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    <title>Black Study, Black Struggle - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-06T00:30:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/robin-kelley-black-struggle-campus-protest/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The university is not an engine of social transformation. Activism is."]]></description>
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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mPRkXbpFjs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
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    <title>Amy Sherald’s Sacred Monuments | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-21T04:00:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/amy-sheralds-sacred-monuments</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Black portraiture in an iconoclastic age"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 aaronrobertson portraits portraiture art culture race arts otiskwamekyequaicoe barkleyhendricks tituskaphar markdoox kateegawa oasaduverney shrineoftheblackmadonna detroit religion spirituality hughielee-smith sonyamassey tamirrice philandocastile georgefloyd sandrabland elizabethalexander trayvonmartin angelamiller alanwallach hudsonriverschool blacklivesmatter jordancasteel henrytaylor jenniferpacker tylermitchell ninachanelabney michelleobama peterschjeldahl ta-nehisicoates amysherald</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374604981/theblackutopians/">
    <title>The Black Utopians: Searching for Paradise and the Promised Land in America, by Aaron Robertson (2024)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-21T03:52:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374604981/theblackutopians/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""[An] extraordinary new work of history and memoir . . . Unforgettable." —Gabriel Bump, The Washington Post

A lyrical meditation on how Black Americans have envisioned utopia—and sought to transform their lives.

How do the disillusioned, the forgotten, and the persecuted not merely hold on to life but expand its possibilities and preserve its beauty? What, in other words, does utopia look like in black?

These questions animate Aaron Robertson’s exploration of Black Americans' efforts to remake the conditions of their lives. Writing in the tradition of Saidiya Hartman and Ta-Nehisi Coates, Robertson makes his way from his ancestral hometown of Promise Land, Tennessee, to Detroit—the city where he was born, and where one of the country’s most remarkable Black utopian experiments got its start. Founded by the brilliant preacher Albert Cleage Jr., the Shrine of the Black Madonna combined Afrocentric Christian practice with radical social projects to transform the self-conception of its members. Central to this endeavor was the Shrine’s chancel mural of a Black Virgin and child, the icon of a nationwide liberation movement that would come to be known as Black Christian Nationalism. The Shrine’s members opened bookstores and co-ops, created a self-defense force, and raised their children communally, eventually working to establish the country’s largest Black-owned farm, where attempts to create an earthly paradise for Black people continues today.

Alongside the Shrine’s story, Robertson reflects on a diverse array of Black utopian visions, from the Reconstruction era through the countercultural fervor of the 1960s and 1970s and into the present day. By doing so, Robertson showcases the enduring quest of collectives and individuals for a world beyond the constraints of systemic racism.

The Black Utopians offers a nuanced portrait of the struggle for spaces—both ideological and physical—where Black dignity, protection, and nourishment are paramount. This book is the story of a movement and of a world still in the making—one that points the way toward radical alternatives for the future."

[See also:
https://www.aaroncrobertson.com/the-black-utopians ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:18:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves."

[previously bookmarked here:
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9d2d2e201910 ]]]></description>
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    <link>https://katemanne.substack.com/p/the-necessity-of-shame</link>
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    <dc:date>2025-10-16T03:17:11+00:00</dc:date>
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[previously bookmarked shortened version:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9sb-g1yyOGY ]]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-10-06T20:03:42+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Grayzone Editor-In-Chief Max Blumenthal returns to the podcast to talk about Trump's "peace deal" with Gaza, speculation that Charlie Kirk was killed by Israel, Zionist control of CBS & Tiktok (and journalist Matt Tabbi's choice to exclude this issue from his 1st amendment coverage), Max's take on the Coates/Klein interview, Kamala's new book and Max's predictions for 2028 including how the left should prepare. A ton of ground is covered in this episode, so you'll want to listen in full."

[full interview here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MOmJVnwCtEI ]]]></description>
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    <title>We Need to Talk About Ezra Klein - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-01T20:03:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B10ccK3H5fg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ezra Klein has been on a roll with a series of podcasts defending Charlie Kirk's legacy, arguing for Democrats to run more anti-abortion candidates to win in pro-abortion states, & and making the case for a value-free politics to Ta-Nehisi Coates. Instead of tweeting endlessly about it, I'm joined by Struggle Session podcast host Leslie Lee III to break it all down."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://degenerateart.beehiiv.com/p/you-don-t-have-to-swallow-frogs">
    <title>You don't have to swallow frogs</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-30T22:27:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://degenerateart.beehiiv.com/p/you-don-t-have-to-swallow-frogs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Klein and Coates show that if you don't know what your core beliefs are, you're going to get played."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.vulture.com/article/post-george-floyd-protests-thomas-chatterton-williams-summer-of-our-discontent.html">
    <title>Andrea Long Chu on Thomas Chatterton Williams’s New Book</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-10T14:43:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.vulture.com/article/post-george-floyd-protests-thomas-chatterton-williams-summer-of-our-discontent.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Five years after George Floyd, many liberals blame “wokeness” for stifling open debate. So why can’t they handle being disagreed with?"

[archived:
https://archive.is/cvp07
https://archive.is/2025.08.07-204412/https://www.vulture.com/article/post-george-floyd-protests-thomas-chatterton-williams-summer-of-our-discontent.html ]

"Another way to put this is that all social movements are also intellectual movements: They both contribute to and rely on the ideological groundwater of society. Williams would have us believe that someone who smashes a storefront window in Minneapolis or pitches a tent in Morningside Heights is engaged in the opposite of thinking. But the panicking ruling class wasn’t just interested in flattening the encampments or quelling the looters; it wanted to crush the ideas that these things represented. This is what Baldwin was getting at when he spoke of the “spiritual state” of America. “The political institutions of any nation,” he wrote in The Fire Next Time, “are always menaced and controlled by the spiritual state of that nation.” What he meant, I think, was that every time a person contests or defends a political situation, they are also contesting or defending the intellectual terms on which that contest is conducted. You cannot fight without fighting about how you fight. That is why Williams cares so desperately about what the summer of 2020 made us think, even if the protests manifestly failed to achieve their objective goals; it is also why liberal institutions were so eager to snatch up these ideas and exhaust their potential before tossing us back the husks. What Mamdani’s win suggests, however, is that they did not get them all."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JADy940qXHY">
    <title>Israel, Zohran Mamdani and the coming class war | Norman Finkelstein | The Big Picture - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-27T21:04:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JADy940qXHY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See this video to cover the Finkelstein's engagement with Black studies and history. 

"Norman Finkelstein's Bad Faith Engagement with Black Studies and History"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dnuP_4nVtMo ]

"In a fiery and deeply personal return to The Big Picture Podcast, professor Norman Finkelstein explains why Israel and its allies in the West have destroyed the international order, and how the election of a Muslim socialist in New York threatens their grip on power.

Finkelstein is a political scientist and one of the world’s foremost scholars on Israel-Palestine, as well as a critic of culture and empire. 

He is the author of 'The Holocaust Industry' and most recently, I’ll Burn That Bridge When I Get To It.

TIMECODES:
00:00 - Intro
05:00 - Zohran Mamdani and October 7
08:50 - Anti-Zohran propaganda
11:00 - NYC is the capital of capitalism
27:00 - Israel's war on Iran
44:00 - Nazis and the nature of evil
51:00 - Israel's starvation of Gaza
53:00 - Antisemitism on campus
1:00:00 - Sabra and Shatilla massacre
1:10:00 - The greed of Arab leaders
1:19:00 - What my parents would think
1:29:00 - They're scared of Mamdani
1:36:00 - It's about a class war
1:46:00 - They're afraid of the movement
1:50:00 - Outro"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/">
    <title>The Meaning of Honesty in Academe - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-27T18:52:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[video (with additional Q&A):
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y

""The Meaning of Honesty in Academe"
UMass Amherst, April 16, 2025

In this talk, Steven Salaita draws on his recent memoir, An Honest Living, to explore questions of honesty and dishonesty on campus. Is it possible for a professor to pursue an honest living? What might it look like? Conversely, are there forms of dishonesty that can be considered ethical or necessary amid the predominant cultures of academe? Salaita will consider these questions through analysis of labor, inequality, alienation, and political violence on and off campus."]

"As to the question:  I don’t think people can maintain decency in academe without a serious disruption to their upward mobility.  It all depends on how we define “decency.”  If we conceptualize it as loyalty to the dispossessed, as I did a few seconds ago, then putting the sentiment into practice is a reliable way to invite recrimination.  If you work or study on campus, then being forced into difficult choices is inevitable.  Too many of our colleagues choose expedience and self-preservation over their apparent devotion to the wretched of the earth. 

We’re supposed to be critical thinkers, though, which should lead us to understand that what might be perceived as expedient only produces collective harm in the long run.  Self-preservation, too, is something of a misnomer because sucking up to management is no guarantee of individual gratification.  You’re just as likely to be disposed of as you are to ascend into a more dominant social class. 

That we’re forced into this conflict isn’t some peculiar lapse of diligence.  It is a diligently calibrated system of coercion and punishment in which Zionism plays a critical role.  It is quite effective in this role, too. 

When students and faculty revolted over the past two years, setting up encampments and in some cases occupying administrative buildings, they forced universities into a more honest posture.  Those universities could no longer rely on the myths of mobility and merit to generate obedience.  So they dropped the act altogether and turned into mini police states.  The level of repression and persecution has been extraordinary.  Students assaulted and expelled.  Diplomas rescinded.  Visas revoked.  Faculty suspended and fired.  Criminalization of speech opposing genocide.  Raids and imprisonment.  Cancellation of classes having anything to do with Palestine.  On and on.  It’s been a long time since we’ve seen anything like it. 

This persecution is in service of Zionism, sure, but it is also an expression of the university’s deepest sensibility.  Zionism offers a pretextual basis for institutional authority.  In the metropole, Zionism and institutional authority are mutually constitutive and one functions optimally in relation to the other. 

I used to say, semi-jokingly, that they can’t fire all of us, but it turns out that they can—or at least they’ll try, which has a panoptical effect on our activities.  There’s no safety in numbers, not really.  We need a countervailing power to the ruling class.  Developing such power requires us to do things that have a reasonable chance of leading to trouble. 

My son understands this already, not through my stories of tumult but by his own experience in the world.  He sees rich people and poor people in Cairo.  He knows who among them matter to educators, to news agencies, to politicians.  He thinks I shouldn’t have disrupted a steady career by defending Palestinians because the prospect of indigence is terribly discomfiting to a child.  That’s the thing about finding a radical principle and standing on it, though:  if one isn’t risking indigence, then in the end that person is merely reciting an exotic narrative to the same old audience. 

Maybe my son will understand one day, maybe he won’t.  Like I told him, he’ll unfortunately have multiple opportunities to decide for himself.

*****

So, how do we balance the security of employment with the practice of a meaningful politics? 

There’s no singular answer—no answer, really, that I’m comfortable putting forward as definitive.  It seems more useful to examine the nature of the question and make sense of the situation in which it exists. 

When I have the opportunity to give a talk, interlocutors often ask, “what can I do?,” which I consider a variation of the same question I raised a second ago.  It’s an important question, “what can I do?,” and with a few exceptions should be treated with care and respect.  Why is the question so prevalent and what does its prevalence tell us about the relationship between citizen and society? 

To begin with, it illuminates one of four things about the questioner:  1) they’re being disingenuous; 2) they’re seeking validation for a preexisting opinion; 3) they’re overwhelmed or confused by the gravity of the moment; or 4) they’re motivated and want to act on some issue of justice.  I reckon that numbers three and four are the most common. 

All kinds of interesting assumptions underlie the question.  For example, it suggests a lack of belief in the system.  We’re already supposed to know what to do, right?  Vote!  Give money to charity!  Join the PTA!  Vote some more!  So anybody asking what can or should be done already knows on some level that the “democratic process” is bullshit.  It also suggests that selling our labor or paying tuition to corrupt institutions in a society with deteriorating quality of life feels exactly like the prospect of indigence to a child. 

I’m probably being too severe, but I think that people who care enough to want to do something to improve the world in lasting and meaningful ways know deep-down exactly what needs to be done.  They’re looking for ways for that action to be somehow compatible with job security, with personal freedom, or with notions of civic responsibility.  The first thing to be done, then, is rid yourself of the idea that the U.S. polity is redeemable.  It’s not.  Unchecked, it will only lead the world into catastrophe to the benefit of a few thousand technocratic psychopaths.  Overthrowing the system and replacing it with something at least minimally humane is what needs to be done.  Does that sound glib?  It might.  Unserious?  Sure.  Impossible?  Almost certainly.  But if the goal is equality and justice—or merely preventing ecocide—then we’d better get to doing it.  Thus the ambiguity.  There are no easy answers because the easiest answer is also the most onerous and least likely to be put forward.  Nearly all the so-called radicalism in academe is a longwinded paean to conciliation. 

The second thing that needs to be done is giving up the idea of safety.  It doesn’t currently exist for opponents of U.S. imperialism (to say nothing of its victims).  And it won’t exist until U.S. imperialism is defeated.  If you agitate against militarism, police brutality, corporate extraction, and Zionism, then you might well end up with a satisfying career, but there’s an equal chance that you’ll be forced onto the periphery even among the major leftist formations in North America.  On campus, these commitments only work as a branding device.  Put into action, they become cause for mobbing, hostility, ostracism, and recrimination.  I’ve lived this reality more than once.  They’re some of the unhappiest times of my life.  But I’ve come to recognize that a lasting satisfaction arises from never having ceded a solitary centimeter to the oppressor. 

This is our first confrontation with the meaning of honesty in academe, the apocryphal and self-serving notion that you can desire revolutionary change while still maintaining the esteem of corporate media editors, NGOs, celebrity podcasters, donors, senior scholars, and the managerial class.  If we’re being honest about the nature of the corporate university, and if you’re being honest about the depth of your commitment, then the honesty demands a realistic assessment of the dim outcome that results from actual loyalty to the dispossessed rather than implicit service to power."

...

"Take the past eighteen months of unmitigated abuse of students protesting a genocide.  Many honorable faculty joined those students or spoke in their defense, but they’re an exception.  A greater number of their colleagues who have built reputations (and thus material comfort) on big talk about Fighting The Power were absent from the frontlines.  This is a longstanding habit, by the way.  Ask your local Marxist professor if he happened to take management’s side during a graduate student unionization drive, for example. 

What about all the people, inside and beyond the United States, for whom the term “democracy” is an empty signifier?  Who among us represents their point of view?  Forget representation.  Who among us actually agrees with them?  After all, we just witnessed nearly every leader of the so-called Democratic West underwrite a genocide despite the adamant disapproval of their populations. 

How about the Palestinian resistance?  It has significant support among people in the Global South, and among no small number of Black people, Natives, Muslims, Chicanos, and other underrepresented communities in North America.  You won’t find their points of view taken seriously by the professional decolonialists writing for liberal audiences in old-money periodicals (Lewis Gordon, Adam Shatz, Pankaj Mishra, and so on).  Instead, they offer highhanded reverie about the native’s pathological violence.  The scholars who do take resistance seriously get fired or suspended. 

Fact is, there’s an entire world of opinion, some inspiring and some dubious, completely omitted from what cultured folks like to call dialogue.  A lot of people think that U.S. democracy is a sham, that soldiers shouldn’t be glorified, that voting is a waste of time, that violence is sometimes necessary, that Israel has no right to exist.  We can’t be honest about it without risking trouble.  So we revert to bourgeois common sense, instead. 

Do you know who has excellent powers of perception when it comes to distinguishing artfulness from substance?  Administrators.  They have a finely-tuned ear for nuance and subtext.  They can read an article filled with references to Marx, Fanon, and Gramsci and immediately decide, “This motherfucker doesn’t have a radical bone in his body.  The radicalism is concentrated in his tongue.”  They never make exceptions in their judgments and so we needn’t make excuses in ours. 

