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    <title>The Algorithmic Order</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:22:48+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The history of education technology is inseparable from the history of standardized testing."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/22/opinion/schools-testing-accountability.html">
    <title>Opinion | The ‘No Child Left Behind’ Nostalgia Is Delusional - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:13:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/22/opinion/schools-testing-accountability.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via Audrey Watters:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/the-algorithmic-order/ 

"In a recent op-ed in The New York Times, Ross Weiner argues that the calls to bring back the test-based accountability of “No Child Left Behind” is delusional. (Well, to be fair that’s the word that the headline writer chose: "delusional.") Weiner describes these policies as insufficient then and inadequate now. “Young people are placing more emphasis on purpose, relationships and contribution than on older markers of status,” he argues.

<blockquote>For a generation, the reform coalition took its validation from economists and accountability metrics, while treating parents, students and communities as mere functionaries rather than partners in a shared civic enterprise.

    Taking their priorities seriously would mean broadening what we expect from the classroom. Schools should put what students can do on equal footing with what they know, embedding real skills in academic learning rather than leaving them to chance or sequencing them to later in life. Schools should reconnect with the communities they serve, so young people learn through and about the places where they live. And they should reanimate the character-forming, developmental mission a pluralistic democracy requires.

    Federal policy has an essential role to play in public education: protecting civil rights, funding quality data and research, and encouraging promising practices to spread. But the formative mission cannot be mandated by Washington. Belonging, the foundation of both learning and civic commitment, is relational and starts local; it cannot be standardized or scaled, but must be cultivated by schools that are responsive to the communities they serve.</blockquote>

It’s not a fully-fleshed out vision for education, to be sure, but it does gesture at something quite different from the technocratic one that schools have spent the last few decades delivering -- and delivering via education technology, via a machinery that shapes the form and increasingly the content, the curricula and the pedagogy. Funny, for all the invocation of "the future of education" from ed-tech evangelists and testing companies and politicians, they're almost always talking about the past, or at least about much older narratives of what that future might look like. (And in doing so, they ignore that computers have been ubiquitous in classrooms for a very very long time now.)"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://educationwars.substack.com/p/tied-up-in-knots">
    <title>Tied Up in Knots - by Jennifer Berkshire</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T13:35:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://educationwars.substack.com/p/tied-up-in-knots</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For the 'reform' wing of the Democratic Party, education is a knotty business"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/the-school-reformer-accountability">
    <title>The School Reformer &quot;Accountability Era&quot; Narrative Simply Does Not Add Up</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-18T22:31:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/the-school-reformer-accountability</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The PISA declines visible in American math and reading scores over the 2003–2022 period aren’t remotely anomalous; they’re part of a near-universal pattern among wealthy, developed democracies. In particular, the Netherlands, Finland, Belgium, Canada, and Australia - that is, countries with many economic and social similarities but radically different curriculum philosophies, funding structures, pedagogical traditions, etc - all show trajectories strikingly similar to that of the United States. (In fact Finland, long held up as the gold standard of education reform and frequently invoked as a rebuke to American approaches, has seen some of the steepest reading declines in the developed world.) If policy and pedagogy were the primary drivers of American underperformance, one would expect American trends to diverge from those of peer nations, to look distinctively bad in ways that track distinctively American choices. Instead, what the data show is convergence: a broad, shared downward drift across the developed world that almost certainly reflects forces operating above the level of any individual nation’s classroom policy. Pinning these trends on American policy choices, without accounting for why virtually identical trends appear in countries that made very different choices, is not serious analysis.

What could those “forces operating above the level of any individual nation’s classroom policy” be? Well, I was just telling you not to make broad claims about the causes of widespread changes in educational metrics without strong evidence. But what do I suspect? I suspect that it’s related to the fact that children and adolescence have, in the past ten or fifteen years, almost universally adopted a kind of technology that has unique capacity to suck up their attention, drain their mental energy, and waste their time. I think in a decade we’re going to have very strong evidence that it was always the smartphones.

Which means that, once again, American teachers and schools are not guilty of the horrible crimes against children’s potential that they have been accused of. Then again, “accountability” was always less about education policy in the substantive sense and more of a political and moral narrative. Demanding accountability allowed elites to believe that compassion consisted of demanding more from teachers who were asked to do the impossible and students struggling against major socioeconomic barriers. But politicians and neoliberal wonks found that this profoundly unfair behavior towards public educators could be effectively rebranded as high expectations. Accountability rhetoric allowed politicians to posture as champions of children while systematically undermining the working conditions of teachers and narrowing the curriculum to whatever could be cheaply measured. We allowed pundits to talk endlessly about “what works” to improve test scores while refusing to confront the most basic empirical fact in all of education: that schools are downstream of society, not the other way around."]]></description>
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    <title>“The Interdisciplinary Nature of Food Is Now Un-ignorable”: Alicia Kennedy on Food Writing, Food Security, and Food Justice - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-15T06:31:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/the-interdisciplinary-nature-of-food-is-now-unignorable-alicia-kennedy-on-food-writing-food-security-and-food-justice/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://scalawagmagazine.org/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-and-the-sorcery-of-soft-rebellion/">
    <title>Zohran Mamdani and the Sorcery of Soft Rebellion – Scalawag</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T06:28:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scalawagmagazine.org/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-and-the-sorcery-of-soft-rebellion/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Limits of Left Power Inside the Democratic Machine"

...

"The Rupture That Was Possible—and the Decision to Become Legible Instead

Here lies the wound.

Zohran Mamdani could have run as an independent. Not as fantasy, not as symbolism, but as a credible realignment candidate. New York remains one of the few American cities where a socialist candidacy, backed by unions, diasporic networks, and youth movements, could have cracked the bipartisan monopoly of legitimacy. A once-in-a-generation candidate, as Mamdani is heralded to be, does not ask the machine for permission; he forces history to respond to his refusal.

Had he chosen independence, three transformations might have followed:

1. A break in the monopoly of dissent: The line between Left and liberal would have been made visible, pushing the Democratic Party question from How do we reform the Party? to Why must emancipation seek permission from its captor?

2. The invention of a new political grammar: Even a loss could have inaugurated another political subject position within civic imagination and forged a space for Left politics untethered from The Party.

3. Immunity from institutional humiliation: To lose through a true political rupture is to preserve integrity over a compromised win that memorializes containment.

Instead, we were served the respectable primary, polite coronation, and calculated silence on genocide. The socialist enters the political arena not as a threat but as an ornament. The movement effectively traded confrontation for adjacency—the space where insurgency goes to die.

A socialist does not enter the machine to behave.
A socialist enters to terrify.
If you cannot terrify power, you become its décor.

What Is to Be Done? 

DSA Member Kelsea Bond's recent victory in Atlanta's City Council race mirrors Mamdani's ascent. Different geographies, same architecture. Both campaigns were endorsed by the DSA and Working Families Party,  and invoked affordability, equity, and safety as their moral lexicon. Bond's website ends with the line, "Paid for by Kelsea Bond for Atlanta (not the billionaires)." The slogan is charming, even sincere. But the omission is telling: no mention of (anti)capitalism.

Whether believer or cynic, every progressive or socialist who enters the Democratic Party eventually collides with its gravitational pull. The institution is not a vehicle for transformation, but a mechanism of translation. It turns rage into rhetoric, urgency into policy briefs, and concedes revolution for reform. From Bond to Mamdani, there is a recurring lesson: those who walk into the machine are consumed by it.

The American Left must therefore abandon its fascination with proximity. The seat at the table is not liberation; it is domestication. What is required is not representation within the architecture but the slow, patient construction of parallel power—unions, cooperatives, media infrastructures, and social movements that operate outside the coordinates of electoral permission.

The instruction is clear:
Do not mistake entry for transformation.
Do not mistake visibility for victory.
Do not mistake representation for redistribution.

A once-in-a-generation candidate is not the one who wins politely, but the one who redraws the map through refusal.

For our generation—exhausted by moral choreography, managerial benevolence, and the endless compromise that trades justice for civility—the Mamdani moment should not register as disappointment, but as revelation. The Democratic Party does not liberate, it launders. Municipal socialism cannot survive bureaucratic capture without counter-power. Palestine remains the litmus, optics being the enemy of clarity; "electability" is the euphemism for compliance.

The future will not be built by those who wait for permission. We do not need progressive mayors; we need new political possibilities, and this possibility is not born in primaries but in ruptures.

History, ever patient, remembers those who refused the velvet rope, not those who smiled as they walked beneath it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a5ofVZjG21g">
    <title>Resistance101: Forging a New Movement for Palestine in Italy DOCUMENTARY - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-22T01:43:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a5ofVZjG21g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With little hope of the genocide in Gaza subsiding, dock workers in major Italian port cities have organized strikes and large demonstrations to halt arms shipments to Israel. These actions are a direct response to the refusal of international institutions and governments around the world to confront the carnage. Though the genocide continues, the dockworkers’ industrial disruption offer us a model of resistance. Will the Italian way spread to the imperial core — and can it end the genocide?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrishedges italy italia genoa 2026 2025 protest protests resistance palestine gaza israel organizing labor workers work dockworkers yanisvaroufakis gretathunberg genocide ethniccleansing warcrimes samudflotilla francescaalbanese refusal strikes rome roma disruption sweden europe policy politics eu palantir aws amazon cloudcapital software logistics google bigtech biometrics border boders migration control power beatricelio unions elleflanders francescostaccioli zimonezambrin thiagoávila ahmedshihab-eldin media press massmedia journalism mainstreammedia inequality giorgiameloni austerity nytime activism defensespening healthcare education infrastructure socialservices elites reform shipping globalelites disempowerment ancientrome cicero despotism spectacle stefaniamaurizi wikileaks globalresistance war surveillance authoritarianism monaabumara</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:133120501880/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-52/the-intellectual-situation/sinophobic-sinophilia/">
    <title>Sinophobic Sinophilia | Issue 52 | n+1 | The Editors</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T07:11:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-52/the-intellectual-situation/sinophobic-sinophilia/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>china us left hillaryclinton barackobama policy governance government mittromney donaldtrump jakewerner technology stem growth antonyblinken kurtcampbell davidbrooks politics gdp economics economy engineering diplomacy development siliconvalley ezraklein marcandreessen vc venturecapital xijinping maga trumpism tiktok sinophilia sinophobia orientalism journalism media tomcotton andrewliu danwang breakneck competition lionelhutz redguard searchlightinstitute derekthompson abundance abundancenetwork scottbessent germany evs japan jonathanczin ccp reindustrialization manufacturing jensenhuang ai artificialintelligence finance lawyers law legal regulation deregulation construction housing nvidia abundancemovement jedesty hegemony military shenzhen guizhou chongqing sez dengxiaoping 1979 capitalism boxilai acftu collectivebargaining labor workers repression dissent unions guangzhou isabellaweber petrusliu taiwan wanghui workingclass reform statepower power marxism institutions welfarestate unemployment pensions pov</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:52f17d79a9fe/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>From George Floyd to Alex Pretti: “Copaganda” Author on Myths About Immigration, Crime &amp; Policing | Democracy Now!</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-27T17:05:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.democracynow.org/2026/1/27/alec_karakatsanis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As calls grow to defund and abolish ICE, author Alec Karakatsanis warns that activists should take care to not fall for “copaganda,” which “takes ordinary people who are outraged over what’s happening and converts them into supporting meaningless reforms that actually don’t reduce the size or power or budget of these bureaucracies.” Karakatsanis is the author of Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News. He breaks down many of the myths about crime and policing that arose in the wake of Black Lives Matter protests over the past decade, including the reformist myth of police body cameras and the so-called crime wave. Police-tracked crime, “contrary to what you have been told in the news every single day for the last several years, is actually down,” says Karakatsanis, but fearmongering mainstream media narratives are “designed to make people so afraid that they support repressive institutions that infringe on their own liberty, that don’t make them safer, but that give people in power in our society more ability to control and manipulate.”"

[video on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DSGMmfuUfo8 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/">
    <title>Reshaping the City | Samuel Stein | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T20:21:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does zoning reform have the power to change?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/SAr50 ]

"The ire Bronin summons on the issues of CAFOs and car culture makes for a stark contrast with the way she treats the other big issues she discusses, particularly housing affordability. In virtually every city and many smaller towns across the country, housing prices are far outpacing wages, leading to a groundswell of organizing to bring down rents and build up social housing. In their fight against big real estate, tenant organizers use much the same language as Bronin does in her critique of big agriculture, but if they read Key to the City they will find little of that fury aimed at corporate landlords or luxury developers. One reason Bronin may hold back on some of these other issues, however, is that zoning reform alone is rarely enough to resolve them.

In several places, Bronin acknowledges that rezoning an area will not in and of itself achieve the desired changes. She commends Minneapolis for comprehensively revising its zoning code to allow for more housing construction, for instance, but finds that not much was actually built. She makes a strong case for mixed-use density being essential to well-functioning public transportation, arguing that when housing, workplaces, retail, and community spaces are widely separated, transit systems cannot work and people spend an inordinate amount of time in their cars, but she laments that rezoning itself will not bring in new transit or demolish useless highways. That would require other planning decisions and, crucially, significant amounts of capital and operating funding, which many cities cannot afford, particularly in the absence of strong federal support for mass transit.

In one telling section, Bronin points to inclusionary zoning, or rules mandating that new development include some affordable housing, as an example of how “well-intentioned zoning policies can go awry.” Following up on a tip from her sister’s boyfriend, a Pittsburgh property developer, she finds that the city’s inclusionary zoning policy, implemented as a pilot program in 2019, failed to produce much affordable housing. She believes the problem is that in low-growth markets, inclusionary zoning ultimately imposes costs on developers that stymie housing production and raise prices overall. This may be true, but it overlooks another way the policy missed the mark. Bronin describes Pittsburgh as “one of the five poorest large cities in the country, with one-fifth of its residents living below the poverty line,” but she declines to mention that its inclusionary zoning rules require housing only for people earning two to three times the poverty wage. Bronin can demonstrate why the policy frustrates developers but not how it fails tenants, and thus she misses the opportunity to explain why zoning is insufficient to solve the problems of poverty and for-profit housing.

