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    <title>The Hidden Tax of Living in a Low-Trust Society: How Collapsed Trust Costs You Money</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T23:14:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://yourbrainonmoney.substack.com/p/low-trust-society-cost</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Late-stage capitalism built a low-trust society, and it's an economic disaster"

...

"we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds."

...

"Every woman I know Googles a man before a first date. Not a quick Instagram lookup. A minor background investigation. Full name into Google. LinkedIn. Instagram. Screenshot his profile and send it to a group chat. (This is how we got the “Are we dating the same guy?” groups.)

It’s a sort of reflexive action, the way you check the weather before leaving the house. It feels like common sense, the bare minimum of due diligence before sitting across from a stranger at a bar.

I check reviews before I buy anything over $50. I read the one-star reviews first, because I assume the five-star ones might be fake. I check multiple browsers before buying plane tickets because I’ve heard the prices change based on your search history. (Do they? It’s not 100% confirmed, but I’ve written about surveillance pricing too many times to not be suspicious.)

I don’t think any of this makes me paranoid. I think it makes me normal. Everyone I know does some version of this.

This is tax you pay for living in a society that doesn’t trust itself.

There’s a particular kind of exhaustion that comes from living in a society where you can’t take anything at face value. Not the price on the label, not the job listing, not the product review, not the terms of the contract. You develop a permanent squint — a low-grade suspicion that hums beneath every transaction, every interaction, every click.

We tend to talk about trust as a social or political problem. Declining trust in institutions, in government, in each other — these are the subjects of concerned op-eds and Pew Research surveys. And they should be.

But the erosion of trust is also an economic problem. And the economic system we’ve built — one that rewards extraction, obfuscation, and short-term profit above all else — is the engine driving that erosion.

The numbers are bad

The Pew Research Center has been tracking interpersonal trust since 1972. Back then, 46% of Americans said “most people can be trusted.” Today, it’s 34%. Just 28% trust the media — down from 72% in the 1970s.

[chart]

The 2026 Edelman Trust Barometer found that seven in ten people globally now report “unwillingness or hesitance to trust someone with different values.”

[graph]

Economists have a term for this: social capital. It’s the idea that trust is a precondition for markets to actually work. When people trust that contracts will be honored, that products are what they claim to be, that the person on the other side of the transaction isn’t trying to destroy them — commerce flows. Innovation happens. People take risks, start businesses, lend money, collaborate.

When trust collapses, all of that seizes up.

Think about what a low-trust economy actually looks like in practice. Everything gets expensive. Contracts get thicker. Lawyers get richer. Every transaction requires documentation, verification, third-party guarantees.

<blockquote>The friction is very much structural. It’s a tax on everything, paid in time, money, and cognitive bandwidth.</blockquote>

Last week, I wrote about 2025 as the year the grift economy went mainstream — surveillance pricing, prediction markets, AI slop, fraud at industrial scale. All of that is real. But it’s downstream of something deeper: we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds.

What low trust looks like in practice

Consider the subscription economy. What was once a convenience — auto-renew so you don’t have to think about it — has become a tool of exploitation.

Surveillance pricing that charges you the maximum the algorithm thinks you’ll tolerate. Cancellation processes so labyrinthine that Amazon named theirs “Iliad” internally — as in, the epic Greek poem — because escaping was supposed to be an odyssey. (They settled an FTC lawsuit over it.) Junk fees buried in checkout flows. Shrinkflation. Service shrinkflation — hotels offering fewer cleanings, loyalty programs requiring more points, AI chatbots replacing human service.

A lot of today’s regulatory apparatus now exists because companies abused the assumption of good faith.

Or consider the job market. Fake job listings — “ghost jobs“ that companies post with no intention of filling — have become so pervasive that they distort labor market data and waste millions of hours of applicant time.

[graph]

Why do they exist? Because companies discovered that the appearance of hiring is useful for investor relations, for internal politics, for building a candidate pipeline. The cost is externalized onto the people who spend hours tailoring resumes and sitting through interviews for positions that were never real.

When the system rewards dishonesty, dishonesty is what you get.

And that’s how we get the scam economy

As I wrote last week, the grift economy isn’t just about single bad actors — it’s what a low-trust system produces.

When institutions and corporations behave in predatory ways, individuals start to adopt the same logic. If the system is a grift, then grifting becomes rational. If everyone is trying to extract value from you, why wouldn’t you try to extract value from them?

The explosion of scams, side-hustle culture repackaged as “courses” that teach you to scam others, dropshipping empires built on misleading ads, influencer marketing that can’t be distinguished from real advice.

The rise of “fake it till you make it” as a legitimate business philosophy. Something like Theranos didn’t happen in a vacuum. It happened in a culture where the line between storytelling and fraud had been so thoroughly blurred that a company could fake an entire technology and attract billions in investment.

The scam economy is what a low-trust system produces. When people lose faith that playing by the rules leads to fair outcomes, the rules start to feel optional. And once that happens, trust erodes further, which makes the rules feel even more optional, which erodes trust further still. It’s a death spiral.

And the people who suffer most are the ones who can least afford to. Wealthy people can absorb the cost of a bad deal, a misleading investment, a predatory subscription. They have lawyers. They have financial advisors. For everyone else, a single scam — a fake landlord, a fraudulent contractor, a deceptive loan — can be financially devastating. Low trust is regressive. It functions as a tax on the poor.

The psychological tax

Living in a state of perpetual vigilance is cognitively expensive.

Every email could be phishing. Every phone call could be fraud. Every price could be inflated, every review could be fake, every “limited time offer” could be manufactured urgency. There’s a clear mental labor involved with trying to figure out if you’re getting dupped or not.

Behavioral economists call this “decision fatigue.” But it’s more than that. It’s trust fatigue — the weariness of living in a world where you have to assume bad faith as your default.

<blockquote>People in low-trust environments experience higher rates of anxiety, depression, and chronic stress. They’re more likely to feel isolated, because distrust doesn’t stay contained to commercial transactions — it bleeds into personal relationships. If you spend all day navigating systems designed to exploit you, it becomes harder to turn that off when you get home.</blockquote>

There’s a concept in psychology called “epistemic learned helplessness“ — the state where you’ve been deceived so many times that you stop trying to figure out what’s true. You don’t become smarter or more discerning. You just give up on discernment entirely. This is where conspiracy thinking flourishes.

And that, conspiracy thinking, is the psychological endgame of a low-trust economy. Not a population of savvy, skeptical consumers making smart choices. A population of exhausted, anxious people who can’t tell what’s real anymore.

***

How we got here

The erosion of trust in our country is the predictable outcome of specific economic choices.

• Start with deregulation. When you systematically remove the guardrails that prevented companies from deceiving consumers — and then underfund the agencies tasked with enforcing what remains — you help create an environment where dishonesty is profitable.

• Add financialization. When companies are optimized for quarterly earnings rather than long-term value creation, customer relationships are viewed as a short-term extraction opportunity.

• Layer on the platform economy, which has created new and spectacular ways to scale dishonesty. Fake reviews are an industry. Dark patterns — interface designs specifically engineered to trick you into choices you didn’t mean to make — become the standard.

• And then there’s consolidation. When industries are dominated by a handful of players, consumers can’t make better choices (because there are none).

Trust as a public good

Trust is not just a nice-to-have. It’s not a soft, sentimental concept that belongs in a TED Talk but not in serious economic analysis.

<blockquote>Trust is a public good — like clean air, like roads, like the electrical grid. It’s the invisible infrastructure that makes everything else work.</blockquote>

And like all public goods, it’s subject to the tragedy of the commons. Every company that uses a dark pattern, every platform that allows fake reviews, every employer that posts a ghost job — they’re each making a singular rational decision that degrades a shared resource. No individual actor bears the full cost of the trust they destroy. But collectively, we all pay for it.

In higher transaction costs. In wasted time. In anxiety. In a political system increasingly unable to function because its citizens don’t believe anything anymore.

The idea that self-interest, left alone, will produce good outcomes? It’s failed. Markets need trust to function. And markets, left to their own devices, will consume the trust they depend on.

Rebuilding trust requires treating it like the infrastructure it is. Real regulation with real enforcement and real penalties. Antitrust action that restores competitive markets where you can actually choose trustworthy businesses. Incentive structures that reward long-term relationships over short-term extraction.

But it also requires something that can’t be legislated: people and communities choosing to operate differently. Choosing trust not as naïveté, but as strategy.