Finally, we can consider the meaning of honesty in terms of achieving justice for the downtrodden.  If we’re being honest about this possibility—let’s say for Haitians, Congolese, Sudanese, Lakota, Kashmiris, and other oppressed national communities—then we have to engage the logic of the street, the shanty, the reservation, the refugee camp.  This kind of approach will necessarily be distasteful to scholars writing for the foreign policy establishment.  But there’s an honesty inherent to it that good taste cannot apprehend:  if the idea is to explore notions of freedom and democracy, then any honest assessment of the concepts in action will recognize that they’re a whole lot of flimflam deployed without scrutiny to simultaneously justify imperialism and pacify insurgency.  In the real world, there is more power and less power.  And aligning yourself with less power is an abdication of freedom and democracy.

*****

Earlier this evening, I mentioned a “legitimate basis for possibility.”  In closing, I’d like to elaborate on this phrase.  

When I say “possibility,” of course I mean the possibility of a livable future, especially for those who are given no place in this world.  We all have different ideas of possibility, which can certainly create tension but also adds richness to our social and interior lives. 

Wherever each of us exists on the ideological spectrum, it’s important to remember that possibility exists precisely where the university occludes it.  You cannot expect institutions hosting ever-distended strata of upper managers to offer themselves as sites of revolution, no matter what overheated reactionaries like to claim about leftism run amok on campus.  Those upper managers are deeply invested in maintaining order.  Same goes for many current students and alumni.  Try to elevate the downtrodden through access to campus resources and a certain crowd will immediately run to the statehouse to cry about the degradation of their credentials.  You cannot expect people to become class traitors, in other words. 

This is why the language of civil liberties and human rights is so insidious—same with the hyper-focus on diversity and personal agency and representation.  It elides analysis of hostile class relations and dissuades alliances that might disrupt the upward flow of capital.  Thus capital folds the language of uplift and belonging into feelgood theatrics governed by an unacknowledged class antagonism.  In this environment, speech is less a universal right than a limited commodity.  There could be no James Baldwin today.  He had exceptional talent, no doubt, but that’s not what I mean.  Through decades of refinement, the system is much more effective at coopting or suppressing radicalism at its inception.  Any line of thinking with potential to subvert corporate dominion, as with any insurgent mobilization, gets coopted back into the same bourgeois machinery of voting, of tolerance and inclusion, of donating to ostensibly socialist politicians who revert to Party dogma when it matters.  Where cooptation fails, brute force steps in, as we’ve seen on campuses throughout the USA, the UK, Canada, Australia, and Germany.  The anointed successor to Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, was a darling of the liberal establishment until he implicated the Zionist state in apartheid, at which point the same liberals unleashed a once-latent racism on him that made them sound every bit the Trumpers they deplore.  The same has happened to every Black leader and intellectual since the 1960s.  Baldwin, it’s worth pointing out, opposed Zionism, but that opposition is largely absent from his historic profile, as is the case with other icons like Nelson Mandela and Muhammad Ali. 

You have to remember that discourse is fungible among centers of power.  Rhetoricians of imperialism can append a humanistic lexicon to any violent ideology.  There’s not always a good reason to die.  But there’s always a good reason to kill. 

People have been making some variation of this argument for a long time, going all the way back to Aristotle and Jesus.  But with the Gaza genocide, we’ve just seen the process happen in real time, in big blinking lights.  An American client state and fellow settler colony committed a genocide on camera.  The entire corporate media apparatus joined with the political classes in justifying and in many cases celebrating the genocide.  Institutions of higher education did the same.  When the usual means of consent failed, liberals and conservatives set aside all pretense of civic responsibility and brutalized opponents of the genocide.  There isn’t a solitary excuse to humor all the usual banalities about free speech and human rights. 

So let’s draw on our creativity, resourcefulness, resilience, and honesty to pursue ideas of liberation that transcend the empty signifiers imparted by thought-leaders, politicians, intellectuals, podcasters, and the like.  Remember:  search for possibility at the point of occlusion.  That’s always the point at which it promises to be disruptive.  What’s practical and realistic according to the ruling class depends entirely on our immiseration.  Possibility and impossibility are actually synonymous. 

I don’t know.  As I said, I’m having a tough time these days finding cause to be optimistic.  No need to rehearse all the reasons.  I’m sure I’ve depressed you quite enough already.  Then I think about the people in Palestine; the people in Sudan; the people in Yemen; the people in the Congo; the people in Haiti; the people in Hawaii; the people all over the world who suffer penury so that coteries of insatiable scoundrels can accumulate wealth.  At this point I realize that for people of my station cynicism is a luxury; for the downtrodden, optimism is a necessity, a survival mechanism.  Human beings endure incredible abuse only to maintain their dignity and pass it along to ensuing generations.  Therein lies my theoretical methodology. 

These human beings endure because they want to live and grow, they want to work and play, they want to see other lands and oceans.  Nobody should expect anything more of them than survival.  But their endurance isn’t confined to a local milieu.  They endure for the good of all humanity.  A liberated Palestine is better for the world than a world indulging the Zionist entity.  A society with food and housing security is better for the world than a world enraptured by the obscenities of wealth.  A landbase under Indigenous stewardship is better for the world than a world owned by corporations.  A sovereign Africa is better for the world than a world organized through Western exploitation.  We endure for others so that others can endure for us.  This is honesty in its most powerful incarnation. 

The challenges facing us appear indomitable.  I sometimes limit my exposure to the news because it scares me.  I’m okay admitting it.  We’re all scared, right?  Those of us who aren’t dead inside or beneficiaries of injustice, anyway.  But fear isn’t a stand-in for cowardice; it is a prelude to courage.  So let’s join arms and march into hell, confident that we can transform it into something more heavenly than this rotten world."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://truthout.org/articles/even-at-an-anti-racist-educators-summit-decrying-genocide-proved-controversial/">
    <title>Even at an Anti-Racist Educators’ Summit, Decrying Genocide Proved Controversial | Truthout</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-04T03:24:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://truthout.org/articles/even-at-an-anti-racist-educators-summit-decrying-genocide-proved-controversial/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two speakers at the People of Color Conference were accused of antisemitism for calling Israel’s war on Gaza genocide."]]></description>
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    <title>A life project, a simple conversation - by Alexis Madrigal</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-02T05:15:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://oaklandgardenclub.substack.com/p/a-life-project-a-simple-conversation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["every person on this earth is a monstrously huge landscape, and yet, we can drop into any of it with a simple incantation, the right string of words piped through this sparse interface"

...

"It’s strange to feel a season of your self coming to an end. My second book, The Pacific Circuit comes out in about 10 weeks (you can preorder it). My next two smaller projects are coming into focus. They’ll both narrate different pieces of the Bay Area (Fort Mason, then Mt. Tam & Mt. Diablo). And after that, a cycle will be complete: A decade of place-based work on the politics, economics, culture, and environment of the Bay.

My next big project won’t be about the Bay Area. My focus is going to shift to minds, weird information processing, agency, the nature of language, life’s intricate, almost impossible processes. It’ll be rooted in what’s happening in the Bay, but it will not focus on the literal earth here, our living communities and cultures.

All this foreknowledge is a little terrifying. It forces me to confront what unites my work. Why these pieces and not those? How is this all one thing?

You might say it doesn’t have to be; we are multifaceted, etc. But I have noticed that my favorite creative people—whether it’s Rebecca Solnit or Ada Limón, Ta-Nehisi Coates or Miranda July, Mimi Tempestt or Richard Powers, Jenny Odell or Valerie June, Ross Gay or George Saunders—are engaged in a life project, each work a piece of some whole. Their books or poems or Instagram posts gather force from this larger system of thought, action, and intensity. And in any case: doesn’t it seem useful to search out the guidewires and mycorrhizal networks underlying your creative life?

My own production has been all over the place. Tech criticism, observational plant writing, logistics, renewable energy, lots of history, data work. Some of the diffusion is the fields I’ve worked in, which emphasize speed and relevance to the moment. But it’s also me. I am tirelessly associative, relentlessly driven to swoop up to larger scales and zoom in to smaller ones. I compulsively jump to adjacent fields and distant research. I’m interested in a huge variety of things and can at least passably understand most of them.

Only yesterday did I finally realize: wait, this isn’t a defect, but my thing. Tunneling (dreaming?) new routes between ideas, times, places, scales… That’s what I do.

I’ve been primed for this realization by my recent reading: Lots of cognitive science, artificial intelligence, and machine learning literature. In these worlds, everything is “a space.” Mutations are random explorations of genetic space. Large language models project words into a high-dimensional space that can be traversed in nearly infinite ways. Little flat worms regenerate body parts in anatomical space. There are algorithms for “hill climbing” and also for “gradient descent.” Genotypes are subject to “canalization” where they produce the same phenotypes despite genetic variance, as if they can’t help but fall into certain latent canyons of development.

The mathematics of networks turn out to be filled with landscapes, and so, so, so many things can be described with this math, from forests to brains to internet ads to cell regulatory functions to all the language ever written down. So many spaces can be traversed. We need only imagine ourselves capable of travel.

I conceptualized this newsletter on the Lafayette Ridge Trail yesterday, looking back across the way that I had come, up a few miles and a thousand feet. The trail dipped into and out of view along the knobby ridgeline, patchwork forest on the flanking hillsides. Further to the horizon, Mt Diablo stood above its rapidly greening foothills. Scattered about: Tiny little buildings made by invisible humans. High clouds striped the sky.

[photo]

And I was thinking, actually, about conversations between my wife and me. I was thinking, more precisely, about conversational “space.” We are two whole universes connected, anchored by very deep connection, but there are a thousand books worth of experiences that belong to one of us alone. You spend 17 years together and we know the easy paths to each other. They are well-marked, assiduously maintained, no poison ivy. But how much more are all of us — are the hillsides — than the well-worn trails?

Every person on this earth is a monstrously huge landscape, and yet, we can drop into any of it with a simple incantation, the right string of words piped through this sparse interface. At a bus stop, taking in two dogs playing, paying for a muffin—you might unveil a secret path to walk for a year or just a few feet. I have been blessed with my mother’s gift of easy connection to others. But what is the nature of that gift? It’s saying: hey, that seems interesting, wanna go there? As simple as stepping off the trail to point out a mushroom.

Anything can open up a hillside to explore. But often, it is the components of conversations that open up the rest of me: an unexpected question, someone else’s lingering shower thought, a feral conjecture about the world, free empathy, a true thing offered, a scrambled memory reassembled in real time.

The writer Oliver Burkeman came on Forum this week, and a piece of advice he gave struck me: make choices in life that enlarge you.

I start from the proposition that we are all very very very large. So, perhaps, my interpretation of that advice is to make choices that allow for continual discovery: self, place, environment, relationships. What lets you know more of the space of your self? Not the sprite of consciousness working in milliseconds that the Tufts biologist Michael Levin calls a “selflet,” but that much larger entity that your second-to-second attention has been building like a coral reef for your whole life.

[image]

That bigger thing is the accumulation of messages from your past selflets, from your ancestors back to the beginning of life, from your environment.

As much as you might think you do, you cannot examine your memories like curios in a cabinet or investigate your ancestral endowments through a 23andMe test. No, everything your body and mind can do can only be known through this present moment, through doing the thing, through living. Every memory exists only now at the moment you pull it from the space where it has been encoded, and reimagine it. Remembering and dreaming and experiencing are not as different as they might seem.

Our minds can be hilariously literal, and I believe that exploring new physical terrain can make it easier to find new inner vistas. Our minds can also be devastatingly oblique, and sometimes it’s a piece of Georgian choral music that might unlock something inside you with its unexpected exploration of harmonic space (thanks, Kitka). There are notes between the notes. Maybe there are years between the years, selves between the selves.

[embed: "Alilo" by Kitka
https://open.spotify.com/track/0exFNvlb8EqZwxLY6vTGu9 ]


The most meaningful, awe-inspiring moments in my life have always been infused by the multiscalar architecture of existence. And somewhere nestled in there, a self exists that, for reasons that no one can quite explain, wants to do things, wants to get places. That agency feels like the key to understanding the nature of life, and yet it is still mostly just an observed fact. The big question is not: why do I want to do X or Y, but why does anything want to do anything at all?

This is where my next project is headed. BUT that’s a ways off.

In the meantime, have this poem, a different walk through this post’s terrain. I wrote it last week in and for my hometown (shout out, Gabriel Cortez), a place I am trying to be kinder about, so that the little boy there has a better place to grow up.

Overlooking I-5 at Exit 14 (1997)

The best nights of my youth, we walked along dark exurban roads to I-5, to the gas station, where we bought terrible food, burgers so bad we called them butt burgers, as we ate 3, even 4 of them. Chimichangas, too, which seemed to flirt with racism in concept and execution. There were many things like that in those days: maple syrup, Apu, Steve Urkel, Taco Tuesday, our school mascot being the Rebels, how people said African American sometimes. They also outright declared the n-word, rarely though. More common: beaner and spic and wetback, my least favorite. But laughing in the bright lights of the AM/PM, gorged on Nintendo 64, what beautiful fucking idiots, I can’t hate any of them. Did they have much choice?

There and back, I’d stop on the overpass, the endless river of cars below me, and I would get that Scientific American feeling. Cosmological vertigo. The vastness of everything, the individual lives of all those people, every unknown story playing out on some stupid night in 1997, floating on history, wrapped in personal drama, precisely dimensioned and textured, how much it mattered to every rushing car that they get where they were going.

Before I knew the names of trees, before I felt something go quiet when I found myself alone on the trails, before I could appreciate the ocean as something to look at, before I knew regret, before I began to notice the color of the light in early December, before I would wake with a child on my chest, or tugging at my sleeve, before I liked to wake up to a quiet house and make coffee in the dim pre-dawn, this monstrous freeway was my access point to infinity, this dull roar through the trees, this stream of lights: you can’t tell me it was not sublime. The sublime!

Endangered butterflies, massive rainforest fungi, blue whales, tardigrades, mantis shrimp, the whole corvid family, bristlecone pines, weltwischia mirabilis, a finch with a funny nose, reindeer, amoebas, blue-green algae, flatworms, those huge crabs at the bottom of an ocean trench, the hundred million fish no one has ever seen, even once, the dragonflies, the beavers, the tiny bird you almost saw yesterday, the cloud of bacteria coming out of your nose and mouth, the earthworm, and yes, truckers and travelers and people working the graveyard shift at PDX and middle school boys drunk on the weakest independence.

What right does anyone have to imagine they are not just a manifestation of the whole, a piece, a component, an envelope around and inside many beautiful layers, a nearly arbitrary circle drawn around unstoppable endless wriggling like a net full of anchovies that’s also made of anchovies in an ocean of more anchovies.

Life is ridiculous.

On the overpass, some dipshit would always joke about dropping something on the cars below. The spell would be broken. Tiny gods with greasy fingers marching off back to the room above the garage reeking of puberty and Mountain Dew, pits stained with videogame intensity, peach fuzz darkening by the hour, a place in the world coming into and out of view like a flying bird through binoculars.

Crunching through shoulder gravel, a flashlight, pointed at the ground, swinging on an arm, illuminating now and then, broken glass, used condoms, bits of tire, cans, chip bags, small dead things, lost items, cigarette butts that once flared, tossing sparks as they tumbled out of fingers dangling out windows.

How could every person’s life mean so much to that person? How could any person’s life mean anything at all?

To live and die is the most ordinary thing.

