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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/two-out-of-two-pretentious-born-rich">
    <title>Two Out of Two Pretentious Born-Rich Ivy League Doctors Agree: Psychiatry is Over!</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T01:12:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/two-out-of-two-pretentious-born-rich</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the LA Review of Books would never pull this shit with any other group"]]></description>
<dc:subject>psychiatry psychology freddiedeboer 2026 mentalhealth mentalillness medicine khameerkidia priaanand peterbreggin antipsychiatry thomasszasz danielbergner schizophrenia jamesmarkrippee aclu</dc:subject>
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    <title>François Dosse’s Deleuze &amp; Guattari</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-20T06:28:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.artforum.com/columns/francois-dosses-deleuze-guattari-197100/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2011 terryeagleton deleuze&amp;guattari gillesdeleuze deleuze félixguattari philosophy psychology left politics nietzsche karlmarx freud desire jacqueslacan antonionegri françoismitterand noamchomsky billclinton lawrenceferlinghetti pattismith allenginsberg pierrebourdieu laborde kierkegaard jacquesderrida walterbenjamin theodoradorno bertrandrussell williamjames spinoza modernity schizophrenia capitalism literature rimbaud françoisdosse deborahglassman henribergson georgesbataille guattari lacan</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IozAGSY67VY">
    <title>Critical Conversations: Suicide A Conversation - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2019-04-23T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IozAGSY67VY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

Aliso Malmon
https://www.activeminds.org/about-us/our-team/alison-malmon/
https://twitter.com/alisonmalmon

Kay Redfield Jamison
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kay_Redfield_Jamison ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>suicide mentalhealth colleges universities 2019 sokauniversityofamerica highschool depression schizophrenia kayredfieldjamison alisonmalmon activeminds mentalillness academia higherducation highered bipolardisorder soka sua</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/">
    <title>The Equality Trust | Working to improve the quality of life in the UK by reducing economic inequality</title>
    <dc:date>2018-08-20T04:51:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also: 
(book) "The Spirit Level"
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Spirit_Level_(book)

<blockquote>The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better[1] is a book by Richard G. Wilkinson and Kate Pickett,[2] published in 2009 by Allen Lane. The book is published in the US by Bloomsbury Press (December, 2009) with the new sub-title: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger.[3] It was then published in a paperback second edition (United Kingdom) in November 2010 by Penguin Books with the subtitle, Why Equality is Better for Everyone.[4]

The book argues that there are "pernicious effects that inequality has on societies: eroding trust, increasing anxiety and illness, (and) encouraging excessive consumption".[5] It claims that for each of eleven different health and social problems: physical health, mental health, drug abuse, education, imprisonment, obesity, social mobility, trust and community life, violence, teenage pregnancies, and child well-being, outcomes are significantly worse in more unequal countries, whether rich or poor.[1] The book contains graphs that are available online.[6]

In 2010, the authors published responses to questions about their analysis on the Equality Trust website.[7] As of September 2012, the book had sold more than 150,000 copies in English.[8] It is available in 23 foreign editions.</blockquote>

"The Spirit Level authors: why society is more unequal than ever"
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/mar/09/society-unequal-the-spirit-level

[follow-up book] "The Inner Level: How More Equal Societies Reduce Stress, Restore Sanity and Improve Everyone’s Wellbeing"
https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/188607/the-inner-level/

<blockquote>Why is the incidence of mental illness in the UK twice that in Germany? Why are Americans three times more likely than the Dutch to develop gambling problems? Why is child well-being so much worse in New Zealand than Japan? As this groundbreaking study demonstrates, the answer to all these hinges on inequality.

In The Spirit Level Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett put inequality at the centre of public debate by showing conclusively that less-equal societies fare worse than more equal ones across everything from education to life expectancy. The Inner Level now explains how inequality affects us individually, how it alters how we think, feel and behave. It sets out the overwhelming evidence that material inequalities have powerful psychological effects: when the gap between rich and poor increases, so does the tendency to define and value ourselves and others in terms of superiority and inferiority. A deep well of data and analysis is drawn upon to empirically show, for example, that low social status is associated with elevated levels of stress, and how rates of anxiety and depression are intimately related to the inequality which makes that status paramount.

Wilkinson and Pickett describe how these responses to hierarchies evolved, and why the impacts of inequality on us are so severe. In doing so, they challenge the conception that humans are innately competitive and self-interested. They undermine, too, the idea that inequality is the product of 'natural' differences in individual ability. This book sheds new light on many of the most urgent problems facing societies today, but it is not just an index of our ills. It demonstrates that societies based on fundamental equalities, sharing and reciprocity generate much higher levels of well-being, and lays out the path towards them.</blockquote>

"Does inequality cause suicide, drug abuse and mental illness?"
https://www.economist.com/books-and-arts/2018/06/14/does-inequality-cause-suicide-drug-abuse-and-mental-illness

"“The Inner Level” seeks to push that debate forward, by linking inequality to a crisis of mental health. This time the authors’ argument focuses on status anxiety: stress related to fears about individuals’ places in social hierarchies. Anxiety declines as incomes rise, they show, but is higher at all levels in more unequal countries—to the extent that the richest 10% of people in high-inequality countries are more socially anxious than all but the bottom 10% in low-inequality countries. Anxiety contributes to a variety of mental-health problems, including depression, narcissism and schizophrenia—rates of which are alarming in the West, the authors say, and rise with inequality.

Manifestations of mental illness, such as self-harm, drug and alcohol abuse and problem gambling, all seem to get worse with income dispersion, too. Such relationships seem to apply within countries as well as between them. Damaging drug use is higher in more unequal neighbourhoods of New York City, in more unequal American states and in more unequal countries. The authors emphasise that it is a person’s relative position rather than absolute income that matters most. A study of 30,000 Britons found that an individual’s place in the income hierarchy predicted the incidence of mental stress more accurately than absolute income did. And in America, relative income is more closely linked to depression than absolute income. It is not enough to lift all boats, their work suggests, if the poshest vessels are always buoyed up more than the humblest.