That’s what I want to explore next week — community as an economic strategy, not just a nice-to-have. How investing in relationships might be the smartest financial decision you can make. How trust, when you build it intentionally, compounds the same way money does."]]></description>
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    <title>The Ideology of Contentmaxxing - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T04:54:51+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The algorithm does to a discussion what Clavicular does to his face — a series of micro-fractures, delivered repeatedly and with precision, in the hopes that it will match a target number that nobody actually wants, but which the machine is thirsty for us to find."

[See also:

"Clavicular and contentmaxxing
the next step after groyperfication" (Aidan Walker)
https://howtodothingswithmemes.substack.com/p/clavicular-and-contentmaxxing

"Clavicular and Fuentes
elder zoomers vs. the young ones" (Aidan Walker)
https://howtodothingswithmemes.substack.com/p/clavicular-and-fuentes

(referenced within) "We are entering the era of Show more
The endless agony of thinking doing being content" (Jamie Cohen)
https://newmediahomework.substack.com/p/we-are-entering-the-era-of-show-more ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://comment.org/gaming-the-system/">
    <title>Gaming the System - Comment Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T00:22:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://comment.org/gaming-the-system/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Loneliness, boredom, and despair in post-industrial America."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us society loneliness boredom despair scottpell youth socialisolation isolation economics rustbelt hannaharendt socialcapital economy gentrification professionalclass class mentalhealth socialengagement gerontocracy agesegregation children adolescence videogames games gaming men gender saraheekhoffzylstra agency matthewloftus genz generationz opportunity jonathanhaidt keantwenge claremorell withdrawal jdvance policy birthrate addiction chrisopherlasch patrickdeneen elites elitism midwest behavior dystopia production productivity rural socialization</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:477d55651344/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/institutions-are-how-we-scale-up-cooperation-among-millions">
    <title>Institutions are how we scale up cooperation among millions | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T06:50:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/institutions-are-how-we-scale-up-cooperation-among-millions</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Good institutions are social technologies that scale trust from personal relations to entire nations. How do they work?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>institutions 2026 julienlie-panis technology trust relations citizens citizenship accountability publicgood elinorostrom society authorities authority deirdremccloskey jamesmadison us stevenlevitsky danielziblatt democracy corruption thomasjefferson federalism johnadams constitution cooperation italy italia robertputnam emillia-romagna calabria socialcapital 1970s 1980s politics markets cities nations scale governance government antcoloonies ants evolutionarybiology survival reputation kinship strangers japan reciprocation commons</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/across-cultures-one-key-to-happiness-stands-out/">
    <title>Across Cultures, One Key to Happiness Stands Out | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-31T20:00:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/across-cultures-one-key-to-happiness-stands-out/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Decades of global surveys point to a single, consistent foundation of well-being: our relationships."]]></description>
<dc:subject>well-being wellbeing relationships happiness 2025 timlonas socialcontext individualism positiveopsychiology west sonialyubomirsky johnhelliwell robertputnam community families marriage health friendship ruutveenhoven sociology isolation perrerbourdieu socialcapital recognition belonging trust gliffordgeertz collectivism richardnisbett cognition psychology authenticity autonomy social</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d20896fbf08d/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eegzTvPT6xY">
    <title>An Honest Living: A Memoir of Peculiar Itineraries with Steven Salaita - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-14T18:34:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eegzTvPT6xY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we welcome Steven Salaita back to MAKC to discuss his most recent book An Honest Living: A Memoir of Peculiar Itineraries

Book Description:

In the summer of 2014, Steven Salaita was fired from a tenured position in American Indian Studies at the University of Illinois for his unwavering stance on Palestinian human rights and other political controversies. A year later, he landed a job in Lebanon, but that, too, ended badly. With no other recourse, Salaita found himself trading his successful academic career for an hourly salaried job. Told primarily from behind the wheel of a school bus―a vantage point from which Salaita explores social anxiety, suburban architecture, political alienation, racial oppression, working-class solidarity, pro­fessional malfeasance, and the joy of chauffeuring children to and from school―An Honest Living describes the author’s decade of turbulent post-professorial life and his recent return to the lectern.

Steven Salaita was practically born to a life in academia. His father taught physics at an HBCU in southern West Virginia and his earliest memories are of life on campus and the cinder walls of the classroom. It was no surprise that he ended up in the classroom straight after graduate school. Yet three of his university jobs―Virginia Tech, the University of Illinois, and the American University of Beirut [AUB] ―ended in public controversy. Shaken by his sudden notoriety and false claims of antisemitism, Salaita found himself driving a school bus to make ends meet. While some considered this just punishment for his anti-Zionist beliefs, Steven found that driving a bus provided him with not just a means to pay the bills but a path toward freedom of thought.

Now ten years later, with a job at American University at Cairo, Salaita reconciles his past with his future. His restlessness has found a home, yet his return to academe is met with the same condition of fugitivity from whence he was expelled: an occasion for defiance, not conciliation. An Honest Living presents an intimate personal narrative of the author’s decade of professional joys and travails."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita millennialsarekillingcapitalism 2024 academia highered highereducation palestine israel colleges universities zionism capitalism anxiety quiet socialpressure socialfunctions cliques labor work antizionism solitude grace jaredware oppression repression censorship principles solidarity media circumspection rulingclass brandequity radicalism orthodoxy careerism socialmedia compromises medialiteracy gatekeeping tastemakers activism scholars scholarship promotion education socialcapital cliquishness decolonization kinship community ostracism exposure mainstreammedia transactionalrelationships aspirations branding personalbranding audience ideas discussion debate networking values transactional conversation organizing presence onlinepresence internet online culture algorithms attention consumerism 2014 2017 ulteriormotives motivation politics workplacepolitics workplace left socialdemocrats exploitation sensationalism snitching snitches busdriving schoolbus children language immigrants us unemployment</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://time.com/6556113/curiosity-propaganda-hala-alyan-essay/">
    <title>The Power of Changing Your Mind | TIME</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-19T20:28:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://time.com/6556113/curiosity-propaganda-hala-alyan-essay/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Societally, the pathway towards normalizing changing an individual’s mind hinges upon practices of collective redemption and contrition. A society that doesn’t know how to apologize well—that doesn’t know how to forgive well—will understandably not have many blueprints for changing its mind.

America’s legacy as a nation—and the legacy of many nations—is to make firm and unwavering stances on war, to actively participate in violence and displacement, both on this land and elsewhere, then in retrospect blame the detritus on a handful of isolated, often low-ranking individuals. But if history shows that dominant narratives and entities are constantly wrong, then the true indignity is that they don’t sit with that wrongness for a beat longer than they have to. Nelson Mandela was on U.S. terror watch lists until the aughts. Martin Luther King Jr., now praised as a hero, was considered a divisive, nettlesome figure by most white Americans during his lifetime. Slavery was a blithely legal and morally defended norm in this country until about six grandfathers ago. We rob ourselves when we try to sanitize history, position it as though the now-lauded were always lauded, as though the dominant narrative was always in the right. If we keep positioning injustices as bygone eras, we risk not recognizing when they are unfolding in real time, in front of our very present, open eyes. This speaks to a mindset that mushrooms everywhere—from celebrities to institutions to presidents—one that resists any true reckoning, because it resists true humility.

In the realm of cognitive flexibility, without humility, it is impossible to admit to wrongness, to an attachment to a flawed idea. You become your thought, your narrative; you equate anything challenging it to a challenge of your very self.

Amends within capitalist societies are associated with guilt, which are associated with reparations, which is associated with zero sum. This means one will lose something: my checkbook, my reputation, my tenure track job. My peace of mind. My comfort. My belief that I am a good person. This reflects upon larger themes of personal reconstruction: are the mistaken to be given a chance to be redeemed? Can we allow people to change their minds? Restoration can of course involve costs and there are certainly people and entities acting in bad faith. But it is also true that in practice people have often been exposed to misinformation and indoctrination; we risk losing them as potential allies because they fear being berated for making amends imperfectly, or not quickly enough.

What one is looking for is an opening—which almost always manifests as curiosity. As a psychologist, I think one of the most tactical approaches is to meet people where they’re at. There are five stages of change, often used to work with individuals who struggle with addiction or eating disorders, that are helpful to consider in this moment: precontemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, maintenance. Someone who is precontemplative is going to be resistant to outreach, because they are not considering change. The most powerful, crucial stages to provide support are contemplation and preparation: the revving up, the soft gathering of courage to enter a new era—of self, of self as it relates to the world, a slow questioning of what one has been told, what one has believed potentially all their life. The low, uneasy sense that something isn’t sitting right anymore. It is in these moments of quiet reckoning that people need to be most welcomed, allowed to take their time, connected to new information and resources. People who are changing their minds about views that are deeply entrenched—especially when that changed mind might cost them work, relationships, social capital—should be met with radical empathy, facts, an emphasis on already-existing common ground.