Given Bronin’s extensive work in Hartford, which she returns to several times throughout the book, I was curious to see how conditions there changed after its 2016 comprehensive rezoning, which allowed for more housing and business development throughout the city, altered rules about sidewalk and road design, and reduced public input over individual construction projects. Census data from the five years prior to and following 2016 show a confounding set of trends, which may or may not be related to the rezoning. On the positive side, the housing stock increased by 5 percent, including a notable number of new buildings with over fifty apartments. Labor force participation increased slightly, and real incomes went up by $2,653. But the same data also show a decline both in overall population and in population density, as well as a rise in vacant housing units that are neither for sale nor for rent. The number of detached single-family homes rose, while the number of denser attached homes fell. Most starkly, the racial income gap exploded, with white households’ incomes rising over thirty times more than those of Black households—a median increase of $13,594 versus $427.

As Bronin rightly reminds us, the effects of rezoning take time. Zoning codes are largely rules about what private developers can and cannot do, but these rules do not mandate that developers act. Still, it would be helpful to know whether Bronin believes Hartford’s rezoning is responsible for any of these changes, good or bad.

If zoning is the key to the city, we might wonder, what is the lock? For Bronin, zoning is ultimately both lock and key: the lock because it has been “cloaked in a shroud of mystery that obscured its culpability” and because it maintains features that residents might otherwise seek to change; the key because, armed with this knowledge, residents and city planners can rewrite zoning codes to radically reform cities. “Done wrong, zoning can yoke us to past mistakes, acting as an invisible drag on our aspirations,” Bronin writes. “But done right, zoning can be a revolutionary vehicle for transforming place.”

“Revolutionary” is a strong word. Elsewhere in the world, zoning is but one limited tool in the array of mechanisms available to urban planners. Bronin acknowledges this in the book’s final paragraph:

<blockquote>To be sure, zoning is not the only tool that matters. History, time, wealth, geography, and countless other factors will shape how communities evolve and develop. But while good zoning is not sufficient, it is necessary. Most important, it’s something that we control. And that makes it the key to building the cities and towns that we long for.</blockquote>

This disclaimer is itself necessary but insufficient. Zoning may be what American cities control, but that is largely because their power over so much else has been stripped away by federal and state policy and budget reforms. The high point of American planning was likely the New Deal, when government not only directed private capital but built new social infrastructure on a monumental scale. The historian Joel Schwartz has called the 1930s in New York City “a decade where everyone dabbled at planning.” Advocates for a Green New Deal seek to revive this era of decisive state action and implicitly critique the notion that zoning is the pinnacle of planning.

American planning is so tethered to zoning in large part because it is the last option available. Sure, it might be better for cities to build mass social housing, but with the resources they have, an upzoning will do. Yes, it might be best to build high-speed rail lines and streetcars across the nation, but reducing parking mandates is a start. Certainly we would like to rebuild large urban commons for community farming, but for now we can at least relax rules against keeping chickens and bees.

To move beyond these limited horizons, we need politics: political movements of organized people fighting for their interests and contesting those who exploit them. Rezoning should be a component of those politics, but it cannot be their sum. Even if it were, any major rezoning effort is sure to encounter resistance. Reshaping the city takes power, not just policy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/">
    <title>Can we 'reform' the City Charter without addressing economic inequality? - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-12T06:01:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["SPUR, like a lot of neoliberal groups, argues that this kind of direct democracy is cumbersome, and that many of these issues are best addressed by elected officials. SPUR CEO Sean Elsbernd told me that the voters will always have a direct say—by voting for the people who run the city. Those people should be accountable, and if the voters don’t like what the elected officials are doing, they can vote for someone else in the next election.

In theory, that’s how things should work.

But it minimizes the role that big money has played in every mayor’s race since the 1970s. Progressive candidates for the executive office have been consistently swamped with piles of cash from real estate, tech, finance, and now, individual billionaires.

The reason California has the initiative process is that Southern Pacific Railroad once controlled the entire Legislature; nothing good would happen without direct democracy.

I know, times are different now, and some things that go on the ballot don’t need to. But when you undermine the ability of the voters to do what elected officials won’t, you need to tread carefully.

A lot of agencies that are now in the City Charter could probably be moved into the Administrative Code without creating any problems. I actually think that Muni should be directly under the mayor and the supes; the SFMTA was created as a way to “de-politicize” decisions like fares and route changes. It’s created instead a lack of accountability.

Elsbernd told me that the mayor needs the authority to hire and fire department heads. I agree. And I can’t think of a time in my 40 years as a reporter that the mayor has wanted to hire or fire a department head and has been blocked by a commission; the commissions are controlled by the mayor. (Note the process for hiring a new planning director.)

But “streamlining” often means getting rid of charter commissions that give the public more input. The Public Health Department was once controlled by the city administrator; creating a commission to oversee public health was widely accepted as a progressive reform."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674240995">
    <title>Building a Ruin: The Cold War Politics of Soviet Economic Reform, by Yakov Feygin (2024) — Harvard University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-11T17:19:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674240995</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
"Why Soviet Economic Reform Couldn’t Save the System" by Mike Haynes
https://jacobin.com/2025/11/soviet-economic-reform-workers-feygin/ ]

"Long before Mikhail Gorbachev, Soviet planners and economists engaged in wide-ranging debates about economic reform. But they never seriously considered the option of a genuinely participatory, democratic model of socialism that would empower workers."]

"A masterful account of the global Cold War’s decisive influence on Soviet economic reform, and the national decay that followed.

What brought down the Soviet Union? From some perspectives the answers seem obvious, even teleological—communism was simply destined to fail. When Yakov Feygin studied the question, he came to another conclusion: at least one crucial factor was a deep contradiction within the Soviet political economy brought about by the country’s attempt to transition from Stalinist mass mobilization to a consumer society.

Building a Ruin explores what happened in the Soviet Union as institutions designed for warfighting capacity and maximum heavy industrial output were reimagined by a new breed of reformers focused on “peaceful socioeconomic competition.” From Khrushchev on, influential schools of Soviet planning measured Cold War success in the same terms as their Western rivals: productivity, growth, and the availability of abundant and varied consumer goods. The shift was both material and intellectual, with reformers taking a novel approach to economics. Instead of trumpeting their ideological bona fides and leveraging their connections with party leaders, the new economists stressed technical expertise. The result was a long and taxing struggle for the meaning of communism itself, as old-guard management cadres clashed with reformers over the future of central planning and the state’s relationship to the global economic order.

Feygin argues that Soviet policymakers never resolved these tensions, leading to stagnation, instability, and eventually collapse. Yet the legacy of reform lingers, its factional dynamics haunting contemporary Russian politics.

---

Praise

"A fresh and nuanced examination of the Soviet Union’s economic trajectory during the Cold War…essential reading for scholars and students of Soviet history, economic policy, and Cold War studies." —Giovanni Cadioli, Russian Review

"A first-rate analysis of the pitfalls of the high-savings, high-investment development model. Far from applying just to the USSR, Feygin’s intriguing book is full of lessons for development economists in general, especially those focusing on the Chinese economy." —Michael Pettis, author of The Great Rebalancing: Trade, Conflict, and the Perilous Road Ahead for the World Economy

"Deeply researched, original, and illuminating. Feygin’s sophisticated account of the political origins of Soviet economic thought overturns the conventional argument that Soviet economic reforms foundered against the resistance of self-interested bureaucrats. Building a Ruin is important for understanding not only the Soviet economy, but also the broader history of the late twentieth century." —Artemy Kalinovsky, author of Laboratory of Socialist Development: Cold War Politics and Decolonization in Soviet Tajikistan

"A fascinating book. Feygin offers a fresh take on the structural problems and political constraints that faced Soviet economists and politicians in the Cold War era. Despite the economists’ cutting-edge ideas, the government’s insistence on political stability over economic reform ultimately led to the collapse of the Soviet system." —Kristy Ironside, author of A Full-Value Ruble: The Promise of Prosperity in the Postwar Soviet Union

"A profound reinterpretation of the politics that shaped Soviet economic policy. Driven by deep archival research and close reading of Soviet economic decision making, Building a Ruin transforms our understanding of key turning points in Soviet economic history, from the failed Kosygin reforms to the chaotic policies of perestroika. It also provides new insight into the complex economic inheritance the Soviet Union bequeathed to post-Soviet Russia. A landmark in the field of Soviet economic history, this book will be required reading for many years to come." —Chris Miller, author of Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology

"Although both are in some sense exemplars of central planning, the value chain orchestrated by Apple Inc. today is more productive and infinitely more efficient than the economy of the Soviet Union, even in its heyday. Yakov Feygin tells us how, and why." —J. Bradford DeLong, author of Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century

---


Author

Yakov Feygin is an economic historian and policy analyst at the Center for Public Enterprise and the Jain Family Institute. Formerly associate director of the Future of Capitalism program at the Berggruen Institute, he has written for Foreign Policy, Bloomberg, Financial Times, Phenomenal World, and Noema.

[via:
https://jacobin.com/2025/11/soviet-economic-reform-workers-feygin/ ]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRmsacWQn-g">
    <title>Drs. Wolff &amp; Ware DESTROY Gavin Newsom on AIPAC/Housing/Economy (with Richard Wolff &amp; Butch Ware) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-23T23:14:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRmsacWQn-g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Marxist economist Richard Wolff returns to Bad Faith along with historian, professor, and Green Party candidate for the governor of California Butch Ware, to forensically break down California governor Gavin Newsom's recent viral appearance on Higher Learning with Van Lathan & Rachel Lindsay. Wolff & Ware weigh in on Newsom evasions in response to questions about the inherent contradictions of capitalism, California's failure to implement Medicare for All, & the "interesting" AIPAC moment, but the Higher Learning interview serves as a jumping off point for a broader and deeper conversation about the future of left politics, Zohran Mamdani, and the limits of the Democratic Party. (It's spooky season, and there's something magical happening with this guest pairing.)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fPLhr8Um8GQ">
    <title>2. David Sacks' Dark Vision: Tech Elites &amp; the Rise of Authoritarian Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-13T00:53:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fPLhr8Um8GQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In Episode 2 of The Nerd Reich podcast, Gil Duran (BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/gilduran.com ) talks to Jacob Silverman and Kate Willett about David Sacks, Trump's "Crypto and AI Czar."

This conversation examines the rise of David Sacks, a prominent figure in Silicon Valley, exploring his connections to the PayPal mafia and his reactionary political influence. The discussion highlights Sacks's early ideologies, the impact of the MeToo movement, and the broader implications of tech elites' control over politics, particularly in San Francisco as a testing ground for national strategies.

Duran, Silverman and Willett analyze the authoritarian tendencies of Sacks and his peers, questioning their motivations and the future of democracy in the face of their influence. This conversation explores into the intersection of technology, criminal justice reform, and the political landscape shaped by influential figures in Silicon Valley. Topics covered: The implications of crime rates on public perception, the role of cryptocurrency as a tool for power, and the rise of podcasting as a medium for political discourse. The discussion culminates in predictions about the future of tech and politics, highlighting the potential for societal upheaval and the shifting dynamics of power.

Chapters:

00:00 Introduction to David Sacks and His Influence
02:28 The Origins of the PayPal Mafia
06:02 Sacks's Reactionary Politics and Early Ideologies
10:43 The Impact of the MeToo Movement
12:57 The PayPal Mafia's Political Control
18:52 San Francisco as a Testing Ground for National Politics
22:31 Authoritarianism and the Tech Elite's Agenda
27:15 The Intersection of Tech and Criminal Justice Reform
32:13 The Impact of Crime Rates on Public Perception
35:34 Crypto: A Tool for Power and Control
42:58 The Rise of Podcasting in Political Discourse
49:24 Predictions for the Future of Tech and Politics

Takeaways:
David Sacks is a key figure in Silicon Valley's reactionary politics.
The PayPal mafia has significant political influence in the U.S.
Sacks's early ideologies reflect a long-standing war on diversity.
San Francisco serves as a testing ground for national political strategies.
Sacks's agenda aligns with authoritarian and anti-democratic principles.
The tech elite's influence is reshaping political narratives.
Sacks's funding of political campaigns reflects self-interest.
The rise of reactionary politics is a response to progressive movements.
Understanding the ideology of tech leaders is crucial for political analysis. 
There is a pushback against criminal justice reform from tech elites.
The narrative around crime is manipulated for political gain.
Crypto serves as a tool for the wealthy to evade regulation.
The podcasting landscape is changing political discourse.
Silicon Valley figures are shaping public perception through media."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://educationwars.substack.com/p/is-public-education-over">
    <title>Is Public Education Over? - by Jennifer Berkshire</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-29T19:15:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://educationwars.substack.com/p/is-public-education-over</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One big reason public schools are so vulnerable: standardized testing. Too many Democrats haven't gotten the memo..."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/when-do-you-need-to-quit-your-job">
    <title>When Do You Need to Quit Your Job? - by Hamilton Nolan</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-16T04:40:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/when-do-you-need-to-quit-your-job</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How is "changing things from within" going for you?"

...

"Where do you locate the dividing line between “trying to change a bad organization” and “time to quit to protect your own soul?” These judgments are not clear-cut. Those big tech companies have not been shy about firing employees who have tried to organize or protest. It is no coincidence that unionizing these companies is difficult. They make it difficult. I want my email account to work, but I don’t want to facilitate quadcopter assassinations of starving civilians. Reining in huge tech companies from within is a noble aspiration that should continue as long as practically possible. Otherwise we rely on the heroes of the US Congress to enforce global human rights.

That said, we must also admit that “I am going to change the bad organization from the inside” is often something that people wave around as a magic shield to protect themselves from accountability for their own evil jobs. Are you actually doing that? Are you actually working and organizing and taking risks to try to change the place for the better? Or do you just like your salary, and not want to quit, and assume that, since you are a good person, having you in the position is automatically a moral good? Consider the sound of this: “I am going to keep my job as a guard at Auschwitz—if I don’t do it, someone worse will.” “I am going to keep my job as a guard at Auschwitz, and try to change the organization from the inside.” No. We do not accept that. I use these extreme examples only to illustrate the fact that these explanations have limits. At some point, the explanation becomes an excuse, dissolving into absurdity.