The fact that relative status matters so much is a result of human beings’ intrinsically social nature, Ms Pickett and Mr Wilkinson argue. Group interaction and co-operation have been an essential component of humanity’s evolutionary success; indeed, the authors say, its social nature helped drive the growth of human brains. Across primates, they write, the size of the neocortex—a part of the brain responsible for higher-level cognitive functions—varies with the typical group size of a species. Living in complex social groups is hard cognitive work. Survival requires an understanding of roles within the social hierarchy, and intuition of what others are thinking. Thus people are necessarily sensitive to their status within groups, and to social developments that threaten it.

Such hierarchies are found in all human societies. But as inequality rises, differences in status become harder to ignore. There is more to be gained or lost by moving from one rung on the ladder to another. And however much some maintain that disparities in pay-cheques do not correspond to differences in human worth, such well-meaning pieties feel hollow when high-rollers earn hundreds or thousands of times what ordinary folk take home. Money cannot buy everything, but it can buy most things. The steeper the income gradient, the less secure everyone becomes, in both their self-respect and their sense of the community’s esteem.

And so people compensate. They take pills, to steel their nerves or dull the pain. Some cut themselves. Some adopt a more submissive posture, avoiding contact with others. Yet such withdrawal can feed on itself, depriving recluses of the social interaction that is important to mental health, undermining relationships and careers and contributing to economic hardship.

Others respond in the opposite way, by behaving more aggressively and egotistically. Studies of narcissistic tendencies showed a steep increase between 1982 and 2006, the authors report; 30% more Americans displayed narcissistic characteristics at the end of the period than at the beginning. Scrutiny of successive American cohorts found a progressive rise in those listing wealth and fame as important goals (above fulfilment and community). Over time, more people cited money as the main motivation for attending college (rather than intellectual enrichment).

Domineering responses to anxiety are associated with loss of empathy and delusions of grandeur. Thus highly successful people often display narcissistic or even psychopathic behaviour. In surveys, the rich are generally less empathetic and more likely to think they deserve special treatment than others. Modern capitalism, the authors suggest, selects for assertiveness, for a lack of sentimentality in business and comfort in sacking underlings, and for showy displays of economic strength. From the top to the bottom of the income spectrum, people use conspicuous consumption and other means of enhancing their image to project status.

The least secure are often the most likely to exaggerate their qualities. For example, countries with lower average life-expectancy tend to do better on measures of self-reported health; 54% of Japanese say they are in good health compared with 80% of Americans, though the Japanese live five years longer on average. Whereas 70% of Swedes consider themselves to be above-average drivers, 90% of Americans do. Such figures cast declamations of America’s greatness, and the politicians who make them, in a new light."

"The Inner Level review – how more equal societies reduce stress and improve wellbeing"
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/jun/20/the-inner-level-review ]

[via: https://www.instagram.com/p/BmquJ7Ngvme/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>The Touch of Madness - Pacific Standard</title>
    <dc:date>2017-10-16T03:40:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psmag.com/magazine/the-touch-of-madness-mental-health-schizophrenia</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So Jones grew alarmed when, soon after starting at DePaul in the fall of 2007, at age 27, she began having trouble retaining things she had just read. She also struggled to memorize the new characters she was learning in her advanced Chinese class. She had experienced milder versions of these cognitive and memory blips a couple times before, most recently as she’d finished her undergraduate studies earlier that year. These new mental glitches were worse. She would study and draw the new logograms one night, then come up short when she tried to draw them again the next morning.

These failures felt vaguely neurological. As if her synapses had clogged. She initially blamed them on the sleepless, near-manic excitement of finally being where she wanted to be. She had wished for exactly this, serious philosophy and nothing but, for half her life. Now her mind seemed to be failing. Words started to look strange. She began experiencing "inarticulable atmospheric changes," as she put it—not hallucinations, really, but alterations of temporality, spatiality, depth perception, kinesthetics. Shimmerings in reality's fabric. Sidewalks would feel soft and porous. Audio and visual input would fall out of sync, creating a lag between the movement of a speaker's lips and the words' arrival at Jones' ears. Something was off.

"You look at your hand," as she described it to me later, holding hers up and examining it front and back, "and it looks the same as always. But it's not. It's yours—but it's not. Nothing has changed"—she let her hand drop to her knee—"yet it's different. And that's what gets you. There's nothing to notice; but you can't help but notice."

Another time she found herself staring at the stone wall of a building on campus and realizing that the wall's thick stone possessed two contradictory states. She recognized that the wall was immovable and that, if she punched it, she'd break her hand. Yet she also perceived that the stone was merely a constellation of atomic particles so tenuously bound that, if she blew on it, it would come apart. She experienced this viscerally. She felt the emptiness within the stone.

Initially she found these anomalies less threatening than weird. But as they intensified, the gap between what she was perceiving and what she could understand rationally generated an unbearable cognitive dissonance. How could something feel so wrong but she couldn't say what? She had read up the wazoo about perception, phenomenology, subjectivity, consciousness. She of all people should be able to articulate what she was experiencing. Yet she could not. "Language had betrayed me," she says. "There was nothing you could point to and say, 'This looks different about the world.' There were no terms. I had no fucking idea."

Too much space was opening within and around and below her. She worried she was going mad. She had seen what madness looked like from the outside. When Jones was in her teens, one of her close relatives, an adult she'd always seen frequently, and whom we'll call Alex for privacy reasons, had in early middle age fallen into a state of almost relentless schizophrenia. It transformed Alex from a warm, caring, and open person who was fully engaged with the world into somebody who was isolated from it—somebody who seemed remote, behaved in confusing and alarming ways, and periodically required hospitalization. Jones now started to worry this might be happening to her."

