although the book “at times certainly does offend, I think necessarily, against political correctness.” Tanya crisply told him, “It’s too late for it to ruin your whole life.”"

...

"Mary told Wendell that she imagined a liberal-arts program that would teach students how to raise livestock and grow diversified crops, and encourage them to pursue farming as a life’s work. Wendell said to her, “It sounds like you’re starting a center.” Mary had no idea how to run a nonprofit, but, she told me, “I had what was left of a pretty good farm culture and a well-watered landscape.”

She admits that growing up on her parents’ farm wasn’t easy: the outdoor composting privy, the absence of vacations, the mandatory chores that pulled her out of bed each morning before dawn. “It was a subsistence farm,” she said. “Mom and Dad were producing eighty to eighty-five per cent of what we were eating.” She thought that they were poor: “We didn’t live in a ranch house, drink Coke, or have a TV.” A friend, taking pity on her, got on the phone each week to offer a running narration of popular shows. Mary complained to her father, “Why do we always have to do things the hardest way?” But she never considered moving away.

The Berry Center, with a staff of eight and a board of ten, attracts visitors from around the world who share many Americans’ sense of deracination. “They want to know how to belong to a place,” Mary told me. When they express alarm about climate change, she tells them, “You can’t throw up your hands in despair. You’re not responsible for solving the whole problem—you just do what you can do.”

Four years ago, the Berry Center and Sterling College, an “experiential learning” school in Craftsbury, Vermont, started the Wendell Berry Farming Program, which provides twelve students tuition-free study on Henry County farms. Leah Bayens, the program’s dean, told me that the students spend much of their time working outside. “Ultimately, we’re using the curriculum as a way for farmers to make decisions informed by poetry, history, and literature, as well as the hard sciences.”"

...

"Berry’s writing, like the seasons, has a cyclical quality, returning again and again to the same ideas. Tanya once told him that his knack for repeating himself is his principal asset as a writer. He noted a few years ago, “That insight has instructed and amused me very much, because she is right and so forthrightly right.” In his new book, he has a characteristically bittersweet message: “Because the age of global search and discovery now is ending—because by now we have so thoroughly ransacked, appropriated, and diminished the globe’s original wealth—we can see how generous and abounding is the commonwealth of life.” But he has never suggested that everyone flee the city and the suburbs and take up farming. “I am suggesting,” he once wrote, “that most people now are living on the far side of a broken connection, and that this is potentially catastrophic.”

I asked him if he retains any of his youthful hope that humanity can avoid a cataclysm. He replied that he’s become more careful in his use of the word “hope”: “Jesus said, ‘Take no thought for the morrow,’ which I take to mean that if we do the right things today, we’ll have done all we really can for tomorrow. OK. So I hope to do the right things today.”

At the old Ford acreage, he showed me where the tobacco was taken after the harvest. He opened the barn doors onto a cavernous space, where light filtered through the siding boards. Craning my neck, I could imagine how the tobacco sticks, laden with heavy leaves, were once hung on the rafters to dry. It was a perilous undertaking called “housing tobacco”—each man supporting a sheaf of leaves larger than he was, balancing on a beam like a circus performer as he set the stick in place.

Wendell picked up a maul, which Meb had made from a hickory tree. It had a smooth handle and a bulbous head, squared off at the end. “With it,” he told me, “you can deliver a blow of tremendous force to a stake or a splitting wedge.” Thinking about a modern sledgehammer, I asked how the handle was inserted into the head. He put his hand on my shoulder and said, “No, no, honey,” then hastily explained himself: “That’s our way of taking the sting out of it, you see, when we correct someone.” He showed me the swirling grain of the maul’s head, chopped from the roots of a tree, and swung it over his shoulder to demonstrate how it becomes a natural extension of the body.

When I was back home, he sent me a diagram and explained how the strength of the wood came from the tree’s immersion in the soil: “The growth of roots makes the grain gnarly, gnurly, snurly: unsplittable.” After you cut the tree, you square off the root end. Then, above the roots, where the grain isn’t snurly, you saw inward a little at a time, “splitting off long, straight splinters to reduce the log to the diameter of a handle comfortable to hold. And so you’ve made your maul. It is all one piece, impossible for the strongest man (or of course woman) to break.” He scrawled at the bottom of the page, “There is a kind of genius in that maul, that belongs to a placed people: to make of what is at hand a fine, durable tool at the cost only of skill and work.”"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://soundcloud.com/citationsneeded/episode-58-the-neoliberal-optimism-industry">
    <title>Episode 58: The Neoliberal Optimism Industry de Citations Needed Podcast</title>
    <dc:date>2019-02-08T20:22:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://soundcloud.com/citationsneeded/episode-58-the-neoliberal-optimism-industry</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We're told the world is getting better all the time. In January, The New York Times' Nick Kristof explained "Why 2017 Was the Best Year in Human History." The same month, Harvard professor and Bill Gates' favorite optimist Steven Pinker lamented (in a special edition of Time magazine guest edited by - who else? - Bill Gates) the “bad habits of media... bring out the worst in human cognition”. By focusing so much on negative things, the theory goes, we are tricked into thinking things are getting worse when, in reality, it's actually the opposite.

For the TEDtalk set, that the world is awesome and still improving is self-evidently true - just look at the data. But how true is this popular axiom? How accurate is the portrayal that the world is improving we so often seen in sexy, hockey stick graphs of upward growth and rapidly declining poverty? And how, exactly, are the powers that be "measuring" improvements in society?

On this episode, we take a look at the ideological project of telling us everything's going swimmingly, how those in power cook the books and spin data to make their case for maintaining the status quo, and how The Neoliberal Optimism Industry is, at its core, an anti-intellectual enterprise designed to lull us into complacency and political impotence.