That’s what I learned in my hometown."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexismadrigal identity time origins howwethink thinking writing howwewrite hometowns childhood choldren adolescence youth bayarea age aging self personhood humanism humanity grace connection interestedness interested oliverburkeman relationships environment place michaellevin selflets gabrielcortez rebeccasolnit adalimón ta-nehisicoates mirandahuly mimitempestt richardpowers jennyodell valeriejune sclae cognition cognitivescience technology genotypes phenotypes machinelearning artificialintelligence ai mutations experience mtdiablo mountdiablo oakland fortmason georgesaunders rossgay pacificcircuit</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lpKq9Y2lNvk">
    <title>“The beautiful thing about the truth is that it’s easy” with Ta-Nehisi Coates - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-18T18:18:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lpKq9Y2lNvk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ta-Nehisi Coates joins the brothers for a wide-ranging discussion drawing on his new book, The Message (2024), and covering the parallels and differences between the Black American and Palestinian experiences, the culture of denial suppressing the realities of the system of apartheid in Palestine, the challenges of gaining access to Palestinian voices, the power of conveying the raw reality of Palestinian life under apartheid tactics of resistance to oppression, and the historical contours of the Palestinian liberation struggle.

Date of recording: Oct 14, 2024."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/33973637
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/the-beautiful-thing-about-the-truth-is-that-its-easy-w-ta-nehisi-coates ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s8-iTeLseA4">
    <title>&quot;The other guy is more genocidal&quot; with Mehdi Hasan - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-04T01:06:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s8-iTeLseA4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Brothers welcome journalist and founder of Zeteo news corporation Mehdi Hasan (@mehdirhasan) to the pod. They have a spirited discussion about anti-Arab and anti-Muslim bias in the mainstream media, the price of compromise to gain access, and whether voting for Harris is a vote against fascism or a vote endorsing genocide.

Date of recording: Oct 22, 2024."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/33756642
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/the-other-guy-is-more-genocidal-w-mehdi-hasan ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/ta-nehisi-coates-new-book-message-israel-palestine-complicated.html">
    <title>Ta-Nehisi Coates’s New ‘Message’ on Israel and Palestine</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-11T18:49:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/ta-nehisi-coates-new-book-message-israel-palestine-complicated.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A decade after “The Case for Reparations,” he is ready to take on Israel, Palestine, and the American media."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newrepublic.com/article/186577/ta-nehisi-coates-media-antisemitism">
    <title>The Appalling Attack on Ta-Nehisi Coates Is a Massive Media Failing | The New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-11T18:48:23+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is not antisemitic to defend Palestinian human rights. And it’s past time for more American Jews to say so to correct a media that’s lost the thread."
]]></description>
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    <title>The Failure of Liberal Zionism | David Klion</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-09T19:45:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/latest/the-failure-of-liberal-zionism-klion</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Israel has behaved exactly as its harshest critics predicted"
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z1F3hTBEicg">
    <title>America’s Gaza policy failed. Now what? | Matt Duss | Real Talk - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-09T19:06:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z1F3hTBEicg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“I now rage that my government is behaving the way it’s behaving.” 

As Israel’s war on Gaza, and now Lebanon, continues with no end in sight, we’re delving into why America’s Gaza policy failed. 

Today on Real Talk, we’re joined by Matt Duss, former foreign policy adviser to Bernie Sanders and the executive vice president at the Center for International Policy. 

We discuss how President Joe Biden’s red lines in Gaza were repeatedly crossed by Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu, rising voter anger toward Democrats and what all this means for Kamala Harris in the upcoming US elections.

Real Talk is a Middle East Eye interview show hosted by Mohamed Hashem that delves into the stories and experiences of a diverse range of guests.

Timestamps: 
00:00 Intro
00:52 Gaza & Lebanon 
01:57 Israel given a carte blanche? 
03:43 Looking back at the past year 
06:54 Messaging by Biden White House 
12:27 Netanyahu defying Biden's red lines
15:00 What is Biden's endgame? 
17:36 Neoconservatives & war with Iran 
23:50 Evangelical Christians & Israel 
29:13 Kamala Harris on Gaza 
34:46 Ta-Nehisi Coates & CBS journalist 
38:27 Jill Stein & Muslim voters 
41:33 The notion of a protest vote 
43:54 US-Israeli relationship in the future"]]></description>
<dc:subject>palestine gaza israel elections us mattduss lebanon joebiden kamalaharris benjaminnetanyahu ta-nehisicoates jillstein 2024 usrael mohamedhashem berniesanders foreignpolicy hamas dickcheney lizcheney</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_-cq3SnVEQ">
    <title>DR. CORNEL WEST — The Marathon Interview, Part One: Race - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-11T19:28:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_-cq3SnVEQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["0:00 - Introduction
0:47 - Question 1 on Ibram X. Kendi
2:48 - Answer
16:57 - Question 2 on the Difference Between Generalizations and Stereotypes
19:35 - Answer
30:13 - Question 3 on Frederick Douglass
34:50 - Answer"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xoCEZhhpl_M">
    <title>But We Must Speak: On Palestine &amp; The Mandates of Conscience - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-02T03:22:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xoCEZhhpl_M</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On Wednesday November 1st in Manhattan the Palestine Festival of Literature is staging a free, public event titled: 

But We Must Speak: On Palestine and the Mandates of Conscience

Doors at 6.15pm for a 7pm start. Tickets are free and on a first-come first-serve basis. All are welcome.

Professor Rashid Khalidi will be in conversation with National Book Award winning author Ta-Nehisi Coates. 

Michelle Alexander, the acclaimed civil rights lawyer and authors of The New Jim Crow, will introduce the evening and moderate the conversation. 

Pulitzer Prize–winning Mojave American poet, Natalie Diaz will perform a work of poetry alongside the Palestinian poet, activist and journalist, Mohammed El-Kurd. 

The scholar and lawyer, Noura Erakat, will speak on the urgency of the moment - both in Palestine and the United States."

[later posted here (in part) by Democracy Now!:

"Rashid Khalidi, Ta-Nehisi Coates, Michelle Alexander & Yasmin El-Rifae on Palestine"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AV7-rK8_GF8 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2023 rashidkhalid michellealexander nataliediaz nouraerakat conscience palestine ta-nehisicoates us israel context mohammedel-kurd gaze westerngaze violence violation idf occupation apartheid police policing silence audrelorde islamophobia gaza westbank colonialism colonization dispossession settlercolonialism jerusalem stateviolence genocide segregation baltimore chicago philadelphia ethniccleansing jimcrow democracy nakba zionism settlers ireland displacement uk france balfourdeclaration 1948 1967 resistance bds greatmarchofreturn joebiden politics policy iof marchofreturn 2018</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I0i0mnhobNs">
    <title>Norman Finkelstein’s lifelong rebellion and new war on woke | The InnerView - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-29T23:41:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I0i0mnhobNs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The InnerView meets esteemed American political scientist and activist Norman Finkelstein at his home in New York City. Finkelstein discusses why he was compelled to write his latest book, “I’ll Burn That Bridge When I Get to It!” on why he believes modern identity politics, cancel culture and being “woke” are insincere and ineffectual vehicles for true change that have been co-opted by the status quo.

The child of Holocaust survivors, Finkelstein is best known for his staunch criticism of Israel and tells Imran Garda how it feels to be labelled a holocaust denier and self-hating Jew. Finkelstein also addresses his fall from grace within some Palestinian circles after taking issue with the BDS movement.

00:00 Intro
01:10 New Book - ‘I’ll Burn That Bridge When I Get to It!’
02:40 The Bernie Sanders phenomenon
06:35 What is ‘Identity politics’?
09:58 Why the super-rich donate millions of dollars to politicians?
11:34 On Black Lives Matter
12:53 Rosa Luxemburg – True left-wing figure
15:00 A self-hating Jew?
18:30 Earning respect
23:20 The choice. Fame and fortune or truth and justice?
24:06 Former “rockstar” of the Palestinian solidarity movement"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2023 idenity identitypolitics politics normanfinkelstein rosaluxemburg blacklivesmatter palestine israel berniesanders politicians normfinkelstein vladimirlenin sacrifice left power money jeffbezos barackobama ibramkendi fdr leftism socialism berniesander paulrobeson ta-nehisicoates leftinfighting liberalism liberals democrats alandershowitz bds ethics sacrifices solidarity labor self-pity frustration antisemitism integrity noamchomsky sellouts gloriasteinem popularity julienbenda truth justice fame fortune self-deception values intellectuals woke wokeness politicalcorrectness 1960s 1970s 1986 homosexuality gender homophobia sexism race racism change changemaking class workingclass mccarthyism capitalism rulingclass identity nytimes media theatlantic jackdorsey lenin franklindelanoroosevelt wokeism sellingout redscare thenewyorker</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newpol.org/adolph-reed-sanders-coates-and-reparations/">
    <title>Adolph Reed on Sanders, Coates, and Reparations - New Politics</title>
    <dc:date>2022-04-08T18:18:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newpol.org/adolph-reed-sanders-coates-and-reparations/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[audio:
https://shout.lbo-talk.org/lbo/RadioArchive/2016/16_01_21.mp3 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>reparations berniesanders ta-nehisicoates solidarity 2016 left capitalism socialism elections professionalmanagerialclass atonement alum deraymckesson marissajohnson redistribution class adolphreedjr careerism politics economics race racism dei diversity corporatism neoliberalism ronkarenga kimberlycrenshaw charlesogletree fredhampton martinlutherkingjr mlk molefiketeasante oppression inequality elijahmuhammad teachforamerica tfa royinnis floydmckissick brucerauner kenwarren pmc</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture? ❧ Current Affairs</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-07T01:19:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves.”

[via: https://jomc.substack.com/p/casablance-happy-hacker-and-the-burgundy 

See also:
“Black Enough for TV?” (Bad Faith podcast)
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/black-enough-for-tv/id1531192509?i=1000531047800
https://www.patreon.com/posts/episode-95-black-54541034

“After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper’s viral Current Affairs article “Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?,” we invited Very Smart Brothers co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it’s a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of “the Black experience” is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter.”

"Is it Possible for Black Creatives to Exploit the Poor? w/ Damon Young & Bertrand Cooper"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qG8yj6rVaHw

"After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper's viral Current Affairs article "Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?," we invited Very Smart Brothas co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it's a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of "the Black experience" is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter. As tragedies like George Floyd's death open the door for "Black content," how concerned should we be that creative opportunities flow to elite, often Ivy League Black folks rather than members of communities like the one George Floyd came from? Do affluent Black creators have an obligation to disclose the gap between their own life experiences and the cultural products they produce? Is it "right" for Dave Chapelle or Donald Glover allow their audiences to assume they're "from the streets", or is it appropriative for them to profit off of assumed "authenticity?" Must a creator share the class identity of the characters they produce? Is the Black middle class sufficiently precarious that it's "entitled" to tell all Black stories? We tackle these questions and more on this week's episode of Bad Faith."]

“You see, there were two Harlems. There were those who lived in Sugar Hill and there was the Hollow, where we lived. There was a great divide between the black people on the Hill and us. I was just a ragged, funky black shoeshine boy and was afraid of the people on the Hill, who, for their part, didn’t want to have anything to do with me.”
– James Baldwin interviewed by Julius Lester, the New York Times Book Review, May 27, 1984

“You got 1 percent of the population in America who owns 41 percent of the wealth… but within the black community, the top 1 percent of black folk have over 70 percent of the wealth. So that means you got a lot of precious Jamals and Letitias who are told to live vicariously through the lives of black celebrities so that it’s all about ‘representation’ rather than substantive transformation… ‘you gotta black president, all y’all must be free.’”
– Cornel West interviewed by Joe Rogan, July 24, 2019]]></description>
<dc:subject>bertrandcooper 2021 class middleclass education popculture culture race racism georgefloyd representation inequality damonyoung briahnajoygray publishing theatlantic cornelwest jamesbaldwin 2019 1984 gatekeeping privilege poverty income highered highereducation upperclass journalism hbo netflix michaelshur thefloridaproject harvardlampoon ivyleague conono’brien stephencolbert comedy film tv television elliekemper abbijacobson amypoehler tiktok youtube twitter instagram culturecreation nickkroll johnmulaney ilanaglazer julialouise-dreyfus sethmeyers chrisrock shondarhimes avaduvernay debbieallen issarae marabrockakil courtneykemp britbennet deeshaphilyaw jesmynward donaldglover atlantafx nerds roxanegay colsonwhitehead blackness us society serenawilliams ta-nehisicoates williamjuliuswilson jimcrow blackculture blackpoor henrylouisgatesjr rajchetty cassiedecosta keishablain vannnewkirkii seanbaker moonlight barryjenkins ibramkendi davechapelle nytimes joebiden democrats centrists moderates elite mainstre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://bostonreview.net/race/robin-d-g-kelley-cornel-west-harvard">
    <title>Why Cornel West’s Tenure Fight Matters | Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2021-03-06T22:15:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bostonreview.net/race/robin-d-g-kelley-cornel-west-harvard</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I wrote letters for West’s hire and renewal at Harvard. The school’s administrators completely miss the point of tenure."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://bostonreview.net/race/melissa-phruksachart-literature-white-liberalism">
    <title>The Literature of White Liberalism | Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2020-08-23T08:18:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bostonreview.net/race/melissa-phruksachart-literature-white-liberalism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is hardly shocking that liberals remain invested in capitalism. Far more concerning is that many leftists continue to innovate ways to remain invested in patriarchy and white supremacy by refusing to be accountable for white fragility and toxic masculinity.

In her comment, Davis nodded to North American practitioners of transformative justice, healing justice, and generative somatics, all embodied and communal political philosophies that critique Western, Christian, statist, liberal individualist modes of language-based adjudication and body-based punishment. Transformative justice understands sexual assault, for example, as a community problem with community-based solutions, not as solely an individual transgression that deserves carceral punishment. Healing justice engages things like the arts, sex, pleasure, rest, and ancestral wisdom as embodied modes of community-building and cellular transformation that allow for reflection and growth in social movements. These politicized forms of healing, justice, and transformation are unapologetically process-oriented, prefigurative, and de-accelerationist, uninterested in the erotic throb of “winning” that has undergirded mainstream millennial socialism. Pioneered in the past few decades by coalitions of Black, Indigenous, queer, trans, and women of color survivors, abolitionists, sex work communities, disability justice activists, mental health activists, artists, and healers, tenets of healing justice and transformative justice have emerged as guiding lights in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2020 uprisings."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2020 whiteness liberalism abolitionism abolition whitefragility capitalism radicalism angeladavis whitesupremacy toxicmasculinity feminism intersectionality transformativejustice individualism carceralpunishment estelleellison indigeneity indigenous cedricrobinson marxism politics patriarchy vulnerability accountability transformation robindiangelo renieddo-lodge crystalflemming ibramkendi ijeomaoluo laylasaad ta-nehisicoates race racism colormuteness antiracism melissaphruksachart</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/next_gen_learning/2019/02/why_equity_conservative_force_American_education.html">
    <title>Why Equity Has Been a Conservative Force in American Education—And How That Could Change - Next Gen Learning in Action - Education Week</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-16T04:46:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/next_gen_learning/2019/02/why_equity_conservative_force_American_education.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By Jal Mehta, an associate professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and the co-director of the Deeper Learning Dozen

Over the past 15 years, at least since the passage of No Child Left Behind, equity has been more of a conservative than a liberating force in American education.

It started with good intentions. The idea was that some students, particularly students of color and poor students, historically had been ill-served by our school system. When Ted Kennedy and George Miller joined their Republican colleagues in supporting No Child Left Behind, they did so out of a belief that it was a continuation of the civil rights movement—a way to use federal power to support an equity agenda.

But that's not how it played out. The consequence of holding everyone accountable to low level tests in reading and math, without building any of the supporting structures, climate, or culture that would enable those results, is that schools serving disadvantaged students narrowed the curriculum and focused disproportionately on test prep, whereas more advantaged public schools and private schools had flexibility to continue offering a richer and more holistic educational approach.