It's vital for movements of equality and liberation to include in their messaging the notion that one cannot be “late” to justice. That rather than shaming people for their indifference, those who have the capacity and platform, might rely on more inclusive strategies, particularly a focus on facts and historical realities. We should welcome people whenever they show up to these discussions, wherever they’re coming from, whatever stage they’re at. We must be both willing to change our minds and welcome people who have changed theirs.

The difficult thing is not to meet dehumanization with dehumanization. To remember a machinery is not its people. Politicians are not their voters. This is particularly difficult to do when you are the dehumanized end of propaganda. When I see videos of crowds cheering the razing of Gaza or making taunting clips of electricity and running water, or soldiers marching stripped and blindfolded men through the streets I can feel myself harden. I can feel the contraction. The heart closing off to protect itself. I let it. Then, when I feel the glimmer of an opening, I try to remember: anyone who dances in the street taunting the death of children is either not well—or has not been told the truth about something.

The task, impossible at times, is to dialectically hold two uncomfortable truths: that people who have been exposed to indoctrinating narratives most of their lives are not at fault for that, and that they are simultaneously responsible—assuming exposure to free information and accessibility—for examining the validity of those narratives. To consider what voices and historical perspectives have been offered, hold them up to the light, and evaluate their truths.

The real mark that propaganda has worked is that sense of contraction. It is the beginning of apathy, of disengagement, of looking away. It is the risk of curiosity, to open something new that reminds us of our aliveness—and that of others. Seeking this curiosity isn’t easy. It can come at the largest social costs—inner destabilization, relational losses. People get their values from the world around us. We all do. The slow, winding work of figuring out what our values are, detangling them from those around us, can be the work of a lifetime. And when people do it, let us try to welcome them, however long we think it took them to get there. Because, often, it took exactly as long as there were hurdles to overcome."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-analog-city-and-the-digital-city">
    <title>The Analog City and the Digital City — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2020-11-08T23:13:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-analog-city-and-the-digital-city</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One way to understand our moment is to recognize that digital technology is reconfiguring the nature of the self that enters into the political arena, even as it restructures the arena itself. The contrast between those who mainly inhabit the Digital City and those who still primarily inhabit the Analog City becomes increasingly stark. Simple appeals to conventions and solutions grounded in the Analog City now ring hollow. The old virtues and ideals, as well as the institutions they sustained, have lost their purchase on the imagination. They have lost their “self-evident” character. Like the early moderns, our reigning world picture has shattered and we are casting about for new ways of building consensus, new ways of coping with the challenges of pluralism, new ways of ordering society toward the common good. At the moment, however, it appears that digital media tends toward political and epistemic fragmentation, not consensus, and toward the implausibility of any substantive account of the common good. In other words, it may be that things will get worse before they get better.

In a 1982 talk on the cultural and political consequences of computation, Ivan Illich issued a warning that is even more urgent today:

<blockquote>The machine-like behavior of people chained to electronics constitutes a degradation of their well-being and of their dignity which, for most people in the long run, becomes intolerable. Observations of the sickening effect of programmed environments show that people in them become indolent, impotent, narcissistic and apolitical. The political process breaks down, because people cease to be able to govern themselves; they demand to be managed.</blockquote>

We have focused on how digital media transforms the subjective experience of individuals. The political corollary is that it enables and empowers regimes of algorithmic governance, predictive analytics, and social credit. The profound erosion of trust in the Digital City leaves a vacuum, and we look to our tools to fill it. We seem set upon interlocking trajectories: of ever greater swaths of the human experience being computationally managed, and of intractable human subjects increasingly breaking down or revolting against these conditions.

From another vantage point, however, we might see this as a hopeful moment, full of promise and opportunity. Another path also seems possible. Freed from certain unsustainable illusions about the nature of the self and the world, we may now be called back to reckon with reality in a new, more chastened and more responsible manner. It is possible that the Promethean aspirations that characterized the modern self and modern society may now yield to a more sober assessment of the limits within which genuine human flourishing might occur. It is possible, too, that we may learn once again the necessity of virtues, public and private — that we will no longer, as T. S. Eliot put it, be “dreaming of systems so perfect that no one will need to be good.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hapgood.us/2017/09/05/students-as-creators-and-the-capitalist-impulse/">
    <title>“Students as Creators” and the Theology of the Attention Economy | Hapgood</title>
    <dc:date>2017-09-10T22:40:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hapgood.us/2017/09/05/students-as-creators-and-the-capitalist-impulse/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I was so struck this week by Benjamin Doxtdator’s latest post on showing students how to engage with social media in a way that subverts its purposes. On listening as an act of resistance. Of getting past glorifying connection as an end to that important question of purpose.  I wanted to jot down a few quick thoughts it brought to mind, all of them far less organized and insightful than Benjamin’s work. It also draws on work by Chris Gilliard and Amy Collier. I hope to offer it as just a piece of what I hope is an emerging critique of how connectivism and constructivism has been practiced and sold in past years, and how we might reorient and reposition it knowing what we know now.

The particular brick I want to hammer at today is our decade-long infatuation with “students as creators”.

I have become deeply skeptical over the past four or five years about the “students as creators” rhetoric. It’s not that I don’t believe that students shouldn’t create – my best and most rewarding projects have always been about students creating public work on the web that makes the lives of others better. I’ve also seen the immense joy and motivation that a maker lab can provide students. And my new push for info-environmentalism is centered in producing things that make the web a better place. I believe in making stuff, and still align myself with constructivism as a philosophy, most days of the week.

But the rhetoric around “students as creators” is unbelievably bad. It parrots all of capitalism’s worst theology: we want to make “makers, not takers”, we value “doers, not thinkers.” As I said a few years back, the idea that universities should value “producers” and push our students towards “production” is actually the least subversive idea you could possibly have at a university. The most subversive idea you could have at a university these days is that you might think a few connected thoughts without throwing them into either publication or the attention economy. That you might think about things for the purpose of being a better human, without an aim to produce anything at all.

Likewise, I sometimes think we’ve convinced ourselves that the attention economy, when implemented on top of open source, is liberating. And so we celebrate with the class when students get comments from outsiders, or have had their posts go viral. We talk about building identity, portfolios, public persona, getting noticed. We don’t realize that we begin to sound more and more like a LinkedIn marketing drone.

And I’ve come to think that, in today’s world, one of the most valuable lessons we can give to students is not “how to build their identity on the web,” but how to selectively obscure it. How to transcend it. How to personally track it. How to make a difference in the world while not being fully public. To teach students not just to avoid Google, but to use Google safely (or as safely as possible). To have them look at their information environments not as vehicles of just self-expression, but as ways to transcend their own prejudices. To read and listen much much more than we speak. And to see what is needed through the lens of privilege – teaching the beauty of deference to the students with self-confidence and social capital, while teaching marginalized students to find communities that can provide them with the self-confidence they need.

And in different contexts, of course, the same student may need both types of instruction.

This post is a bit stream of consciousness, and so I want to pose a question here. Which experience do you think is more educational:

• A student runs a blog on open source software that expresses their opinions on selected chapters of Ready Player One – and gets a comment by author Ernest Cline!!!

• A heterosexual cis student resolves (individually) to follow 20 trans leaders on Twitter and retweet two things they say a week (with the student possibly using a pseudonymous account not tied to their identity). Other students examine their own bubbles and do similar things.

Story number one is the sort of story I used to tell ten years ago at conferences (albeit about different books). But that was before the attention economy swallowed democracy and everything else. Today I’m far more interested in story two, a story that is about not producing, and staying relatively invisible.

Attention (and knowledge of how to get that attention) is still important, of course. But attention for what? For what purpose? I’ve moved from the question of “How do we express ourselves on the internet?” to “How do we be better people on the internet?”  Or maybe most importantly, “How do we use the internet to become better people?” Sometimes that involves creating, of course. But if we wish to do more than reinforce the rhetoric of the attention economy, we have to stop seeing that as some sort of peak activity. These skills aren’t a pyramid you climb, and creation is not a destination. Graduating a few more students who understand that will likely make the world a better place for everyone."]]></description>
<dc:subject>attention productivity socialmedia mikecaulfield 2017 attentioneconomy listenting internet web online benjamindoxtdator sfsh socialcapital presentationofself creativity creation resistance listening thinking cv</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://soundcloud.com/joi-ito/33-conversation-with-mimi-ito">
    <title>33 : Conversation with Mimi Ito by Joi Ito</title>
    <dc:date>2017-02-13T00:13:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://soundcloud.com/joi-ito/33-conversation-with-mimi-ito</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Talking to my sister Mimi about learning, social science and digital media."