…

"Reading philosophy helped Jones think. It helped order the disorderly. Yet later, in college, she lit up when she discovered the writers who laid the philosophical foundation for late 20-century critical psychiatry and madness studies: Michel Foucault, for instance, who wrote about how Western culture, by medicalizing madness, brands the mad as strangers to human nature. Foucault described both the process and the alienating effect of this exclusion-by-definition, or "othering," as it soon came to be known, and how the mad were cut out and cast away, flung into pits of despair and confusion, leaving ghosts of their presence behind.

To Jones, philosophy, not medicine, best explained the reverberations from the madness that had touched her family: the disappearance of the ex-husband; the alienation of Alex, who at times seemed "there but not there," unreachable. Jones today describes the madness in and around her family as a koan, a puzzle that teaches by its resistance to solution, and which forces upon her the question of how to speak for those who may not be able to speak for themselves.

Jones has since made a larger version of this question—of how we think of and treat the mad, and why in the West we usually shunt them aside—her life's work. Most of this work radiates from a single idea: Culture shapes the experience, expression, and outcome of madness. The idea is not that culture makes one mad. It's that culture profoundly influences every aspect about how madness develops and expresses itself, from its onset to its full-blown state, from how the afflicted experience it to how others respond to it, whether it destroys you or leaves you whole.

This idea is not original to Jones. It rose from the observation, first made at least a century ago and well-documented now, that Western cultures tend to send the afflicted into a downward spiral rarely seen in less modernized cultures. Schizophrenia actually has a poorer prognosis for people in the West than for those in less urbanized, non-Eurocentric societies. When the director of the World Health Organization's mental-health unit, Shekhar Saxena, was asked last year where he'd prefer to be if he were diagnosed with schizophrenia, he said for big cities he'd prefer a city in Ethiopia or Sri Lanka, like Colombo or Addis Ababa, rather than New York or London, because in the former he could expect to be seen as a productive if eccentric citizen rather than a reject and an outcast.

Over the past 25 years or so, the study of culture's effect on schizophrenia has received increasing attention from philosophers, historians, psychiatrists, anthropologists, and epidemiologists, and it is now edging into the mainstream. In the past five years, Nev Jones has made herself one of this view's most forceful proponents and one of the most effective advocates for changing how Western culture and psychiatry respond to people with psychosis. While still a graduate student at DePaul she founded three different groups to help students with psychosis continue their studies. After graduating in 2014, she expanded her reach first into the highest halls of academe, as a scholar at Stanford University, and then into policy, working with state and private agencies in California and elsewhere on programs for people with psychosis, and with federal agencies to produce toolkits for universities, students, and families about dealing with psychosis emerging during college or graduate study. Now in a new position as an assistant professor at the University of South Florida, she continues to examine—and ask the rest of us to see—how culture shapes madness.

In the United States, the culture's initial reaction to a person's first psychotic episode, embedded most officially in a medical system that sees psychosis and schizophrenia as essentially biological, tends to cut the person off instantly from friends, social networks, work, and their sense of identity. This harm can be greatly reduced, however, when a person's first care comes from the kind of comprehensive, early intervention programs, or EIPs, that Jones works on. These programs emphasize truly early intervention, rather than the usual months-long lag between first symptoms and any help; high, sustained levels of social, educational, and vocational support; and building on the person's experience, ambitions, and strengths to keep them as functional and engaged as possible. Compared to treatment as usual, EIPs lead to markedly better outcomes across the board, create more independence, and seem to create far less trauma for patients and their family and social circles."

…

"Once his eye was caught, Kraepelin started seeing culture's effects everywhere. In his native Germany, for instance, schizophrenic Saxons were more likely to kill themselves than were Bavarians, who were, in turn, more apt to do violence to others. In a 1925 trip to North America, Kraepelin found that Native Americans with schizophrenia, like Indonesians, didn't build in their heads the elaborate delusional worlds that schizophrenic Europeans did, and hallucinated less.

Kraepelin died in 1926, before he could publish a scholarly version of those findings. Late in his life, he embraced some widely held but horrific ideas about scientific racism and eugenics. Yet he had clearly seen that culture exerted a powerful, even fundamental, effect on the intensity, nature, and duration of symptoms in schizophrenia, and in bipolar disorder and depression. He urged psychiatrists to explore just how culture created such changes.

Even today, few in medicine have heeded this call. Anthropologists, on the other hand, have answered it vigorously over the last couple of decades. To a cultural anthropologist, culture includes the things most of us would expect—movies, music, literature, law, tools, technologies, institutions, and traditions. It also includes a society's predominant ideas, values, stories, interpretations, beliefs, symbols, and framings—everything from how we should dress, greet one another, and prepare and eat food, to what it means to be insane. Madness, in other words, is just one more thing about which a culture constructs and applies ideas that guide thought and behavior.

But what connects these layers of culture to something so seemingly internal as a person's state of mind? The biocultural anthropologist Daniel Lende says that it helps here to think of culture as a series of concentric circles surrounding each of us. For simplicity's sake, let's keep it to two circles around a core, with each circle embedding and expressing many of the larger culture's dominant ideas and values—in this case, about what it means to be mad.

The outermost circle consists of a culture's most tangible, recognizable institutions, practices, concepts, and social structures. This is the realm of government, universities, clinics; of laws about sanity and responsibility; of medical practices, standards, and diagnostic categories; of depictions of the mad in art or literature (Ophelia, Norman Bates) or history (Lizzie Borden, Rasputin, Jared Loughner); of the batshit-crazy assortment of slang we use to refer to madness—cracked, cuckoo, psycho, schizo, nutso, unmoored, unhinged, demented, mad as a hatter, off one's box, loopy. Virtually everyone interacts with this outer layer of culture. It so thoroughly encapsulates our experience that we can easily forget it's there.