Even as the legal requirements for NCLB have ended, the mindset has persisted. Urban schools and districts continue to be run in more authoritarian ways than their suburban counterparts, and students in disadvantaged schools continue to be more subject to test-driven pressures. When we run institutes at the Harvard Graduate School of Education on "deeper learning," we tend to attract folks from more privileged public schools and private schools here and abroad. In contrast, when we offer institutes on data-driven instruction or school turnarounds, we tend to attract people serving students of color in high-poverty public schools.

The consequence is that equity has become, more often than not, a conservative force in American public education. The effort to close achievement gaps has in practice doubled down on the century-old industrial model of schooling, leaving in place all of the essential elements of its grammar: teaching as transmission, batch processing of students, conventional assessments, tracking and leveling, and all of the rest. Anything that moves away from those assumptions—like project-based learning, problem-based learning, interdisciplinary learning, authentic assessment, or constructivist pedagogy—is seen as "risky;" something that is "OK for the privileged kids" but somehow distracts from the real work of closing achievement gaps on state-sponsored tests.

I've come to think that the reality is close to the opposite. The existing system, for all of its warts, works well enough for the privileged kids. They know how to play the "game of school," and thus they learn what they need to learn to get the grades and credentials they need to head to college and beyond. It is the kids who are disaffected from school who are most in need of a new approach. For them, finding a way to make school more relevant, more student-centered, more connected to their purposes and passions, is not a luxury but a requirement. Ironically, the more we double down on closing achievement gaps within the existing grammar of schooling, the more difficult we make it for ourselves to transform schooling into a more purposeful, relevant, and engaging institution.

There is an alternative, well-developed in some circles, but just recently entering broader reform discussions.

Equity as liberation.

This approach has entered the mainstream education space over the past five years from places like the National Equity Project and equityXdesign. The roots of it are old, drawing on Paulo Freire's ideas of "problem-posing" education and education as a force for liberation, and they run through the writings of folks like Jeff Duncan-Andrade, Pedro Noguera, Gloria Ladson-Billings, Theresa Perry, and many others. The idea here is that equity is a lens, a way of seeing how power is distributed, whose voices are being heard, which ideas are being represented, and whose interests are being served. It relies more heavily on what Shane Safir calls "street data" (the lived experiences of students in schools) than "satellite data" (test scores). It sees diversity as an asset—where our different lived experiences and funds of knowledge create rich opportunities for mutual learning—which is a profoundly different stance from the deficit approaches that have become standard in these discussions. It takes seriously the idea that education should liberate, meaning create ways for students to take agency to transform their lives and the world around them.

Taking this stance also implies a different way of working. Fundamentally, many gap-closing approaches take a fundamentally old-style command and control orientation for granted. What is to be known is determined by the district or the state. Students don't know this knowledge when they start. Teachers don't know how to deliver this knowledge. The solution is tighter implementation chains—from districts into the heads of teachers and then into the heads of students. This prescription is compounded by urgency; we are told that students have no time to lose so vertical hierarchies are the most efficient way to get things done.

A better approach would start with a different set of assumptions. There is lots of knowledge in the system, held by both teachers and students. This knowledge is also more heterogeneous than what is known by the district: Older teachers may have wisdom about teaching practice, younger teachers may have learned non-Western history in college, and students may know things about their neighborhoods and communities that are invisible to teachers and administrators. Good leadership would tap into these centers of knowledge and connect and build upon them in ways that are likely to lead to mutual learning for everyone.

It also would imply a different approach to change. Much of the traditional literature assumes that the leader is the hero, the members of the organization are the resistance, and the central challenge is to achieve "buy-in" via "change management." A liberatory design approach, by contrast, assumes that teachers and students would like to develop engaging, meaningful learning experiences, and that the problem is not them but the institutional structures and culture of schools that constrains them. Such an approach would foreground the lived experiences of students and teachers and invite them to help redesign schools in ways that are more purposeful and humane. Rather than act on students, teachers, and communities, we would work with them.

Liberatory design would also create an attractive symmetry between adult learning and student learning. If we want classrooms where students are seen as capable meaning-makers and teachers are facilitators of that learning, then districts need to treat teachers as capable meaning-makers and themselves as facilitators of teacher learning. Taking this point seriously would require districts to rethink many of their assumptions, large and small, spurring a shift from a bureaucratic to a professional mode of social organization.

Engaging with the lived experiences of students would also force us to think harder about whether students' full selves are welcomed into schools. This is relevant for all students, but particularly for students of color. One of my favorite ethnographies of schooling is Angela Valenzuela's Subtractive Schooling, which shows in excruciating detail the ways in which the mostly Mexican-American students in her research have to forego critical parts of themselves to show up in school. Ta-Nehisi Coates' memoir similarly recounts how his inquisitive stance was not welcome in Baltimore schools that repressed questions and rewarded compliance.

We could create schools that reverse this cycle; many in the sector already have. They start from what should be an uncontroversial idea—that students learn best when they feel affirmed, recognized, and welcomed into the spaces in which they are learning. Diversifying the curriculum does not mean lessening the rigor of that curriculum; rather, it potentially enables more students to do rigorous work by creating subjects worth investing in. And when we do that, ironically, we have a much better chance of closing conventional achievement gaps, because we have created welcoming, inclusive spaces where students can do their best work. 

Equity can be either a conservative or a liberating force. Which one is it in your school?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.hcn.org/issues/49.12/essay-climate-change-confronting-despair-in-the-age-of-ecocide">
    <title>So what if we’re doomed? (Down the Dark Mountain) — High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2018-02-19T06:21:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.hcn.org/issues/49.12/essay-climate-change-confronting-despair-in-the-age-of-ecocide</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[" Kingsnorth embraced Jeffers’ inhumanism, and Tompkins his ideas on beauty. But the immensity of the ecocide demands more. Our grief comes from the takers and their modern machine, which is one of violence and injury. If our sanity is to survive the ecocide, we must address these two pains in tandem: grief for the loss of things to come and the injustices that surround us.

We can do this through beauty and justice, which are closer together than they first appear."

…

"However, he is also arguing for integrity, which is close to Jeffers’ ideal of beauty: “However ugly the parts appear the whole remains beautiful. A severed hand / Is an ugly thing, and man dissevered from the earth and stars and his history ... for contemplation or in fact ... / Often appears atrociously ugly. Integrity is wholeness, the greatest beauty is / Organic wholeness, the wholeness of life and things, the divine beauty of the universe.”

Perhaps, then, the way through the ecocide is through the pursuit of integrity, a duty toward rebalancing the whole, toward fairness, in both senses of the word."

…

"This is no cause for despair; it is a reminder to be meaningful, to be makers instead of takers, to be of service to something — beauty, justice, loved ones, strangers, lilacs, worms."]]></description>
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    <title>Ta-Nehisi Coates v Cornel West: black academics and activists give their verdict | Opinion | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-24T19:19:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/dec/22/-ta-nehisi-coates-cornel-west-black-academic-activists-debate-equality</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://bostonreview.net/race/robin-d-g-kelley-coates-and-west-jackson">
    <title>Coates and West in Jackson | Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-24T19:17:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bostonreview.net/race/robin-d-g-kelley-coates-and-west-jackson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For my part, I see value in putting Coates’s and West’s perspectives in dialogue. To be clear, I am not interested in repeating or endorsing West’s critique here, and Coates needs no one to defend him, certainly not me. Readers of Boston Review know that I have taken issue with parts of his Between the World and Me (2015)—yet, even when I disagree, I find Coates’s writing generative, thoughtful, and startlingly honest, and he pushes me to think harder and deeper about the depth of racism in both the public and inner life of black America. Rather, I want to offer brief reflections on what I find valuable in both Coates’s recent book, We Were Eight Years in Power (2017), and in West’s insistence on the transformative power of social movements. I believe that the reconciliation of their respective insights might open new directions. My mother raised my siblings and me to be Hegelians (even if his 1807 The Phenomenology of Spirit is not exactly bedtime reading), and that means the purpose of critique is dialectical, to reach a higher synthesis, which in turn reveals new contradictions demanding new critique.

****

West’s position should not surprise anyone, nor should his ideas be reduced to a couple of interviews and a short piece in the Guardian. He has always combined the black prophetic tradition of speaking truth to power with what he identifies as the anti-foundationalism of young Marx—a critical observation central to West’s book, The Ethical Dimensions of Marxist Thought (1991). West’s Black Prophetic Fire (with Christa Buschendorf, 2014) consists of dialogues that consider the lives and work of black prophetic figures, including Frederick Douglass, W. E. B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, Ida B. Wells, and Ella Baker. His insights into these figures are acute and often original, and he refrains from hagiography. For example, he is sharply critical of Douglass, whom he castigates for his relative silence on Jim Crow once he became a fully enfranchised and powerful voice in the Republican Party. The book also contains a subtle indictment of President Barack Obama, implying that his two terms as president, and the emergence of a black neoliberal political class, represent a betrayal of the principles basic to the black prophetic tradition. His criticisms of President Obama are not personal but directed at policies that reflected both the neoliberal turn and the persistence of U.S. imperialism.

Coates found his calling during a particularly combative period for black intellectuals. In March of 1995, West was the target of a scurrilous attack by New Republic editor Leon Wieseltier, an essay promoted on the issue’s cover with the headline “The Decline of the Black Intellectual.” A month later Adolph Reed, Jr. followed with a piece in the Village Voice titled, “What Are the Drums Saying, Booker?: The Curious Role of the Black Public Intellectual” which names West, Michael Eric Dyson, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., bell hooks, and yours truly. In the essay, Reed characterizes us as modern-day minstrels and attacks us for being “translators” of black culture to white folks, and thus palatable to fawning white liberals. Reed’s piece left a deep impression on Coates. As he recalls in We Were Eight Years in Power, “I was determined to never be an interpreter. It did not occur to me that writing is always some form of interpretation, some form of translating the specificity of one’s roots or expertise or even one’s own mind into language that can be absorbed and assimilated into the consciousness of a broader audience. Almost any black writer publishing in the mainstream press would necessarily be read by whites. Reed was not exempt. He was not holding forth from The Chicago Defender but from The Village Voice, interpreting black intellectuals for that audience, most of whom were white.”

Those “feuds” of twenty-two years ago also generated an important Boston Review forum that centered on a provocative essay by Reverend Eugene F. Rivers III, “Beyond the Nationalism of Fools: Toward an Agenda for Black Intellectuals” (1995)"

…

"Importantly, Coates’s title is a reference not to Obama’s administration, as many seem to suppose, but rather to Reconstruction and the white backlash that followed its tragic overthrow. Coates quotes Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction (1935): “If there was one thing that South Carolina feared more than bad Negro government, it was good Negro government.” Du Bois’s insight is key here; he recognizes that it was the success of Reconstruction in creating arguably the world’s first social democracy that posed the greatest threat to white supremacy. History has a long life: the ways in which formerly enslaved people not only helped overthrow the Confederacy but immediately went to work building a new society—armed, organized, and fighting back—is the story that haunts and illuminates Obama’s presidency.

Coates is certainly attentive to the forces arrayed against the Obama administration, and to the extraordinary hope black people had invested in him, but he is no apologist for Obama."

…

"So what are the substantive differences between West and Coates?

At the end of his Guardian essay, West writes that we cannot afford “to disconnect white supremacy from the realities of class, empire, and other forms of domination—be it ecological, sexual, or others.” Coates would agree. He treats these forms of domination as deeply intertwined but not synonymous: “I have never seen a contradiction between calling for reparations and calling for a living wage, on calling for legitimate law enforcement and single-payer health care. They are related—but cannot stand in for one another. I see the fight against sexism, racism, poverty, and even war finding their union not in synonymity but in their ultimate goal—a world more humane.” He may not map out what that “fight” for a more humane world might look like, but I don’t think his perspective can be reduced, as West does, to “narrow racial tribalism and myopic political neoliberalism.”"

…

"This is where West and Coates part ways. It is not so much their understanding of history, though. West understands that U.S. “democracy” was built on slavery, capitalism, and settler colonialism. But he also recognizes its fragility or malleability in the face of a radical democratic tradition.

This radical democratic tradition cannot be traced to the founding fathers or the Constitution or the Declaration of Independence. Instead, it is manifest in the struggles of the dispossessed to overturn the Eurocentric, elitist, patriarchal, and dehumanizing structures of racial capitalism and its liberal underpinnings. It is manifest in the struggle to restore the “commons” to the commonwealth, which has been at the heart of radical abolitionism—or what Du Bois called the Abolition Democracy. West knows that social movements, or what he calls “our fightback,” have and will alter history. West believes that we can win. While I wouldn’t call Coates’s vision fatalistic, it is deeply pessimistic because his focus is on structures of race and class oppression, and the policies and ideologies that shore up these structures. He is concerned that we survive."

…

"So I propose that we turn away from the latest celebrity death match, turn our attention to Jackson, Mississippi. Read Jackson Rising: The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Black Self-Determination in Jackson, Mississippi (2017), edited by Kali Akuno and Ajamu Nangwaya,  And revisit the work of West and Coates and others wrestling with the critical issues of our times. I stand with West and his unwavering commitment to the power of collective resistance, his optimism of the will. And I stand with Coates and his insistence on a particular kind of pessimism of the intellect that questions everything, stays curious, and is not afraid of self-reflection, uncomfortable questions, or where the evidence takes him.

And above all, I stand with the people of Jackson, who have built the country’s most radical movement, mobilized new forms of political participation, and elected a people’s government committed to building a socialist commonwealth. Free the Land!"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theintercept.com/2017/12/21/cornel-west-ta-nehisi-coates-feud/">
    <title>Forget Coates vs. West — We All Have a Duty to Confront the Full Reach of U.S. Empire</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-22T21:43:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theintercept.com/2017/12/21/cornel-west-ta-nehisi-coates-feud/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What are the duties of radicals and progressives inside relatively wealthy countries to the world beyond our national borders?"

…

" Is it even possible to be a voice for transformational change without a clear position on the brutal wars and occupations waged with U.S. weapons?"

…

"Our movements simply cannot afford to stick to our various comfort zones or offload internationalism as someone else’s responsibility.

The unending misery in Haiti may be the most vivid illustration of how today’s crises are all interrelated. On the island, serial natural disasters, some linked to climate change, are being layered on top of illegitimate foreign debts and coupled with gross negligence by the international aid industry, as well as acute U.S.-lead efforts to destabilize and under-develop the country. These compounding forces have led tens of thousands of Haitians to migrate to the United States in recent years, where they come face-to-face with Trump’s anti-Black, anti-immigrant agenda. Many are now fleeing to Canada, where  hundreds if not thousands could face deportation. We can’t pry these various cross-border crises apart, nor should we.

IN SHORT, THERE is no radicalism — Black or otherwise — that ends at the national boundaries of our countries, especially the wealthiest and most heavily armed nation on earth. From the worldwide reach of the financial sector to the rapidly expanding battlefield of U.S. Special Operations to the fact that carbon pollution respects no borders, the forces we are all up against are global. So, too, are the crises we face, from the rise of white supremacy, ethno-chauvinism, and authoritarian strongmen to the fact that more people are being forced from their homes than at any point since World War II. If our movements are to succeed, we will need both analysis and strategies that reflect these truths about our world.

Some argue for staying in our lane, and undoubtedly there is a place for deep expertise. The political reality, however, is that the U.S. government doesn’t stay in its lane and never has — it spends public dollars using its military and economic might to turn the world into a battlefield, and it does so in the name of all of U.S. citizens.

As a result, our movements simply cannot afford to stick to our various comfort zones or offload internationalism as someone else’s responsibility. To do so would be grossly negligent of our geopolitical power, our own agency, as well as our very real connections to people and places throughout the world. So when we build cross-sector alliances and cross-issue solidarity, those relationships cannot be confined to our own nations or even our own hemisphere — not in a world as interconnected as ours. We have to strive for them to be as global as the forces we are up against.