[video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P0CxCR9Uj60 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://freakonomics.com/podcast/trust-me/">
    <title>Trust Me - Freakonomics Freakonomics</title>
    <dc:date>2016-11-19T20:07:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://freakonomics.com/podcast/trust-me/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Societies where people trust one another are healthier and wealthier. In the U.S. (and the U.K. and elsewhere), social trust has been falling for decades — in part because our populations are more diverse. What can we do to fix it?"

…

"HALPERN: We almost seem to hardly notice that it’s there. So it’s incredibly consequential and we see it in lots of areas of policy that we touch on.

DUBNER: So you write this about low trust: “Low trust implies a society where you have to keep an eye over your shoulder, where deals need lawyers instead of handshakes, where you don’t see the point of paying your tax or recycling your rubbish since you doubt your neighbor will do so, and where employ your cousin or your brother-in-law to work for you rather than a stranger who’d probably be much better at the job.” So that has all kinds of business and ultimately economic implications. However, when you talk about high trust being good for us on a personal level, whether it’s health or individual income, do the two necessarily go in hand? In other words, can we have a society that has a business climate where there isn’t a lot of trust and, therefore, you do need all those lawyers instead of the handshakes, but where you have good social trust among neighbors, family and friends, communities and so on, or are they really the same thing that you’re talking about?

HALPERN: Well, there is a key distinction and Bob Putnam has often made this too, between what’s sometimes called bonding social capital and bridging social capital.

PUTNAM: Social capital is about social networks. But not all social networks are identical, and one important distinction is between ties that link us to other people like us, that’s called bonding social capital.

HALPERN: Bonding social capital often refers to your closeness to your friends, your relatives, those that are immediately around you. It’s particularly important, it turns out for, things such as health outcomes.

PUTNAM: Because, empirically, if you get sick, the people who are likely to bring you chicken soup are likely to represent your bonding social capital."

…

"PUTNAM: What strategies I would want to emphasize for moving in a positive direction would be more contexts in which people connect with one another across lines of race or economics or gender or age."

…

"HALPERN: People that go to university end up trusting much more than those who don’t, particularly when they go away residentially. It doesn’t look like it’s explained by income alone. So there’s something about the experience of going off as a young person in an environment where you have lots of other young people from different backgrounds and so on, hopefully, and different ethnicities. You learn the habits of trust because you’re in an environment where you can trust other people; they are trustworthy. And you internalize these habits and you take them with you the rest of your life. So we tend to not think of going away to university as being the reason why you’re doing it is to build social capital and social trust, we think about learning skills and so on, but it may well be that it has as much, or even more value, in terms of culturing social trust going forward. The question is: do you have to do that in university, can you do it another way? So in the U.K., following partly an American lead, the government has championed a national citizen service. And what this means is for every young person, essentially a 17-year-old, increasingly, starts off with a — not everyone does it alone, but more and more every single year, goes and does voluntary experience, community service. This deliberately includes a couple of weeks which are residential and deliberately includes mixing with people from all different walks of life. Look, it’s only limited data, but in terms of before-and-after data, we see significant impacts in terms of higher levels of trust between groups and individuals, as well as instantly higher levels of life satisfaction and well-being too. So it looks like we can do something about it."

…

"HALPERN: In the most recent data, it looks like it’s one of the biggest risers. So the Netherlands had pretty similar levels of social trust in the 1980s to America and the U.K., but whereas we have now drifted down towards sort of 30-odd percent, they are now up close to 70 percent in levels of those who think others can be trusted. 

DUBNER: What would you say it’s caused by?

HALPERN: Well, I mean, one of the characteristics of the Netherlands, and you have to be a bit careful when you pick off one country, is it has wrestled quite hard with the issues of, not just inequality, but social differences. They’ve really tried to do a lot in relation to making people essentially build cohesion. Particularly Amsterdam, is a very famous area for — it’s long been an extremely multicultural city. It’s had issues over that over time, but they’ve really in a sort of succession of governments have tried to quite actively make groups get along with each other in quite an active way. So that may itself, of course, root in the Netherlands, it’s quite a deep culture of a strong sense of the law, being trustworthy and that contracts will be honored and so on. It’s what helped to power its economic success in previous centuries, so it does have that tradition also to draw on."

…

"PUTNAM: I looked hard to find explanations and television, I argued, is really bad for social connectivity for many reasons.

“More television watching,” Putnam wrote, “means less of virtually every form of civic participation and social involvement.”

HALPERN: As Bob sometimes put it, I think, rather elegantly, when we were looking forward in terms of technology or the Internet and of course, even pre-Facebook and so on, would it be, in his words, a “fancy television”? In other words, it will isolate us more and more. Or would it be a “fancy telephone” and would connect us more and more?  Because technology has both those capabilities. So when I played video games when I was a kid, you basically did them mostly by yourself or with a friend. When I look at my teenage kids playing videos, they’re actually talking to each other all the time. To some extent it looks like, to me, that we get the technology that we want, and even this is true at sort of a societal level. So one of the arguments you can make, in my view is true anyway, by explaining some of these differences in the trajectories across countries is in Anglo-Saxon countries, we’ve often used our wealth to buy technology and other experiences. That means we don’t have to deal with other people — the inconveniences of having to go to a concert where I have to listen to music I really like, I can just stay at home and just watch what I want and so on and choose it. And even in the level of, if I think about my kids versus me growing up, I mean when I was growing up we had one TV and there were five kids in the household. You know, had to really negotiate pretty hard about what we were going to watch. My kids don’t have to do that and probably not yours either. There are more screens in the house than there are people. They can all go off and do their own thing. To some extent, that is us using our wealth to escape from having to negotiate with other people, but that isn’t necessarily the case. Some people and some countries seem to use their wealth more to find ways of connecting more with other people. And the technology has both these capabilities and we can’t just blame it. It’s the choices we’re making and how we use it and the technology which we’re, kind of, asking and bringing forth.

DUBNER: It reminds me a bit of — we once looked into the global decline of hitchhiking, for instance.  One of the central reasons being that people no longer trusted strangers to not kill each other, really, is what it boiled down to, even though there was apparently very little killing involved, but just the fear of one. And yet now, Uber is a 60-some billion-dollar company that’s basically all about using technology to lure a complete stranger into your car. Which, I guess, argues, if nothing else, the fact that technology can be harnessed very much in either direction. 

HALPERN: That’s right. Indeed, so, as you say, there’s actually two points here, and there’s a really important behavioral one, which I think we’ve only figured out in recent years to bring together these different literatures, how does it relate to behavioral scientists versus those people studying social capital? We look like we have certain systematic biases about how we estimate whether we think other people can be trusted. And in essence, we overestimate quite systematically the prevalence of bad behavior. We overestimate the number of people who are cheating on their taxes or take a sickie off work or do other kinds of bad things. This doesn’t seem to be just the media, although that may reinforce it. It seems to be a bit how we’re wired as human beings. So why is that relevant and why does this have to do with technology? Actually, technology can help you solve some of those issues. So when you’re buying something on eBay or you’re trying to decide where to go using, you know Trip Advisor, you’re actually getting some much better information from the experiences of other people as opposed to your guesstimate, which is often systematically biased. So it turns out it’s a way we can sometimes use technology to solve some of these trust issues. Not just in relation to specific products and “Should I buy this thing from this person?” but, potentially, more generally in relation to how do we trust other people because, ultimately, this social trust question must rest on something. It must be a measure of actual trustworthiness. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>trust diversity socialtrust 2016 us society socialunity via:davidtedu trustworthiness socialcapital australia uk netherlands davidhalpern stephendubner bobputnam italy corruption socialnetworks civics government governance community brazil brasil norway edglaeser tobymoscowitz hunterwendelstedt ethnicity stockholm education colleges universities military athletics multiculturalism culture law economics behavior technology videogames socialmedia television tv toolsforconviviality hitchhiking italia edwardglaeser</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://deangroom.wordpress.com/2016/07/20/should-teachers-care-about-pokemon-go/">
    <title>Should teachers care about Pokémon Go? | Playable</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-29T23:40:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://deangroom.wordpress.com/2016/07/20/should-teachers-care-about-pokemon-go/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We already hearing ‘news’ reports of Pokémon farming and exploitation, how much it costs to buy Pokéballs, people walking off cliffs, crashing cars etc., all things we didn’t hear about Ingress of course.People have asked me for ages why some games seem to ‘click’ with kids and can be useful in class – and some don’t. Right now the world works like this. It’s not what advertising says about a brand that makes it successful, it’s what people say about to each other. Pokémon Go! has relied on this network-effect to propel it to ‘craze’ level. Anyone who separates games and learning really knows little about either these days because the two things are inseparable in children’s media culture today. Minecraft has grown inside education networks because of the same (though tiny) network effect – and again, needs to do something ‘more’ if it is to be sustained. As I track what teachers talk about online (towards games and in a non-creepy way) – Minecraft (Education) has trended down since Pokémon Go!. One reason I think is because teachers are far more curious about ARG potential than virtual legos. What they are concerned about (and what to know about) is what games do this ‘fantasy-magic-learning-stuff’. My attitude is – lots of games – go and try some. But what is perhaps more helpful is to think about what kid want from playing a game – and playing one at school that’s not a crappy edumacated game – or we turn Pokémon Go into a lame class lesson – such as let’s have a debate – half the class is to argue for Pokémon Go and the other in Pokémon No. (My daughter came home with that one this week, every kid thought the teacher was reaching a bit)."