Our guest is Dr. Jason Hickel."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jasonhickel 2018 stevenpinker billgates neoliberalism capitalism ideology politics economics globalsouth development colonialism colonization china africa lies data poverty inequality trends climatechange globalwarming climatereparations nicholaskristof thomasfriedman society gamingthenumbers self-justification us europe policy vox race racism intelligence worldbank imf</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/most-likely-to-repeat-history-2/">
    <title>Most Likely to Repeat History - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-10-29T21:26:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/most-likely-to-repeat-history-2/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Yet, by holding out the entrepreneur as the solution to the America’s problems, Wagner and Dintersmith systematically reinforce class, race, and gender privilege. Many of the  traits related to the agentic behavior praised in entrepreneurs, such as assertiveness, are highly valued pretty much only in white men. According to a report by Ross Levine and Yona Rubinstein, when entrepreneurs are ranked on the Illicit Activity Index, which highlights the “aggressive, disruptive activities of individuals as youths,” they found that “entrepreneurs tend to engage in more illicit activities as youths than those who never become incorporated self-employed.” In his perceptive analysis of the report, Jordan Weissman writes that “To be successful at running your own company, you need a personality type that society is a lot more forgiving of if you’re white.”

Wagner and Dintersmith parrot back Friedman’s characteristic – and unfounded – optimism that “there is no limit to the number of idea-generating  jobs in the world”: “the creative force of innovation erased millions and millions of routine jobs…they were replaced by countless opportunities for the innovative, for the creative, for the nimble.”

Countless? Really? This word choice implies that opportunity is unlimited, if people rise to the task. ‘Nimble’, and its often used synonyms  – ‘adaptable’, ‘flexible, and ‘agile’ – seem like positive qualities until we consider the broader context of our lives outside of our value as labor. If you have recently lost your job because the company has off-shored it, then if you are ‘nimble’, you will find other work. However, if you lack that personality trait, or are traumatized, depressed, or restricted by public transit or a lack of childcare, then calling you out on your lack of nimbleness is simply victim-blaming.

Moreover, by focusing on ‘idea-generating’ or ‘innovative’ jobs, Wagner and Friedman ignore the hard realities of service work and the labor conditions in factories on which the ‘innovative’ jobs depend. For example, about half of Apple’s full-time equivalent employees work in their ‘retail segment’ making approximately $25,580 per annum. And that’s not to mention the vast supply chain that does not work directly for Apple, but toils in mines, manufacturing plants in China, and lives among our ewaste.5

In what is perhaps the most eye-catching claim of the book, they write “In the past five decades, all U.S. economic and job growth has come from innovative start-ups. Our entrepreneurial successes create our jobs, shape our society, define us, inspire us, and are the envy of the world.” The idea that start-ups have created all economic and job growth typifies their innovation as Hero ideology. It is not true that all growth comes from start-ups, but more importantly, the venture-capitalist self-promotion that they cite in footnote 35 says nothing of the kind. I would love some clarity from them on their referencing practice. Seriously.

…

"When you hear talk about ‘reinventing the self’, this is what I want you to think about: since we live in a society with structural inequality and discrimination, how does the focus on each of us reinventing ourselves take away from us having the political energy to oppose and transform the system? When Wagner and Dintersmith insist up innovation, they are actually reinforcing the status quo by ensuring that the inequalities and logic of the broader system prevail.

At once people insist that we commodify the self, then any empathy for the trauma suffered from job loss is blocked and the focus turns to reinvention of the self. As a project for continuous improvement, the self becomes a bundle of skills and images. In response to structural inequality, the neoliberal imperative pressures people to reinvent the parts of themselves that are targets of discrimination, rather than the system.

If you look at the wealth gap between white and black families in the United States through the lens of the ideology of meritocracy, then your explanation for the gap is going to tend to put the responsibility on individuals for their own lots in life, just as Wagner and Dintersmith in fact do when they talk about our responsibility to reinvent our capacities.

However, if we narrowly focus on the qualities of the individual (merit, capacities), then we miss out on an analysis of the structural issues. As McNamee and Miller argue in The Meritocracy Myth, “the most important factor in terms of where people will end up in the economic pecking order of society is where they started in the first place.”

Unfortunately, Wagner and Dintersmith start in exactly the same place as many other failed reform movements: with a desire to please the leaders of industry, whose stories they feed on with little room for anything else in their diet. Those who are ‘most likely to succeed’ will get ahead because of a broader system of privilege, while education reinventors are doomed to be ‘most likely to repeat history’, which is too bad for just about everyone else."]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjamindoxtdator tonywagner teddintersmith entrepreneurship 2017 education thomasfriedman inequality jordanweissman rosslevine yonarubinstein race racism learning risk individualism labor work economics capitalism meritocracy neoliberalism reform publicschools structuralracism bias peterdrucker power class privilege miltonfriedman innovation classism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/field-guide-jobs-dont-exist-yet/">
    <title>A Field Guide to 'jobs that don't exist yet' - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-07-08T20:51:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/field-guide-jobs-dont-exist-yet/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perhaps most importantly, the Future of Jobs relies on the perspective of CEOs to suggest that Capital has lacked input into the shape and direction of education. Ironically, the first person I found to make the claim about the future of jobs – Devereux C. Josephs – was both Businessman of the Year (1958) and the chair of Eisenhower’s President’s Committee on Education Beyond High School. More tellingly, in his historical context, Josephs was able to imagine a more equitable future where we shared in prosperity rather than competed against the world’s underprivileged on a ‘flat’ field.

The Political Shift that Happened

While the claim is often presented as a new and alarming fact or prediction about the future, Devereux C. Josephs said much the same in 1957 during a Conference on the American High School at the University of Chicago on October 28, less than a month after the Soviets launched Sputnik. If Friedman and his ‘flat’ earth followers were writing then, they would have been up in arms about the technological superiority of the Soviets, just like they now raise the alarm about the rise of India and China. Josephs was a past president of the Carnegie Corporation, and at the time served as Chairman of the Board of the New York Life Insurance Company.