We know this can seem overwhelming at a time when so many domestic crises are coming to a head and so many of us are being pushed beyond the breaking point. But it is worth remembering that our movement ancestors formed international alliances and placed their struggles within a global narrative not out of a sense of guilt or obligation, but because they understood that it made them stronger and more likely to win at home — and that strength terrified their enemies.

Besides, the benefit of building a broad-based, multiracial social movement — which should surely be the end goal of all serious organizers and radical intellectuals — is that movements can have a division of labor, with different specialists focusing on different areas, united by broad agreement about overall vision and goals. That’s what a real movement looks like.

The good news is that grassroots internationalism has never been easier. From cellphones to social media, we have opportunities to speak with one another across borders that our predecessors couldn’t have dreamed of. Similarly, tools that allow migrant families to stay connected with loved ones in different countries can also become conduits for social movements to hear news that the corporate media ignores. We are able, for instance, to learn about the pro-democracy movements growing in strength across the continent of Africa, as well as efforts to stop extrajudicial killings in countries like Brazil. Many would not have known that Black African migrants are being enslaved in Libya if it had not been for these same tools. And had they not known they wouldn’t have been able to engage in acts of necessary solidarity.

So let’s leave narrow, nostalgic nationalism to Donald Trump and his delusional #MAGA supporters. The forces waging war on bodies and the planet are irreversibly global, and we are vastly stronger when we build global movements capable of confronting them at every turn."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/the-atlantic-2/the-atlantic-interview/e/52154375">
    <title>The Atlantic Interview - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (featuring Ta-Nehisi Coates) | Listen via Stitcher Radio On Demand</title>
    <dc:date>2017-11-12T18:23:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/the-atlantic-2/the-atlantic-interview/e/52154375</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the inaugural episode of The Atlantic Interview, The Atlantic's editor in chief Jeffrey Goldberg talks with the novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie about race, identity, what she does when people call her "Chimichanga" by mistake. Atlantic correspondent Ta-Nehisi Coates makes a cameo."

[See also: https://www.theatlantic.com/podcasts/the-atlantic-interview/
https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/10/we-have-to-be-careful-not-to-romanticize-cities/543789/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.marieclaire.com/culture/features/a21423/roxane-gay-philando-castile-alton-sterling/">
    <title>On Making Black Lives Matter: The Way Forward from Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, and Alva Braziel</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-12T02:46:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.marieclaire.com/culture/features/a21423/roxane-gay-philando-castile-alton-sterling/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Last week, Alton Sterling and Philando Castile were killed by police officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana and St. Paul, Minnesota. Five police officers were killed in Dallas, Texas and seven others were injured. And then, on Saturday, Alva Braziel was shot and killed by police in Houston, Texas. To bear witness to so much senseless violence, so much senseless death, is unbearable.

On social media, people are grieving and hurting and raging. On the streets of cities across America, people are protesting. They're saying, "Enough." In Baton Rouge, the police force has become a small army, replete with SWAT teams and officers in full riot gear. There is a new iconic image reflecting these turbulent times: Ieshia Evans, a young black woman in a flowing summer dress facing a militant line of Baton Rouge police officers.

Against the backdrop of a contentious election cycle, it is easy to feel like the world is coming apart, like the world is coming to an end. It is easy to feel unsafe, helpless, hopeless. I am feeling all of these things while also trying to resist such defeat. I am trying to recognize that the world is not coming to an end, the world is changing.

I was talking to my mom on Friday, when things seemed especially hopeless. She asked, "Why should I have to wake up every day and address God about the safety of my life?" She told me about how she and my dad had talked to my brothers, my nephew, reminding them, reminding all of us to be careful when we're out in the world. She told my nephew to keep his wallet out, in the center console, so it is visible and easily reached if he's pulled over by the police. As we spoke, I thought about my own obsessive ritual when I get in my car—making sure I have my license, registration, current proof of insurance—because if pulled over for Driving While Black, I cannot afford any missteps. They might cost me my life.

This is no way to live, this is not freedom, always holding your breath, always feeling like a target, always worrying about the men and women you love, hoping they won't run into a police officer who cannot control his fear.

As is often the case during times of social upheaval, most of us are wondering how we can productively contribute to positive change when change feels impossible. There are no easy answers. For white people, being an ally to the black community is often framed as a way forward. Allyship is a nice idea, certainly. It's a way for people to say and demonstrate that they care and (want to) help even if they cannot fully understand the lived experiences of marginalized people.

But in the wake of last week's violence and unrest, I've seen what often happens during difficult times—people who consider themselves allies, well-meaning people, to be clear, ask what they can do to help. They ask for guidance, as if black people, in this instance, have the solution to the ongoing problem of systemic racism, as if we have access to a secret trove of wisdom for overcoming oppression.

I've seen allies share their laments in a way that focuses on their emotional needs. I've seen them demanding the emotional labor of people who have nothing left to give.

The problem with allyship is that good intentions are not enough. Allyship offers a safe haven from harsh realities and the dirty work of creating change. It offers a comfortable distance that can be terribly unproductive.

I am reminded of a conversation I had with Ta-Nehisi Coates in 2015, upon the release of his book Between the World and Me. When I asked him about allies, he said, "I think one has to even abandon the phrase 'ally' and understand that you are not helping someone in a particular struggle; the fight is yours." I mulled his words over for weeks because they were so pointed and powerful. Those words began to inform the ways in which I try to support other marginalized people—making their fights my own because that's the only way forward.

Black people do not need allies. We need people to stand up and take on the problems borne of oppression as their own, without remove or distance. We need people to do this even if they cannot fully understand what it's like to be oppressed for their race or ethnicity, gender, sexuality, ability, class, religion, or other marker of identity. We need people to use common sense to figure out how to participate in social justice.

Don't tell us about your racist uncle or grandfather or sister or cousin. Don't try to unburden yourself of guilt that isn't yours to carry. Actively listen when marginalized people tell you about their oppression—don't offer your pity (which only helps you) and don't apologize. Listen and do your best to understand what it feels like to live with oppression as a constant. Speak up when you hear people making racist jokes. Speak up when you see injustice in action. Inform yourself about your local law enforcement and how they treat people of color. Vote. Take a stand instead of waiting for absolution from people of color. We don't have that kind of time. We're fighting for our lives."]]></description>
<dc:subject>roxanegy 2016 race racism allies allyship blacklivesmatter ta-nehisicoates oppression</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2016/02/against-endorsements/462261/">
    <title>Against Endorsements - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2016-02-15T01:34:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2016/02/against-endorsements/462261/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My answer has been characterized, in various places, as an “endorsement,” a characterization that I’d object to. Despite my very obvious political biases, I’ve never felt it was really my job to get people to agree with me. My first duty, as a writer, is to myself. In that sense I simply hope to ask all the questions that keep me up at night. My second duty is to my readers. In that sense, I hope to make readers understand why those questions are critical. I don’t so much hope that any reader “agrees” with me, as I hope to haunt them, to trouble their sense of how things actually are."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates 2016 politics writing criticism berniesanders whywewrite elections</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:fa080e2ee66f/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ytt1j_7TImU">
    <title>Is Violence a Function of our Culture? (Full Session) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2015-07-01T23:33:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ytt1j_7TImU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Homicide remains an endemic, seemingly unsolvable problem in America. And violent crime afflicts African-American communities to a much greater degree than it does others, as does mass incarceration — and as does police violence. What is the cause of this crisis? What role does racism play? What is the role of culture? Are there any solutions to be had? The mayor of New Orleans, Mitch Landrieu, has been confronting this crisis head-on, and Atlantic Magazine National Correspondent Ta-Nehisi Coates has written widely on matters of race, policing and American history."

[At many points during this conversation, it feels like Ta-Nehisi Coates has to nearly beg for a chance to speak or finish speaking.]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates mitchlandrieu neworleans race violence us cities crime police lawenforcement crisis 2015 nola</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/04/nonviolence-as-compliance/391640/">
    <title>As Riots Follow Freddie Gray's Death in Baltimore, Calls for Calm Ring Hollow - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2015-04-29T03:26:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/04/nonviolence-as-compliance/391640/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Now, tonight, I turn on the news and I see politicians calling for young people in Baltimore to remain peaceful and "nonviolent." These well-intended pleas strike me as the right answer to the wrong question. To understand the question, it's worth remembering what, specifically, happened to Freddie Gray. An officer made eye contact with Gray. Gray, for unknown reasons, ran. The officer and his colleagues then detained Gray. They found him in possession of a switchblade. They arrested him while he yelled in pain. And then, within an hour, his spine was mostly severed. A week later, he was dead. What specifically was the crime here? What particular threat did Freddie Gray pose? Why is mere eye contact and then running worthy of detention at the hands of the state? Why is Freddie Gray dead?

The people now calling for nonviolence are not prepared to answer these questions. Many of them are charged with enforcing the very policies that led to Gray's death, and yet they can offer no rational justification for Gray's death and so they appeal for calm. But there was no official appeal for calm when Gray was being arrested. There was no appeal for calm when Jerriel Lyles was assaulted. (“The blow was so heavy. My eyes swelled up. Blood was dripping down my nose and out my eye.”) There was no claim for nonviolence on behalf of Venus Green. (“Bitch, you ain’t no better than any of the other old black bitches I have locked up.”) There was no plea for peace on behalf of Starr Brown. (“They slammed me down on my face,” Brown added, her voice cracking. “The skin was gone on my face.")

When nonviolence is preached as an attempt to evade the repercussions of political brutality, it betrays itself. When nonviolence begins halfway through the war with the aggressor calling time out, it exposes itself as a ruse. When nonviolence is preached by the representatives of the state, while the state doles out heaps of violence to its citizens, it reveals itself to be a con. And none of this can mean that rioting or violence is "correct" or "wise," any more than a forest fire can be "correct" or "wise." Wisdom isn't the point tonight. Disrespect is. In this case, disrespect for the hollow law and failed order that so regularly disrespects the community."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates nonviolence violence freddiegray 2015 protest power riots control policestate compliance</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/03/The-Gangsters-Of-Ferguson/386893/">
    <title>The Ferguson Report - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-06T02:31:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/03/The-Gangsters-Of-Ferguson/386893/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The residents of Ferguson do not have a police problem. They have a gang problem. That the gang operates under legal sanction makes no difference. It is a gang nonetheless, and there is no other word to describe an armed band of collection agents."

…

"What are the tools in Ferguson to address the robber that so regularly breaks into my house? One necessary tool is suspicion and skepticism—the denial of the sort of the credit one generally grants officers of the state. When Darren Wilson shot Michael Brown there was little reason to credit his account, and several reasons to disbelieve it. The reason is not related to whether Michael Brown was "an angel" or not. The reasons are contained in a report rendered by the highest offices of the American government. Crediting the accounts of Ferguson's officers is a good way to enroll yourself in your own plunder and destruction.

Government, if its name means anything, must rise above those suspicions and that skepticism and seek out justice. And if it seeks to improve its name it must do much more—it must seek out the roots of the skepticism. The lack of faith among black people in Ferguson's governance, or in America's governance, is not something that should be bragged about. One cannot feel good about living under gangsters, and that is the reality of Ferguson right now.

The innocence of Darren Wilson does not change this fundamental fact. Indeed the focus on the deeds of alleged individual perpetrators, on perceived bad actors, obscures the broad systemic corruption which is really at the root. Darren Wilson is not the first gang member to be publicly accused of a crime he did not commit. But Darren Wilson was given the kind of due process that those of us who are often presumed to be gang members rarely enjoy. I do not favor lowering the standard of justice offered Officer Wilson. I favor raising the standard of justice offered to the rest of us."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2015 ta-nehisicoates ferguson race racism whitesupremacy police government lawenforcement corruption oppression injustice darrenwilson dueprocess justice</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/press-play/press-play-4b26bed77b7d">
    <title>Press Play — Press Play: Making and distributing content in the present future we are living through. — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-20T07:49:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/press-play/press-play-4b26bed77b7d</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This thing of ours:

This course, Press Play, aspires to be a place where you make things. Good things. Smart things. Cool things. And then share those things with other people. The idea of Press Play is that after we make things we are happy with, that we push a button and unleash it on the world. Much of it will be text, but if you want to make magic with a camera, your phone, or with a digital recorder, knock yourself out. But it will all be displayed and edited on Medium because there will be a strong emphasis on working with others in this course, and Medium is collaborative.

While writing, shooting, and editing are often solitary activities, great work emerges in the spaces between people. We will be working in groups with peer and teacher edits. There will be a number of smaller assignments, but the goal is that you will leave here with a single piece of work that reflects your capabilities as a maker of media.But remember, evaluations will be based not just on your efforts, but on your ability to bring excellence out of the people around you. Medium has a remarkable “notes” function where the reader/editor can highlight a specific word, phrase or paragraph and comment, suggest a tweak or give an attaboy. This is counter-intuitive, but you will be judged as much by what you put in the margins of others work as you are for your own. (You should sign on to Medium as soon as you can. You can log in with Facebook or Twitter credentials. Pithy instructions on writing and collaborating on Medium: here, here, here, and, yes, here.)To begin with, we will look at the current media ecosystem: how content is conceived, made, made better, distributed, and paid for. We will discuss finding a story, research and reporting, content management systems, voice, multimedia packaging, along with distribution and marketing of work. If that sounds ambitious, keep in mind that in addition to picking this professor and grad assistant, we picked you. We already know you are smart, and we just want you to demonstrate that on the (web) page.

What we‘ll create:

Together, we will make a collection of stories on Medium around a specific organizing principle — it could be a genre, topic, reading time, or event — which we’ll decide on in collaboration as well. And once we get stories up and running, we will work on ways of getting them out there into the bloodstream of the web.

In order to have a chance of making great work, you have to consume remarkable work. Fair warning: There will be a lot of weekly reading assignments. I’m not sliming you with a bunch of textbooks, so please know I am dead serious about these readings. Skip or skim at your peril.

I will be bringing in a number of guest speakers. They will be talented, accomplished people giving their own time. Please respond with your fullest attention.

So, to summarize: We will make things — in class, in groups, by our lonely selves — we will work to make those things better, and, if we are lucky, we will figure out how to beckon the lightning of excellence along the way."]]></description>
<dc:subject>davidcarr 2014 web online internet syllabus education journalism writing howwewrite ta-nehisicoates teaching mooc moocs lesliejamison clayshirky alexismadrigal jessicatesta nrkleinfield sarahkoenig davidfosterwallace elizabethroyte zachseward joshuadavis shanesnow brianlam kevinkelly luciamoses storytelling vincentmorisset emilygibson caityeaver mischaberlinski triciaromano hamiltonnolan camilledodero erinleecarr mariakonikkova tonyhaile ralphabellino mashacharnay santiagostelly timstelloh jayrosen felixsalmon multimedia socialmedia canon engagement media distribution voice syllabi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/02/king-david/385596/">
    <title>King David - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-19T22:13:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/02/king-david/385596/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Carr loved the technology of storytelling and those who wielded it. He was the only person I could sit with and hash over the technical wizardry of This American Life. If you mentioned a great narrative writer in their element—say Gary Smith profiling Pat Summitt—his eyes would perk up like he’d just seen Carl Lewis mid-sprint and he would say, “Oh, he can go.” He once saw an article on how one might incorporate the tools of poetry into nonfiction. He tore out the article and left it on my desk with a note saying something like, “Still waiting to see some of this in your writing.” Another time he left a copy of The New Yorker on my desk—knowing my interest in hip-hop—with instructions for me to read a deeply reported feature on Tupac’s death. He would bring in writers from Vanity Fair and enlist them to break-down our own stories and explain where we were going wrong and how we could make it right. David wanted us always moving faster, always getting stronger, always reaching higher.