…

"Here are the four key things that research is telling us about MMOs, MMORPGs, Networked Gaming, MOBAs etc., and it’s all about humans making sense of their transmedia lives – though pleasurable leisure choices. It’s part of the social history of our time.

What are the key things teachers can observe and learn from this?

1. Multimodal connectedness is associated with bridging and bonding social capital
2. Playing with existing offline friends is associated with bonding social capital.
3. Playing with offline and online friends is associated with bridging social capital.
4. Multimodal connectedness moderated the relationships between co-players and social capital

What does the research say?

There’s a lot of research around these four things, but so far, when we need much more research about specific MOBAs (LoL, Overwatch etc) and ARGs (Pokémon Go, Ingress, Zombie Run etc. For example, what are children’s attitudes towards the frequency of playing ARGs and how do the interaction and experiences of play vary in group size, cultures, gender etc., But you might be surprised to find very little research is being done – or has been done outside of the ‘giants’ of gaming – Warcraft, Ultima, Doom etc., and this research is good ‘beachhead’ reading, but it hasn’t had a huge impact on what teachers believe about games in their classrooms. What teachers should try and bring to games in the classroom are objects which give them a clear(er) sense that what drives kids. This is not the

You might be surprised to find very little research is being or has been done outside of the ‘giants’ of gaming – Warcraft, Ultima, Doom etc., so far. While this research has developed a good ‘beachhead’ in video games, especially since 2001 – it hasn’t had a huge impact on what teachers believe about games in their classrooms. What teachers should try and bring to games in the classroom are objects which give them a clear(er) sense that what drives kids. This is not the

What teachers should try and bring to games in the classroom are objects which give them a clear(er) sense that what drives kids. This is not the material content or an ability to sandbox build castles. Seeing the child’s developmental curiosity and ability to experiment with these four things – alone and in groups is quite an experience.

Of course, this is just a theory (at best) and part of what I’m interested in.

Families who have high levels of multimodal connectedness and actively apply it to create bridging and bonding capital appear to have ‘the edge’ over parent’s who don’t.  We are raising children who need to be confident and successful in these things – because human behaviour is changing with technology – and what we (as adults) are expected to do or not do with it and though it matters in life.

What does EdTech seem to think?

Sadly EdTech doesn’t see games as important as it could (as a public dialogue). EdTech relies on the network effect to popularise certain products and ignore others. It also uses it to make some people famous/important and others customers, clients and the object of their commentary. So for the most part, Pokémon Go! will not be placed on the high altar of importance – such as Google Classroom or Apple’s wadjamacallit. So this game may well come — and go. It is now competing with  Microsoft Minecraft Eduction, which has a fairly established group of advocates and popular ideas. Let’s not forget, there is alway plenty of people competing for attention in EdTech — and the gamer ‘hackedu’ types are misfits sitting in the corner. But you never know, Sir Ken might visit a Pokéstop near you.

Summing up

So I hope teachers will give it some attention. Pokémon Go! (early levels) is super easy to try and learn from – but when it stops being ‘fun’ – quit – because quitting games can just as enlightening as playing them.

If nothing else, you’ve walked in the half-real world of video games and perhaps taken the dog for an unexpected walk, hatched a few eggs and maybe visited a different kind of gym."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@Chris_arnade/trump-politics-and-option-pricing-or-why-trump-voters-are-not-idiots-1e364a4ed940#.ben96loxo">
    <title>Why Trump voters are not “complete idiots” — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2016-06-24T18:42:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@Chris_arnade/trump-politics-and-option-pricing-or-why-trump-voters-are-not-idiots-1e364a4ed940#.ben96loxo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["1) The US is bifurcated into two (actually a few more, but at the highest level only two). There are the “elites” and there is everyone else. These two Americas are segregated, culturally, socially, geographically, and economically. They have gotten more segregated over the last 40 years. 
 
The growing income inequality is one measure of this. Yet it is more than that. The elites have removed themselves physically. They cluster in certain towns (NYC, LA, Northern Virginia, Boston) and within those towns in certain neighborhoods. They dress differently. They eat differently. There is a culture of elitism. 
 
The best single measure of elitism I see is education, the type and amount. A Harvard professor of sociology is more similar (despite different politics) to a Wall Street trader, than either is to a truck driver in Appleton, Wisconsin, or a waitress in Selma, or a construction worker in Detroit. 
 
If you earn your money using your intellect (like Jonathan Chait), you score high on elitism, and you probably view the world very differently from a man driving heavy equipment in Birmingham, Alabama, who uses his body for labor. Or a guy flipping burgers in the Bronx. 
 
 2) The elites by and large control things. They control the money. They control the rules on how you make it. They also control the social capital. They set/define what is acceptable, what is allowable, and what is frowned on. (In snazzy academic speak: The elites define what is valid cultural capital, and have defined it to further empower themselves)

Given these two assumptions I use a simple model, borrowed from finance, to explain voting decisions. (If you don’t want math, jump to the bottom conclusion section.)
This is a graph of how I see value vs. elitism in the US. Value is not just economic. It is social. It is a measure of how society sees someone. How it measures their validity, both economically and socially.

[graph]

It is roughly a two-tiered system, with a big jump up at X. The jump up can be seen in data on income versus education, with the jump at college education.
Yet it isn’t confined to just education. It is about where someone lives. What they like. How they dress. What they do for a living. An African American kid growing up in the Mississippi Delta is far to the left of that X. So is an insurance salesman in Kentucky. Or auto mechanic in South Buffalo.

To the right of the X is pretty much anyone with a graduate degree. All bankers, folks in tech, folks in journalism, etc. Anyone who primarily uses, or needs, post-college training, regardless of if they have it. 
 
That graph is the “payout function” one has in mind when choosing a candidate. 
 
That payout function is the same regardless of the candidate. Where a voter lies on that graph (to the far left, in the low value zone, or to the right of the X), is largely self-defined. It is how they think the world values them. 
 
When choosing a candidate few voters can be certain what a candidate will deliver for them. Each voter can, however, draw a mental distribution of possible outcomes.
So, they might view themselves as starting far to the left of the jump up

But the candidate they vote for will hopefully move them way to the right — Where exactly they cannot know, but they can draw a rough distribution.

The candidate can do this by changing what the definition of elitism is (Math aside: They can also change the value function. But I am holding one thing steady.)
There are two things going on. One is the center of the distribution, the other is the width. 
 
The center is the mostly knowable things. The width of the distribution, or the uncertainty, is the unknowable. The volatility.
 
How does a voter chose a candidate? They come up with a probability-adjusted valuation. They multiple the chance of each outcome versus the value of that outcome. The result is one number. They chose the candidate that maximizes that number for them.

1) Voters in the lower tier want to move to the higher tier. For African-Americans that means supporting the Clintons, who have spent 40 years working to convince African-Americans they will work for them, socially and economically. They may not like where they start, but Hillary is clearly working for them.

Many working class whites presently don’t feel they have that. In the past they voted the same as elite Republicans, who they saw as sharing their values, and would move them higher.
 
That hasn’t happened. Economically or socially. The bailout of Wall Street (and in their view, acquiescence on social issues like gay marriage) was the final blow.

Frustrated with broken promises, they gave up on the knowable and went with the unknowable. They chose Trump, because he comes with a very high distribution. A high volatility. (He also signals in ugly ways, that he might just move them, and only them and their friends, higher with his stated policies). 
 