While critics of the American education system erupted after the launch of Sputnik with calls to go back to basics, much as they would again decades later with A Nation at Risk (1983), Josephs was instead a “besieged defender” of education according to Okhee Lee and Michael Salwen. Here’s how Joseph’s talked about the future of work:

<blockquote>“We are too much inclined to think of careers and opportunities as if the oncoming generations were growing up to fill the jobs that are now held by their seniors. This is not true. Our young people will fill many jobs that do not now exist. They will invent products that will need new skills. Old-fashioned mercantilism and the nineteenth-century theory in which one man’s gain was another man’s loss, are being replaced by a dynamism in which the new ideas of a lot of people become the gains for many, many more.”4</blockquote>

Josephs’ claim brims with optimism about a new future, striking a tone which contrasts sharply with the Shift Happens video and its competitive fear of The Other and decline of Empire. We must recognize this shift that happens between then and now as an erasure of politics – a deletion of the opportunity to make a choice about how the abundant wealth created by automation – and perhaps more often by offshoring to cheap labor – would be shared.

The agentless construction in the Shift Happens version – “technologies that haven’t been invented yet” – contrasts with Josephs’ vision where today’s youth invent those technologies. More importantly, Josephs imagines a more equitable socio-technical future, marked not by competition, but where gains are shared. It should go without saying that this has not come to pass. As productivity shot up since the 1950’s, worker compensation has stagnated since around 1973.

In other words, the problem is not that Capital lacks a say in education, but that corporations and the 0.1% are reaping all the rewards and need to explain why. Too often, this explanation comes in the form of the zombie idea of a ‘skills gap’, which persists though it keeps being debunked. What else are CEOs going to say – and the skills gap is almost always based on an opinion survey  – when they are asked to explain stagnating wages?5

Josephs’ essay echoes John Maynard Keynes’ (1930) in his hope that the “average family” by 1977 “may take some of the [economic] gain in the form of leisure”; the dynamism of new ideas should have created gains for ‘many, many more’ people. Instead, the compensation for CEOs soared as the profit was privatized even though most of the risk for innovation was socialized by US government investment through programs such as DARPA.6"

…


"Audrey Watters has written about how futurists and gurus have figured out that “The best way to invent the future is to issue a press release.” Proponents of the ‘skills agenda’ like the OECD have essentially figured out how to make “the political more pedagogical”, to borrow a phrase from Henry Giroux. In their book, Most Likely to Succeed, Tony Wagner and billionaire Ted Dintersmith warn us that “if you can’t invent (and reinvent) your own job and distinctive competencies, you risk chronic underemployment.” Their movie, of the same title, repeats the hollow claim about ‘jobs that haven’t been invented yet’. Ironically, though Wagner tells us that “knowledge today is a free commodity”, you can only see the film in private screenings.

I don’t want to idealize Josephs, but revisiting his context helps us understand something about the debate about education and the future, not because he was a radical in his times, but because our times are radical.

In an interview at CUNY (2015), Gillian Tett asks Jeffrey Sachs and Paul Krugman what policy initiatives they would propose to deal with globalization, technology, and inequality.9 After Sachs and Krugman propose regulating finance, expanding aid to disadvantaged children, creating a robust  social safety net, reforming the tax system to eliminate privilege for the 0.1%, redistributing profits, raising wages, and strengthening the position of labor, Tett recounts a story:

<blockquote>“Back in January I actually moderated quite a similar event in Davos with a group of CEOs and general luminaries very much not just the 1% but probably the 0.1% and I asked them the same question. And what they came back with was education, education, and a bit of digital inclusion.”</blockquote>

Krugman, slightly lost for words, replies: “Arguing that education is the thing is … Gosh… That’s so 1990s… even then it wasn’t really true.”

For CEOs and futurists who say that disruption is the answer to practically everything, arguing that the answer lies in education and skills is actually the least disruptive response to the problems we face. Krugman argues that education emerges as the popular answer because “It’s not intrusive. It doesn’t require that we have higher taxes. It doesn’t require that CEOs have to deal with unions again.” Sachs adds, “Obviously, it’s the easy answer for that group [the 0.1%].”

The kind of complex thinking we deserve about education won’t come in factoids or bullet-point lists of skills of the future. In fact, that kind of complex thinking is already out there, waiting."

…

"Stay tuned for the tangled history of the claim if you're into that sort of thing..."]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjamindoxtdator 2017 inequality education credentialing productivity economics society statistics audreywatters billclinton democrats neoliberalism latecapitalism capitalism johndewey andreasschleicher kerifacer lindadarling-hammond worldeconomicforum oecd labor work futurism future scottmcleod karlfisch richardriley ianjukes freetrade competition andrewold michaelberman thomasfriedman devereuxjosephs anationatrisk sputnik coldwar okheelee michaelsalwen ussr sovietunion fear india china russia johnmaynardkeynes leisure robots robotics rodneybrooks doughenwood jobs cwrightmills henrygiroux paulkrugman gilliantett jeffreysachs policy politics globalization technology schools curriculum teddintersmith tonywagner mostlikelytosuccess success pedagogy cathydavidson jimcarroll edtech keynes latestagecapitalism credentials</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/the-mindset-mindset-passion-and-grit-as-emotional-labour/">
    <title>The Mindset Mindset: Passion and Grit as Emotional Labour - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-04-29T22:20:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/the-mindset-mindset-passion-and-grit-as-emotional-labour/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This overall pattern of thought, offloading socioeconomic issues onto the education system and then blaming the issues on individuals who don’t ‘stay foolish’, is known as privatizing public issues. In The Sociological Imagination (1959), C. Wright Mills makes an important distinction between troubles which “occur within the character of the individual”, and issues which concern the “institutions of an historical society as a whole.” As Mills observes, “people do not usually define the troubles they endure in terms of historical change and institutional contradiction,” and so the job of the sociological imagination is to illuminate our internal struggles in the context of history and institutions. Henry Giroux calls our growing inability to do so the ‘new illiteracy‘: tired teachers and under-performing students suffer from character defects – lack of passion or grit – rather than signal issues with the larger system of neoliberal economic and social forces. And just like that, social issues of overwork and inequality become private troubles."