Virtually the entire staff at Washington City Paper was liberal. That included David, but he was deeply skeptical of lefty activism concealed as journalism. David had no interest in objectivity, but he always believed that the truest arguments were reported and best bounded by narrative. Narrative was the elegant Trojan horse out of which the most daring and radical ideas could explode and storm a great city. An 800-word column demanding or rejecting reparations is easily repelled. Clyde Ross isn’t."

…

"David Carr convinced me that, through the constant and forceful application of principle, a young hopper, a fuck-up, a knucklehead, could bring the heavens, the vast heavens, to their knees. The principle was violent and incessant curiosity represented in the craft of narrative argument. That was the principle and craft I employed in writing The Case for Reparations. That is part of the reason why The George Polk Award, the one with my name on it, belongs to David. But that is not the most significant reason.

It has been said, repeatedly, that David was tireless advocate of writers of color, of writers who were women, and of young writers of all tribes. This is highly unusual. Journalism eats its young. Editors tell young writers that they aren’t good enough to cover their declared interest. Editors introduce errors into the copy of young writers and force them to take the fall. Editors pin young writers under other editors whom they know to be bad at their job. Editors order young writers to cover beats and then shop their jobs behind their backs. Editors decide to fire young writers, and lacking the moral courage to do the deed themselves, send in their underlings. Editors reject pitches from young writers by telling them that they like the idea, but don’t think their byline is famous enough. Editors allow older black editors to tell young black writers that they are not writing black enough. Some of these editors end up working in public relations. Some of them become voting-rights activists. Some of them are hired by universities to have their tenured years subsidized by aspiring young writers.

All of that happened to me. And I know that I am not alone, that I am just the tip of what happens to young writers out there. And I know that even I, who am no longer a young writer, do not always wear my best face for young writers. And among the many things I am taking from David’s death is to be better with young writers, and young people in general. Because every single time some editor shoved me down, David picked me back up. It was David who I called at his home out in Montclair, in 2007, with a story to pitch to this magazine. And I asked him who he knew. And he knew James Bennet. And this is my life. It was David I called after an editor-in-chief called me into his office to tell me I did not have “the fire” to cover housing policy and development, and instead ordered me to write a weekly column on “black men.” It was David who told me that the editor did not know what he was talking about, and it was David who confronted the editor directly.

The Case for Reparations is, before it is anything, a reported story about housing policy and development. It is the story that David was urging me to write 19 years ago. The award belongs to him because I would not be a journalist were it not for him. The award belongs to him because I would not be at The Atlantic if not for him. The award belongs to him because he urged me on for nearly my entire adult life—faster, stronger, higher—and his memory will urge me on for the rest of my natural life."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://theconcourse.deadspin.com/the-american-justice-system-is-not-broken-1666445407/+laceydonohue">
    <title>The American Justice System Is Not Broken</title>
    <dc:date>2014-12-04T22:47:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://theconcourse.deadspin.com/the-american-justice-system-is-not-broken-1666445407/+laceydonohue</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In July, New York police officer Daniel Pantaleo choked unarmed black man Eric Garner to death, in broad daylight, while a bystander caught it on video. That is what American police do. Yesterday, despite the video, despite an NYPD prohibition of exactly the sort of chokehold Pantaleo used, and despite the New York City medical examiner ruling the death a homicide, a Staten Island grand jury declined even to indict Pantaleo. That is what American grand juries do.

In August, Ferguson, Mo., police officer Darren Wilson shot unarmed black teenager Michael Brown to death in broad daylight. That is what American police do. Ten days ago, despite multiple eyewitness accounts and his own face contradicting Wilson's narrative of events, a grand jury declined to indict Wilson. That is what American grand juries do.

In November 2006, a group of five New York police officers shot unarmed black man Sean Bell to death in the early morning hours of his wedding day. That is what American police do. In April 2008, despite multiple eyewitness accounts contradicting the officers' accounts of the incident, Justice Arthur J. Cooperman acquitted the officers of all charges, including reckless endangerment. That is what American judges do.

In February of 1999, four plainclothes New York police officers shot unarmed black man Amadou Diallo to death outside of his home. That is what American police do. A year later, an Albany jury acquitted the officers of all charges, including reckless endangerment. That is what American juries do.

In November of 1951, Willis McCall, the sheriff of Lake County, Fla., shot and killed Sam Shepherd, an unarmed and handcuffed black man in his custody. That is what American police do. Despite both a living witness and forensic evidence which contradicted his version of events, a coroner's inquest ruled that McCall had acted within the line of duty, and Judge Thomas Futch declined to convene a grand jury at all.

The American justice system is not broken. This is what the American justice system does. This is what America does.

The Atlantic's Ta-Nehisi Coates has written damningly of the American preference for viewing our society's crimes as aberrations—betrayals of some deeper, truer virtue, or departures from some righteous intended path. This is a convenient mythology. If the institutions of white American power taking black lives and then exonerating themselves for it is understood as a failure to live out some more authentic American idea, rather than as the expression of that American idea, then your and my and our lives and lifestyles are distinct from those failures. We can stand over here, and shake our heads at the failures over there, and then return to the familiar business, and everything is OK. Likewise, if the individual police officers who take black lives are just some bad cops doing policework badly, and not good cops doing precisely what America has hired and trained them to do, then white Americans may continue calling the police when black people frighten us, free from moral responsibility for the whole range of possible outcomes.

The murders of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Sean Bell, Amadou Diallo, Sam Shepherd, and countless thousands of others at the hands of American law enforcement are not aberrations, or betrayals, or departures. The acquittals of their killers are not mistakes. There is no virtuous innermost America, sullied or besmirched or shaded by these murders. This is America. It is not broken. It is doing what it does.

America is a serial brutalizer of black and brown people. Brutalizing them is what it does. It does other things, too, yes, but brutalizing black and brown people is what it has done the most, and with the most zeal, and for the longest. The best argument you can make on behalf of the various systems and infrastructures the country uses against its black and brown citizens—the physical design of its cities, the methods it uses to allocate placement in elite institutions, the way it trains its police to treat citizens like enemy soldiers—might actually just be that they're more restrained than those used against black and brown people abroad. America employs the enforcers of its power to beat, kill, and terrorize, deploys its judiciary to say that that's OK, and has done this more times than anyone can hope to count. This is not a flaw in the design; this is the design.

Policing in America is not broken. The judicial system is not broken. American society is not broken. All are functioning perfectly, doing exactly what they have done since before some of this nation's most prosperous slave-murdering robber-barons came together to consecrate into statehood the mechanisms of their barbarism. Democracy functions. Politicians, deriving their legitimacy from the public, have discerned the will of the people and used it to design and enact policies that carry it out, among them those that govern the allowable levels of violence which state can visit upon citizen. Taken together with the myriad other indignities, thefts, and cruelties it visits upon black and brown people, and the work common white Americans do on its behalf by telling themselves bald fictions of some deep and true America of apple pies, Jesus, and people being neighborly to each other and betrayed by those few and nonrepresentative bad apples with their isolated acts of meanness, the public will demands and enables a whirring and efficient machine that does what it does for the benefit of those who own it. It processes black and brown bodies into white power.

That is what America does. It is not broken. That is exactly what is wrong with it."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us justice law legal racism 2014 ferguson michaelbrown darrenwilson nyc nypd danielpantaleo ericgarner ta-nehisicoates institutionalracism race history amadoudiallo samshepherd police lawenforcement politics policy power whitepower</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/05/29/no-college-isnt-the-answer-reparations-are/">
    <title>No, college isn’t the answer. Reparations are. - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2014-12-01T05:38:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/05/29/no-college-isnt-the-answer-reparations-are/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I am mostly uninterested in political rhetoric about education being the “new” civil rights movement. The old civil rights movement waged a battle for citizenship through school legislation because that was the nearest available political tool. The landmark civil rights case, Brown versus the Board of Education, was initially conceived as a means for justice, not its end. I also think that narrowly focusing on college completion is not a good thing. The job market is volatile for African Americans in the best of times and these are not the best of times. During difficult economic cycles, black workers and students should benefit from the flexibility of moving in and out of college as their life circumstances allow. Without that flexibility, every educational moment becomes a zero sum decision: “If I leave school this semester to take that job or care for a family member, I probably will never be able to return.” We’re poorer as individuals and groups when people least likely to get a call back because of a “black” name or negative credit check or criminal conviction have to make a decision to take a job or opt out of college forever. In short, I’m a heretic about almost every fundamental populist education belief we’ve got.

As the world was waiting for Coates’ case for reparations, Janelle Jones and John Schmitt at the Center for Economic Policy Research were releasing a policy paper on black college graduates and the labor market. In “A College Degree is No Guarantee”, Jones and Schmitt examine the labor market conditions for black college degree holders pre and post Great Recession.

Their findings are only a surprise to those who ain’t living it."

…

"How can I revere education as I do and refuse to accept it as the gospel that will save us from persistent, intractable inequality?Actually, it is precisely because I revere education—formal and informal—that I refuse to sell it as a cure for all that ails us.Degrees cannot fix the cumulative effect of structural racism. In fact, over five decades of social science research shows that education reproduces inequality. At every level of schooling, classrooms, schools, and districts reward wealth and privilege. That does not end at college admissions, which is when all that cumulative disadvantage may be its most acute. Going to college not only requires know how that changes from institution to institution and year to year, but it also requires capital. There’s the money to take standardized tests and mail applications and make tuition deposits. But there’s also the money that levels differences in individual ability. An unimpressive wealthy student can pay for test prep, admissions coaches, and campus visits that increases one’s shot at going to the most selective college possible. If education reinforces the salience of money to opportunity, it is money and only money that can make educational “opportunity” a vehicle for justice.

Reparations can do what education cannot do.

When we allow education to be sold as a fix for wealth inequality, we set a public good up to fail and black folks who do everything “right” to take the blame when it goes “wrong.”

Coates has a written a thing about reparations. Ostensibly, it is about the pattern of systematic extraction of black labor, wealth and income to the benefit of institutions that operate to their exclusion. It is a story with a history but one that is not a relic of history. Conservatives may be guilty of rejecting outright their basic faith in fair pay for labor when the issue is labor done by brown people. But white liberals are just as disingenuous when they rhetorically move reparations back in time as redress for slavery when there are countless modern cases of state-sanctioned racist oppression to make the case for reparations.

Like housing and banking, education is a modern debate that sounds like it is a 19th century one. Reparations are about slavery but also about Jim Crow and white violence’s effect on intellectual property and islands of segregated want in a land of plenty. There remains an entire generation of African Americans alive and well who were legally consigned to segregated schools, neighborhoods, and occupations. The black college graduates with weaker starting positions in the labor market are the children and grandchildren of that generation. No matter how much we might believe in the great gospel of education, it is an opportunity vehicle that works best when coupled with justice and not confused for justice."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/08/michael-browns-unremarkable-humanity/379080/">
    <title>Michael Brown's Unremarkable Humanity - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-08-26T02:19:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/08/michael-browns-unremarkable-humanity/379080/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The New York Times has a feature today looking at the brief life of Michael Brown, informing us that he was "no angel." The reasons for this are many. Brown smoked marijuana. He lived in a community that "had rough patches." He wrote rap songs that were "by turns contemplative and vulgar." He shoplifted and pushed a store clerk who tried to stop him. These details certainly paint a portrait of a young man who failed to be angelic. That is because no person is angelic—least of all teenagers—and there is very little in this piece that distinguishes Brown from any other kid his age.

What horrifies a lot of us beholding the spectacle of Ferguson, beholding the spectacle of Sanford, of Jacksonville, is how easily we could see ourselves in these kids. I shudder to think of my reaction, at 17, to some strange dude following me through my own housing development. I shudder to think of my reaction, at 17, to some other strange dude pulling up next to me and telling me to turn down my music.

And if Michael Brown was not angelic, I was practically demonic. I had my first drink when I was 11. I once brawled in the cafeteria after getting hit in the head with a steel trash can. In my junior year I failed five out of seven classes. By the time I graduated from high school, I had been arrested for assaulting a teacher and been kicked out of school (twice.) And yet no one who knew me thought I had the least bit of thug in me. That is because I also read a lot of books, loved my Commodore 64, and ghostwrote love notes for my friends. In other words, I was a human being. A large number of American teenagers live exactly like Michael Brown. Very few of them are shot in the head and left to bake on the pavement.

The "angelic" standard was not one created by the reporter. It was created by a society that cannot face itself, and thus must employ a dubious "morality" to hide its sins. It is reinforced by people who have embraced the notion of "twice as good" while avoiding the circumstances which gave that notion birth. Consider how easily living in a community "with rough patches" becomes part of a list of ostensible sins. Consider how easily "black-on-black crime" becomes not a marker of a shameful legacy of segregation but a moral failing.

We've been through this before. We will almost certainly go through it again."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2014/05/the-case-for-reparations/361631/">
    <title>The Case for Reparations - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-05-22T19:37:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2014/05/the-case-for-reparations/361631/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two hundred fifty years of slavery. Ninety years of Jim Crow. Sixty years of separate but equal. Thirty-five years of racist housing policy. Until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole."

[See also:
http://www.theatlantic.com/video/index/371360/the-story-of-clyde-ross-and-the-contract-buyers-league/
http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2014/05/the-racist-housing-policy-that-made-your-neighborhood/371439/
http://salt.unc.edu/T-RACES/colormap.html
http://salt.unc.edu/T-RACES/demo/demo.html ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/04/black-pathology-crowdsourced/360190/">
    <title>Black Pathology Crowdsourced - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-04-07T00:16:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/04/black-pathology-crowdsourced/360190/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The point is that the same sets of cultural characteristics operate very differently in different circumstances. And to focus on the culture—rather than the circumstances—seems obtuse." —Yoni Appelbaum 

[Something of a corollary to Ta-Nehisi Coates here http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/there-are-no-fat-people-in-paris/278162/ :]

"The thing you find so valuable may well be related to something else which you find utterly objectionable."

[BUT rephrased as "The thing you find to be a flaw in one circumstance may well be an admirable trait in another."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/03/other-peoples-pathologies/359841/">
    <title>Other People's Pathologies - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-04-07T00:09:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/03/other-peoples-pathologies/359841/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What's missed here is that the very culture Chait derides might well be the reason why I am sitting here debating him in the first place. That culture contained a variety of values and practices. "I ain't no punk" was one of them. "Know your history" was another. "Words are beautiful" was another still. The key is cultural dexterity—understanding when to emphasize which values, and when to employ which practices."

…

"No, they need to be taught that all norms are not transferable into all worlds. In my case, physical assertiveness might save you on the street but not beyond it. At the same time, other values are transferrable and highly useful. The "cultural norms" of my community also asserted that much of what my country believes about itself is a lie. In the spirit of Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, and Malcolm X, it was my responsibility to live, prosper, and attack the lie. Those values saved me on the street, and they sustain me in this present moment.

People who take a strict binary view of culture ("culture of privilege = awesome; culture of poverty = fail") are afflicted by the provincialism of privilege and thus vastly underestimate the dynamism of the greater world. They extoll "middle-class values" to the ignorance and exclusion of all others. To understand, you must imagine what it means to confront algebra in the morning and "Shorty, can I see your bike?" in the afternoon. It's very nice to talk about "middle-class values" when that describes your small, limited world. But when your grandmother lives in one hood and your coworkers live another, you generally need something more than "middle-class values." You need to be bilingual."

…

"Chait's jaunty and uplifting narrative flattens out the chaos of history under the cheerful rubric of American progress. The actual events are more complicated. It's true, for instance, that slavery was legal in the United States in 1860 and five years later it was not. That is because a clique of slaveholders greatly overestimated its own power and decided to go to war with its country. Had the Union soundly and quickly defeated the Confederacy, it's very likely that slavery would have remained. Instead the war dragged on, and the Union was forced to employ blacks in its ranks. The end result—total emancipation—was more a matter of military necessity than moral progress."

…

"Ames was totally accurate. For the next century, the United States legitimized the overthrow of legal governments, the reduction of black people to forced laborers, and the complete alienation—at gunpoint—of black people in the South from the sphere of politics.