Let me use an example from the media industry (I apologize for using this stupid industry as an example, but I must write what I know.) The New York Times is a high quality news organization the publishes many high quality and informative stories, and then also sometimes publishes things that are bigoted or ignorant or ridiculous. I do not believe that the New York Times reporter who is off covering, you know, the war in Ukraine, is obligated to quit because of the latest idiotic Bret Stephens column. What needs to happen instead is that the people running the New York Times need to run it better. It is a useful organization with flaws, and the task is to improve it.

Fox News, by contrast, is a propaganda organization whose underlying purpose is to use deception to build support for a right wing political project. Any real journalism it does is purely incidental to that underlying goal. Are there “real” reporters working for Fox News? Yes. But I would argue that the organization’s very purpose is so detrimental to society that contributing in any way to the ability of the company to flourish is immoral. Trying to improve Fox News is like trying to improve a cup full of rat poison. No amount of it is going to be good for you.

Then, consider the Washington Post. A high quality news organization with a proud legacy that is, right now, under the control of a billionaire owner who has unfortunately decided to meddle in the project to support his own (bad) political interests. The Post is an example of an organization whose fate hangs in the balance. Will Jeff Bezos succeed in diminishing its work, pulling it towards the Fox News end of the spectrum? Or will the great journalists within the Post, and their union, succeed in protecting the valuable work that the paper has long done? A place like this is one where “change from the inside” is not just a legitimate possibility, but a vital calling. The fight for its soul is on, and we should applaud those willing to fight for it, instead of dismissively calling on them to quit because their owner sucks.

It is difficult to know, from the outside, what is happening on the inside of a workplace. We should be modest about our ability to judge a place as irredeemable. Before we declare that someone is morally obligated to quit their job or be declared a villain, we should ask ourselves whether their organization is bad temporarily, or bad inherently.

Even by this conservative standard, we can comfortably say that a lot of employees at a lot of places should quit, right now. Palantir? Yes. Blood is on your hands. ICE? Leave now. The FBI? You work for a monster. Get out. Fox News? Goodbye. Anti-union law firms? No reason to be there. Gambling apps? Payday loan companies? Predatory private equity firms? Corporate lobbyists who exacerbate the ongoing crisis of economic inequality? Quit your job. Quit your motherfucking job!

You may believe that you are a good person. But sometimes it doesn’t matter. If you work for the goon squad then you are, by definition, a goon."]]></description>
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    <title>When Moderation Becomes Appeasement - by Toby Buckle</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-11T23:39:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebulwark.com/p/when-moderation-becomes-appeasement-keir-starmer-united-kingdom-labour-reform-immigration-trans-issues</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If your chief goal is to find a middle ground with the far right on social issues, you’ll end up condoning its values—just ask Keir Starmer."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/">
    <title>Tolstoy’s Christian Anarchism - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-18T16:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fateful visit to a market in Moscow entirely upended Tolstoy’s view on life and society—and changed the trajectory of his work and purpose."

...

"On a visit to Moscow in 1881, Count Leo Tolstoy was horrified at the destitution he encountered. He’d seen poverty before, had witnessed beggars and country dwellers barely eking out a living from the land, burdened by taxes and rents. But he wasn’t prepared for the magnitude and raggedness of the city’s poor, nor for the extent of their persecution by the police. He was horrified to realize that the beggars in the streets had to ask for alms with caution lest they be arrested. On the advice of a friend, he went to the Khitrov Market, a center of poverty and homelessness. What he saw there permanently changed his outlook on life and society. Following the crowds of tattered men and women, he entered the free night-lodging house and spoke to those seeking shelter. Afterwards, he returned to his servants and opulent town house and sat down to a five-course meal.

The disjunction between these two worlds, that of the rich and that of the poor, disgusted him. He grew irritated at the thought of well-kept horses, decadent table spreads, and the lavish entertainment of theaters.

“I could not help seeing, in contrast to all this,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? (1886), “those hungry, shivering, and degraded inhabitants of the night-lodging-house. I could never free myself from the thought that these conditions were inseparable—that the one proceeded from the other.”

At first, Tolstoy attempted to alleviate the suffering of the poor through charity. He took up collections and joined the census in order to find the needy on whom to bestow the alms of the rich. Yet he found money to be insufficient. Not only were many not in direct, desperate need of it, simply handing out bills only exasperated the system of exploitation and warped values that generated poverty.

“It is not enough to feed a man, dress him, and teach him Greek,” he wrote. A whole shift in values was necessary, one in which all learned “how to take less from others and give them more in return.”

Thus, Tolstoy began to question the very foundations of Russian society, a path of inquiry that led him ultimately to criticize the very basis of civilization as commonly understood. Combining such reflections with a radical, though idiosyncratic, Christianity, he articulated a new politics with prophetic fervor, a belief system best described as Christian anarchism.

The nineteenth century saw a flowering of anarchist thought with figures such as Proudhon, Fourier, Kropotkin, Rousseau, and others. Tolstoy was thus not unique in his espousal of the doctrine, though he gave it his own particular flavor. While there are no perfectly identical principles common amongst these thinkers, the political scientist R. B. Fowler observes that nineteenth-century anarchists can be broadly characterized by a “rejection of the familiar norms and structures, especially the political ones, of their age” and a belief that humanity ought to live free of government structures and in accord with nature—meaning both the environment and human nature more specifically. While nature was variously defined by different anarchists, most agreed that human nature ought to guide civilization and that human beings are basically good, intrinsically capable of harmony. Nature, therefore, and not individual will or desire, ought to be the guide. As Fowler outlines, in contrast to much contemporaneous Liberal thought, anarchists believed that personal liberty was best pursued socially, in a community free of government and living peacefully with the wider environment.

While for many nineteenth-century anarchists, human nature was understood in scientific terms, Tolstoy understood it religiously. His guiding principles were derived from his interpretation of Christianity, though he rejected much of orthodox doctrine, including Jesus’s divinity, the existence of angels, and the validity of the church. Instead, Tolstoy saw the meaning of Christianity primarily in Christ’s Sermon on the Mount. As the economist Robert Higgs writes, the sermon can be summarized by the commandments “to love others as one’s self and to abstain from the use of force or violence.” These teachings, Tolstoy believed, formed the true essence of Christianity, which had been distorted by the church in order to protect its own interests. He thus rejected much Christian tradition, stating in The Kingdom of God Is Within You that “the churches are placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed—the one excludes the other.”

This isn’t to say, however, that Tolstoy denied the existence of God or the necessity of the divine in human life. Rather, his whole conception of human nature and Christian life was based on the presence of God within each individual person, particularly in reason and conscience. As Fowler writes, Tolstoy believed “in the authority of the divine vested in man’s conscience.” It’s not so much human nature understood in isolation that serves as the basis for Tolstoy’s anarchism, then, as it is the presence of God within that nature, guiding reason and conscience toward a conception of life based on the love of all. True human freedom, for Tolstoy, consisted not in autonomy or power over one’s circumstances, “but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth…and becoming the free and joyful participator in the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world.”

With this basis, and in keeping with the larger anarchist tradition, Tolstoy rejected many of the social structures of his time. In What Is to Be Done?, he described how his experiences with the Moscow poor led him to abhor the class divides that kept so many in poverty. He came to believe that the injustice he witnessed was caused by the refusal of the rich to labor. Having taken by force the goods of the peasants in taxes and rent, the rich congregated in cities. The peasants followed out of a need to earn a living, but they were frequently corrupted by the ideals of luxury and idleness exemplified by the rich, further driving them into poverty.

It was not only those wealthy enough to shun work who were at fault, moreover. For Tolstoy, the most important labor was that which contributes to material existence. “Man’s duty to acquire the means of living through the struggle with nature will always be unquestionably the very first,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? All other activity, from running a business to producing unnecessary luxuries (including, notably, literature), were thus unethical, even parasitical, to the extent that one’s time ought to be spent in useful production, especially agriculture. He didn’t deny the value of art and science (understood as the pursuit of knowledge broadly) or of their promulgation through education. Indeed, as the scholar of Slavonic literatures and essayist Milivoy S. Stanoyevich points out, Tolstoy wasn’t against scientific or artistic pursuits, only those that are neither useful to nor wanted by the laborers.

“He combats those intellectual castes which, having destroyed the old ruling [castes] of the church, the state, and the army, have installed themselves in their place, without being able or willing to perform any service of use to humanity,” Stanoyevich wrote in 1926. The primary duty of labor may be overcome, then, only by the free agreement of the laborers that such pursuits are desirable enough to give of the fruits of their work to support it.

The accumulation of wealth that allowed some to live off the labor of others was thus the root of the problem in Tolstoy’s eyes, and he believed that money itself had been created as a means of exploiting the working classes. As Stanoyevich outlined (and criticized), Tolstoy held that money isn’t merely a medium of exchange but a means of exploitation. While it was true that money could represent labor, as soon as it was accumulated by violence, it began to represent stolen labor; he believed this was the state of affairs from the very beginning of currency, which was insisted upon by dominant groups as a convenient means of carrying away the produce of those whom they exploited. The value of money, moreover, was maintained not by its inherent desirability, but by “law and government, and these institutions are based chiefly on deceit, or represent organized force,” wrote Stanoyevich. Thus, governments supported, or rather imposed, money as a medium of exchange primarily to have a convenient form of taxation, which was, in Tolstoy’s eyes, robbery of the workers.

Tolstoy felt that the rich must give up their wealth, give the land to those who would work it, and begin to labor themselves. As the literary and cultural historian Irina Paperno writes, this led him, “much to the dismay of his family and servants,” to return home and begin engaging in as much personal labor as possible. He took out his own chamber pot, chopped his own wood, made his own boots, scythed and plowed in the fields. Historian Kenneth C. Wenzer notes that he also tried to give away his property but was prevented from doing so by his wife out of concern for the family’s welfare.

In throwing himself into such labor, Tolstoy didn’t stop writing, though he largely abandoned fiction, choosing instead politics and ethics, as well as an occasional piece of “folk literature.” In 1894 he published The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in which his vision finds arguably its most eloquent and prophetic expression, famously influencing Mahatma Gandhi. The primary concern of the book was pacifism—the rejection of all violence, even to combat evil. Tolstoy argued that such a stance was more than a personal, ethical choice; it was central to the Christian conception of life, one that lives in the truth of universal love and undermines all government and exploitation. All previous understandings of life had been based, he held, on self-love. Even the social, nationalist conception was merely the extension of self-love to one’s community or one’s nation; to progress, humanity must transcend such selfish motives. Christianity was thus poised as the natural evolution of human society, and it was in recognizing the “divine spark” in oneself, which makes each person a “Son of God,” that one is enabled to love.

“The consciousness of being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of the social conception of life had been brought,” he wrote.

By refusing to participate in violence, Tolstoy believed Christians could undermine the state, which was built on slavery. Initially, he proposed, government came about as the lesser of two evils. It was built to suppress the violence of a given population, and it did that by claiming a monopoly on force. But as “the disposition of individuals to violence” diminished, the state was no longer needed to suppress such behavior and instead became its primary instigator. Having been put in a position of power, however, government continued to perpetuate itself to protect its own interests. It did this by maintaining military, police, prisons, courts, and so on to intimidate and punish; by hypnotizing the public through education and religious dogma; by exploiting their resources through taxation; and finally, by brutalizing the people by forcing them to become members of the machinery of violence through mandatory conscription. The means for undermining this system were found in the refusal to participate in it, the refusal of all violence, in accord with the teachings of Christ. Tolstoy believed that once public opinion had progressed enough in the direction of those teachings, the whole state edifice would crumble.

While Tolstoy seemed to consider such resistance primarily an individual task in The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in his later life he began to advocate full-scale social reform, especially championing the system of the American economist Henry George. As Wenzer outlines, Tolstoy differed from George in many respects, especially rejecting the latter’s desire to build a highly technical, industrial society. Nevertheless, he believed that George’s system was the best conceivable, particularly in its insistence that all land ownership be abolished. Productive land should instead be divided for agricultural use and all taxes reduced to a single land tax determined by the quality of the earth in question. Tolstoy’s last novel, Resurrection (for which he was finally excommunicated), was written largely to articulate and advocate for Georgist land reform. The book’s protagonist, Nekhlyudov, preaches Georgism to the peasants, stating that

<blockquote>the earth is no man’s; it is God’s…. The land is common to all. All have the same right to it, but there is good land and bad land, and every one would like to take the good land. How is one to do in order to get it justly divided? In this way: he that will use the good land must pay those who have got no land the value of the land he uses.</blockquote>

Such a project was for Tolstoy intrinsically religious, moreover, and, as Wenzer states, “[t]he Georgist commune was to eventually develop into what Tolstoy envisioned as a mirror image of heaven on an earth with man and all creatures living in concord.” Through the rejection of violence and the building of a peaceful agrarian society in accordance with Georgist principles, Tolstoy believed that the Christian task of creating the kingdom of God could be accomplished, not as a longed-for afterlife, but as a living, historic reality.

In the decade leading up to Tolstoy’s death, Russian society spiraled in ever-greater unrest. Peasants rose up against the authorities, socialists and communists proliferated, and the government used horrific violence to control the populace.

“Tolstoy’s fears had become a monstrous reality,” writes Wenzer. “People were suffering even more, and blood was pouring in the streets.” Tolstoy, then in his late seventies, continued writing at a furious pace in a desperate effort to save his country. He went so far as to write letters to Tsar Nicholas II and Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich advocating for Georgist land reform. He scorned socialist and democratic solutions, believing that only the tsar could solve the situation by unilaterally going above government hierarchy to implement the reforms that could save Russia before it was too late.

Tolstoy died, at eighty-two, in a railway station on November 20, 1910, his words unheeded. Within the decade, Russia slipped into full-scale revolution, culminating in the Bolshevik seizure of government and the violence of the Soviet regime. The cycles of oppression led only to more bloodshed, with one government replacing another while the people suffered. Yet it’s unlikely that Tolstoy’s reforms would have proved the panacea to Russia’s ills, as complicated and systemic as they were. It’s equally questionable to what extent his positions can be implemented today. As commentators have pointed out, many of Tolstoy’s ideas about economics and politics are shallow, even incoherent. Higgs, for instance, though admiring Tolstoy’s critiques of the state, calls his understanding of economics “abysmal.” Tolstoy’s approach is frequently emotional, moreover, literary rather than intellectual.