…

"Careful, empirical studies like Mazzucato’s and Gregg’s can help us see beyond the mythology that innovation and success can be reduced to a ‘mindset’, ‘grit’, or passion. More importantly, they help us understand the effects of that mythology on our lives. If we recognize the massive public role in assuming the risk behind many innovations, we might just see a Universal Basic Income as a right, as a return on investment. If we understand the inherent structural inequalities that lurk below the surface of emotional labor, we might all hesitate before asking teachers and students to pledge their allegiance to passion and grit."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/resisting-spectacle-and-confronting-neoliberalism%e2%80%8a-%e2%80%8anotes-for-educators/">
    <title>Resisting Spectacle and Confronting Neoliberalism — notes for educators - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-02-26T21:31:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/resisting-spectacle-and-confronting-neoliberalism%e2%80%8a-%e2%80%8anotes-for-educators/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I want you to pick up your favourite book about education right now and turn to the chapter about fighting racism, sexism, and oppression. Find the passages about raising critical consciousness, close reading, and resisting spectacle.

They should be there. Because those are the parts of our self-education as teachers that will help us do more than train kids for the marketplace and ‘future proof’ them.

If, like me, you are feeling numb and afraid after Trump’s victory, your favourite books should inspire your voice and courage and help you keep going in the classroom. I hope they do.

But if after looking through your favourite books, blogs, TED talks, and Twitter streams about education you realize that your hands have in fact been empty this whole time, then today’s the day to reflect.

In an essay about the importance of teachers, Henry Giroux argues that in our dark times, “the brain has migrated to the dark pit of the spectacle” and “the only discourse that matters is about business.” Unfortunately this is true not only of Trump and political discourse, but also true of the dominant neoliberal discourse about education. That pit of spectacle makes it difficult to find any real solace.

Giroux draws on Guy Debord’s concept of the spectacle which he defines in his 1967 essay: “The spectacle is not a collection of images; it is a social relation between people that is mediated by image.” (4) Teachers have a role in pulling students out of the dark pit of spectacle by teaching them to look beyond the stream of images we are assaulted with every day to the ideology they embody. Obviously, Trump’s spectacle embodies the most virulent strains of racism and sexism.

Crucially for Debord, spectacle “is the opposite of dialog” and it demands “passive acceptance” in “manner of appearing without allowing any reply.” (18 & 12) In the most literal sense, this is true of Trump’s debate style.

It’s too easy to feel like we are in dialog when in fact we simply speaking in a pastiche of voices that repeat and reinforce the dominant neoliberal ideology.

The neoliberal agenda for education has so narrowly focused on preparing students to compete against each other in the global economy that we are at risk of missing the chance to build new relations of solidarity.
In education, the mainstream challenge to standardized testing has taken the form of the spectacle: ceaseless technological disruption embodied in creative entrepreneurs who compete in the ‘free’ market.

Trump and the neoliberal agenda in education are not the same thing. But as a walking spectacle, he embodies the highly individualist entrepreneurial ideology that dominates the so-called skills agenda to ‘reinvent’ education.

Neoliberalism sells us precarity and self-reliance as a kind of freedom — the freedom to constantly re-invent ourselves and flexibly manage our affect and self-presentation, which is densely mediated by our visual culture and social media. It’s the Tony Robbins self-help ideology that says you should work on yourself rather than create movements of resistance that confront social problems. And what’s Robbins if not pure spectacle? In what could could easily be part of a Robbins performance, Thomas Friedman proclaims, “The greatest economic competition going forward is going to be between you and your own imagination.”

If the neoliberal agenda to ‘future proof’ our kids even remotely seemed like a good idea before, preparing our kids so they can flexibly adapt to a Trump Presidency and the ensuing economic devastation should make you stop hard and fast. And that’s not even to mention the problems of racism, sexism, and climate injustice — which neoliberalism stokes and ignores.

Books that may have made us comfortable before because they demanded little more than educating kids for the economy obviously fail us now. That was, in fact, the least disruptive solution all along.

We need to teach students how to resist spectacle and confront neoliberal ideology, and that starts with what we read as educators."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/are-we-robbing-students-of-tomorrow/">
    <title>Are we robbing students of tomorrow? - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-02-26T21:26:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/are-we-robbing-students-of-tomorrow/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Cf. "The High School of the Future (in 1917)" on David Snedden
https://daily.jstor.org/the-high-school-of-the-future-in-1917/ ]

"Is our present educational system ripe to be disrupted by Deweyan thought from a century ago? Are we robbing students of tomorrow?

While it might seem like John Dewey is back in fashion, and on the side of those who argue that schools need to be ‘future proofed’ to keep pace with the changing economy, Dewey never actually said the above. As Tryggvi Thayer points out, “it doesn’t sound like something that Dewey would say in his writings; neither the sentiment nor diction.”

As an example of the ‘future proofing’ trend, Charles Kivunja presses Dewey into a narrative about how America’s “obsolete” schools need to do a better job of “training the work force”, making the argument that the current agenda is “really not new.” Thus, Bill Gates and Thomas Friedman are just the Dewey’s of today, worried that we are robbing children (and the American GDP) of tomorrow. In reaction to the restrictive nature of standardized testing, project-based learning and student-centered approaches have emerged as the favored pedagogy to help prepare students for the workplace of tomorrow.