Chait's citation of the end of lynching as evidence of America serving as an "ally" is especially bizarre. The United States never passed anti-lynching legislation, a disgrace so great that it compelled the Senate to apologize—in 2005.

"There may be no other injustice in American history," said Louisiana Senator Mary Landrieu, "for which the Senate so uniquely bears responsibility." Even then, a half century after Emmett Till's murder, the sitting senators from Mississippi—the state with the most lynchings—declined to endorse the apology.

"You don't stick a knife in a man's back nine inches," said Malcolm X, "and then pull it out six inches and say you're making progress."

The notion that black America's long bloody journey was accomplished through frequent alliance with the United States is an assailant's-eye view of history. It takes no note of the fact that in 1860, most of this country's exports were derived from the forced labor of the people it was "allied" with. It takes no note of this country electing senators who, on the Senate floor, openly advocated domestic terrorism. It takes no note of what it means for a country to tolerate the majority of the people living in a state like Mississippi being denied the right to vote. It takes no note of what it means to exclude black people from the housing programs, from the GI Bills, that built the American middle class. Effectively it takes no serious note of African-American history, and thus no serious note of American history.

You see this in Chait's belief that he lives in a country "whose soaring ideals sat uncomfortably aside an often cruel reality." No. Those soaring ideals don't sit uncomfortably aside the reality but comfortably on top of it. The "cruel reality" made the "soaring ideals" possible."

…

"James Baldwin was not being cute here. If you can not bring yourself to grapple with that which literally built your capitol, then you are not truly grappling with your country. And if you are not truly grappling with your country, then your beliefs in its role in the greater world (exporter of democracy, for instance) are built on sand. Confronting the black experience means confronting the limits of America, and perhaps, humanity itself. That is the confrontation that graduates us out of the ranks of national cheerleading and into the school of hard students.

Chait thinks this view is "fatalistic." I think God is fatalistic. In the end, we all die. As do most societies. As do most states. As do most planets. If America is fatally flawed, if white supremacy does truly dog us until we are no more, all that means is that we were unexceptional, that we were not favored by God, that we were flawed—as are all things conceived by mortal man.

I find great peace in that. And I find great meaning in this struggle that was gifted to me by my people, that was gifted to me by culture."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates 2014 jonathanchait us history slavery whitesupremacy democracy greatmess pathology culture fatalism cultureofpoverty poverty jamesbaldwin progress values race</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/01/the-champion-barack-obama/283458/">
    <title>The Champion Barack Obama - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-02-03T02:49:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/01/the-champion-barack-obama/283458/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When W.E.B. Du Bois, in 1897, claimed that the "first and greatest" step toward addressing "the Negro Problem," lay in correcting the "immorality, crime and laziness among the Negroes themselves" he was wrong. No amount of morality could have prevented the overthrow of Wilmington by white supremacists—the only coup in American history—a year later. When Booker T. Washington urged blacks to use "every iota of influence that we possess" to "get rid of the criminal and loafing element of our people," he was wrong. When Marcus Garvey claimed that "the greatest stumbling block in the way of progress in the race has invariably come from within the race itself," he was dead wrong. When Malcolm X claimed that "the white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community,” and asserted that black people "will let anybody come in and take control of the economy of your community," he was wrong. He knew the game was rigged. He did not know how much.

An appeal to authority—even the authority of our dead—doesn't make Barack Obama any more right. On the contrary, it shows how wrong he is. I can't think of a single credible historian of our 500-year tenure here who has concluded that our problem was a lack of "personal responsibility." The analysis is as old as it is flawed, and that is because it isn't analysis at all but something altogether different. No black people boo when the president talks about personal responsibility. On the contrary, it's often the highlight of his speeches on race. If you've ever lived in a black community, you might understand why. I can assemble all kinds of stats, graphs, and histories to explain black America's ills to you. But none of that can salve the wound of leaving for work at 7 a.m., seeing young men on the stoop blowing trees, and coming home and seeing the same niggers—because this is what we say to ourselves—sitting in the same place. It is frustrating to feel yourself at war with these white folks—because that too is what we say—and see people standing on your corner who you believe to have given up the fight. 

"I am not raising 'nothing niggers,'" my mother used to tell me. "I am not raising niggers to stand on the corner." My mother did not know her father. In my life, I've loved four women. One of them did not know her father and two, very often, wished they didn't. It's not very hard to look at that, and seethe. It's not very hard to look at that and see a surrender, while you are out here at war, and seethe. It's not hard to look around at your community and feel that you are afflicted by quitters, that your family—in particular—is afflicted by a weakness. And so great is this weakness that the experience of black fatherlessness can connect Barack Obama in Hawaii to young black boys on the South Side, and that fact—whatever the charts, graphs, and histories may show—is bracing. When Barack Obama steps into a room and attacks people for presumably using poverty or bigotry as an excuse to not parent, he is channeling a feeling deep in the heart of all black people, a frustration, a rage at ourselves for letting this happen, for allowing our community to descend into the basement of America, and dwell there seemingly forever. 

My mother's admonishings had their place. God forbid I ever embarrass her. God forbid I be like my grandfather, like the fathers of my friends and girlfriends and wife. God forbid I ever stand in front of these white folks and embarrass my ancestors, my people, my dead. And God forbid I ever confuse that creed, which I took from my mother, which I pass on to my son, with a wise and intelligent analysis of my community. My religion can never be science. This is the difference between navigating the world and explaining it. 

In his book The Condemnation of Blackness, the historian Khalil Gibran Muhammad notes that a few years after Du Bois made his proclamations he was shocked to find himself cited by unreformed white supremacists. And this is not even the past. New York's civil-rights leadership and the racists of our time are united in their belief in the myth of a Knockout Game, which is to say they are united in a belief in our oldest and most fallacious narratives, which have not died. 

"Catharsis is not policy. Catharsis is not leadership. And shame is not wisdom. And applause can never make a man right. And there are many kinds of personal responsibility. The young black man, coming out of storied Morehouse, should be personally responsible for the foiling of this new wave of poll taxing. He should be personally responsible for ensuring that the Medicaid expansion comes to Mississippi. He should be personally responsible for the end of this era of mass incarceration. He should be personally responsible for the destruction of the great enemy of his people—white supremacy. It is so very hard to say this, to urge people on in a long war. We keep asking the same question, but the answer has not changed.

And I struggle to get my head around all of this. There are moments when I hear the president speak and I am awed. No other resident of the White House, could have better explained to America what the George Zimmerman verdict meant. And I think history will remember that, and remember him for it. But I think history will also remember his unquestioning embrace of "twice as good" in a country that has always given black people, even under his watch, half as much."]]></description>
<dc:subject>barackobama 2014 ta-nehisicoates blame shame race us history struggle responsibility</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2013/11/yeah-alec-baldwin-really-is-a-bigot/281911/">
    <title>Yeah, Alec Baldwin Really Is a Bigot - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-08T03:16:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2013/11/yeah-alec-baldwin-really-is-a-bigot/281911/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Being confronted by actual humans is a dangerous business. It leaves you with questions, and things that you think are natural—homophobia for instance—you discover to be less natural than you presumed. I say this because I know it: You can be repulsed by gay sex one day, and then repulsed by the fact that you were ever so low as to be repulsed in the first place. You can discover that your repulsion is actually built on a series of unstated beliefs—what you think about the world, what you think about women, and ultimately, what you think about yourself. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates gender homophobia ethics culture bigotry alecbaldwin 2013 humans change</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/08/how-i-met-your-mother/278724/">
    <title>How I Met Your Mother - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-21T20:40:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/08/how-i-met-your-mother/278724/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What I am telling you is that you do not need to know to love, and it is right that you feel it all in any moment. And it is right that you see it through--that you are amazed, then curious, then belligerent, then heartbroken, then numb. You have the right to all of it. You must want to own all of it. We will try to ward you away. We will try to explain to you that we have already walked that path. We will try to tell you that we have made your mistakes. We will claim that we are trying to spare you. But you will see our greed and self-service hiding behind our words. You will see us ward you away with one hand, while the other still shakes at the memories. Here is the thing--you have the right to every end of your exploration and no motherfucker anywhere can tell you otherwise.

The culture of our world, right now, is crafted by little boys who only recall being stood up on their first date, and nothing they got after. They don't remember the sand they kicked in other people's eyes, only their own injuries. Our art is cynical and bad-ass and made by people who will not be happy until you join them in the church of "everything is fucked up, so throw up your hands." This is art as anesthesia.

Our art is made in cities like New York by people who are running from other places. They feel themselves as misfits who were trapped in dead-end suburbs. They hated high school. Their parents did not understand. They are seeking a better world. And when they realize that the world is wholly a problem, that the whole problem is in them, they make television for other people who are also running, who take voyage in search of a perfect world, then rage at the price of the ticket."

[Full set of dispatches from Paris here: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/category/paris ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>paris writing ta-nehisicoates love parenting 2013 culture art growingup children findingoneself identity memory memories maturation life living choice mistakes canon</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/privilege-is-like-money-reflections-from-france/277559/">
    <title>Privilege Is Like Money: Reflections From France - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-21T17:34:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/privilege-is-like-money-reflections-from-france/277559/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Privilege is like money--when you have none it is impossible to get and when you have more people offer it to you at every turn. Last week, in short order, I treated with Tim Pawlenty, met Annie Lennox, and greeted Elena Kagan on my way out of town. And then I flew to Chicago and watched everyday people lose their lives. What haunted was the barrier of tissue paper I felt between the cold world and me. I saw families living in disorder and squalor, living in fire-traps built by men who should be prosecuted by the city."

…

"But the game is rigged. Let me tell you how I came here. I write for a major magazine and this is a privilege. I would say that it is earned, except that many people earn many things which they never receive. So I shall say that it was earned and I was lucky. I shall also say that my whole aim when I write is to blow a hole in that great forever, to make you feel the particular fire that burns in me."

[Full set of dispatches from Paris here: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/category/paris ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates 2013 privilege luck psychology work hardwork economics perspective france paris wealth success</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/how-can-we-toughen-our-children-without-frightening-them/277562/">
    <title>How Can We Toughen Our Children Without Frightening Them? - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-21T17:32:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/how-can-we-toughen-our-children-without-frightening-them/277562/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["First you leave your block. Then you leave your neighborhood. Then you leave your high school. The your city, your college and, finally, your country. At every step you are leaving another world, and at every step you feel a warm gravity, a large love, pulling you back home. And you feel crazy for leaving. And you feel that it is preposterous to do this to yourself. And you wonder who would do this to a child."

[Full set of dispatches from Paris here: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/category/paris ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>learning parenting psychology maturation exploringtheworld howwelearn 2013 edges concentriccircles risk risktaking growingup ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/on-food-poisoning-and-rousseau/277584/">
    <title>On Food Poisoning and Rousseau - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-21T17:31:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/on-food-poisoning-and-rousseau/277584/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["[T]here is always the danger in falling in for a distant lover who seems magically free of all the complications back home. I was raised by a generation that--to varying degrees--found this out. My friend Brendan Koerner just published a book which is getting raves everywhere--The Skies Belong To Us. The most bracing portion, to me, is Brendan's hard look at the New Left. I got my first lessons in skepticism and counter-intuitiveness from a lot of these guys. But it's worth remembering that there was when they sung the praises of Kim il Sung. 

I don't want to take this too far. If America has the right to be wrong, then so do its reformers. It mirrors our discussion here where we find people attacking other countries for not being "democratic" without understanding our own long, ugly and sometimes dishonorable path. More, I would say that because of my particular background, my canon was a little different than most, and whatever differences you might find in my voice are attributable to that."

[Full set of dispatches from Paris here: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/category/paris ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates 2013 paris skepticism conterintuition rousseau us reform democracy temptation blurredvision complexity travel</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/there-are-no-fat-people-in-paris/278162/">
    <title>'There Are No Fat People in Paris' - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-21T17:28:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/07/there-are-no-fat-people-in-paris/278162/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We talk about culture as a way of establishing hierarchies -- as though a hammer could, somehow, be innately better than a hacksaw. I believe that cultures take shape for actual reasons, responding to real environments. If Americans love choice, if we love our air-conditioning, and our ice, if we love our comforts, and our elevators, the question should not be, "How do we change?" for that too is a kind of colonization. Better to ask "Why do we love those things? How do they profit us? What we do we stand to lose should we abandon them?" 

I love the tradition of low architecture here. But I also wonder how that tradition affects the cost of living for actual people. And so this is the other thing about culture. It tends to be an interlocking network, a machine of related gears, pulleys and levers. The thing you find so valuable may well be related to something else which you find utterly objectionable. I suspect that the instinct toward ensuring an abundance of fresh, high-quality food is not so distant from the instinct to ban the <strike>hijab</strike> burka.

There is surely some knowledge to be taken back home. But in thinking about myself and my country, and "cultural" change, I find that I am more reformist than revolutionary. We are who we are. Our unchanging acre is forever our own."

[Full set of dispatches from Paris here: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/category/paris ]

[Update: see notes about http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/04/black-pathology-crowdsourced/360190/ here: https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:268809a6129c ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates culture complexity behavior france food identity difference cherrypicking colonization choice change agency comfort comforts 2013 paris hierarchy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://eldan.co.uk/2013/08/stand-together-or-fall-apart/">
    <title>Stand together or fall apart » No measure of health</title>
    <dc:date>2013-08-20T18:36:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://eldan.co.uk/2013/08/stand-together-or-fall-apart/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But I still have a lot of time for the gradualists, too.  For one thing, a lot of fiery radicals miss opportunities to make real improvements in our lives within existing systems.  Legalising same-sex marriage neither ended homophobia nor helped anyone who doesn’t fit a fairly traditional domestic template, but how many deportations has it forestalled?  Obamacare is gravely compromised—a shadow of the reform it should have been—but how many bankruptcies will it prevent?  Just because these are partial, provisional victories doesn’t mean they weren’t worth fighting for, and won’t stop me from cheering for them.

Just as importantly, I still share the gradualists’ fear.  A while back, I tweeted something to the effect of “How can we have the Revolution without La Terreur?” and no-one answered.  That’s not exactly a scientific measure, but I still don’t have an answer, still haven’t heard a good one from anyone else, and fear that the trauma that is Egypt today proves the point.  Without such an answer, the thought of a true rupture still gives me sickening vertigo.

So what can we do?  I like to look for middle ways, but I don’t see an adequate one here.  I still write to electeds, and I will vote when I’m finally allowed, but I’m consciously minimising the time I spend on this kind of politics, because the potential wins are so dispiritingly far short of the change we need.  The best I have is doing what I can to build and support human scale alternatives to the intermediated, dehumanising political economy we have as a default.  In my more idealistic moments, I think we can just slowly render the old, ossified systems irrelevant and watch them fade away.  Usually I see it as prototyping."]]></description>
<dc:subject>timmaly quinnorton ta-nehisicoates 2013 eldangoldenberg tejucole politics policy gradualists democracy middlegrounds canon action activism beginners welcome makerspaces community libraries tools toollibraries communitiesofpractice cynicism compassion conviviality cooperation despair work decentralization ecosystems interdependence lcproject openstudioproject co-ops</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/06/if-i-were-a-black-kid/276655/">
    <title>If I Were a Black Kid... - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-06-07T22:31:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/06/if-i-were-a-black-kid/276655/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I try to get them to think of education not as something that pleases their teachers, but as a ticket out into a world so grand and stunning that it defies their imagination. My belief is that, if I can get them to understand the "why?" of education, then the effort and hard work and long study hours will come after. I don't know how true that is in practice, but given that I am asked to speak from my own experience, that is the lesson I have drawn."