And yet it’s precisely Tolstoy’s appeal to the heart as well as the head, to the conscience as the spark of divinity in every person, that makes his words reverberate down to the present. While we might question the specifics of his platform, his criticisms of injustice and vision of an equitable society retain much of their relevance and power. Few have cared so deeply for the poor and exploited or taken the quest to both know and live out truth more seriously than he, and harmony can’t be achieved otherwise. History will go on; not even a Tolstoy could shift its bloody wheels. But we can always seek truth. As Tolstoy wrote, “The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the recognition and profession of the truth.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://organizingmythoughts.org/protest-power-and-the-violence-debate/">
    <title>Protest, Power, and the Violence Debate</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-15T21:38:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://organizingmythoughts.org/protest-power-and-the-violence-debate/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are told we are experiencing peace, so long as everyone is cooperating." ]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.routledge.com/How-China-Escaped-Shock-Therapy-The-Market-Reform-Debate/Weber/p/book/9781032008493">
    <title>How China Escaped Shock Therapy: The Market Reform Debate - 1st Editio</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-29T18:47:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.routledge.com/How-China-Escaped-Shock-Therapy-The-Market-Reform-Debate/Weber/p/book/9781032008493</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["China has become deeply integrated into the world economy. Yet, gradual marketization has facilitated the country’s rise without leading to its wholesale assimilation to global neoliberalism. This book uncovers the fierce contest about economic reforms that shaped China’s path. In the first post-Mao decade, China’s reformers were sharply divided. They agreed that China had to reform its economic system and move toward more marketization—but struggled over how to go about it. Should China destroy the core of the socialist system through shock therapy, or should it use the institutions of the planned economy as market creators? With hindsight, the historical record proves the high stakes behind the question: China embarked on an economic expansion commonly described as unprecedented in scope and pace, whereas Russia’s economy collapsed under shock therapy. Based on extensive research, including interviews with key Chinese and international participants and World Bank officials as well as insights gleaned from unpublished documents, the book charts the debate that ultimately enabled China to follow a path to gradual reindustrialization. Beyond shedding light on the crossroads of the 1980s, it reveals the intellectual foundations of state-market relations in reform-era China through a longue durée lens. Overall, the book delivers an original perspective on China’s economic model and its continuing contestations from within and from without."]]></description>
<dc:subject>china shocktherapy 2021 isabellaweber economics worldbank russia economy neoliberalism reform</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/the-real-path-to-abundance/">
    <title>The Real Path to Abundance - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-29T18:45:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/the-real-path-to-abundance/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["To deliver plentiful housing and clean energy, we have to get the story right about what’s standing in the way."

...

"Abundance’s poverty of vision does not counsel hopelessness. We have a proven model for achieving broadly shared abundance. The New Deal delivered it through a combination of public investment and stronger public control of private corporations. The state spurred the private sector to adopt a longer-term social orientation in lieu of the extractive governance that had prevailed before the Depression.

That public abundance is still possible. Americans got a small taste of real “supply-side” liberalism in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009. Through this program, EPB of Chattanooga, a municipally owned utility created in the 1930s, obtained a federal grant to build a citywide fiber optic network. The utility used these funds to deliver the nation’s first 1 gigabyte per second broadband service, helping attract tech companies and workers to the newly dubbed “Gig City.”

Replicating this success on a national scale and across a range of urgent challenges calls for a serious revival of New Deal politics, not a doubling down on the ethos of neoliberalism—however appealingly rebranded."]]></description>
<dc:subject>sandeepvaheesan 2025 abundance liberalism ecology capitalism environment ezraklein derekthompson neoliberalism climate climatechange zoning reform housing politics politicaleconomy economics democracy cleanenergy regulation renewables texxas california zoining policy enviroment markets joebiden privatization georgia nuclearenergy energy deregulation government at&amp;t history investment research epa nepa inequality thomaspiketty taxes taxation siliconvalley us abundanceagenda privatesector hsr highspeedrail railways rail infrastucture china tennesseevalleyauthority tva abundancenetwork abundancemovement accelerationism progressivism technosolutionism yimby yimbyism yimbys</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3q7EbAMtvjE">
    <title>How could Pope Leo XIV reshape the Catholic Church? | The Take - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-14T19:10:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3q7EbAMtvjE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Recently elected Pope Leo XIV is the first pontiff from the United States, just as the country's president is shaking up the global order. With both the US and the Catholic Church deeply divided, what does Pope Leo’s selection mean for Catholics in the US and worldwide?

In this episode:

- Hoda Abdel-Hamid, Al Jazeera correspondent

Episode credits:

This episode was produced by Amy Walters, Sonia Bhagat, Ashish Malhotra with Phillip Lanos, Spencer Cline, Kisaa Zehra, Tamara Khandaker, Chloe K. Li, Remas Alhawari, and our guest host, Natasha Del Toro. It was edited by Alexandra Locke. 

Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. Our video editor is Hisham Abu Salah. Alexandra Locke is The Take’s executive producer. Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera’s head of audio."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/society/james-c-scott-the-ambivalent-anarchist/">
    <title>James C. Scott, the Ambivalent Anarchist | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-02T03:49:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/society/james-c-scott-the-ambivalent-anarchist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The radical anthropologist offered not only incisive studies of the state but also a vision of what life looked like beyond it."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/private-schools-dont-want-an-all">
    <title>Private Schools Don't Want an All-Private-School-Voucher Future</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-24T04:45:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/private-schools-dont-want-an-all</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the whole point of American private school is keeping the poor kids out"

...

"An NYT piece on the relentless march of Republican-powered “school choice” states the obvious:

<blockquote>In campaigning for the bill, supporters did not dwell on old arguments that promoted choice’s potential to improve public education through competition, or on the belief that academic achievement would improve in private schools.

Instead, Gov. Greg Abbott and allies emphasized parental rights and personalized learning. They also leaned on the culture war issues that have dominated the Trump era, arguing that vouchers would allow families to escape liberal teachings on gender, sexuality and race.</blockquote>

This has been one of the most obvious shifts in ed reform debates since the high-water mark of liberal zeal for school reform during the middle of the Obama administration. Private school vouchers became more directly right-wing coded as liberals doubled down on charter schools, and as they did, school quality improvements ceased to be a central argument in their favor. In part, this was because conservatives cared about other values, in part it was because “freedom” and “choice” proved to be a more effective sales pitch, and in part it was because the research record regarding school vouchers is truly dismal. I must admit that, as much as I hate the whole agenda - public funds should be used for public schools, not private enterprise, and particularly not for religious indoctrination - there’s something refreshing about this abandonment of equality jargon as a justification for ed policy. Typically school reform types hold on to their justice rhetoric like death.

It makes me think of a bit of a counternarrative that I’ve heard about charters over the years, actually. Charter schools have been wrapped up in liberatory language for so long it’s hard to extricate the concept from that packaging. Core to that promise is the “no child left behind” element, the idea that the school reform movement has a deep moral duty to save each and every kid and that the various tools school districts and states have used to shuffle poorly-performing students off the books are immoral.1 It’s for that reason that longstanding and serious concerns about how charter schools manipulate their student bodies are so morally challenging for the movement; if it’s true that the best charter schools develop that reputation by getting selective with admissions in a way public schools can’t, it directly undermines their claims to being part of a righteous reform movement. But as the years have passed since my first book came out and I’ve talked to more and more people from various places in the educational landscape, I’ve heard from a few charter-adjacent people - a half-dozen parents maybe, a handful of teachers and administrators - who actually affirm the very thing that I’ve been accusing charters of for years: that they exist as a tool to prune incoming student bodies, using various tricks to keep out the students who are hardest to educate. A few brave souls have told me, in fact, that such exclusionary behavior is exactly the point.

Exactly the point, that is, because in this telling it’s precisely the universal guarantee of public education that ruins everything. To hear these rare advocates tell it, a central problem with struggling schools and districts is that the students who don’t care and don’t want to be there are disruptive of the whole enterprise, ruining it for everyone else. This is a hard matter to prove empirically - like just about everything else in the research record, the evidence for peer effects is far more muted than you’d guess based on rhetoric - but certainly in the broader social sense feels intuitively compelling. It’s hard to run a school with violence issues, hard to give adequate attention to students who need it when constantly diverted to behavioral problems, hard to justify using resources on students who plainly don’t want to be there. So for those charter advocates, the selection bias is a feature, not a bug. The whole point is to give the kids who care a chance to escape from the places that have to warehouse the kids who don’t.

I think that this is also quietly at play with the deeper question of whether school really has much impact on quantitative metrics at all. As I tell people all the time, parents have almost literally zero sense of a given school’s educational quality, despite evincing total confidence in that understanding; I personally believe that school quality (as defined as the ability to manipulate quantitative metrics and relative placement in the performance distribution!) is largely illusory, but even if you don’t agree, sorting out what’s input and what’s output is really challenging. I often want to ask parents who are sending their kids to Montessori or whatever if they’re really confident that it’s going to result in better learning outcomes for their kid; I suspect that they know that their kid is going to flourish anywhere. (Parents tend to understand the inelasticity of school outcomes when it comes to their own kid, even if that reality remains untenable as a broader observation; they don’t expect their child to bounce around from A student to D and back again, they expect their child to perform as well as they always have.) Which again speaks to a part of all this that usually goes unspoken, for obvious reasons: a lot of parents, even progressive parents, just don’t want their kids to go to school with the wrong sort. Sometimes that’s explicitly racist and classist. More often, I suspect, it’s inchoate and vague. But still powerful.

Which brings me to private school generally. One important point about American education that I think often goes under the radar: private school teachers, in general, get paid less than their public school counterparts. Often a lot less, with typical estimates for median pay gap around $15-$20k a year. And even this is a little distorted, given that the priciest private academies will often pay dramatic outlier salaries to their teachers, bending the average up. This is all true despite the fact that there isn’t any particular pedagogical difference between public and private; while there are specific private school traditions like Montessori that have some systematic pedagogical differences, private schools generally teach the same material in about the same way as public. (You’ll note that ed reform boilerplate is almost always about teacher hiring and firing decisions, tenure, pay, “accountability,” etc. - that is, administrative issues, not pedagogical.) So why would private school teachers accept such a scenario, making much less money than their public counterparts while doing more or less the same thing in the classroom?

The answer, of course, is that private schools screen out the hardest-to-educate kids, making the job of a teacher much more attractive. I don’t think this is some libelous argument. The costs of private school alone tend to make the student bodies much easier to manage, many have onerous application processes that can require a transcript review and/or testing, many have requirements regarding past attendance and behavior, and with a few exceptions related to federally-prohibited discrimination, they can refuse any students they choose. Private schools also rarely offer special education services unless they are specifically dedicated to that task, and practically speaking they have far less onerous standards to meet if parents allege that their special education student’s needs aren’t being met. (Special ed is, for the record, the biggest source of supposed cost and efficiency advantages that private schools have over public; special ed cost public schools $50 billion a year… a quarter century ago.) In general, private school student bodies are far richer and whiter than public, with dramatically lower behavior and attendance problems and with more engaged and dedicated parents. This is what private school teachers are getting in exchange for lower salaries; it’s just a far easier job thanks to the differences in who you’re teaching.

And so consider now the longstanding libertarian dream of getting rid of government-funded and run schools altogether and just distributing money to parents to pay for private schooling. This doesn’t work for a variety of reasons, and the special ed point is a good example of why; like a lot of government-funded enterprise, K-12 schooling relies on pooling money together to pay for costs that are unequal from student to student. (That is to say, a kid/the parents of a kid who’s not in special ed, doesn’t have serious behavioral problems, and doesn’t require remediation are in a certain sense subsidizing those who do.) There’s also the fact that, as the NYT piece says, in many contexts the introduction of private school vouchers simply incentivizes local private schools to raise their prices. But those private school teachers and their worse salaries, worse job security, and lack of labor power point to the bigger problem: the whole enterprise of private school is built on exclusion. Parents don’t like private school despite the fact that private schools exclude certain kinds of students. They like private schools because they exclude certain kinds of students. Switch the United States to an all-voucher system, and suddenly you’re threatening both what parents like about sending their kids to private school and what private school employees like about working in them.

This, again, is a case of where having a big educational network has helped me hear the quiet part out loud. Talk to some people involved in the world of private education, and you’ll note a great deal of ambivalence towards the idea of a vastly larger world of vouchers. Of course they’d like to get their hands on some tax dollars. But very few are eager to simply become the workforce of a new de facto public school system; that’s not what they got into private education for, and it’s certainly not why most parents like private schools. I know that some will treat this as a terribly inflammatory set of statements, but it’s simply the case that what defines the sales job for private school is the fact that it is not public school.

And voucher programs already underline that fact. The Times piece points out that “new schools founded to take advantage of private-school choice policies have sometimes struggled to find their footing and shut down quickly, sending students back into public education.” Why are new schools necessary when voucher programs have tended to remain limited in size, relative to public schooling? Because in general, private schools that accept vouchers are not necessarily giving up any of their usual right to selectivity - meaning that parents might be newly armed with money, but unable to spend it at the schools of their choice. An inevitable outcome of a vast new voucher system is going to be a mushrooming number of shitty, fly-by-night schools that exist simply to sop up loose voucher cash. The “good” private schools will remain out of reach to most families, which is imperative for those schools, because their status as “good” schools depends on having good student bodies, that is, on their continuing to exclude marginal students. And once we understand this, we’re really putting a ton of weight on the value of CHOICE in and of itself. Is that really what parents crave, choice? Or is it the choice to get into a good school? And are they prepared to grapple with the question of whether good schools are good precisely because they exclude the hardest-to-educate students?

Two things that sit in tension with each other: government-funded and run universal education for all children is one of the best things this country ever did, and exclusion has always been core to education and how it functions. I am a big, big fan of compulsory public education for children, even though I think that students should be able to drop out sooner than policy currently allows. That surprises some people, given that I think that different individual students have different individual levels of academic potential and this potential seems largely static. But that’s only a knock against universal education if you think the point is for everyone to become an academic star, which is the opposite of what I think. The fact remains, though, that for most the world’s history, before reformers like John Dewey spread the gospel of universal potential, very few assumed that education had an egalitarian purpose at all. Education, for much of the world’s history, has been fundamentally about preparing an already-blessed elite. And while that assumption came packaged with all manner of noxious attitudes, the rise of egalitarian educational rhetoric has brought with it the many distributional paradoxes I’m forever pointing out. It remains true that there’s only room for 1% of students in the academic 1%, and that it will never be possible for every student - and every school - to be above average.