Ironically, Dewey criticized both the main future proofer of his day, David Snedden, and the leading proponent of the ‘child-centered’ project-method, James Heard Kilpatrick. Rather than a resurgence of people reading Dewey, we are witnessing the rise of Sneddedism and Kilpatrickianism passed off as the thoughts of everyone’s progressive hero."

David Snedden – Future Proofing and Social Efficiency

I imagine that a Dewey redivivus would be sadden but not surprised to see that Snedden’s ‘social efficiency’ won out over the brand of progressive thought that Dewey argued for. Snedden was a member of what David Tyack and Larry Cuban (1997, p.17) have termed the ‘administrative progressives:

<blockquote>These white men – few women and almost no people of color were admitted to the inner circle of movers and shakers – carved out lifelong careers in education as city superintendents, education professors, state or federal officers, leaders in professional organizations such as the National Education Association (NEA), and foundation officials. They shared a common faith in “educational science” and in lifting education “above politics” so that experts could make the crucial decisions.</blockquote>

The administrative progressives didn’t lack any vision:

<blockquote>They thought that schooling should be both more differentiated and more standardized: differentiated in curriculum to fit the backgrounds and future destinies of students; and standardized with respect to buildings and equipment, professional qualifications of staff, administrative procedures, social and health services and regulations, and other educational practices.</blockquote>

“The terms have changed over the years, but not the impulse to emulate business and impress business elites,” (112), and so the current future proofing agenda is really just Snedden’s ‘social efficiency’ wrapped in the buzzwords of the so-called Knowledge Economy. For Will Richardson, PBW justifies PBL: “If you want a justification for Problem/Project Based Learning, there probably isn’t any better than this: increasingly our students are going to be doing problem/project based work in their professional lives.”

Dewey opposed the administrative progressives’ attempt to construe education so narrowly as training. David F. Labaree recounts the history in How Dewey Lost, which is well worth the read. In The New Republic (1915, republished in Curriculum Inquiry in 1977), Dewey put his criticism this way:

<blockquote>“Apart from light on such specific questions, I am regretfully forced to the conclusion that the difference between us is not so much narrowly educational as it is profoundly political and social. The kind of vocational education in which I am interested is not one which will ‘adapt’ workers to the existing industrial regime; I am not sufficiently in love with the regime for that. It seems to me that the business of all who would not be educational time-servers is to resist every move in this direction, and to strive for a kind of vocational education which will first alter the existing industrial regime, and ultimately transform it.” (38-9)</blockquote>

Labaree pulls many lessons from his study of history. Snedden emerged at the right time to argue that schools needed to be reformed to keep up with the changing economy. Among the other points Labaree makes, I find these three particularly compelling and relevant:

<blockquote>The ideas sounded authoritative and gave the impression that they were building into arguments, but they were largely a collection of numbered lists and bullet points. He was a man who would have warmly embraced PowerPoint. In his work, portentousness abounded; it was all about riding the wave of the future and avoiding the undertow of the past.

However, Snedden’s ideas lacked substance:

<blockquote>He was a self-styled scientist who never did anything that remotely resembled scientific study, an educational sociologist who drew on the cliches of the field – social Darwinism and social control – without ever making an original contribution. In his written work, he never used data, and he never cited sources, which made sense, since he rarely drew on sources anyway. His books and journal articles took the form of proclamations, scientific pronouncements without the science; they all read like speeches, and that was likely the source of most of them.</blockquote>

And lacked subtlety:

<blockquote>But one of the lessons of social change in general and educational reform in particular is that every doctrine needs its doctrinaire. Nuance is dysfunctional for the cause of educational reform, especially early in the process, when the main task is to clear the field of the accumulated institutional underbrush and make the case for a radical new order. Every reformer needs to slash and burn the remnants of the old way of doing things, portraying the past as all weeds and decay, and clearing space tor the new institutions to take root. This is something that a literal minded, hyperkinetic, and monomaniacal figure like Snedden could do superbly. As Diane Ravitch {2000) noted, “Snedden’s caricature of the traditional school became a staple of progressive attacks tor years to come: it was ‘repressive,’ ‘monarchical,’ ‘barren and repellent,’ founded entirely on classics and completely out of touch with American democracy” (p. 82).</blockquote>

I’ll let you do your own compare and contrast with current educational thought leaders.

William Heard Kilpatrick – The Child-Centered Project-Method

"David Snedden’s social efficiency agenda does not entail any particular pedagogy. Maybe schools need to have rigorous standards and teachers need to impose upon students a disposition to defer to authority to prepare them for factory and corporate jobs.

We are witnessing a swing away from this pedagogy, and a return to child-centered classrooms (which constructivists have argued for since the 1980s). William Heard Kilpatrick’s ‘project method’, popular during the progressive era, is now re-born as Project-Based Learning, which casts teachers as ‘facilitators’ (again, much like constructivism). Gert Biesta has noted that ‘teaching’ and ‘education’ have virtually disappeared from our discourse that now raises ‘learning’ and ‘student-centered’ approaches above all else. The learnification of educational discourse makes it increasingly difficult to raise questions about the purpose of education, which has largely been settled in favor of preparing students for work.