As any trader will tell you, if you are stuck lower, you want volatility, uncertainty. No matter how it comes. Put another way. Your downside is flat, your upside isn’t. Break the system.
 
The elites loathe volatility. Because, the upside is limited, but the downside isn’t. In option language, they are in the money.
To put it in very non-geeky language: A two-tiered system has one set of people who want to keep the system, and another that doesn’t. Each one is voting for their own best interests. (Yes, there are always altruistic people. But…..)

Where do most of the press and elites get it wrong? They don’t believe that we live in a two-tiered system. They don’t believe, or know they are in, the top tier. They also don’t understand what people view as value.

When the Democrats under Clinton in the early ‘90s shifted towards a pro market agenda, they made a dramatic shift towards accepting the Republicans definition of value as being about the economic.

Now elites in both major parties see their broad political goal as increasing the GDP, regardless of how it is done.

This has failed most Americans, other than the elite, in two ways. It has failed to provide an economic boost (incomes are broadly flat), and it has forgotten that many people see value as being not just economic, but social. It has been a one-two punch that has completely left behind many people.

For many people value is about having meaning beyond money. It is about having institutions that work for you. Like Church. Family. Sports Leagues.

In addition, the social nature of jobs has been destroyed. Unions provided more than just economic power, they also provided social inclusion.

You can scrap this entire analysis as silly if you want, but please try and understand the core point missing from much of the current dialogue — large parts of the US have become completely isolated, socially and economically.

Kids are growing up in towns where by six, or seven, or eleven, they are doomed to be viewed as second class. They feel unvalued. They feel stuck. They are mocked. And there is nothing they feel they can do about it.

When they turn to religion for worth, they are seen by the elites as uneducated, irrational, clowns. When they turn to identity through race they are racists. Regardless of their color. 
 
The only thing they can do, faced with that, is break the fucking system. And they are going to try. Either by Trump or by some other way."

[See also:

"Why Trump voters are not complete idiots. Part two: What should Hillary do?"
https://medium.com/@Chris_arnade/why-trump-voters-are-not-complete-idiots-part-two-what-should-hillary-do-7cfcbd7aa19e#.wfihrtumd 

"Trump as a scam"
https://medium.com/@Chris_arnade/trump-is-a-scam-21315584bac6#.o1yo2iauj ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/magazine/novemberdecember_2015/features/bloom_and_bust058470.php?page=all">
    <title>Bloom and Bust by Phillip Longman | The Washington Monthly</title>
    <dc:date>2015-11-25T01:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/magazine/novemberdecember_2015/features/bloom_and_bust058470.php?page=all</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Yet starting in the early 1980s, the long trend toward regional equality abruptly switched. Since then, geography has come roaring back as a determinant of economic fortune, as a few elite cities have surged ahead of the rest of the country in their wealth and income. In 1980, the per capita income of Washington, D.C., was 29 percent above the average for Americans as a whole; by 2013 it had risen to 68 percent above. In the San Francisco Bay area, the rise was from 50 percent above to 88 percent. Meanwhile, per capita income in New York City soared from 80 percent above the national average in 1980 to 172 percent above in 2013.

Adding to the anomaly is a historic reversal in the patterns of migration within the United States. Throughout almost all of the nation’s history, Americans tended to move from places where wages were lower to places where wages were higher. Horace Greeley’s advice to “Go West, young man” finds validation, for example, in historical data showing that per capita income was higher in America’s emerging frontier cities, such as Chicago in the 1850s or Denver in 1880s, than back east.

But over the last generation this trend, too, has reversed. Since 1980, the states and metro areas with the highest and fastest-growing per capita incomes have generally seen hardly, if any, net domestic in-migration, and in many notable examples have seen more people move away to other parts of the country than move in. Today, the preponderance of domestic migration is from areas with high and rapidly growing incomes to relatively poorer areas where incomes are growing at a slower pace, if at all."

…

"Since 1980, mergers have reduced the number of major railroads from twenty-six to seven, with just four of these mega systems controlling 90 percent of the country’s rail infrastructure. Meanwhile, many cities and towns have lost access to rail transportation altogether as railroads have abandoned secondary lines and consolidated rail service in order to maximize profits.

In this era, government spending on new roads and highways also plummeted, even as the number of people and cars continued to grow strongly. One result of this, and of the continuing failure to adequately fund mass transit and high-speed rail, has been mounting traffic congestion that reduces geographic mobility, including the ability of people to move to or remain in the areas offering the highest-paying jobs.

The New York metro area is a case in point. Between 2000 and 2009, the region’s per capita income rose from 25 percent above the average for all U.S. metro areas to 29 percent above. Yet over the same period, approximately two million more people moved away from the area to other parts of the country than moved in, according to the Census Bureau. Today, the commuter rail system that once made it comparatively easy to live in suburban New Jersey and work in Manhattan is falling apart, and commutes from other New York suburbs, whether by road or rail, are also becoming unworkable. Increasingly, this means that only the very rich can still afford to work in Manhattan, much less live there, while increasing numbers of working- and middle-class families are moving to places like Texas or Florida, hoping to break free of the gridlock, even though wages in Texas and Florida are much lower.

The next big policy change affecting regional equality was a vast retreat from antitrust enforcement of all kinds. The first turning point in this realm came in 1976 when Congress repealed the Miller-Tydings Act. This, combined with the repeal or rollback of other “fair trade” laws that had been in place since the 1920s and ’30s, created an opening for the emergence of super-chains like Walmart and, later, vertically integrated retail “platforms” like Amazon. The dominance of these retail goliaths has, in turn, devastated (to some, the preferred term is “disrupted”) locally owned retailers and led to large flows of money out of local economies and into the hands of distant owners.

Another turning point came in 1982, when President Ronald Reagan’s Justice Department adopted new guidelines for antitrust prosecutions. Largely informed by the work of Robert Bork, then a Yale law professor who had served as solicitor general under Richard Nixon, these guidelines explicitly ruled out any consideration of social cost, regional equity, or local control in deciding whether to block mergers or prosecute monopolies. Instead, the only criteria that could trigger antitrust enforcement would be either proven instances of collusion or combinations that would immediately bring higher prices to consumers.

This has led to the effective colonization of many once-great American cities, as the financial institutions and industrial companies that once were headquartered there have come under the control of distant corporations. Empirical studies have shown that when a city loses a major corporate headquarters in a merger, the replacement of locally based managers by “absentee” managers usually leads to lower levels of local corporate giving, civic engagement, employment, and investment, often setting in motion further regional decline. A Harvard Business School study that analyzed the community involvement of 180 companies in Boston, Cleveland, and Miami found that “[l]ocally headquartered companies do most for the community on every measure,” including having “the most active involvement by their leaders in prominent local civic and cultural organizations.”

According to another survey of the literature on how corporate consolidation affects the health of local communities, “local owners and managers … are more invested in the community personally and financially than ‘distant’ owners and managers.” In contrast, the literature survey finds, “branch firms are managed either by ‘outsiders’ with no local ties who are brought in for short-term assignments or by locals who have less ability to benefit the community because they lack sufficient autonomy or prestige or have less incentive because their professional advancement will require them to move.” The loss of social capital in many Heartland communities documented by Robert Putnam, George Packer, and many other observers is at least in part a consequence of the wave of corporate consolidations that occurred after the federal government largely abandoned traditional antitrust enforcement thirty-some years ago.

Financial deregulation also contributed mightily to the growth of regional inequality. Prohibitions against interstate branching disappeared entirely by the 1990s. The first-order effect was that most midsize and even major cities saw most of their major banks bought up by larger banks headquartered somewhere else. Initially, the trend strengthened some regional banking centers, such as Charlotte, North Carolina, even as it hollowed out local control of banking nearly everywhere else across America. But eventually, further financial deregulation, combined with enormous subsidies and bailouts for banks that had become “too big to fail,” led to the eclipse of even once strong regional money centers like Philadelphia and St. Louis by a handful of elite cities such as New York and London, bringing the geography of modern finance full circle back to the patterns prevailing in the Gilded Age.

Meanwhile, dramatic changes in the treatment of what, in the 1980s, came to be known as “intellectual property,” combined with the general retreat from antitrust enforcement, had the effect of vastly concentrating the geographical distribution of power in the technology sector. At the start of the 1980s, federal policy remained so hostile to patent monopolies that it refused even to grant patents for software. But then came a series of Supreme Court decisions and acts of Congress that vastly expanded the scope of patents and the monopoly power granted to patent holders. In 1991, Bill Gates reflected on the change and noted in a memo to his executives at Microsoft that “[i]f people had understood how patents would be granted when most of today’s ideas were invented, and had taken out patents, the industry would be at a complete standstill today.”