High school kids who get rejected from their dream college might cry for the missed opportunity. But they still don’t wish that the school would drop all of its selectivity and start accepting every student who applies; part of what they dreamed of, after all, was being blessed by that selectivity. Something like that is happening with private school too, where more and more vouchers are inevitably going to make plain the reality that what parents want for their kids is precisely to set them up in an ivory tower that those other kids can’t climb into."]]></description>
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    <title>Five Ways Pope Francis, Religious Leader Who Pushed to Modernize the Catholic Church, Was a Man of Firsts</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-24T04:41:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/five-ways-pope-francis-religious-leader-who-pushed-to-modernize-the-catholic-church-was-man-of-firsts-180983379/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The pontiff, who died on Easter Monday at age 88, strived to make the church more inclusive. But critics believed his reforms either went too far or not far enough"]]></description>
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    <title>Can an Activist Revolutionize Government From the Inside? — The Dial</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-03T02:52:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thedial.world/articles/news/issue-24/rodrigo-mundaca-chile</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Rodrigo Mundaca, a leader of Chile’s water justice movement, has grand plans."

...

"Mundaca is among a group of leftwing leaders who came to power in the last half decade in Chile with grand plans to revolutionize the country’s political economy. His ally, Chilean President Gabriel Boric, pledged to institute sweeping reforms and establish an “ecological government.” This has not come to pass, and the country’s mood has turned. Why has the left fallen short of its lofty ambitions?"

...

"Gabriel Boric, a former student activist, won the presidency in December of 2021. He vowed that “if Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism, it would also be its tomb”— a reference to the radical restructuring of the country under Pinochet’s military junta. During Pinochet’s rule from 1973 to 1990, the government turned to private corporations to manage its pensions, sold off state owned enterprises, radically cut government expenditures, and privatized water rights. The country’s 1980 constitution enshrined this handcuffing of the state and an emphasis on markets. Boric ran on burying this model; his victory seemed to indicate a new chapter in Chile’s history. 

But in September 2022 the new constitution was voted down, rejected in all 16 regions in Chile. The political terrain had shifted: For the first time, the country made voting obligatory, bringing millions of unpredictable new voters to the process. Several measures proved unpopular, including a reference to Chile being composed of various nations, in honor of its Indigenous peoples. Fake news swirled, including a common claim that under the new constitution the government would confiscate people’s homes. And with high post-pandemic inflation and the arrival of Venezuelan immigrants fleeing political and economic strife at home, some voters sought to express their displeasure with Boric’s administration by rejecting the charter he’d championed."

...

"Other movement activists worry that joining government or state institutions is self-defeating. Juan Pablo Orrego, an environmentalist who has spent decades fighting the building of dams in Patagonia and the mountains above Santiago, said it’s a trap to believe an activist can change things from the inside. “I’ve seen quite a few people try — go into to parliament and government, become a senator,” he said. “They get corrupted, or they start compromising and compromising. Or they get politically destroyed.”

A segment of the Chilean left clearly holds this view of Boric, who since entering office has moderated many of his positions. His decisions to greenlight Anglo-American’s mine expansion — 12 years after calling for the company’s expropriation — and streamline approval for other mining projects are evidence that he now leads an “anti-ecological” government, said Camila Zarate, a delegate to the constitutional convention and environmental justice organizer with the Movement for Water and Territories (MAT). And since Mundaca campaigns alongside Boric’s coalition, she said, he is implicated too."

...

"Modatima, while not a political party, has shifted its strategy from protest to direct intervention in politics. A number of influential activists have given up their grassroots work to focus on getting elected and changing water governance through institutions.

Mundaca believes that this change is a positive one. His first term, he says, “showed that the left can govern, and can govern well.” While Boric’s popularity has fallen during his time in office, Mundaca has maintained his support. In elections last year, he won in each of the region’s 38 communities, even those in which opposition mayors have prevailed. 

Still, Chile more broadly has lurched to the right since the rejection of the constitution in 2022. Another constitutional convention the following year saw the election of a slate of right-wing candidates focused on law and order — topics that are resonating with voters amid a rising murder rate and the deepening presence of organized narco traffickers in the country in recent years. Across Chilean society, polling shows mass disaffection with congress and Chile’s political parties.

When I visited the burned neighborhoods above Valparaíso in November, distrust in the government was palpable. In the aftermath of the fires, shellshocked survivors had set about supporting one another. Ollas comunes, communal kitchens, sprang into existence to feed the newly needy — a recurring Chilean tradition born in the dictatorship and revived during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Lissette Samit, who continues to run an olla named for the murdered communist balladeer Victor Jara, told me while peeling onions that she felt her community had been abandoned. “We’re putting all our efforts into recovery,” she said. “It’s a matter of willpower, no? The state has to take responsibility.” 

Boric is barred by Chilean law from serving a second consecutive term. The frontrunner in this year’s presidential elections, Evelyn Matthei, is a conservative mayor of one of Santiago’s neighborhoods and the daughter of Pinochet’s health minister. She has cited seawater desalination as the solution to Chile’s water crisis, a position finding increasing purchase across the political spectrum, despite worries about high energy demands and increased costs for users, whose fees would pay for the facilities’ construction. Matthei has glossed the water problem as a shortage of political will rather than one of resources. If she wins in November, the country will find out whether she is correct. "]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Lessons from a radical 20-year experiment and a quiet triumph of public policy."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor on Trump’s decisive victory, Harris’s catastrophic loss, multi-racial working-class dealignment, and where the left might go from here."

[See also:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democratic-dealignment-w-keeanga-yamahtta-taylor/id1043245989?i=1000676321849 ]]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, author, and minister Chris Hedges returns to Bad Faith for a left-focused deep dive into what happened on election night, what's next for the left, and the role spirituality may play in creating a sense of community that some are finding in the Joe Rogan media environment."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7YMd0HZA4CE">
    <title>YIMBYism Is Code For Gentrification with David Fields - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-25T01:12:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7YMd0HZA4CE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If NIMBY is the classist rejection of affordable housing ("Not in my back yard”), then YIMBY is sold as the progressive counter to it: “Yes, in my back yard; because I believe affordable housing should be widely available, even in my own neighborhood.” But of course, housing development has nothing to do with the needs of the poor or the working class. It has nothing to do with the public purpose. 

Steve’s guest, political economist David Fields, explains: 

“YIMBY is yes to housing in my backyard, but housing for developers to extract profit from land value.  So build as much as possible within a given area and, in the end, extract as much as possible through rent extraction and land value appreciation. It's not, in my view, yes to actual affordable housing in my backyard to house working class folks. No, it's yes to luxury skyscrapers, luxury this, luxury that. Build as cheaply as possible for vested interests to maximize gain.” 

YIMBY’s want us to believe that sheer quantity will bring prices down, because that’s how the market works.  Those who object are accused of NIMBYism. In addition,  

“They're economically illiterate, they're economically stupid, they don't know, they don't pay attention, and they're not letting the magic do its magic. Which, anybody who knows a modicum of economics and knows that supply and demand is institutionally configurated - not natural  - should be flabbergasted and say, how did this get to be so popular, so celebrated?  Well, there are vested interests involved.” 

The episode explores the misleading narratives of YIMBYism and compares the market-driven approach to housing to trickle-down economics, emphasizing the constructed scarcity and profit motives behind urban planning. David points out the misuse of economic models like the Marshallian Cross, highlighting flaws in the market logic often used to justify YIMBY policies.  

David and Steve talk about the broader neoliberal agenda of privatization and deregulation, and its stranglehold on government policies. Awareness and organization are needed to combat systemic class inequality in housing and beyond. 

David Fields is from a critical realist and genetic structuralist ontology and epistemology. His work centers on the intricacies concerning the interactions of foreign exchanges and capital flows, with economic growth, fiscal and monetary policy and distribution, whereby critical attention is paid to the notion of endogenous money. He also delves into the political economy of regional development to study patterns with respect to the nature of housing, social stratification, and community planning. 

#YIMBY #NIMBY #Gentrification #UrbanDevelopment #Neoliberalism #Housing #LandValueTax #CulturalHegemony #MarketFundamentals #RentControl #Universities 

@ProfDavidFields on Twitter 

00:00 Introduction and Guest Introduction
00:35 The Curious Case of Rent Control
01:00 NIMBY vs. YIMBY: An Overview
01:58 Healthcare and Housing: A Parallel
02:39 The Economics of YIMBYism
03:39 Guest David Fields: Background and Expertise
05:12 YIMBYism: A Political Scheme
06:43 The Reality of Housing Markets
11:07 Critique of Supply and Demand
12:53 Universities and Urban Development
22:51 Private Property and Market Fundamentals
25:04 Federal Government's Role in Housing
31:01 Cultural Hegemony and Housing
34:09 Debunking the Myth of Housing Scarcity
34:46 The Case for Land Value Tax
38:50 Government's Role in Economic Inequality
43:31 The Illusion of Political Change Through Voting
53:47 The Fight Against YIMBY and Neoliberal Policies
59:06 Concluding Thoughts and Call to Action"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LHylkOB8osw">
    <title>Why Democrats Won't Fix The Housing Crisis (with David Fields) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-24T21:01:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LHylkOB8osw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Political economist David Fields joins Bad Faith for a conversation goes beyond housing policy to unpack the roots of why the Democratic Party seems unable to provide basic improvements for working people even when in power. He clarifies the YIMBY vs NIMBY debate, how YIMBYism has been appropriated by corporate developers, and how false economic narratives (e.g. the supply/demand curve) have been weaponized to justify real-estate lobby-approved solutions to the housing crisis."]]></description>
<dc:subject>davidfields briahnajoygray yimby yimbyism nimby nimbyism 2024 realestate housing economics trickledowneconomics edglaeser richardflorida creativeclass gentrification edwardglaeser displacement development urban urbanism urbanplanning regulation deregulation developers class classism ronaldreagan reaganomics sanfrancisco trickledown alftredmarshall capitalism markets wages socialexclusion socialinclusion inequality land landvalues policy wagesuppression neoliberalism publichousing socialservices healthcare welfare 1980s 1990s billclinton reform liberalism globalization unions labor work democrats tradeunions breadwinners underclass hud hope6 bailouts joebiden kamalaharris adamsmith plutocracy oligarchy workingclass republicans elections us leisureclass ownership wealthofnations corporations corporatism government wallstreet antoniogrmasci antoniogramsci karlmarx proudhon utah finance greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis exploitation property speculation investment investors pierre-josephproudhon nimbys yimbys</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw">
    <title>Chris Hedges: The Cost of Resistance - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T02:54:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video is a recording of a talk given by Chris Hedges at the Kairos Club London on September 11, 2024. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of resistance and repression, Hedges detailed the methods we need to adopt to defeat the powerful interests, including the fossil fuel industry and the animal agriculture industry, which have placed their profits above the protection of our species and all life on earth. 

Hedges’ talk is preceded by an audio intro from Roger Hallam. Hallam is part of the “Whole Truth Five,” who are five members of Just Stop Oil who were sentenced last month to the longest ever prison sentences for non-violent protest.

Following their conviction, the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst said “Today marks a dark day for peaceful environmental protest, the protection of environmental defenders and indeed anyone concerned with the exercise of their fundamental freedoms in the United Kingdom.”"

[transcript here:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-cost-of-resistance ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrishedges resistance revolution 2024 rogerhallam extinctionrebellion michelforst revolt history oligarchy socialtransformation repression fossilfuels climatechange globalwarming agriculture juststopoil petroleum bigoil environment firstintifada palestine israel tunisia rosaluxemburg abolitionists abolition abolitionism slavery change changemaking fanatics nietzsche lenin vladimirlenin isolation dissidents 1989 easterneurope communism ideology václavhavel protest protests clivehamilton slobodanmilosevic centralamerica algeria yemen sudan punjab media oppression power government iraq afghanistan wikileaks climatecrisis governance alexanderkerensky russia ussr sovietunion jabalia politics politicians law legal ericfoner abrahamlincoln julianassange lindalakhdhit imprisonment journalism sarahwilkinson richardbarnard richardmedhurst craigmurray uk us reform greece españa spain egypt bahrain syria libya turkey brasil brazil ukraine hongkong chile korea southkorea stateviolence nato zionism neoliberalism mil</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.uvicfa.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Refusing_the_University.pdf">
    <title>Refusing the University, by Sandy Grande (2018) [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-25T21:36:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.uvicfa.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Refusing_the_University.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781351240932-4/refusing-university-sandy-grande

ABSTRACT
This chapter begins with articulating the particularities of settler colonialism and Native elimination. Next, it examines liberal theories of justice as the underlying structure operating within the politics of recognition. The chapter also discusses the academy as an arm of the settler state, which is distinct from other frameworks that critique the academy as fundamentally neoliberal, Eurocentric, and/or patriarchal. Through the discussion of the academy as an arm of the settler state, it argues that this shift opens up more possibilities for coalition and collusion within and outside the university. The chapter then describes the ways in which it refracts settler logics and the politics of recognition. It further examines emergent scholarship on the politics of refusal as a field of possibility for building co-resistance movements between the Black radical and critical Indigenous traditions as well as others committed to refusing the settler state and its attendant institutions."]

"First and foremost, we need to commit to collectivity — to staging a refusal of the individualist promise project of the settler state and its attendant institutions. This requires that we engage in a radical and ongoing refexivity about who we are and how we situate ourselves in the world. This includes but is not limited to a refusal of the cycle of individualized inducements—particularly, the awards, appointments, and grants that require complicity or allegiance to institutions that continue to oppress and dispossess. It is also a call to refuse the perceived imperative to self-promote, to brand one’s work and body. This includes all the personal webpages, incessant Facebook updates, and Twitter feeds featuring our latest accomplishments, publications, grants, rewards, etc. etc. Just. Make. It. Stop. The journey is not about self—which means it is not about promotion and tenure—it is about the disruption and dismantling of those structures and processes that create hierarchies of individual worth and labor.