The next, closer circle of culture is our social world—the friends, family, classmates, fellow workers, and neighbors whose lives rub against ours day-to-day. In Lende's circular schema of cultural influence, it's this closer social layer that most intimately and powerfully transmits to us the ideas, values, and opinions of the wider culture around us, while establishing a sort of customized subculture as well. Through this layer especially we observe, assess, and, in turn, influence the culture around us.

Finally, and most intimately and crucially, a central premise of psychiatric anthropology is that we connect to both these layers of culture primarily through individual interactions. The anthropologist Edward Sapir was one of the first to note this. "The true locus of culture," he wrote in 1932, "is in the interactions of specific individuals"—specifically via "the world of meanings which each ... of these individuals may unconsciously abstract for himself from his participation in these interactions."

In a more expansive view, such interactions, defined broadly, are the base currency of cultural exchange: a long conversation between friends; a joke told and laughed at (or not); an eight-year-old watching Psycho; a teenager reading Virginia Woolf; a colleague who belittles someone you admire; a friend who won't meet your eye. Such interactions don't merely express and transmit culture. By constantly filtering, evaluating, and tweaking culture, they create it. Likewise, we sense and evaluate culture, and our places in it, in every social exchange that we take part in, witness, or hear of.

By this view, when people in mental distress are shunned and relegated to a class of others needing care away from the rest of us, they are pushed outside of culture precisely when they need it most. They may seem utterly detached from reality. But they will keenly comprehend their exile.

This is portrayed vividly in a memoir written by a man of Kraepelin's time, Daniel Paul Schreber. Schreber's career as a prominent German judge ended when, in 1884, he went mad at the age of 42. His renowned Memoirs of My Nervous Illness, written during a remission and published in 1903, describes with astounding lucidity damned near every torment that schizophrenia can bring. Of these, Schreber's worst agony was clearly the isolation his treatment forced on him. At the asylum he was placed in (the same sort Kraepelin visited to refine his view of dementia praecox), Schreber was miserable and spoke little. He writes that, while hospitalized there, he was "completely cut off from the outside world, without any contact with my family," "forsaken," "left to rot."

The completeness of this alienation helps explain the anthropologist's fascination with schizophrenia. Schizophrenia is where culture—Western culture, anyway—disintegrates."

…

"In the weeks after Erfani rescued Jones from the restaurant steps, Jones, aided by Erfani, resumed her search for help. This was a fraught venture, because, in much of the Western world, an initial medical visit often accelerates a first episode. A 2013 review, for instance, found that a first hospitalization often caused psychotic patients distress rivaling that caused by the symptoms that drove them to the hospital. The care could wreak as much havoc as the ailment.

Irene Hurford, a psychiatrist and psychosis-response expert at the University of Pennsylvania, says it's easy to see why. The initial admission to an emergency room or hospital, she says, is far too often traumatic. Many ERs, overwhelmed to start with and facing patients long distressed and long neglected, routinely resort to physical and chemical restraints. Many staff, reflecting the culture around them, see first-episode psychosis as a gate to doom—and convey that to the patients. "They are told all sorts of nonsense," Hurford says. "'You'll be on medicine the rest of your life. You have to accept you have a brain illness.'" In reality, early symptoms of schizophrenia may indicate anything from a one-time event to the beginning of either an occasional episodic struggle or something deep and chronic. It runs the gamut. This is why best practice, as one 2001 study puts it, involves not a rush to judgment but "an embracing of diagnostic uncertainty.”

Yet many patients encounter not uncertainty but a view of schizophrenia as biologically hard-wired and inevitably progressive—"the terminal cancer of mental health," as Richard Noll described the conventional wisdom from Kraepelin's time, in his book American Madness: The Rise and Fall of Dementia Praecox. In patients, this view encourages hopelessness and despair; in friends, acquaintances, and family, a rush to the exits. In the West, the mere word schizophrenia can be enough to make people feel crazy and alone.

By contrast, multiple lines of research find schizophrenia is less crippling in developing countries. This is partly because, in many of these countries, people are likely to attribute madness not to a broken brain but to more normalized disturbances, such as temporary infestations of bad spirits. In his book Crazy Like Us: The Globalization of the American Psyche, Ethan Watters describes how, in Zanzibar, schizophrenia is seen as an unusually intense inhabitation of spirits, and psychotic episodes as passing phenomena. In one household Watters came to know well, a woman with schizophrenia, Kimwana, was allowed to drift back and forth from illness to relative health without much monitoring or comment by the rest of the family. Because her swings from psychosis to wellness and back were not treated as the disappearance and return of her "self," as is common in the West, Kimwana, Watters writes, "felt little pressure to self-identify as someone with a permanent mental illness."

Kimwana's case resembles some of those that Kraepelin saw in Indonesia in the 1920s. In 1967, the transcultural psychiatrist Wolfgang Pfeiffer followed Kraepelin's tracks there and found the same thing. In Indonesia, as the comparative psychiatry scholar Wolfgang Jilek later described, Pfeiffer found that "hallucinations ... were accepted by the tradition-directed patient with equanimity and not reflected upon with delusional elaboration. Chronic residual states were well integrated into traditional society." Madness was still madness. But when accepted as something that would pass, it often did.

Jones, hunting for help in 2008, desperately needed a place that would view madness that way. Like most patients in America, she found it hard to find.

The first place she visited with Erfani was a large hospital emergency room. Jones recalls the visit with a darker tone than Erfani does, but both agree the visit did not go well. As Jones remembers it, a nurse took the two of them into an exam room, spent most of her time querying Erfani, as if Jones' own account would be useless—"as if I wasn't there," Jones says—and when she finished and grabbed the doorknob to fetch a doctor, turned to Erfani and said: "I'm not the one who makes the diagnoses. But I can tell you right now, having seen a lot of these people, I think she's a schizo." She concluded by saying, "You should have taken her right to Cook County"—presumably because Cook County's hospital treated the indigent and had a locked ward. To Jones the whole thing felt like a dramatization of Foucault's warning about medicine branding and outcasting the mad. The two friends waited until the nurse was down the hall, then slipped out of the building."