Our present obsession with being ‘student-centered’ owes its heritage not to John Dewey, but to William Heard Kilpatrick, the popularizer of ‘the project method’ Michael Knoll writes:

<blockquote>In his concept, there was no proper place for traditional educational features such as teacher, curriculum, and instruction. Project learning, Kilpatrick wrote, was always individual and situative, and could neither be planned nor fixed. “If the purpose dies and the teacher still requires the completion of what was begun, then it becomes a task” – merely wearisome and laborious (Kilpatrick 1925, 348). “Freedom for practice” and “practice with satisfaction” were the slogans with which he effectively staged his “revolt” against drill, discpline, and compulsion (ibd., 348, 311, 56ff.).</blockquote>

Kilpatrick’s emphasis on the interests of the students can easily slide into an embrace of one side of the curriculum / student dichotomy. After all, we don’t need kids completing more meaningless tasks, but embracing their passions. Will Richardson argues we should “let kids bring their kale to school,” in reference to his daughter’s passion, “and make that the focus of developing them as learners.” (15:00)

Dewey abhorred the dichotomies that plague contemporary educational discourse. In The Child and the Curriculum (Chicago, 1902), Dewey writes:

<blockquote>“Just as, upon the whole, it was the weakness of the ‘old education’ that it made invidious comparisons between the immaturity of the child and the maturity of the adult, regarding the former as something to be got away from as soon as possible and as much as possible; so it is the danger of the ‘new education’ that it regard the child’s present powers and interests as something finally significant in themselves.”</blockquote>

It’s not that we should not nurture the interests of children, but to elevate the child and their present interests over the knowledge that adults have accumulated makes little sense. In his Experience and Education, Dewey argued for experiences as a “moving force”, and teachers are a wealth of such experience which they ought to use to structure, judge, and direct the experience of youth. As teachers, we need to put the right books in the hands of our students that will help them grow rather than work to satisfy their current urges and interests. We need to know how to structure the environment that children act in so that they encounter knowledge worth its name. As Biesta says, teachers matter because “at the end of the day judgements about what is educationally desirable can only be made in response to the concrete and always unique situations that emerge from the encounter between teachers and their students.”
Education ought to be transformative.

In “A Marriage on the Rocks”: An Unknown Letter by William H. Kilpatrick about his Project Method, Michael Knoll situates Kilpatrick’s work historically and in terms of Kilpatrick’s ambitions to have “power and influence” and be an “original thinker”. Kilpatrick’s obsession with being child-centered made his take on the ‘project-method’ stand out as a new pedagogy and, more importantly, brand.

Again, I let you make your own comparisons with today’s thought leaders.

I imagine Dewey perplexed by Most Likely to Succeed, which opens with a mis-attributed quotation, and ends with a student placing his gear in the empty slot left in the mechanism his class has constructed, just moments after Ken Robinson has told us we need to move beyond the ‘industrial metaphor’ for education.

Dewey would be shocked at our narrow discourse and dichotomies, but most of all by our complete historical amnesia, and how little things change."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://blog.ourfuture.org/20130724/tom-friedman-a-new-ayn-rand-for-a-dark-digital-future">
    <title>Tom Friedman: A New Ayn Rand for A Dark Digital Future</title>
    <dc:date>2013-07-28T23:31:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://blog.ourfuture.org/20130724/tom-friedman-a-new-ayn-rand-for-a-dark-digital-future</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There are alternatives we can pursue collectively: An aggressive government program of job creation. A return to the days of social mobility. An end to the gross concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. And, above all, affordable education for all so that we can restore the American dream of self-advancement.

Instead Friedman glorifies globalization and the destruction of good jobs. He’s indifferent to the loss of social mobility and infatuated with mediocre or at best mildly clever web enterprises. Friedman is the praise singer of Palo Alto, the griot of Los Gatos, and he’s never met a Internet billionaire he didn’t like.

Thomas Friedman is the perfect mirror for the undeserved self-infatuation which has infected our corporate, media, and political class. He’s the chief fabulist of the detached elite, the unfettered Id of the global aristocracy, the Horatio Alger of self-deluded, self-serving, self-promoting techno-hucksterism."]]></description>
<dc:subject>disruption economics punditry 2013 thomasfriedman corporatism class politics policy globalization aristocracy technosolutionism neoliberalism aynrand us</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2012/nov/24/nassim-taleb-antifragile-finance-interview">
    <title>Nassim Taleb: my rules for life | Books | The Observer</title>
    <dc:date>2012-11-24T19:52:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2012/nov/24/nassim-taleb-antifragile-finance-interview</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Modern life is akin to a chronic stress injury, he says. And the way to combat it is to embrace randomness in all its forms: live true to your principles, don't sell your soul and watch out for the carbohydrates."

"You have to pull back and let the system destroy itself, and then come back. That's Seneca's recommendation. He's the one who says that the sage should let the republic destroy itself."

"The "arguments" are that size, in Taleb's view, matters. Bigger means more complex, means more prone to failure. Or, as he puts it, "fragile". "

""Antifragile" is when something is actually strengthened by the knocks."

"In Taleb's view, small is beautiful."

"[He] claims that a janitor also has that kind of independence. "He can say what he thinks. He doesn't have to fit his ethics to his job. It's not about money.""

"He's also largely an autodidact."

"Between 2004 and 2008 were the worst years of my life. Everybody thought I was an idiot. And I knew that. But at the same time…"]]></description>
<dc:subject>math teaching fasting diet paleodiet living life seneca classics war thomasfriedman honor vindication deschooling autonomy unschooling anarchism chaos randomness principles honesty freedom academia banking money ethics socialmisfits cv independence blackswans failure probability antifragility antifragile small fragility autodidacts 2012 books nassimtaleb autodidactism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://metalab.harvard.edu/2012/02/twitter-nprs-morning-edition-and-dreams-of-flatland/">
    <title>Twitter, NPR’s Morning Edition, and Dreams of Flatland | metaLAB (at) Harvard</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-22T07:24:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://metalab.harvard.edu/2012/02/twitter-nprs-morning-edition-and-dreams-of-flatland/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Wellman is finding that Twitter isn’t flat,” Vidantam says—as if Tom Friedman’s chimerical “flatness” (the analytic value of which has proven to be nil) is the only possible quality of transformative political agency.