Second, we must commit to reciprocity—the kind that is primarily about being answerable to those communities we claim as our own and those we claim to serve. It is about being answerable to each other and our work. One of the many things lost to the pressures of the publish-or-perish, quantity-over-quality neoliberal regime is the loss of good critique. We have come to confuse support with sycophantic praise and critical evaluation with personal injury. Through the ethic of reciprocity, we need to remind ourselves that accountability to the collective requires a commitment to engage, extend, trouble, speak back to, and intensify our words and deeds.

Third, we need to commit to mutuality, which implies reciprocity but is ultimately more encompassing. It is about the development of social relations not contingent upon the imperatives of capital—that refuses exploitation at the same time as it radically asserts connection, particularly to land. Inherent to a land-based ethic is a commitment to slowness and to the arc of inter-generational resurgence and transformation. One of the many ways that the academy recapitulates colonial logics is through the overvaluing of fast, new, young, and individualist voices and the undervaluing of slow, elder, and collective ones. And in such a system, relations and paradigms of connection, mutuality, and collectivity are inevitably under￾mined. For Indigenous peoples, such begin and end with land, centering questions of what it means to be a good relative.

Toward this end, I have been thinking a lot lately about the formation of a new scholarly collective, one that writes and researches under a nom de guerre—like the Black feminist scholars and activists who wrote under and through the Combahee River Collective or the more recent collective of scholars and activists publishing as “the uncertain commons.”18 If furthering the aims of insurgence and resurgence (and not individual recognition) is what we hold paramount, then perhaps one of the most radical refusals we can authorize is to work together as one; to enact a kind of Zapatismo scholarship and a balaclava politics where the work of the collectivity is intentionally structured to obscure and transcend the single voice, body, and life. Together we could write in refusal of liberal, essentialist forms of identity politics, of individualist inducements, of capitalist imperatives, and other productivist logics of accumulation. This is what love as refusal looks like. It is the un-demand, the un-desire to be either of or in the university. It is the radical asser￾tion to be on: land. Decolonial love is land"]]></description>
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    <title>An Indigenous Elsewhere: A Conversation with Sandy Grande | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-25T21:35:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/an-indigenous-elsewhere-a-conversation-with-sandy-grande/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>sandygrande 2022 education highered highereducation decolonization indigeneity indigenous refusal resistance reform</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/mexicos-political-revolution/">
    <title>Mexico’s Political Revolution | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-04T01:15:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/mexicos-political-revolution/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Notwithstanding the dire security situation in parts of the country, most Mexicans hold the current administration in high regard. A poll from Gallup this week found that 73 percent of Mexicans feel their living standards have improved, and 80 percent approve of AMLO’s leadership. During her victory speech in Mexico City on Sunday night, Sheinbaum referenced the outgoing leader’s latest book (AMLO is a prolific author): “Mr. President, you recently wrote a book titled Gracias; from here, we say back to you: Gracias!” By far the most successful left-wing leader to emerge from the populist ferment of the 2010s, AMLO has laid the groundwork for a workers’ republic in Mexico. Progressives, including the president-elect, would do well to draw the right lessons from his remarkable six years in office."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7NodCYbDPI">
    <title>Degrowth Communism: Envisioning a World Beyond Capitalism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-28T06:47:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7NodCYbDPI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Unavoidable evidence of the catastrophic consequences of climate change confronts us at every turn. Record high ocean temperatures. Once-a-century storms that appear every other year. And on and on. In the face of ongoing ecological disaster, international best-selling author Kōhei Saitō asks why our society continues to prioritize corporate profits (and the rapacious expansion on which they depend), and proposes a revolutionary alternative to unfettered capitalism: degrowth communism.

In Slow Down, Saitō provocatively argues that any solutions that don’t directly confront capitalism itself—from the COP agreements to the “Green New Deal”—represent dangerous compromises that may ultimately worsen the climate emergency. Because it creates artificial scarcity and endlessly produces commodities based on their value, rather than their usefulness, our economic system itself makes it impossible to reverse climate change so long as capitalism remains in place. The biggest contributor to the problem cannot be an integral part of its solution.

Instead, Saitō advocates for degrowth and deceleration, which he conceives as the slowing of economic activity through the democratic reform of labor and our system of production. By returning to a system of social ownership, degrowth communism, we can restore the abundance of things that we truly need, and can focus on those activities that are essential for human life.

What would this alternative look like? How do we end mass production and mass consumption without reducing living standards? What do we need to do to redress global inequality without accelerating the rate at which the planet burns?

For this launch event Saitō will be in conversation on all of this, and more, with Science for the People editor, and Pilsen Community Books collective member, Erik Wallenberg."]]></description>
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http://editions-hache.com/essais/pdf/kaczynski2.pdf
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/03/14/us/new-portrait-unabomber-environmental-saboteur-around-montana-village-for-20.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/10/us/ted-kaczynski-dead.html
https://www.fbi.gov/history/famous-cases/unabomber ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/a-million-americans-voted-for-an-incarcerated-socialist/">
    <title>A Million Americans Once Voted for an Incarcerated Socialist - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2023-04-30T01:35:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/a-million-americans-voted-for-an-incarcerated-socialist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Eugene Debs campaigned for both president and prison reform from a federal penitentiary. His critiques of the prison system still resonate."]]></description>
<dc:subject>eugenedebs us socialism prisons prisonabolition democracy politics reform prisonreform incarceration disenfranchisement morgangodvin 2023</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/debunking-norwegian-prison-reform-as-propaganda-with-oakland-abolition-and-solidarity">
    <title>Millennials Are Killing Capitalism: Debunking &quot;Norwegian Prison Reform&quot; As Propaganda with Oakland Abolition and Solidarity</title>
    <dc:date>2023-04-02T20:41:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/debunking-norwegian-prison-reform-as-propaganda-with-oakland-abolition-and-solidarity</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we interview Brooke Terpstra and James Carlin, members of Oakland Abolition and Solidarity. Oakland Abolition and Solidarity supports prisoners’ efforts to organize for their own self-defense against inhumane treatment. They function as a liaison, building bridges between inside and outside to support prisoners organizing their local chapters. They advocate the abolition of incarceration, white supremacy, and capitalism.

We speak with Brooke and Carlin about a recent announcement made by California Governor Gavin Newsom, that claims that he will transform San Quentin prison into a Norwegian style prison. This claims has been widely disseminated within mainstream media, alongside visions of Newsom as some transformational prison reformer. Ultimately this is a form of carceral propaganda that serves a similar function of other forms of copaganda that we see all the times with relation to policing. 

Brooke and Carlin talk about some of the realities of San Quentin, its role in our imagination of prisons in the US which unsurprisingly out of step with the reality on the ground inside. We also talk about these concepts of "the Norway Model," or "Norwegian prisons," or "Scandinavian prisons," and how these concepts function in our society. Discussing the propaganda purpose they serve, which is more significant than the actual reality of these types of projects. There’s also some discussion of efforts, which happen across the country, to develop a small set of programs inside individual prisons that can serve as smokescreens for the prison system as a whole. To have an individual prison capable of hosting tours, and producing 5 o’clock news segments of prisoners doing organic gardening, taking yoga classes, or training emotional support dogs as part of an effort to mystify the level of violence that is the every day reality of all prisoners locked up.

We also talk a little bit broadly about why the idea of Norwegian prisons has currency in the US, who this appeals to, and discuss possible motivations for politicians deploying this language and image through the media.  We close with a brief discussion of whether California actually represents a model for decarceration with its declines in prison population over the last 15 years or so. 

Most of this conversation is dedicated to debunking certain ideas and mythologies, but the work of groups like Oakland Abolition and Solidarity is extremely important. Here is a link to their website [https://oaklandabosol.org/ ] and also a link where you can donate to support their work [https://oaklandabosol.org/support/ ]."


...

"[Brooke Terpstra] Well, I was debating how to approach thinking about this interview. Should we even talk about the reality of what goes on in Scandinavia, or just talk about it as the mythological contours in the United States? I think more important and at hand is how it plays out in terms of narratives and building legitimacy. It’s essentially an invocation here in the United States. The reality of the Nordic or Scandinavian model is never instituted in the United States. Even if all these programs in San Quentin – that’s not the Nordic model. But even if it were the Nordic model, Scandinavia is not some utopia. You have no idea what it actually constitutes.

I think that should be a topic for another show: the mythology of social democracy and of whiteness in northern Europe. Globally, incarceration has a direct relationship between income inequality, settler colonialism, and the rate of incarceration. We have nothing in common in Norway, except that it’s also a deluded white supremacist nation state. Which – I don’t need the Nordic model for that – I already live in the United States, which is a white supremacist nation state. We have more in common with Brazil, with Palestine, with the Philippines in terms of the actual, structural function of incarceration. But in terms of the discourse, capital T capital D, around the Norway model and how it functions as an invocation – as an image – within the imaginary, especially the liberal-progressive one. And those are synonyms, at this point: progressives are basically liberals with stolen vocabulary from radical movements.

It’s basically an invocation because, one, it’s highly legible to white liberals. Norway is 90 percent white and it’s a 91 percent white, gated community. So, they can imagine themselves in that context. Two, it affirms their fantasies about the beneficence of the state. Whenever there’s headway made about accurately portraying – when understanding progressives in the United States, [when] incarceration is delegitimized, which it has been over the past 20 years, that’s due our hard work and to resistance inside. Everybody breaking their backs, organizing, and pushing. Not to mention the completely obvious failures on every front in terms of what it’s promised to deliver in material terms and lived conditions. I mean, half the country knows what time it is with prisons, and that’s the populations and communities that are policed and go inside, that get locked up."

[transcript:
https://www.anarchistfederation.net/transcript-millennials-are-killing-capitalism-debunking-norwegian-prison-reform-as-propaganda-with-oakland-abolition-and-solidarity/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>prisons media propaganda prisonabolotion charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex nonprofits academia highered highereducation sanquentin gavinnewsom jonstewart 2023 california nonprofit abolition solidarity norway carcerality oakland bayarea brooketerpstra jamescarlin news incarceration whitesupremacy iww prisonreform reform neoliberalism liberalism decarceration rehabilitation safety publicsafety myths mythology capitalism state oaklandabolitionandsolidarity prisonindustrialcomplex nonprofitindustrialcomplex politics policy politicians money power wealth inequality williebrown democrats sanfrancisco nancypelosi jerrybrown patbrown scandinavia scandinavianmodel brazil brasil socialdemocracy progressivism settlercolonialism nordicmodel palestine philippines organizing resistance resettling plausibledeniability stability wellbeing erasure imperialism depoliticization stuarthall genocide extraction policing experts governance epistemicviolence violence institutions culturalhegemony manufacturi</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://hyperallergic.com/804872/i-was-a-museums-black-lives-matter-hire-eunice-belidor/">
    <title>I Was a Museum's Black Lives Matter Hire</title>
    <dc:date>2023-03-09T05:12:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hyperallergic.com/804872/i-was-a-museums-black-lives-matter-hire-eunice-belidor/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“You think you’ve been hired because you’re the right person. But once you’re inside, you realize you’re not the right fit,” says curator eunice bélidor."

...

"The people inside the institutions don’t want them dismantled. So we have to go about it another way."

...

"And their generosity makes it even more complicated. I had a good salary but it was a golden jail. The benefits, the salary, and lifestyle were good. But at work I was miserable and devalued. This conflict can make the experience traumatic."

...

"The only thing that matters is money and power. Institutions don’t want to make changes. They just want it to look like they’re making changes. I’m waiting for someone to prove me otherwise."]]></description>
<dc:subject>eunicebélidor institutions reform change 2023 blacklivesmatter money power unschooling deschooling race racism 2021</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://techwontsave.us/episode/155_the_untold_history_of_silicon_valley_w_malcolm_harris">
    <title>The Untold History of Silicon Valley w/ Malcolm Harris - Episodes - Tech Won’t Save Us</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-17T18:56:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://techwontsave.us/episode/155_the_untold_history_of_silicon_valley_w_malcolm_harris</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Paris Marx is joined by Malcolm Harris to discuss the sordid history of Silicon Valley, including the long influence of eugenics at Stanford, how Silicon Valley profited from the United States’ wars throughout the 20th century, and why the libertarian narrative of tech hide a much darker reality."]]></description>
<dc:subject>malcolmharris 2023 parismarx siliconvalley californianideology stanford history military technosolutionsism libertarianism environment california technology eugenics education highered highereducation mining miningengineering engineering bionomics economics herberthoover lelandstanford davidstarrjordan politics race racism imperialism capitalism latecapitalism globalization biology evolution competition hierarchy markets oligarchy oligarchs techoligarchs ideology longtermism natalism humancapital horses breeding paloalto paloaltostockfarm eadweardmuybridge charlesmarvin children kindergarten invention technicians marketing bayarea war coldwar weapons hp hewlettpackard davidpackard warprofiteering governance government neoliberalism counterculture freedom individualism stevejobs apple hierarchies stewartbrand xerox deregulation ronaldreagan shermanfairchild left newleft computers computing parc xeroxparc newdeal ibm labor sweatshops manufacturing stevewozniak refugees laborrelations johnperrybarlow global clas</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PKwxKR5-QKU">
    <title>A Spectre Haunting: China Miéville on the Communist Manifesto - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-01T05:20:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PKwxKR5-QKU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join award-winning author China Miéville and New Yorker contributing writer E. Tammy Kim, for a discussion of Miéville’s latest book, "A Spectre, Haunting"

Few written works can so confidently claim to have shaped the course of history as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's Manifesto of the Communist Party. Since first rattling the gates of the ruling order in 1848, this incendiary pamphlet has never ceased providing fuel for the fire in the hearts of those who dream of a better world. Nor has it stopped haunting the nightmares of those who sit atop the vastly unequal social system it condemns.

In A Spectre, Haunting, award-winning author China Miéville provides readers with a guide to understanding the Manifesto and the many specters it has conjured. Through his unique and unorthodox reading, Miéville offers a critical appraisal and a spirited defense of the modern world’s most influential political document.

For this launch event, Miéville will be joined by E. Tammy Kim for a conversation about contemporary capitalism’s rapidly multiplying crises and the Manifesto’s enduring relevance.

Get A Spectre, Haunting from Haymarket Books: 
https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1990-a-spectre-haunting

Speakers:

China Miéville is the multi-award-winning author of many works of fiction and non-fiction. His fiction includes The City and the City, Embassytown and This Census-Taker. He has won the Hugo, World Fantasy, and Arthur C. Clarke awards. His non-fiction includes the photo-illustrated essay London’s Overthrow. He has written for various publications, including the New York Times, Guardian, Conjunctions and Granta, and he is a founding editor of the quarterly Salvage.