…

"What this meant, however, was that, as Jones spiraled into crisis, almost no one other than Jones' therapist and psychiatrist knew what to do—and neither of them had any clout on campus. Thus culture took its course.

In retrospect it's clear that, in the weeks running up to her phone call with Holland, Jones had entered the doomed space described by Erving Goffman in his classic 1963 study, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity:

<blockquote>The more there is about the individual that deviates in an undesirable direction from what might have been expected to be true of him, the more he is obliged to volunteer information about himself, even though the cost to him of candor may have increased proportionally.</blockquote>

What candor had Jones offered that cost her so dear? Jones, searching through the dimness of memory, has come to believe that the simplest, most likely explanation for her being barred from campus is that one particular hallucination she confessed to one person, or perhaps two or three people, got badly misunderstood."

…

"Although Jones' exile lasted but a week or two, this brief banishment, she would later record, "set in motion a chain of events that were to forever change my life, perhaps as profoundly as the 'diagnosis' of schizophrenia itself." It released a set of forces that no one understood and no one knew how to stop. And it may have done so not because Jones actually threatened violence, but because the culture around her was so ready to equate psychosis with violence that her diagnosis made her a threat. One of the questions here that comes quickest to mind—what did Jones do to provoke such a reaction?—may be a red herring. Her mere passage into psychosis may have been enough to provoke expulsion.

When Jones returned to campus after 10 days or so, she says, virtually none of her fellow students and few of the faculty would even look at her. As her classmates pulled back, Jones withdrew further. "She was just kind of gone," says Kieran Aarons, a fellow philosophy graduate student who had also known Jones as a fellow undergraduate in Oregon. "She wasn't disrupting anything, or having outbursts. But she was very clearly not in the room."

In the weeks after her return, Jones became estranged not just from Chanter but from the rest of the circle of classmates who'd formed around Chanter. She eventually lost even Erfani, with whom she hasn't talked since. Because it pained Jones to see her professors, she studied their schedules so she could time her entrances and exits from the building so as to avoid them. When that wasn't good enough, she would enter a bathroom and lock herself in a stall for long periods of time, unable to face anyone. People noticed this too.

At this point she started having disturbingly vivid visions of killing herself. She felt utterly crushed, helpless, and alone."

…

"If her exile two Aprils before had thrown Jones down a well, she now collapsed at its bottom and lay drowning. She could not think. Could not read. Could not tell who was real and who was not, what was actually happening and what she was imagining. Could not tell whether such distinctions even mattered. When she looked people in the eyes, she felt them enter her mind and read all her thoughts. She felt both formless and isolated, selfless and alone, borderless, "as if erased." For one period many days long, possibly weeks, she surrendered completely to her demons and delusions. "I didn't even get out of bed," she said later. "And when I say I didn't get out of bed, I mean I did not get out of bed. There were days I could not summon the energy, or perhaps the will, to walk from the bed to the bathroom."

In retrospect, she says, she surrendered to a dynamic she had examined in one of the last philosophy papers she managed to finish, written when things were unraveling the spring before. Fifty years earlier, the British psychotherapist Donald Winnicott had proposed that the elaborate delusional worlds that typify schizophrenia in Western cultures are not arbitrary structures of a broken, schizophrenic mind, but a complex set of mental fortifications the person builds to protect herself against the real world, which she worries will seize and lock her away because she is insane. It's madness as an Escherian stairway to hell.

Years later, Jones would find this vision a credible explanation of her own descent into madness. For a year or more after her expulsion, she often stayed in her head's delusional worlds not because she had lost her mind, but because her mind felt safer in delusion than in her ruined reality.

"Everything is on fire, in flames, burning," she wrote in her diary. "My thoughts are everywhere ... a cloud, a pack of birds, a pack of wolves.""]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://vimeo.com/203613867">
    <title>Dr. Nev Jones on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2017-10-16T01:40:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/203613867</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[found after reading:

"The Tough of Madness: Culture profoundly shapes our ideas about mental illness, which is something psychologist Nev Jones knows all too well."
https://psmag.com/magazine/the-touch-of-madness-mental-health-schizophrenia ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>nevjones academia psychology psychosis schizophrenia 2017 mentalhealth healthcare health ptsd immigration support culture society risk</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/feb/26/mental-illness-misery-childhood-traumas">
    <title>Mental illness is a result of misery, yet still we stigmatise it | Richard Bentall | Opinion | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2016-05-16T21:16:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/feb/26/mental-illness-misery-childhood-traumas</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Of course genes play a role in making some people more vulnerable to psychiatric disorder than others, but the formidable advances in molecular genetics over recent years show that the same genes are involved when people are diagnosed with schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, ADHD and even autism.

More importantly hundreds, possibly thousands, of genes are involved, each conferring a tiny increase in risk. Hence, as American genetic researcher Kenneth Kendler says: “The genetic risk for schizophrenia is widely distributed in human populations, so that we all carry some degree of risk.” Everyone reading this article is likely to have some risk genes although, of course, some will have more than others.

The fact that so many genes are involved suggests it is unlikely that studying them will lead to therapeutic breakthroughs anytime soon. (Consider Huntington’s disease, a terrible degenerative neurological condition that is caused by a single dominant gene with a known biological function. Years after this gene was discovered there is still no sign of a medical therapy for this simplest of all the genetic conditions.)

Recent studies have pointed to a wide range of social and environmental factors that increase the risk of mental ill health. These include poverty in childhood, social inequality and early exposure to urban environments; migration and belonging to an ethnic minority (all trending in the wrong direction); early separation from parents; childhood sexual, physical and emotional abuse; and bullying in schools.