…

"What I have come to believe is that children are more than what their circumstance put upon them. So my goal is to get kids to own their education. I don't think I can hector them into doing this. I don't think I can shame them into doing it. I do think that might be able to affect some sort of internal motivation. So I try to get them to see that every subject they study has the potential to open up a universe. I really mean this."

…

"So when I talk to young black kids, I try to talk about the "why?" as much as the "what?" And, for the record, I do the same thing at MIT. I start my class explaining that learning to write is their moral duty. I told them they had access to more information that 99 percent of all humans who have ever lived. It is a moral duty to learn how to communicate that information, clearly and compellingly. I think everyone should own their education.

I don't know if any of that works. But I am convinced that my problem was not mere laziness nor a lack of work ethic. Work ethics don't magically appear. Mine is most evidenced when I understand why I am working and when I find that "Why" compelling. I never really had that as a student. "Try harder" has to have some actual meaning beyond sloganeering."

…

"One other thing I try to do is avoid talking about education in the negative. So I rarely talk to kids about what they "shouldn't be doing" or what they "can't do. I prefer to talk about what they can and should do."

…

"So my argument to black twelve year-old boy isn't that he should stop dreaming of being a rapper or a ball player, but that he should understand that that isn't the end of their possibilities. And one way to see more of what it is possible is education. 

I would not urge you simply to get off the PlayStation. I would urge you to understand who made the game. I would not urge you to take down your King James poster. I would urge you to think about the business that makes him possible. Perhaps you'd like to be part of that business some day. I would urge you think about what Kendrick is doing in his lyrics, to think about music. Do you know how to read music? Have you learned an instrument? Would that interest you? How about poetry? Have you ever read any? Would you consider trying to write some of your own?  

I think we all get frustrated with the state of our community. I think it is easy to turn that frustration into a kind of catharsis by denigrating the dreams of children. I believe in taking the dreams of children seriously, and then challenging them to take their own dreams seriously. Again--ownership."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates education ownership thewhy learning motivation intrinsicmotivation agency epowerment 2013 cv howweteah howwelearn encouragement inspiration</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/departures-cont/274394/">
    <title>Departures, Cont. - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-28T06:23:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/departures-cont/274394/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I felt myself as horrifyingly singular there. A language is more than grammar and words, is the movement of The People, their sense of appropriate laughter, their very conception of space. In Paris the public space was a backyard for The People and The People's language was not mine.  Even if I learned the grammar and vocab so part of it must be off-limits to me.  it could never really be "mine." I had a native language of my own. I felt like a distant friend crashing a family reunion. Except the family was this entire sector of the city. I could feel their nameless, invisible bonds all around me, tripping my every step."

…

"I got my ticket,  boarded the train. and descended further into the European continent.

The loneliness was intense. I knew at a least few people in Paris. But this train winding through high and gorgeous country, leaving behind small Hallmark towns, was truly taking me into foreign depths. For most of the ride there were English translations. But when I transferred at Lausanne, the pretensions dropped away and there was only French.  I have spent almost as much time away from my family in the past year as I've spent with them. Is this how it's supposed to be? Is learning forever winding through these strange and foreign places?  Is study the opposite of home?

In Vevey, I was met at the station by a mother and her daughter. They gave me the layout of the town. They showed me how to catch the train to school. They told me how to lock up their house. They poured me red wine, served bread and cheese. This was immersion. I was given a room. I called my wife then went to bed. That night everyone in my dreams spoke French.  I could not understand a word they said."]]></description>
<dc:subject>paris switzerland language learning ta-nehisicoates 2013 dreams dreaming french france languagelearning languageacquisition solitude cultureclash loneliness belonging safety risk</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/13/03/departures/274265/">
    <title>Departures - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-22T16:31:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/13/03/departures/274265/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have not had any problems. At 8:45 I will board a ship. It will punch through the sky. At some point, God willing, that ship will emerge over airspace far from the beloved West Baltimore of my youth. Something is happening in this world. I think of my grandfather, lecturing from the daily newspaper, drowning in alcohol, addicted to violence. I think of my father, working all summer as a child, saving his funds for a collection of recordings that promised to teach him French. He didn't learn French, but he learned to compel his son to want to learn French. I think of my grandmother pushing up from the Eastern Shore of Maryland raising three daughters in the projects, somehow sending them all to college. 

I think of what these folks might have been had they not lived in world intolerant of black ambition. The world has changed. It has not changed totally, but it has changed significantly. When I fell out on the train, everyone on the car was white. So were all the paramedics and all the doctors and nurses. The challenge for someone trying to assess America, at this moment, is properly calibrating how far we've gone with how far we have to go. Too much optimism renders you naive; too much pessimism makes you cynical."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/the-mellow-sounds-and-romantic-mood-of-the-french-subjunctive/274021/">
    <title>The Mellow Sounds and Romantic Mood of the French Subjunctive - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-18T22:03:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/the-mellow-sounds-and-romantic-mood-of-the-french-subjunctive/274021/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As someone who began his career in poetry, and is constantly telling his kids that language must carry both emotional and literal information, I love the subjunctive. It's like this dark, mysterious, achingly beautiful stranger. Which is different from saying I've mastered or I totally understand it. Mastery isn't the point. This is language study and study--in and of itself--is rewarding.

Part of the problem is that we think of foreign language as something to be conquered, or completed . We grade people in foreign language classes. The net is filled with sites that make claims like "Speak Fluent In French In Three Months!!!!" Everyone--including me--wants to know how long it will take to be fluent. But yesterday my French instructor told me there is no fluency, even she isn't "fluent." This is a person who speaks beautiful, beautiful French. Her point isn't that there is no literal "fluency" but that this isn't the best way to think about language study.']]></description>
<dc:subject>poetry language fluency 2013 ta-nehisicoates learning thelearningmind howwelearn mood subjunctive french emotion communication studying writing howwewrite mastery subtlety conveyance</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:328c35b82878/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:writing"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:howwewrite"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:mastery"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:subtlety"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:conveyance"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/personal/archive/2013/03/you-know-nothing-of-my-work/273969/">
    <title>'You Know Nothing of My Work' - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-18T21:51:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/personal/archive/2013/03/you-know-nothing-of-my-work/273969/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I think this is argument for "diversity" at our education institutions. Humanism in theory isn't enough. You need to be confronted with actual humans to really feel it. It has become increasingly clear to me that I am not a member of any "black race." That there is no such thing. I am, very much, a black person. This describes my history, my culture, my dialect, my community, my family, my collective experience with America. But there is nothing in my bones that makes me more like other "black persons" than like anyone else."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates diversity race 2013 humanism theory praxis practice people humans stereotypes generalizations culture</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:c65cedbe67c4/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:humanism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:theory"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/13/03/france-jai-vous-peur/274132/">
    <title>France, J'ai Vous Peur - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-18T21:37:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/13/03/france-jai-vous-peur/274132/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens over there? Can I jog in the streets? Will people ask if I know Kobe Bryant? If I forget my place and say "tu" instead of "vous" will they cane me? And if I say "vous" instead of "tu" will they think I am being sarcastic? Who goes to another country and stays with people they don't know?

I don't know. I don't know anything. This is truly frightening--and exhilarating--part of language study. It's total submission. All around you will be people who know much more than you about everything. And the only way to learn is to accept this. You can't know what's coming next. You can't think about false goals like fluency. You just have to accept your own horribleness, your own ignorance and believe--almost on faith--that someday you will be less horrible and less ignorant. 

I've come to the point where I can accept that I am afraid and keep going. This is not courage, so much as understanding there's no other way. People who read this blog now send me notes in French. At speeches Haitian students approach me, and they speak French. My kid is starting to believe that learning a language is cool. I'm hemmed in by all of this, by ma grande bouche. 

And now there's no other way. Ces choses doit être fait."

[In a comment he left: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/france-jai-vous-peur/274132/#comment-833933574 ]

"It's funny because my first impulse was to have all of this read by my French tutor.

Two things stopped me.

1.) I wanted to communicate who I was to the family. Part of who I am is someone working out my French. It seemed important for them to know this.

2.) I really look forward to reading back over this entire series in five years.

With that said, correct away. Public correction is part of this."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates language languageacquisition 2013 french ignorance horribleness learning vulnerability cv canon life risk honesty identity presentationofself notknowing uncertainty certainty thelearningmind howwelearn risktaking culture</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/03/how-the-quiet-car-explains-the-world/273885/">
    <title>How the Quiet Car Explains the World - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-11T20:25:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/03/how-the-quiet-car-explains-the-world/273885/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I think what we have here is a working definition of an asshole -- a person who demands that all social interaction happen on their terms. Assholes fill our various worlds. But the banhammer only works in one of them."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates assholes social society quietcar commenters commenting violence</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9d40cdee53b9/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:quietcar"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/09/we-are-all-welfare-queens-now/262512/">
    <title>We Are All Welfare Queens Now - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-09-20T09:16:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/09/we-are-all-welfare-queens-now/262512/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You can paint a similar history of the welfare state, which was first secured by assuring racist white Democrats that the pariah of black America would be cut out of it. When such machinations became untenable, the strategy became to claim the welfare state mainly benefited blacks. And as that has become untenable, the strategy has become to target the welfare state itself, with no obvious mention of color. At each interval the ostensible pariah grows, until one in two Americans are members of the pariah class.

In all this you can see the insidious and lovely foresight of integration which, at its root, posits an end to whiteness as any kind of organizing political force. I would not say we are there. But when the party of white populism finds itself writing off half the country, we are really close."]]></description>
<dc:subject>history us class ta-nehisicoates whitepopulism populism welfare romney romneyryan mittromney 2012 racism race politics</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e1295037934d/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2012/05/junior-seau-is-dead-cont/256722/">
    <title>Junior Seau Is Dead, Cont. - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-07-18T19:30:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2012/05/junior-seau-is-dead-cont/256722/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I can't really over-emphasize how much this is a personal decision, and not—as one commenter put it—a "personal boycott."

I have no real designs to keep grown men from playing football. I don't really have designs on anything. I think as progressives we sometimes get trapped into discussing morality strictly in the paradigm of "affecting change."

But I think morality in the Emersonian paradigm—that "nothing is at last sacred, but the integrity of your own mind," that religion is what you do when no one's looking—is just as important. The Montgomery Boycott is not "only" important because of its results. You don't just protest segregation as a demonstration to other people, you also do so as a demonstration to self.

In football, as in so many other things, each of has to decide where that demonstration to self must be made. Personal morality is rarely improved in a crowd.

More later."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>morality healthcare self religion spectators personalmorality crowds professionalsports ethics headinjuries americanfootball sports juniorseau ta-nehisicoates 2012</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:2ad2496f956f/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2012/05/junior-seau-is-dead/256664/">
    <title>Junior Seau Is Dead - Ta-Nehisi Coates - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-07-18T19:29:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2012/05/junior-seau-is-dead/256664/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perhaps it's too much to expect them too. Malcolm Gladwell puts the responsibility right where it belongs:

"Slate: Should the NFL be banned too?"

"Gladwell: As long as the risks are explicit, the players warned, and those injured properly compensated, then I'm not sure we can stop people from playing. A better question is whether it is ethical to WATCH football. That's a harder question."

I'm not so sure that it's hard at all. The answer, at least for those displeased with pro football's response, seems pretty clear. Doing the damn thing is the hard part.

I now know that I have to go. I have known it for a while now. But I have yet to walk away. For me, the hardest portion is living apart--destroying something that binds me to friends and family. With people whom I would not pass another words, I can debate the greatest running back of all time. It's like losing a language."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>morality headinjuries americanfootball 2012 juniorseau nfl healthcare professionalsports ethics sports ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:8d56a6f822a8/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/11/opinion/coates-school-as-wonder-or-way-ou-.html">
    <title>School as Wonder, or Way Out - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2012-07-13T01:02:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/11/opinion/coates-school-as-wonder-or-way-ou-.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I can tell you everything that was wrong with my education — how cold pedagogy reduced the poetry of Macbeth to a wan hunt for hamartia, how the beautiful French language broke under rote vocabulary. But more than that, I can tell you what happens when education is decoupled from curiosity, and becomes little more than an insurance policy."

“There but for the grace of hard parents go I” was the lesson of my life. The lesson was unintentional and ironic. I acquired it in the midst of failure in the very environs that I now deem unfit. And so you must forgive my overthinking. I am watching my child grow in a new world of comparable bounty and privilege and I can’t help but wonder, and worry, at what unintentional lessons I am now imparting."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2012 parenting experience schooling schools wonder unschooling unintendedconsequences memory education ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:08a04c318a4e/</dc:identifier>
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</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/03/on-making-yourself-right/253889/">
    <title>On Making Yourself Right - Ta-Nehisi Coates - National - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-03-05T00:18:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/03/on-making-yourself-right/253889/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Publicly, he lived to make himself right -- a tradition that is fully empowered in our politics. Breitbart didn't invent the art of making yourself right. But he embraced it, and then advanced it.

That is what took me to sadness. I have experienced curiosity as a primarily selfish endeavor. It originates in the understanding of the brevity of life, and the desire to see as much of it as possible, from as many angles as possible without doing too much damage to my morality. The opposite of that -- incuriosity, dishonesty, the opportunistic deployment of information -- is darkness. Breitbart died, like all of us will, in darkness. But as a media persona he chose to also live there, and in the process has impelled countless others to throttle themselves into the abyss…

It is wholly appropriate to be sorry that Andrew Breitbart died. But in the relevant business, it is right to be sorry for how he lived."]]></description>
<dc:subject>history journalism us race politics society mediapersona persona media lies lying naacp acorn death life ethics morality values charlessherrod shirleysherrod truth wrong right 2012 andrewbreitbart ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5f98bf94ac4d/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>Mark Twain And Grant's Memoirs - Ta-Nehisi Coates - National - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-21T01:26:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/02/mark-twain-and-grants-memoirs/253343/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["…beautiful thing about writing is it has no real respect for credentialism. You can get various degrees in writing. (…my initial plan was to get MFA.) But a degree can't make you a writer in the way that JD can make you a lawyer.

Great writing comes from all classes people…all kinds of experience. Edith Wharton was raised rich. EL Doctorow was not. 

When I visit schools around country I consistently repeat this—not because I think school is worthless, but b/c, very often, there are kids in audience who are lost, just as I once was. I don't come there to contravene their education…to tell them to drop out. On the contrary, I try to reinforce the ethic of hard work. But they need to know that a grade in a class, is not who they are—and I would say that whether the grade is an A or F. I failed English in HS…then failed British Literature in college. For whatever reason, it simply wasn't my time. But had I taken those grades as an eternal mark, I doubt I would be talking to you now."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ulyssessgrant frederickdouglass civilwar abrahamlincoln eldoctorow marktwain learning readiness grading grades deschooling unschooling education credentialism credentialing credentials writing ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/personal/archive/2011/11/the-time-machine/247516/">
    <title>The Time Machine - Ta-Nehisi Coates - Personal - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2011-11-12T21:02:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/personal/archive/2011/11/the-time-machine/247516/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The train, in all aspects, was a superior experience. The first thing was the feeling of everything melting away, of someone else taking control. When flying there are generally so many rules to be obeyed, and times when specific things can happen that I generally feel like, as a passenger, I'm actually a co-pilot. Lights tell you when you can and can't move. Announcements indicate (because I use a lap-top and iPad) when it's safe to read, write or listen to your music. Food and drink are administered at precise times. All of this within a confined space.

But there was a freedom on the train that you may need to be taller than six feet to really understand. You could walk as you needed to. You could sit in the cafe car and watch the scenery. You could fall into your book. Or you could just sleep, something I can't really do on airplanes. 

Finally there is the fact that, as much as possible, I should avoid supporting airline travel in its current American iteration…"

[See also: http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2011/09/when-you-buy-a-plane-ticket-the-terrorists-win/245009/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates flight us tsa trains amtrak privacy comfort stress 2011 travel policy convenience</dc:subject>
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