E. Tammy Kim is a contributing writer at The New Yorker and the co-host of the Time to Say Goodbye podcast. She's also the writer-in-residence at the A/P/A Institute at NYU, a contributing editor at Lux magazine, and a fellow at the Alicia Patterson Foundation and Type Media Center.

This event is sponsored by Haymarket Books. While all of our events are freely available, we ask that those who are able make a solidarity donation in support of our important publishing and programming work."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-reformist_reform">
    <title>Non-reformist reform - Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2023-01-15T21:40:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-reformist_reform</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Non-reformist reform, also referred to as abolitionist reform,[1] anti-capitalist reform,[2][3][4] revolutionary reform,[5][6] structural reform[7][8][9] and transformative reform,[10][11] is a reform that "is conceived, not in terms of what is possible within the framework of a given system and administration, but in view of what should be made possible in terms of human needs and demands". On the other hand, reformist reforms essentially maintain the status quo and do not threaten the existing structure.[12] These have been described as reforms that rationalize or "fine-tune the status quo" by implementing modifications "from the top down", but that fail to address root causes of the issue.[7] As described by philosopher André Gorz, who coined the term non-reformist reform, non-reformist reforms in a capitalist system are anti-capitalist reforms, or reforms that do not base their validity and their right to exist "on capitalist needs, criteria, and rationale", but rather on human ones.[2]

Non-reformist reforms have been identified as reforms that "challenge existing power relations and pave the way for more revolutionary changes in the larger society necessary for a more socially just and environmentally sustainable world",[13] those that create and recreate "the capacity to cumulatively transform the existing system"[14][9] and those that abolish and undermine the very foundations of the existing structure.[1][15] Scholars identify that for this to truly be possible, these reforms cannot "be taken for the poor or the racialized" under the assumption that "those deemed poor or racialized are not able to take action themselves". In other words, the marginalized cannot be "passive agents" in the process, but must be transformative subjects who "are active in reordering social relationships, diagnosing social inequalities, and mobilizing for a better way of socially organizing the world".[16]

Challenges

Creating non-reformist reforms is often cited as difficult.[13][17] One challenge to creating non-reformist reform is the co-option, incorporation and depoliticization, or mainstreaming, of the demands of social movements.[18][19] Lawyer and activist Dean Spade identifies mainstreaming as "when a very oppressive harmful institution tries to use an emptied-out version of [for example] queer politics as a PR stunt for itself, but queer people don't get anything out of it". Spade states that mainstreaming can be identified when "new forms of visibility" for the social justice issue in question become visible, but only under a form of "conditional acceptance" or respectability to the dominant system. Mainstreaming results in the "deployment of 'deserving' figures" in which a select group of people who the social justice issue pertains to become cast as "hardworking", "professionals", or "things that are tolerable" to the dominant system while others are simultaneously cast as "undeserving" and are excluded. Mainstreaming then produces reformist reform or recuperative reform proposals that reinforce or recuperate harmful institutions while the harm and violence actually continues.[20] Janet Newman states that "women's claims for equality [in the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s] had been incorporated through processes of 'mainstreaming' that have served to bureaucratize and depoliticize feminism".[18]

Another challenge to creating non-reformist reform is the difficulty to avoid expanding the system one is attempting to reform. An attempt to implement a non-reformist reform may become reformist in its implementation, for "some factors leading to the growth of the prison industry were the direct result of attempts to reform the system", as described by scholar Liat Ben-Moshe. In many instances, public and activist efforts to change the conditions inherent to the prison system eventually resulted in the expansion of the prison system. Marie Gottschalk cites three examples to illustrate how this occurs in relation to the prison system: (1) "opposition to the death penalty brought forth life sentences without parole, and helped strengthen the deterrence argument in crime control discourse, (2) LGBT activists fighting against homophobic and transphobic violence helped in creating hate crime legislation that incarcerated people for longer time frames, and (3) Moms against Gun Violence ushered in gun control measures that also increased the net effect of the penal system, including surveillance measures on communities of color". In consideration of this phenomenon, Ben-Moshe identifies that the perpetuation of this problem may reside in activists "not reaching far enough, not engaging enough in coalitional and revolutionary politics that will address the root causes of harm" and may also be unknowingly perpetuated by those who have internalized "the state in their actions and interactions".[21]

Criteria for identification

In consideration of the challenges to creating non-reformist reform that scholars identify, activists have established criteria for identifying when a reform may be reformist or non-reformist. Notable activists and organizations who have established criteria include Dean Spade, Peter Gelderloos, Harsha Walia, Critical Resistance and Mariame Kaba, who propose the following criteria respectively:[1][20][22][23]

Dean Spade
Does it provide material relief?
Does it leave out an especially marginalized part of the affected group (e.g. people with criminal records, people without immigration status)?
Does it legitimize or expand a system we are trying to dismantle?
Does it mobilize the most affected for an ongoing struggle?

Peter Gelderloos
Does it seize space in which new social relations can be enacted?
Does it spread awareness of its ideas? (participatory, not passive)
Does it have elite support?
Does it achieve any concrete gains in improving people's lives?

Harsha Walia
Has the tactic been effective in exposing or confronting a specific point within the system by either diminishing its moral legitimacy or undermining its functions?

Critical Resistance
Will it expand the system we are trying to dismantle?
Will we have to undo this later?

Marbre Stahly-Butts
Does this reform shift any power or resources?
Does it, in some way, acknowledge past harm?
Does it improve material conditions?
Does it create space for experimentation?
Are we able to try something new or different as a result?

Mariame Kaba, in regard to police reform
Does it allocate more money to the police?
Does it advocate for more police and policing?
Is the reform primarily technology-focused?
Is it focused on individual dialogues with individual cops?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>reform harshawalia criticalresistance resistance marbrestahly-butts politics institutions mariamekaba deanspade petergelderloos structure anticapitalism revolution abolitionism structuralreform transformation andrégorz capitalism power society socialchange nonreformistreform</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://srslywrong.com/podcast/270-the-future-is-degrowth-w-aaron-vansintjan/">
    <title>270 – The Future is Degrowth (w/ Aaron Vansintjan) – srsly wrong</title>
    <dc:date>2023-01-15T20:19:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://srslywrong.com/podcast/270-the-future-is-degrowth-w-aaron-vansintjan/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The ideology of infinite economic growth destroys the ecological foundations of human life, produces alienating ways of living and working, gives rise to undemocratic productive forces and techniques, and mismeasures our lives, standing in the way of well-being and equality of all."

[See also:

"The Future Is Degrowth: A Guide to a World beyond Capitalism, by Matthias Schmelzer, Aaron Vansintjan, and Andrea Vetter"
https://www.versobooks.com/books/3989-the-future-is-degrowth ]]]></description>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d967bacc0d6c/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rou7IqZ_7Yw">
    <title>Why The Media Suck At Covering The Police - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-07-20T01:41:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rou7IqZ_7Yw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cops. The thin blue line. The good guys with a gun. The story the media tends to tell about the police in this country is one of valor, honor and service, even after an event where members of the police force were not the good guys. Instead, they’re, the complicated not-so-good guys or a few bad apples in an otherwise immaculate bunch. The U.S. media constantly recycles spins like these as part of an intentional pattern with its own set of editorial and narrative rules. In this episode of “Backspace,” Sana Saeed  looks out how the police are imagined in headlines, film and TV and suggests a different angle, one that hold police accountable instead of parroting and protecting them."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOCjUccnSFU">
    <title>The Insidious Technocratic Economic Philosophy Adopted By Liberals In The 1970s - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-04-16T20:17:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOCjUccnSFU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the 1970s liberals moved away from bold progressive policy ideas. Instead, they focused on efficiency. President Carter is often viewed as a lefty who just couldn't get things done, but he helped solidify the Democratic Party's transition to this technocratic economic philosophy."

...

"Guest: This history of how you know what I'm calling the economic style of reasoning sort of moved into Washington and spread around and took over. But a big part of what I'm also trying to do is show how that had long-term consequences and it had those effects, particularly for democrats. and I think you know some of my original motivation in writing this book was sort of you know being a product of you know coming of age in the 1990s and sort of seeing the constraints on democratic politics. And so I really wanted a way to tie very clearly this historical story to constraints on what politics on the left look like that I think are still, you know, certainly in place in the Obama administration and I think are still there today.

Emma: Absolutely I mean it's you combine despite the changes in aesthetics right of course. and I was young when Obama was first getting elected. It was my first formative political experience. The hope and change thing really got to me. But you look at the actual accomplishments of ACA, Dodd-Frank, etc. they do really do not come close to the ambitions of the policy sets the policy goals of liberals democrats in the 30s and the 70s.

Guest: yeah yeah and part of what I'm trying to argue here is that you know is that what we really had happened was that a particular set of tools for thinking about policy kind of first introduced into washington. and then really spread around became sort of taken for granted and really shaped the kinds of policy options that that we considered in the future. And so you know, when I talk about an economic style of reasoning here I'm talking about sort of a basic econ 101 kind of micro economic reasoning. So thinking about incentives, choice efficiency, you know, trying to promote choice and competition. these sort of very basic ideas. but you know as they became more prominent in policy making what ends up happening is that in some ways they also become sort of a limiting factor and what kinds of policies can be considered. and so policies that were some of the major accomplishments of democrats in the 1960s for example. something like medicare. you know if it had had to try to be passed a couple of decades later when you have institutions like the congressional budget office offering scores on policy that predict their costs. it simply wouldn't have been possible to introduce them in the same way."

[Guest is Elizabeth Popp Berman and book is Thinking like an Economist: How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy:


https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691167381/thinking-like-an-economist

"The story of how economic reasoning came to dominate Washington between the 1960s and 1980s—and why it continues to constrain progressive ambitions today

For decades, Democratic politicians have frustrated progressives by tinkering around the margins of policy while shying away from truly ambitious change. What happened to bold political vision on the left, and what shrunk the very horizons of possibility? In Thinking like an Economist, Elizabeth Popp Berman tells the story of how a distinctive way of thinking—an “economic style of reasoning”—became dominant in Washington between the 1960s and the 1980s and how it continues to dramatically narrow debates over public policy today.

Introduced by liberal technocrats who hoped to improve government, this way of thinking was grounded in economics but also transformed law and policy. At its core was an economic understanding of efficiency, and its advocates often found themselves allied with Republicans and in conflict with liberal Democrats who argued for rights, equality, and limits on corporate power. By the Carter administration, economic reasoning had spread throughout government policy and laws affecting poverty, healthcare, antitrust, transportation, and the environment. Fearing waste and overspending, liberals reined in their ambitions for decades to come, even as Reagan and his Republican successors argued for economic efficiency only when it helped their own goals.

A compelling account that illuminates what brought American politics to its current state, Thinking like an Economist also offers critical lessons for the future. With the political left resurgent today, Democrats seem poised to break with the past—but doing so will require abandoning the shibboleth of economic efficiency and successfully advocating new ways of thinking about policy."]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y5iris3mXxY">
    <title>Chile: Movements &amp; the Left - Gina Vargas, Sergio Reyes, Pablo Navarrete, &amp; Romina Green Rioja - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-03-27T03:53:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y5iris3mXxY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Entering the 2000s, Chile’s rulers presented their country as the success story of neoliberalism with even so-called “socialist” leaders assuming management of the capitalist state. By the 2010s, however, waves of student and other popular movements gave the lie to this image. Mobilizing from below, students, pensioners, youth, diverse women’s and indigenous movements reawakened the dream of a Chile beyond neoliberalism, and even occasionally recalled the repressed socialist project of the 1960s and 1970s. In the process left political parties and even the constitutional architecture of the country are being transformed. How do these movements emerge, sustain themselves, relate to each other, engage parties, and imagine the future? We address these questions with 4 activist intellectuals deeply embedded in Chile’s movements and their country’s diasporas.

Gina Vargas – Peruvian feminist thinker, active in Chile during Allende, attended Boric inauguration, election observer 2021 (Lima, Peru)

Pablo Navarrete – Chilean documentarian (London, UK)

Romina Akemi – Historian, agrarian specialist (Los Angeles, US) 

Sergio Reyes: Organizer and musician (Punta Arenas, Chile)"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hackeducation.com/2022/01/03/next">
    <title>What Happened &amp; What's Next</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-06T09:01:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://hackeducation.com/2022/01/03/next</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I know that — whatever I do — it has to involve some political bent, some fight for a better future for everyone. And while my work for the past couple of decades has been on education and technology as the means/obstacle to justice, I'm not sure that's a fight I care to engage in. The past year-plus — "pandemic schooling" — has demonstrated how much of what I've said and done and written about has been pretty fucking pointless: the bullshit goes on. Indeed, in the chaos, folks have doubled-down on the very worst aspects of ed-tech, peddling the horrors of surveillance and control as yet education salvation.

Even though I haven't really been on social media for the past year, even though I haven't seen a single headline or read a single RSS feed about ed-tech, I bet I can tell you exactly what happened in 2021. I bet all the issues are the same as I've covered in my Year in Review essays in the past: surveillance, behaviorism, white saviorism, exploitation, extraction, control.

I can't keep throwing myself at the machine to the detriment of my well-being — mentally, physically, financially. It's time to do something a little different.

Rather than focusing my attention on the day-to-day ridiculousness of ed-tech, I'm going to continue to write essays on the history of ed-tech. I believe that these can help illuminate why schools and ed-tech take the shape they do today. Despite my passionate indifference to ed-tech as an industry, I do remain fascinated by the stories that we tell about the history of the future of education and how these narratives are often invented and wielded by those peddling educational reforms. The first essay, coming later this month, will be about one of the key technologies invoked this way: the school bell.