These changes caused the tech industry to become much more geographically concentrated than it otherwise would have been. They did so primarily by making the tech industry much less about engineering and much more about lawyering and deal making. In 2011, spending by Apple and Google on patent lawsuits and patent purchases exceeded their spending on research and development for the first time. Meanwhile, faced with growing barriers to entry created by patent monopolies and the consolidated power of giants like Apple and Google, the business model for most new start-ups became to sell themselves as quickly as possible to one of the tech industry’s entrenched incumbents.

For both of these reasons, success in this sector now increasingly requires being physically located where large concentrations of incumbents are seeking “innovation through acquisition,” and where there are supporting phalanxes of highly specialized legal and financial wheeler-dealers. Back in the 1970s, a young entrepreneur like Bill Gates was able to grow a new high-tech firm into a Fortune 500 company in his hometown of Seattle, which at the time was little better off than Detroit and Cleveland are today—a depopulating, worn-out manufacturing city, labeled by the Economist as “the city of despair.” Today, a young entrepreneur as smart and ambitious as the young Gates is most likely aiming to sell his company to a high-tech goliath—or will have to settle for doing so. Sure, high-tech entrepreneurs still emerge in the hinterland, and often start promising companies there. But to succeed they need to cash out, which means that they typically need to go where they’ll be in the deal flow of patent trading and mergers and acquisition, which means an already-established hub of high-tech “innovation” like Silicon Valley, or, ironically, today’s Seattle.

They may also need to maintain a Washington office, the better to protect and expand the policies that have allowed the concentration of wealth and power in a few imperial cities, including intellectual property protections, minimal antitrust enforcement, and financial regulations that benefit behemoth banks. The spectacular rise in the affluence of the D.C. metro area since the 1970s belies the idea that “deregulation” has brought a triumph of open and competitive markets. Instead, it is the result of a boom in what our libertarian friends in other contexts like to call “rent seeking,” or the enrichment of a few through the manipulation of government and the cornering of markets.

Inequality, an issue politicians talked about hesitantly, if at all, a decade ago, is now a central focus of candidates in both parties. The terms of the debate, however, are about individuals and classes: the elite versus the middle, the 1 percent versus the 99 percent. That’s fair enough. But the language we currently use to describe inequality doesn’t capture the way it is manifest geographically. Growing inequality between and among regions and metro areas is obvious to all of us. But it is almost completely absent from the current political conversation. This absence would have been unfathomable to earlier generations of Americans; for most of this country’s history, equalizing opportunity among different parts of the country was at the center of politics. The resulting policies led to the greatest mass prosperity in human history. Yet somehow, about thirty years ago, we forgot our history."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us inequality urban urbanism coasts economics policy politics 1980s ronaldreagan ip intellectualproperty wages salaries states socialcapital robertputnam georgepacker trusts law legal regulation business finance philliplongman</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2015/06/some-post-reform-education-theses.html">
    <title>Tuttle SVC: Some Post-Reform Education Theses</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-11T07:25:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2015/06/some-post-reform-education-theses.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The last 15 years have destroyed the intellectual foundation of American education
My favorite example is the argument in favor of teaching science and history for the purpose of improving "literacy." We don't have any working definitions of the core academic disciplines. Or a working definition of a "discipline" or its role in education. The basic definition of education has been hijacked as "college and career readiness," etc., etc. After Vietnam, the US military went back to Clausewitz to try to figure its role out again from first principles. We need to start over with Dewey.

Half-assed technocrats don't cut it.
Educational administrators are always going to tend toward technocracy, but right now we have a generation of terrible, uninterested, uneducated, ideological technocrats. It is the worst case scenario.

The international educational status quo is a decent starting point.
Every system has its strengths and weaknesses, but we don't have to act like we're solving a novel problem, as we have been, even as people go on and on about "international benchmarking."

Be realistic about where we are actually putting in real effort today.
For example, the current conversation about the difficulty of building social capital in low-income neighborhoods. This isn't something we're trying to do and failing. We are barely trying at all. We're not even adequately funding the existing public institutions (libraries, community centers, parks and rec., etc.) in low-income neighborhoods. Why don't we try that first before starting the handwringing?

Fund schools from general funds, not grants, especially private ones.
Some districts will waste their money. Get over it.

The ed-tech market does not work.
Actually the whole educational publishing market doesn't work either.

Enough with the standardized tests.
Professional teachers can evaluate their students. It is their job. They do it all over the world.

AP is a product, not a proxy for quality.
Increased AP enrollment just means the school is moving more product.

It is easy to mislead people about what "we" believed and did just a few years ago.
The memory hole is voracious.

Education can't be the most important problem in the world -- that we can only attempt to fix without spending more money.
Well, it is ok to give money to consultants, charter administration, and real estate scams."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://curmudgucation.blogspot.com/2015/06/can-we-rebuild-social-capital.html">
    <title>CURMUDGUCATION: Can We Rebuild Social Capital?</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-11T07:14:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://curmudgucation.blogspot.com/2015/06/can-we-rebuild-social-capital.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Can We Rebuild Social Capital?
I often disagree with his answers, but Mike Petrilli frequently asks excellent questions.

In the recent National Review, Petrilli is spinning off Robert Putnam's latest book about America's children and discussing the idea of social capital. The problem is simple, and clear:"the fundamental reality of life for many children growing up in poverty in America today is the extremely low level of 'social capital' of their families, communities, and schools."

The problem with any deliberate attempt to build social capital, as Petrilli correctly notes, is that nobody has any idea how to do it. Petrilli accuses Putnam of suggesting that we throw money at the problem. Well, I haven't read the book yet (it's on the summer reading list), so I can't judge whether Petrilli's summation is correct or not.

But Petrilli himself offers three strategies for addressing the issue. And as is often the case, while he raises some interesting and worthwhile questions, his line of inquiry is derailed by his mission of selling charters and choice.
1. Invite poor children into schools with social capital to spare. 

No, I don't think so. Social capital is about feeling supported, connected, and at home in your own community. You cannot feel at home in your own community by going to somebody else's community.

Schools contribute to social capital by belonging to the community, by being an outgrowth of the community which has significant role in running those schools. Inviting students into schools that are not in their community, that do not belong to those students and their families-- I don't think that gets you anything. Social capital finds expression in schools through things like evening gatherings at the school by people from the community. It depends on students and families who are tied through many, many links-- neighbors, families, friends. It depends on things as simple as a student who helps another student on homework by just stopping over at the house for a few minutes. These are things that don't happen when the students attend the same school, but live a huge distance apart.

Making a new student from another community a co-owner in a school is extraordinarily different. But anything less leaves the new student as simply a guest, and guests don't get to use the social capital of a community.

2. Build on the social capital that does exist in poor communities. 

The basic idea here is solid. Putrnam's grim picture aside, poor communities still have institutions and groups that provide social capital, connectedness, support. I agree with Petrilli here, at least for about one paragraph. Then a promising idea veers off into shilling for charters and choice. 

Education reformers should look for ways to nurture existing social capital and help it grow. Community-based charter schools are one way; so (again) is private-school choice.

Churches, service organizations (in my neck of the woods, think volunteer fire departments), and social groups (think Elks) are all community-based groups that add to social capital. Unfortunately, as Putnam noted in Bowling Alone, those sorts of groups are all in trouble. 
 
One of the fundamental problems of social capital and these groups is a steady dispersing of the people in the community. People spend too much time spreading out to come together. Spreading them out more, so that their children are all in different schools and no longer know each other-- I don't see how that helps. Social capital is about connection.
 
3. Build social capital by creating new schools.

Exactly where does a high-poverty community come up with the money to build a new school? The answer, he acknowledges, is for charter operators to come in from outside and create a new school from scratch. He also acknowledges that it's an "open question" whether such schools create any new social capital. 
 
I would also ask if it's really more inexpensive and efficient to spend the resources needed to start a new school from scratch than it is to invest those resources in the school that already exists. Particularly since with few exceptions, that new school is created to accommodate only some of the students in the community. If the community ends up financing two separate but unequal schools, that's not a financial improvement, and it is not creating social capital.

Do we actually care?

In the midst of these three points, Petrilli posits that growing social capital and growing academic achievement (aka test scores) are two different goals that are not always compatible, and we should not sacrifice test scores on the altar of social capital.