In last year’s revolutions, it wasn’t flatness that gave social media its power. It was its hyperlocality, its novel blending of intimate communities and witness at a distance.

Other work in which Wellman is involved argues for the richness of real-world community life that gets instantiated in Twitter. In a paper called “Imagining Twitter as an Imagined Community,” Wellman & his coauthors find that Twitter networks are “the basis for a real community, even though Twitter was not designed to support the development of online communities. There they conclude that “studying Twitter is useful for understanding how people use new communication technologies to form new social connections and maintain existing ones.”

Here’s the thing: Twitter is part of the “real world.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>networks hyperlocal flatness connections place language nationality borders barrywellman shankarvidantam andycarvin tejucole communitites thomasfriedman worldisflat 2012 matthewbattles community twitter sociology socialmedia geography horizontality horizontalidad</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://speedchange.blogspot.com/2012/01/if-you-say-scale-up-you-dont-understand.html">
    <title>SpeEdChange: If you say &quot;scale up,&quot; you don't understand humanity</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-22T06:01:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://speedchange.blogspot.com/2012/01/if-you-say-scale-up-you-dont-understand.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The trick to sharing "best practices" is to stop doing that. Instead, share "our practices" and let ideas meet, collide, mix, and take root differently in each place. The trick to "scaling up" is the same - stop trying. If BMW has to "Americanize" their cars in order to sell them in the United States (adding cup holders, etc), what makes people like Intel or the KIPP or TFA foundations so arrogant as to imagine that they can replicate themselves among vastly different communities?

Instead we imagine, attempt, describe, converse. We pass along concepts, not plans. We share observations, not blueprints. We accept that whether it is a child or a school, we can not evaluate anything with a checklist or a score, but only with very human description.

That's a less rational world which requires more humane effort, and it contains troubling mountains and deep valleys because it is not flat. But it is the world in which we actually live."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>heartofdarkness wine diversity differences norming norms standardization rttt nclb arneduncan benjamindistraeli williamgladstone cottonmather hybridization worldisflat universaldesign scalingup scalingacross germany france uk us americanization localism local teaching learning unschooling deschooling comparativeeducation blueprints society americanexceptionalism exceptionalism reform britisshemprire thomasfriedman assimiliation cooexistence frenchcolonialism terroir deborahfrieze margaretwheatley anglocentrism decolonization colonization humanscale human scaling scale education schools 2012 irasocol usexceptionalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/10081509268">
    <title>Start Ups Will Not Save Us: Unflattening The World | Underpaid Genius</title>
    <dc:date>2011-09-11T16:45:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/10081509268</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Flat World Friedman at first advocated, & which he now treats like gravity—a force of nature outside our control—is a choice…a set of policies designed to benefit multinational corporations. Globalization is more politely refer to as free trade, which is where multinationals convince governments to drop trade barriers so that they—corporatists—are free to move their capital around & invest it in ways that amass the greatest amount in their hands. This means that in the US, corporations can avoid taxes, unions, environmental regulations, & active oppostion to their policies by locating manufacturing & other facilities in countries w/ lower pay & less controls.

Free trade has also come along w/ Devil’s bargain in the US, too, where states take on more the look-and-feel of third world nations by advertising themselves as ‘right to work’ states, which means that they have made union activities more difficult. Consider…Boeing planning to move jobs from WA to South Carolina."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stoweboyd thomasfriedman freetrade us economics policy corporatism 2011 southcarolina washingtonstate boeing samueljohnson andygrove startups jobs employment work globalization progressives politics manufacturing</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7e6cb6240ba4/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/9925176474">
    <title>Can you remember the last time you felt a national... | Underpaid Genius</title>
    <dc:date>2011-09-11T03:40:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/9925176474</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Don't fully agree with all that Boyd writes here, not Friedman for that matter, but this is good.]

"We have a culture where individualism has become so pathological that we cannot heap up our collective experience as victims and craft it into solidarity. As Steinbeck said, ‘Socialism never took root in America because the poor see themselves not as an exploited proletariat, but as temporarily embarrassed millionaires’, which is why so many poor people in America vote for the GOP: they identify with the rich, even though the rich are screwing them over.

But a sufficient dose of austerity — once the street lights are turned off, school class size grows to 50+ because of layoffs, and cities and town cannot afford to rebuild streets after floods and fires — that might start to mobilize people."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stoweboyd us society socialism greatrecession austerity thomasfriedman 2011 economics policy politics individualism globalfinancialcrisis</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:12ab29575190/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/31/opinion/31friedman.html">
    <title>It’s Morning in India - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2010-10-31T18:21:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/31/opinion/31friedman.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It looks, said Srivastava, as if “what is happening in America is a loss of self-confidence. We don’t want America to lose self-confidence. Who else is there to take over America’s moral leadership? American’s leadership was never because you had more arms. It was because of ideas, imagination, and meritocracy.” If America turns away from its core values, he added, “there is nobody else to take that leadership. Do we want China as the world’s moral leader? No. We desperately want America to succeed.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>thomasfriedman india us culture confidence capitalism socialism imagination meritocracy global china values world</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1d643593964e/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://stevemiranda.wordpress.com/2010/08/26/the-story-of-sisyphus/">
    <title>The story of Sisyphus « Re-educate</title>
    <dc:date>2010-08-27T03:49:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://stevemiranda.wordpress.com/2010/08/26/the-story-of-sisyphus/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Count on Steve Miranda to save me the trouble of responding to Tom Friedman's clueless column from the other day:

"And so another generation will replay the story of Sisyphus, pushing that boulder—with tenacity, seriousness, ferocity, and quiet heroism—up the hill, only to watch it roll back down again. There seems to be no sense here that the fundamental assumption driving the system—that teenagers should be coerced by punishments and rewards to learn skills and concepts that have no meaning to their lives—is flawed. Instead, Friedman implies, we need to just work harder!