In an analysis of all the research on childhood trauma and psychosis, my colleagues and I found that exposure to any of these childhood adversities increased the risk of psychosis approximately three-fold, and those who had multiple traumatic experiences were at much higher risk. In fact, the evidence of a link between childhood misfortune and future psychiatric disorder is about as strong statistically as the link between smoking and lung cancer.

There is also now strong evidence that these kinds of experiences affect brain structure, explaining many of the abnormal neuro-imaging findings that have been reported for psychiatric patients. And of course there are myriad adult adversities that also contribute to mental ill health, including debt, unhappy marriages, excessively demanding work environments and the threat of unemployment. Arguably the biggest cause of human misery is miserable relationships with other people, conducted in miserable circumstances.

Why is all this important? For one thing, many psychiatric patients in Britain feel that services too often ignore their life stories. In the words of Eleanor Longden, a mental health activist, “They always ask what is wrong with you and hardly ever ask what happened to you.” Patients are routinely offered powerful drugs (which clearly have a place but only help some patients), but very rarely the kinds of psychological therapies that may help them come to terms with these kinds of experiences, or even practical advice (debt counselling probably has a place in the treatment of depression, for example).

A narrow medical approach has been extraordinarily unsuccessful, despite what many people assume. Whereas survival and recovery rates for severe physical conditions such as cancer and heart disease have improved dramatically since the second world war, recovery rates for severe mental illness have not shifted at all. Those countries that spend the least on psychiatric services have the best outcomes for severe mental illness, whereas those that spend the most have the highest suicide rates.

To make matters worse, research shows that an exclusively biological approach tends to increase the stigma associated with mental illness. The more that ordinary people think of mental illness as a genetically determined brain disease, and the less they recognise it to be a reaction to unfortunate circumstances, the more they shun psychiatric patients. An exclusively biological approach makes it all too easy to believe that human beings fall into two subspecies: the mentally well and the mentally ill.

Finally, a narrow biomedical approach entirely neglects the public health dimension. Given the evidence, we should be able to dramatically reduce the prevalence of mental health problems by, for example, addressing childhood poverty and inequality, figuring out which aspects of the urban environment are toxic (not surprisingly, living close to a park appears to provide some protection against mental illness), and by aiming to ensure that all our children experience benign childhoods. Some potential influences on mental health (eg the way we organise our schools) have hardly been studied. We cannot create a mentally healthier world if we spend all our time peering into test tubes.

This is not to say that biological approaches have no value, or that research into the genetics and neuroscience of psychiatric disorders has no place. I have been involved in biological studies myself. But portraying mental ill health simply as brain disease can only increase stigma, diverts our attention away from other ways in which we can help patients, stops us from building a healthier world, and encourages in patients alienation, pessimism and a deep despair."]]></description>
<dc:subject>richardbentall health mentalhealth 2016 economics poverty schizophrenia bipolardisorder depression psychology publichealth inequality socialinequality migration race class</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2015/may/22/agnes-martin-the-artist-mystic-who-disappeared-into-the-desert">
    <title>Agnes Martin: the artist mystic who disappeared into the desert | Art and design | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-03T21:20:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2015/may/22/agnes-martin-the-artist-mystic-who-disappeared-into-the-desert</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the summer of 1967, Martin left New York and went off-grid before reappearing in New Mexico. The art she made there – with its buoyant bands of colour – offer no clues to the turbulent life of an artist who was diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia. Ahead of a major retrospective, Olivia Laing celebrates her visions of pure joy"

…

"Learning to withstand emptiness was her own speciality, her given task. Her years in New Mexico were marked by a profound withdrawal from worldly things, a life of renunciation and restriction that often sounds punishingly masochistic, though Martin insisted the intention was spiritual, an ongoing war against the sin of pride. The voices were strict in their limitations. She wasn’t allowed to buy records, own a television, or have a dog or cat for company. Over the winter of 1973 she lived off nothing but preserved home-grown tomatoes, walnuts and hard cheese. Another winter it was Knox gelatin mixed with orange juice and bananas. When she was evicted from the mesa after an argument with the owners, she rang Glimcher, telling him she had lost everything, even her clothes. “It’s a sign I’ve been living too grandly,” she announced cheerfully. “It’s another test for me.”

Ironically, Martin’s reclusiveness, her spartan existence, contributed to her growing status as the desert mystic of minimalism, something she simultaneously resisted and fed. During this period, she began to give public lectures that managed to be both bossy and self-effacing, mixing the language of Zen sermons with the babyish burblings and deliberate repetitions of Gertrude Stein, whose poems she was fond of declaiming. Martin was adept at using language opaquely, creating a screen of words that could veil her from the gaze of the world. Like her enigmatic, resistant paintings, her statements are designed to express something beyond the reach of ordinary understanding, weapons in a campaign to devalue the material and elevate the abstract. “When you give up on the idea of right and wrong, you don’t get anything,” she told Johnston. “What you get is rid of everything, freedom from ideas and responsibilities.”

Towards the end of her life, even the strictures began to dissolve. As she aged, Martin became happier and more social, as well as considerably more wealthy. In 1992, she moved into a retirement community in Taos, New Mexico, driving each day to her studio in a spotless white BMW, one of the few extravagances in a life still dedicated to extreme material simplicity. Other things that gave her pleasure were the novels of Agatha Christie (themselves, as Princenthal observes, infinitely ingenious repetitions on the same core structure), occasional martinis and the music of Beethoven. To Lillian Ross in 2003, she announced cheerfully: “Beethoven is really about something. I go to sleep when it gets dark, get up when it’s light. Like a chicken. Let’s go to lunch.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>agnesmartin art olivialaing 2015 schizophrenia minimalism emptiness</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kIzA4ItynYw">
    <title>Open Ed 12 - Gardner Campbell Keynote - Ecologies of Yearning - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2014-05-13T01:25:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kIzA4ItynYw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also: https://storify.com/audreywatters/ecologies-of-yearning-and-the-future-of-open-educa