On this point I think Petrilli is dead wrong. There is not a lick of evidence that high test scores are connected to later success in life. On the other hand, there's plenty of evidence that social capital does, in fact, have a bearing on later success in life. High test scores are not a useful measure of anything, and they are not a worthwhile goal for schools or communities. 
 
Petrilli's is doubtful that lefty solutions that involve trying to fix poverty by giving poor people money are likely to help, and that many social services simply deliver some basic services without building social capital, and in this, I think he might have a point.

And it occurs to me, reading Petrilli's piece, that I live in a place that actually has a good history of social capital, both in the building and the losing. I'm going to be posting about that in the days ahead because I think social capital conversation is one worth having, and definitely one worth having as more than a way to spin charters and choice. Sorry to leave you with a "to be continued..." but school is ending and I've got time on my hands."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.walkerart.org/channel/2015/insights-k-hole-new-york">
    <title>Insights: K-HOLE, New York — Insights: K-HOLE, New York — Channel — Walker Art Center</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-28T08:56:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.walkerart.org/channel/2015/insights-k-hole-new-york</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["K-HOLE exists in multiple states at once: it is both a publication and a collective; it is both an artistic practice and a consulting firm; it is both critical and unapologetically earnest. Its five members come from backgrounds as varied as brand strategy, fine art, web development, and fashion, and together they have released a series of fascinating PDF publications modeled upon corporate trend forecasting reports. These documents appropriate the visuals of PowerPoint, stock photography, and advertising and exploit the inherent poetry in the purposefully vague aphorisms of corporate brand-speak. Ultimately, K-HOLE aspires to utilize the language of trend forecasting to discuss sociopolitical topics in depth, exploring the capitalist landscape of advertising and marketing in a critical but un-ironic way.

In the process, the group frequently coins new terms to articulate their ideas, such as “Youth Mode”: a term used to describe the prevalent attitude of youth culture that has been emancipated from any particular generation; the “Brand Anxiety Matrix”: a tool designed to help readers understand their conflicted relationships with the numerous brands that clutter their mental space on a daily basis; and “Normcore”: a term originally used to describe the desire not to differentiate oneself, which has since been mispopularized (by New York magazine) to describe the more specific act of dressing neutrally to avoid standing out. (In 2014, “Normcore” was named a runner-up by Oxford University Press for “Neologism of the Year.”)

Since publishing K-HOLE, the collective has taken on a number of unique projects that reflect the manifold nature of their practice, from a consulting gig with a private equity firm to a collaboration with a fashion label resulting in their own line of deodorant. K-HOLE has been covered by a wide range of publications, including the New York Times, Fast Company, Wired UK, and Mousse.

Part of Insights 2015 Design Lecture Series."

[direct link to video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7GkMPN5f5cQ ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://vimeo.com/31205135">
    <title>Porter and Mykleby: A Grand Strategy for the Nation on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-19T22:50:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/31205135</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Naval Captain Porter and Col. Mykleby of the Marines, military strategists working at the highest level of government, present highlights from their paper, “A National Strategic Narrative.” Their ideas—less military force, more social capital and more sustainable practices in energy and agriculture—have caused a recent stir in policy communities."

[See also: http://poptech.org/popcasts/a_grand_strategy_for_the_nation ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>grassroots complexity agriculture military socialcapital nationalstrategicnarrative policy energy us government systemsthinking markmykleby wayneporter poptech sustainability via:steelemaley</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ba59b94f4275/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:military"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://blogs.hbr.org/revitalizing-cities/2011/04/the-city-as-school.html">
    <title>The City As School - Gilberto Dimenstein - Revitalizing Cities - Harvard Business Review</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-26T04:57:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://blogs.hbr.org/revitalizing-cities/2011/04/the-city-as-school.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I then realized that the educational process happens not just inside the school walls, but in three different places: school, family and community.

When I came back to São Paulo - a chaotic metropolitan area with 20 million people - I decided to do an experiment using this knowledge. The city was going through its worst period of violence and degradation. In my neighborhood, Vila Madalena, we developed the learning-neighborhood project in cooperation with a group of communicators, psychologists and educators. The core idea was to map the community's resources: theater, schools, cultural centers, companies, parks, etc. We created a network and trained the community to take advantage of all these assets, turning them into social capital. With this model, the school is trained to function as a hub, connecting itself to the neighborhood, and then, to the city."]]></description>
<dc:subject>cities schools explodingschool urban infrastructure colinward education lcproject informallearning informal thecityishereforyoutouse socialcapital gilbertodinmenstein sãopaulo cityasclassroom experience experientiallearning realworld schoolwithoutwalls bolsa-escola via:cervus opencities opencitylabs networkedlearning ivanillich deschooling unschooling catracalivre neighborhoods community communities communitycenters learning families</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f09788733bfb/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2011/03/james-heckman-education-achievement-gap">
    <title>Building Better Kids | Mother Jones</title>
    <dc:date>2011-03-21T06:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2011/03/james-heckman-education-achievement-gap</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Intensive, early interventions, by contrast, genuinely seem to work. They aren't cheap, and they aren't easy. And they don't necessarily boost IQ scores or get kids into Harvard. But they produce children who learn better, develop critical life skills, have fewer problems in childhood and adolescence, commit fewer crimes, earn more money, and just generally live happier, stabler, more productive lives. If we spent $50 billion less on K-12 education—in both public and private money—and instead spent $50 billion more on early intervention programs, we'd almost certainly get a way bigger bang for the buck.

Maybe somebody ought to make a documentary about that."]]></description>
<dc:subject>education children poverty 2011 politics headstart parenting learning socialcapital us earlyintervention earlychildhood achievementgap</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a10cef49a4ea/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://scienceofloneliness.com/?q=homepage">
    <title>Loneliness</title>
    <dc:date>2009-11-12T18:06:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://scienceofloneliness.com/?q=homepage</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Social isolation can be as harmful to your health as smoking or a sedentary lifestyle. A large part of this effect is driven by the subjective sense of social isolation we call loneliness. New research shows that human beings are simply far more intertwined and interdependent—physiologically as well as psychologically—than our cultural prejudices have allowed us to acknowledge. “If you want to go fast,” says an African proverb, “go alone. If you want to go far, go together.”"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>loneliness society culture happiness socialcapital social books science interconnectivity interdependent human psychology sociology interconnected interconnectedness</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d9fbf26930c0/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://berglondon.com/blog/2009/10/19/why-social-matters/">
    <title>Why social matters – Blog – BERG</title>
    <dc:date>2009-10-20T03:22:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://berglondon.com/blog/2009/10/19/why-social-matters/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["now feels natural to incorporate our friends into photo management, encyclopaedias & tracking our finances...social software are part of everyday Web design discourse. But it’s important to remember that for 10 years  the Web was not a naturally social space, where conversations & creativity could flourish...and for many, now, it’s still not. That we’re prepared to give away our rights & privacy in exchange for leaving comments or joining a chat system in a game tells me that we’re still starved for social connection online. The fact that our hobbies are social again is great. Flickr builds social capital, Twitter builds social capital. The fact that are hobbies are social again is important. Social means showing off & sharing, & politeness & play. But social also means healthier, wealthier & happier & that’s a big, big deal. I believe that’s why social matters."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>mattwebb socialnetworking health socialcapital socialmedia media software social web2.0 web berg berglondon</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ac1dd892e811/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://soc.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/42/6/1089?etoc">
    <title>Cosmopolitanism as a Form of Capital: Parents Preparing their Children for a Globalizing World -- Weenink 42 (6): 1089 -- Sociology</title>
    <dc:date>2008-12-04T02:37:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://soc.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/42/6/1089?etoc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["article evaluates cosmopolitan theory by exploring how parents perceive cosmopolitanism. Interviews with parents whose children attend an internationalized form of education revealed that parents viewed cosmopolitanism as a form of cultural and social capital, rather than feelings of global connectedness or curiosity in the Other. Dedicated cosmopolitan parents were distinguished from pragmatic cosmopolitans.The former taught their children to explore the world and to take a global perspective on their course of life, while the latter thought that globalizing processes required cosmopolitan competencies. Analyses of survey data showed that parents' inclination to provide children w/ cosmopolitan capital was related to their own cosmopolitan capital & their level of ambitions, but not to their social class position. The article concludes that cosmopolitanism should be viewed as an expression of agency, which is acted out when people are forced to deal with processes of globalization."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>education parenting global globalvillage globalism cosmopolitanism globalization socialcapital</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:2fb73f68ccbc/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:socialcapital"/>
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