I have no interest in playing the role of Sisyphus. I’m working to gather people who want to build something new and beautiful, and if you want to join us, there’s room for you. Our work is not about tenacity and ferocity, it’s about joy and community. And I’m telling you, it’s really fun."]]></description>
<dc:subject>thomasfriedman education pscs tcsnmy learning schools alternative change policy publicschools cv whywedowhatwedo community lcproject sisyphus moreofthesame waitingforsuperman pugetsoundcommunityschool</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2009/12/the_builders_manifesto.html">
    <title>The Builders' Manifesto - Umair Haque - Harvard Business Review</title>
    <dc:date>2009-12-22T06:44:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2009/12/the_builders_manifesto.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What leaders "lead" are yesterday's organizations. But yesterday's organizations — from carmakers, to investment banks, to the healthcare system, to the energy industry, to the Senate itself — are broken. Today's biggest human challenge isn't leading broken organizations slightly better. It's building better organizations in the first place. It isn't about leadership: it's about "buildership", or what I often refer to as Constructivism. Leadership is the art of becoming, well, a leader. Constructivism, in contrast, is the art of becoming a builder — of new institutions. Like artistic Constructivism rejected "art for art's sake," so economic Constructivism rejects leadership for the organization's sake — instead of for society's. Builders forge better building blocks to construct economies, polities, & societies. They're the true prime movers, the fundamental causes of prosperity. They build the institutions that create new kinds of leaders — as well as managers, workers, & customers."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>constructivism innovation business economics future design productivity umairhaque leadership barackobama middlemanagement finance 2009 policy politics healthcare creativity motivation work management administration builders organizations value evanwilliams billgates wallstreet elinorostrom matttaibbi nicholaskristof maureendowd benbernake mohammadyunus statusquo sarahpalin nelsonmandela power thomasfriedman</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:matttaibbi"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:nicholaskristof"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:maureendowd"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:benbernake"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:mohammadyunus"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:statusquo"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:sarahpalin"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:nelsonmandela"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:power"/>
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</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2009/04/those-young-idealists.html">
    <title>Tuttle SVC: Those Young Idealists</title>
    <dc:date>2009-04-24T02:23:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2009/04/those-young-idealists.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tom Friedman's column from yesterday on education is perverse in every facet, but this line made me smile: With Wall Street’s decline, though, many more educated and idealistic youth want to try teaching. Ah yes, those "idealists" who were in recent years going to Wall Street, for idealistic reasons, and have now thought better of it, on equally idealistic terms. Can we have some of those?"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>thomasfriedman tomhoffman teaching crisis idealists scary markets 2009 wallstreet education schools</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:18474147040c/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://trueslant.com/matttaibbi/2009/04/23/tom-friedman-strikes-again/">
    <title>Taibblog » Blog Archive » Tom Friedman Strikes Again » A True/Slant Contributor</title>
    <dc:date>2009-04-24T02:22:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://trueslant.com/matttaibbi/2009/04/23/tom-friedman-strikes-again/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The other day I was thinking about how I’m going to turn forty soon, how scary that is and what it means going forward. And one of the things I thought, when I was thinking about this, was, “I’m going to have to stop picking on Thomas Friedman after I turn forty.  Forty is way too old to still be picking on a guy just because he happens to have been born with a big hunk of granite in his metaphor center.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>matttaibbi thomasfriedman pundits language writing metaphors analogies</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:afd80cb1cf7a/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:matttaibbi"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:pundits"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:analogies"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.nypress.com/18/16/news&amp;columns/taibbi.cfm">
    <title>New York Press - MATT TAIBBI - Flathead: The peculiar genius of Thomas L. Friedman.</title>
    <dc:date>2008-04-24T12:55:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nypress.com/18/16/news&amp;columns/taibbi.cfm</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Like George Bush, he's in reality-making business. In the new flat world, argument is no longer a two-way street for people like the president and country's most important columnist. You no longer have to worry about actually convincing anyone; the proce
]]></description>
<dc:subject>thomasfriedman economics globalization humor globalism politics journalism books reviews us world criticism</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d9f6a41bb320/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:thomasfriedman"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:globalism"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.districtadministration.com/pulse/commentpost.aspx?news=no&amp;postid=49501">
    <title>The Worst Book of the 21st Century - a review - Education Blog</title>
    <dc:date>2008-03-11T08:34:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.districtadministration.com/pulse/commentpost.aspx?news=no&amp;postid=49501</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As I attend my 2nd conference in 2 weeks where keynote speaker is Daniel Pink, I feel duty bound to share my thoughts on why his popular pop-business book, "A Whole New Mind," may be the worst book of the 21st Century."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>books education leadership learning danielpink malcolmgladwell thomasfriedman</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:349ea3a33380/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:malcolmgladwell"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:thomasfriedman"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2007/07/please-read-illych-thank-you.html">
    <title>Tuttle SVC: Please Read Illych, Thank You</title>
    <dc:date>2007-07-26T02:40:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2007/07/please-read-illych-thank-you.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["you can drop all this crap about Tom Friedman, "digital natives," millenials, and every other damn argument that is based on the idea that something fundamentally changed in education the day flickr was launched"
]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.linuxjournal.com/article/8280">
    <title>Getting Flat, Part 2 | Linux Journal</title>
    <dc:date>2007-07-14T07:47:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.linuxjournal.com/article/8280</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What if the old industrial schooling system is as threatened by open source as the old proprietary software system?" + "The flat world is different. The flat world really does reward individuality, creativity, freedom, initiative."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>education opensource linux homeschool criticalthinking behavior schools learning flatworld docsearls johntaylorgatto culture globalization business thinking world schooling parenting intelligence society children global economics ideas hierarchy creativity software thomasfriedman</dc:subject>
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