(now here)
https://web.archive.org/web/20130721073940/http://storify.com/audreywatters/ecologies-of-yearning-and-the-future-of-open-educa ]

[See also: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steps_to_an_Ecology_of_Mind and
PDF http://www.edtechpost.ca/readings/Gregory%20Bateson%20-%20Ecology%20of%20Mind.pdf ]

[References these videos by a student: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCmFL4Khu2yJoR0Oq5dcY5pw ]

[via: https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e91b15f323b8

"In his keynote at the 2012 OpenEd conference, Gardner Campbell, an Associate Professor of English at Virginia Tech,  talked about the “Ecologies of Yearning.” (Seriously: watch the video.) Campbell offered a powerful and poetic vision about the future of open learning, but noted too that there are competing visions for that future, particularly from the business and technology sectors. There are competing definitions of “open” as well, and pointing to the way in which “open” is used (and arguably misused) by education technology companies, Campbell’s keynote had a refrain, borrowed from “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock”:  “That is not it at all. That is not what I meant, at all.”"]

"30:29 Bateson's Hierarchy of learning

30:52 Zero Learning:"receipt of signal". No error possible

31:37 Learning I: "change in specificity of response by correction of errors of choice within a set of alternatives". Palov, etc. Habituation, adaptation.

32:16 Learning II: Learning-to-learn, context recognition, "corrective change in the set of alternatives from which choice is made, or.. in how the sequence of experience is punctuated". Premises are self-validating.

34:23 Learning III: Meta-contextual perspective, imagining and shifting contexts of understanding. "a corrective change in the system of sets of alternatives from which choice is made" Puts self at risk. Questions become explosive.

36:22 Learning IV: change to level III, "probably does not occur in any adult living organisms on this earth"

38:59 "Double bind"

44:49 Habits of being that might be counter-intuitive

51:49 Participant observers constructed Wordles of students' blogs"

[Comment from Céline Keller:

"This is my favorite talk online: Open Ed 12 - Gardner Campbell Keynote - Ecologies of Yearning +Gardner Campbell 

This is what I wrote about it 7 month ago:

"Academia is to knowledge what prostitution is to love; close enough on the surface but, to the nonsucker, not exactly the same thing." Nassim Nicholas Taleb

If you care about education and learning don't miss listening to Gardner Campbell!

As described on the #edcmooc resource page:

"(This lecture)...serves as a warning that what we really want - our utopia - is not necessarily to be found in the structures we are putting in place (or finding ourselves within)."
Love it."

I still mean it. This is great, listen."]

[More here: http://krustelkrammoocs.blogspot.com/2013/02/gardner-campbell-sense-of-wonder-how-to.html ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.radiolab.org/2013/jun/27/">
    <title>Inner Voices - Radiolab</title>
    <dc:date>2013-06-30T03:14:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.radiolab.org/2013/jun/27/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From the silent words of a child forming her first thought, to the inner heckler that taunts you when the pressure's on, a look at how the voices in our heads shape us -- for better and for worse."

"Where would we be without the voices in our heads? To get at this question, Charles Fernyhough raises another: can children think before they have words? According to Fernyhough, a Russian psychologist named Lev Vygotsky developed a theory about how the words and voices we hear as kids turn from speech outside our heads, to speech inside our heads... and help steer our reasoning and decision-making.

But, of course, not all the voices echoing inside our skulls are friendly helpers. Claude Steele describes how big an impact negative inner voices can have when we're stressed, and just how powerful words and stereotypes can be."

…

"Mel Blanc was known as "the man of 1,000 voices," but the actual number may have been closer to 1,500. Bugs Bunny, Porky Pig, Tweety, Barney Rubble -- all Mel. His characters made him one of the most beloved men in America, and they may have also saved his life. 

…

Producer Sean Cole heads to the Blanc family house outside LA to ask Mel's son Noel Blanc about the night when Mel nearly died in a car crash on Dead Man's Curve, and the moment two weeks later when Bugs Bunny emerged from Mel's coma before Mel did. Neurosurgeon Louis Conway, who attended to Mel at the time, and NYU brain scientist Orrin Devinsky help Sean and Noel weigh what it might mean to be rescued by a figment of your own imagination, and whether one self can win out over another in a moment of crisis."

…

Bob Milne is one of the best ragtime piano players in the world, and a preternaturally talented musician -- he can play technically challenging pieces of music on demand while carrying on a conversation and cracking jokes. But according to Penn State neuroscientist Kerstin Betterman, our brains just aren't wired to do that. So she decided to investigate Bob's brain, and when she did, she discovered that Bob has an even more amazing ability... one that we can hardly believe, and science can't explain. Reporter Jessica Benko helps us get inside Bob's remarkably musical mind."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>radiolab melblanc brain thinking neuroscience bugsbunny music voices vygotsky charlesfernyhough language claudesteele education iq codeswitching personalities acting bobmilne jessicabenko kerstinbetterman piano ragtime schizophrenia 2013</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ac4328d76588/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.latimes.com/health/la-he-synesthesia-brain-20120220,0,6760571.story">
    <title>Synesthesia's blended senses - latimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-22T12:39:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.latimes.com/health/la-he-synesthesia-brain-20120220,0,6760571.story</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The study of synesthesia has helped shift the way scientists think about the brain. In the past, they have focused on matching different areas with specific functions; now, the entire organ is viewed as a tapestry of interwoven connections.

"The whole system is a giant network," Eagleman says. "It's no longer sufficient to think about single areas in isolation."

Like synesthesia, many neurological disorders — such as schizophrenia, autism,Alzheimer's disease, depression and epilepsy — have been linked to abnormal communication between brain regions. The hope is that as neuroscientists learn about how the connections in the synesthetic brain differ from those in normal brains, they will also gain insight into how these differences develop — and how they sometimes manifest as harmful disorders."]]></description>
<dc:subject>davideagleman sensoryprocessingdysfunction depression epilepsy alzheimers schizophrenia autism music sudio sounds smells colors numbers ucsd networks senses brain neuroscience 2012 synesthesia</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:133f6a079c71/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://ieet.org/index.php/IEET/print/4236">
    <title>The Essential Psychopathology Of Creativity</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-13T06:29:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://ieet.org/index.php/IEET/print/4236</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The point here is this: Were it not for those “disordered” genes, you wouldn’t have extremely creative, successful people.  Being in the absolute middle of every trait spectrum, not too extreme in any one direction, makes you balanced, but rather boring.  The tails of the spectrum, or the fringe, is where all the exciting stuff happens.  Some of the exciting stuff goes uncontrolled and ends up being a psychological disorder, but some of those people with the traits that define Bipolar Disorder, Schizophrenia, ADHD, and other psychological conditions, have the fortunate gift of high cognitive control paired with those traits, and end up being the creative geniuses that we admire, aspire to be like, and desperately need in this world.

…If we were to be able to identify the genes for Schizophrenia, or for Bipolar Disorder, or for ADHD… would we want to eliminate them? If we were making a “designer baby”, would you choose those genes to be added into your child’s genome?

I say yes."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>lianegabora johngartner hypomaticedge hypomanicepisodes flow mihalycsikszentmihalyi entrepreneurship executivefunction cognitivecontrol psychopathology genetics brain psychology bipolardisorder schizophrenia adhd andreakuszewski 2010 creativity</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b2d66d10a20c/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:bipolardisorder"/>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/03/how-your-cat-is-making-you-crazy/8873/?single_page=true">
    <title>How Your Cat Is Making You Crazy - Magazine - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-10T16:23:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/03/how-your-cat-is-making-you-crazy/8873/?single_page=true</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jaroslav Flegr is no kook. And yet, for years, he suspected his mind had been taken over by parasites that had invaded his brain. So the prolific biologist took his science-fiction hunch into the lab. What he’s now discovering will startle you. Could tiny organisms carried by house cats be creeping into our brains, causing everything from car wrecks to schizophrenia? A biologist’s science- fiction hunch is gaining credence and shaping the emerging science of mind- controlling parasites."]]></description>
<dc:subject>kathleenmcauliffe jaroslavflegr pets animals mentalhealth biology science schizophrenia toxoplasma psychology parasites toxoplasmosis cats</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7455d8b10e3f/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/print/2011/07/the-brain-on-trial/8520/">
    <title>The Brain on Trial - Magazine - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2011-06-25T23:16:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/print/2011/07/the-brain-on-trial/8520/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Advances in brain science are calling into question the volition behind many criminal acts. A leading neuroscientist describes how the foundations of our criminal-justice system are beginning to crumble, and proposes a new way forward for law and order."

"Neuroscience is beginning to touch on questions that were once only in the domain of philosophers and psychologists, questions about how people make decisions and the degree to which those decisions are truly “free.” These are not idle questions. Ultimately, they will shape the future of legal theory and create a more biologically informed jurisprudence. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>science psychology philosophy behavior biology crime punishment nature nurture naturenurture davideagleman 2011 mentalillness mentalhealth brain impulsivity impulse-control adolescence incarceration adolescents law legal future forwardthinking thinking somnambulism social socialpolicy rehabilitation neuroscience criminality recidivism predictions data brainchemistry pathology pathologies tourettes alzheimers schizophrenia mania depression murder blame blameworthiness capitalpunishment logic freewill will jurisprudence</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.wired.com/wiredscience/2010/09/are-distractible-people-more-creative/">
    <title>Are Distractible People More Creative? | Wired Science | Wired.com</title>
    <dc:date>2010-09-16T03:22:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.wired.com/wiredscience/2010/09/are-distractible-people-more-creative/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["not enough to simply pay attention to everything—such a deluge of sensation can quickly get confusing. (Kierkegaard referred to this mental state as “drowning in possibility”. Some scientists believe that schizophrenia is characterized by extremely low latent inhibition coupled w/ severe working memory deficits…leads to a mind constantly hijacked by minor distractions.)…We need to let more info in, but we also need to be ruthless about throwing out useless stuff.

People bemoan infinite distractions of web, way we’re constantly being seduced by hyperlinks, unexpected search results, arcane Wikipedia entries. & yes, that’s all true—I just wasted 30 minutes searching for that Kierkegaard quote. (I ended up on a Danish culture website, which led me to a photography collection of Danish modern furniture…) But the problem isn’t distractibility per se—it's distractibility coupled w/ failure to curate our thoughts, to monitor relevancy of whatever is loitering in working memory."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jonahlehrer neuroscience attention distraction psychology creativity research brain behavior intelligence imaginzation schizophrenia memory internet online cv curation curating filtering forgetting focus</dc:subject>
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    <title>Marc Ngui | Drawing - Art</title>
    <dc:date>2009-12-23T23:13:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.bumblenut.com/drawing/art/plateaus/index.shtml</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["These drawings are a methodical interpretation of the first two chapters of A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schzophrenia (Wikipedia link) by Gilles Delueze and Felix Guattari, translated by Brian Massumi, University of Minnesota Press, 1987.

The drawings were created as a means of understanding the ideas being presented in the book.

Each drawing is labeled by chapter and paragraph.

Marc sent these diagrams to Brian Massumi, the translator of A Thousand Plateaus into English, who is currently one of the editors of Inflexions, the online journal for research-creation. The first volume of the journal includes some of these diagrams in the Tangents section.

Click on any image to pull up a much larger drawing.

Many of these drawings were part of a group art show called Quantal Strife. Click to jump to the bottom of the page for more information and photos of the exhibit."]]></description>
<dc:subject>design art visualization schizophrenia drawings illustration rhizome literature philosophy books culture deleuze guattari gillesdeleuze félixguattari</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:de764e594c0f/</dc:identifier>
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