I also plan to start writing about some of the (histories of) technologies of health and "wellness." There's an important overlap here with ed-tech — not just due to the heavy reliance on pseudoscience. Much as, in the last few years, education reformers and entrepreneurs have sought to promote "social emotional learning" as a new avenue for kids' well-being — or rather, data collection and compliance — technologists and investors promote "wellness" for workers, parents, and citizens alike."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2022 audreywatters writing freelancing wellness education edtech technology pseudoscience capitalism privatization schools schooling reform edreform covid-19 coronavirus pandemic surveillance behaviorism whitesaviorism exploitation extraction control salvation pandemicschooling policy politics whitesaviors</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6d46ab604394/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://platformonline.uk/posts/justice-is-not-an-event-towards-understanding-abolition-ruth-wilson-gilmore-mariame-kaba-angela-davis">
    <title>Justice is not an event: Towards understanding abolition | The Platform</title>
    <dc:date>2021-12-24T15:53:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://platformonline.uk/posts/justice-is-not-an-event-towards-understanding-abolition-ruth-wilson-gilmore-mariame-kaba-angela-davis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An introduction to the uprooting and planting contained in abolition, which brings in the scholarship of Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Mariame Kaba and Angela Davis, among many others."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2021 jessecoldberg abolition abolitionism prisonabolition justice ruthwilsongilmore mariamekaba angeladavis incarceration prisons socialjustice georgefloyd law legal accountability safety security police policing lawenforcement policebrutality andrearitchie khalilgibranmuhammad garrettfelber alexvitale prisonindustrialcomplex blacklivesmatter dereckchauvin violence relationships punishment ericstanley steviewilson resporativejustice transformativejustice change systems systemsthinking christinasharpe saidiyahartman criticalresistance reform victorialaw kristianewilliams bethritchie emilythuma natsmith capitalism individualism solidarity property ruggedindividualism collectivism rinaldowalcott deanspade georgejackson assatashakur mumiaabu-jamal palestine indigeneity indigenous history georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://groundedfutures.com/shows/silver-threads/silver-threads-episode-25-antonio-buehler/">
    <title>Silver Threads Episode 25: Antonio Buehler - Grounded Futures</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-10T17:44:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://groundedfutures.com/shows/silver-threads/silver-threads-episode-25-antonio-buehler/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“We’re not trying to hack the system in our unschooling – we’re trying to burn it down.”




[transcript also here:
https://www.self-directed.org/tp/seeding-liberated-futures/ ]

“There is a real risk of people confusing their sort of individual freedom with a sense of liberation for everyone.” 

“young people are awesome. …they’re so much better than us old people if for no other reason than they just haven’t been conditioned into some of the worst aspects of society, they’re young enough to believe that that the way things are don’t have to stay the same… they’re young enough to believe that there’s something better and so I certainly have hope.”

“I do believe that the effort that people put in now, and have been putting in for generations, is seeding a potential future wherein something will happen that finally gets people to collectively come together and try to tear down these harmful institutions.”

“I used to be of the opinion that I had to be the hero that did it. … a lot of especially male activists probably think like, “I’m that guy, I’m gonna be the one that everyone rallies behind, and we’re gonna do this.” And so I certainly don’t believe in that anymore. It’s the organizers who’ve been doing this forever, who do it in a way in which they’re not asking for attention or money or anything that have been planting those seeds that will allow people recognize that there are real alternatives … alternative approaches that we can take, instead of just trying to manage within the system that we that we live in.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>antoniobuehler carlabergman eleanorgoldman 2021 interviews unschooling deschooling schools schooling learning howwelearn radicalism activism homelessness poverty abolition abolitionism austin children education abrome liberation emancipation prisonabolition schoolabolition police policing libertarianism franksmith mariamekaba nkjemisin scifi sciencefiction octaviabutler adriennemariebrown akilahrichards robinwallkimmerer facebook braidingsweetgrass capitalism flyingsquads colonialism colonization inequality anarchism radicals unlearning mutualaid community alternative texas georgefloyd acabspring pandemic hope covid-19 coronavirus homeschool youth optimism generations patience anger reform reformism progressive teaching howweteach bobbyseale blackpanthers blackpantherparty brownberets alcs agilelearningcenters scottcrow georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising carlajoybergman</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-50-andreas-malm-and-ecological">
    <title>Chartbook #50: Andreas Malm and ecological Leninism - by Adam Tooze - Chartbook</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-08T16:07:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-50-andreas-malm-and-ecological</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Malm’s work is instructive, brilliant and unsettling.

His historical imagination is fascinating and inspiring.

His arguments pose a serious intellectual challenge to complacent reformism.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>andreasmalm adamtooze 2021 reform reformism centrism leninism ecology property capitalism death life violence systemicviolence consumption civildisobedience massaction nonviolence</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1c432581e595/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qhnlj2F6RLk">
    <title>Is Peaceful Protest enough? In conversation with Andreas Malm - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-08T16:06:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qhnlj2F6RLk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Description: Andreas Malm joins Bristol Transformed organiser, Momentum NCG member and Labour for a Green New Deal activist Shona Jemphrey in Bristol at the Malcolm X Centre, the birthplace of Extinction Rebellion. They discuss COP26, the new phase of the climate struggle and How to Blow Up a Pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire by Andreas Malm, out now: https://www.versobooks.com/books/3665-how-to-blow-up-a-pipeline “]]></description>
<dc:subject>andreasmalm 2021 climatechange resistance activism protest fossilfuels government policy morality climatemovement adamtooze reform reformism centrism leninism ecology property capitalism death life violence systemicviolence consumption extinctionrebellion endegelände sabotage tanzania uganda us france fridaysfuture greenpeace decentralization finance banks banking climatejustice disobedience uk yellowvests revolt georgefloyd blacklivesmatter acabspring disruption germany governance directaction civildisobedience massaction nonviolence georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising self-defense</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://sfonline.barnard.edu/navigating-neoliberalism-in-the-academy-nonprofits-and-beyond/dylan-rodriguez-the-political-logic-of-the-non-profit-industrial-complex/">
    <title>The Political Logic of the Non-Profit Industrial Complex</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-26T02:04:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sfonline.barnard.edu/navigating-neoliberalism-in-the-academy-nonprofits-and-beyond/dylan-rodriguez-the-political-logic-of-the-non-profit-industrial-complex/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This popularized and institutionalized “law and order” state has built this popular consensus in part through a symbiosis with the non-profit liberal foundation structure, which, in turn, has helped collapse various sites of potential political radicalism into nonantagonistic social service and pro-state reformist initiatives."]]></description>
<dc:subject>charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex 2009 2016 dylanrodríguez nonprofit nonprofits neoliberalism economics lawenforcement politics policy radicalism reform philanthropy charities charity</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/BikoMandelaGray/status/1416480735511330822">
    <title>Biko Mandela Gray on Twitter: &quot;No one asked for this, but I've been thinking a lot about #abolition and #abolishthepolice for some time now. And if I may, I'd like to share my novice perspective, albeit one rooted in my own (anti-)philosophical stance. So</title>
    <dc:date>2021-07-18T00:10:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/BikoMandelaGray/status/1416480735511330822</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“No one asked for this, but I’ve been thinking a lot about #abolition and #abolishthepolice for some time now. And if I may, I’d like to share my novice perspective, albeit one rooted in my own (anti-)philosophical stance. So here goes.

I’m not convinced that the #abolitionist movement–which I wholly agree with–is an oppositional movement. Philosophically, a call for abolition is not a call to opposition. This distinction, in my mind anyway, is crucial. I’ll elaborate.

Hegel told us long ago that oppositional realities (or what he calls dialectics) form a totality in themselves. Think about a fight: if one person chooses not to fight, there is no fight at all–only violence on the part of the aggressor.

The aggressor, then, doesn’t “win” a fight bc there is no “fight” to win. there is only the exposure of the aggressor as a pugilistic asshole who has no respect for life or health–in short, a bully. A fight only happens if both sides agree that they’re in a fight.

This sounds trivial, but it isn’t. Consider the police: cops assume that they are protectors of public safety. Those who would oppose them would also agree about the meaning of the term “safety.” The opposition would emerge as a question of HOW cops enact this safety.

The principle challengers to police, then, are not abolitionists but reformers. Why? because reformers already agree about the function of police. They agree on what “public safety” means, and they also agree that cops are here to protect and ensure that meaning.

The opposition isn’t at the level of meaning, but at the level of execution. Reformers simply challenge how the police should enact their agreed-upon function. They do not oppose the terms by which police come into being, but instead oppose the self-conception that police hold.

Which is to say, reformers oppose the absolute freedom and discretion cops assume as part of their self-conception. This doesn’t stop the game, but keeps it in play. reforms–barring chokeholds, enforcing bodycams, and even charging officers w/ murder–keep the cops around.

Cops might get upset about these “reforms” bc they challenge police autonomy. But these reforms do not constitute a fundamental challenge to cops’ existence. Reform(ers) do not seek to do away with cops in general, but instead place checks on cops’ freedom and discretion.

In fact, it is this very opposition (the opposition of reform) that serves to keep cops in place. While the checks reform(ers) enact place limits on cops, they nevertheless further clarify cops’ functions and therefore clarify when, how, and why they can use (lethal) violence.

If i’m reading Hegel right, then, cops “win” this philosophical fight bc they eventually incorporate the challenge of reform into their collective self-perception. Cops now have no problem wearing bodycams; they pride themselves on barring chokeholds.

In all this, cops haven’t went away; they’re just more savvy. Their function wasn’t challenged; it was only streamlined. Cops are now simply more careful about how, when, and where they enact violence. Their violence hasn’t ended; it has just become more sophisticated.

And even if they are careless (as in the case of Timothy Loehmann, who killed #Tamirrice), their REASONING for killing is more sophisticated, more airtight, than it might have once been. That’s what reform, as opposition, allows for.

But #abolition does something different. It doesn’t challenge the self-identity of police, but instead challenges the TERMS by which police come into being. If police think of themselves as agents of safety, abolitionists raise questions about the meaning of safety.

They call the givenness of a particular understanding of safety into question, prompting and promoting reflection on otherwise forms of care and accountability. The abolitionist position calls for the terms to change–if not be outright done away with.

@prisonculture, along with other abolitionists, speak of this call as imagination, as an envisioning of something other than what we have now. They’re not locked in a dialectical opposition with police but instead provide a critique of the totality that would keep police around.

This is why #abolition is by and large opposed by both parties–bc it isn’t situated within the totality, but instead calls the whole system into question. The @DNC and the @GOP might be “divisive,” but this division is premised upon an agreement about the terms of the debate.

I bring all of this up to say that #abolition, for me anyway, is not reducible to cheap claims that we “hate” the police. Some of us do, but that’s not the whole picture. After all, as Sara Ahmed points out, mere hatred would assume an intense entanglement w/ cops.

It would require the cops’ continued existence as an object of hatred. Hatred presumes the existence of what it hates; it needs to hate something. But #abolition isn’t interested in keeping the cops here–in any form, even as an object of intense hatred.

It is, instead, a profound call to release ourselves from our dependency on the cops. It is a call to unshackle ourselves from the idea of punitive violence as a proxy for justice. #abolition calls for us to do more than fight.

It calls for something beyond opposition. It calls for us to imagine possibilities that this world, in its existence as a dialectical totality, can neither fathom nor incorporate.

This is why some of us receive hate mail and death threats. 

But it’s also why we keep going. 

Because we know better. 
We’ve seen better. 

And in knowing and having seen better, we demand more than this world can allow. 

Okay, I’m done.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>reform abolition policeabolition 2021 hatred violence philosophy hegel saraahmed bikomandelgray opposition policing publicsafety abolitionism policereform timothyloehmann tamirrice punishment freedom</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://groundings.simplecast.com/episodes/joy-james">
    <title>The Plurality of Abolitionism | Groundings</title>
    <dc:date>2021-01-02T21:37:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://groundings.simplecast.com/episodes/joy-james</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“EPISODE SUMMARY
Dr. Joy James joins the show to discuss the current state of the prison abolition movement, academia co-opting revolutionary organizing, the ‘captive maternal’, and why we must learn from children. 

EPISODE NOTES
Professor, writer, and activist Dr. Joy James joins the show to discuss her work around abolition. More specifically, we look at what Dr. James calls “academic abolitionism”, the role that academics play in halting or co-opting revolutionary organizing, the current state of the prison abolition movement, and why it is revolutionary to start our political organizing with one simple question: what do Black children need?

Felicia Denaud joins as co-host.”

[also here: https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/the-plurality-of-abolitionism/id1346441867?i=1000504088837 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>prisonabolition plurality joyjames feliciadenaud children highered highereducation 2021 organizing revolution unschooling deschooling radicalism devynspringer guerillaacademics sacrifice walterrodney wealth inequality money influence capitalism neoliberalism markets pundits marketplaces technology media news punditry abolitionism protest activism slavery exploitation blacklivesmatter policeabolition afropessimism intellectualism revolutionaries reform reformism hierarchy elitism democracy georgefloyd ideology noname blackliberation liberation imperialism leadership barackobama joebiden democrats liberalism defunding police policing violence surveillance whitesupremacy emancipation capitalflight economics society labor strikes striking academics class pedagogy prisons abolition lawenforcement grants funding kochbrothers universities colleges ivyleague harvard education stanford centrists philanthropy philanthropicindustrialcomplex rebellion discipline frankwilderson incarceration carceralcapitalism reputation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/bsonenstein/status/1334135501809389568">
    <title>Brian Sonenstein on Twitter: &quot;The issue with “evidenced based reimagining of policing” or whatever is that it takes policing itself for granted, which is the whole fucking problem. It’s that implied inevitability that narrows the scope of evidence t</title>
    <dc:date>2020-12-03T00:24:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/bsonenstein/status/1334135501809389568</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“The issue with “evidenced based reimagining of policing” or whatever is that it takes policing itself for granted, which is the whole fucking problem. It’s that implied inevitability that narrows the scope of evidence to a degree that makes this scientific posturing an ugly joke

You cannot have a meaningfully “evidence based” assessment of policing that conveniently skips over evidence as to the efficacy of policing in the first place!

This is ghastly in part because it provides rhetorical refuge for avoiding meaningful confrontations with policing as it actually defines and maintains relations in the US. Instead were only allowed to discuss how something permanent can be managed a little more softly

Imagine seeing a report like this that actually grapples with this reality in the open. And then such a report trying to make these reformist recommendations seriously. People would see the farce plainly. “Evidence based” reformers avoid this because they have to for consistency”

[same applies to schooling]]]></description>
<dc:subject>briansonenstein policing policereform lawenforcement reform unschooling deschooling evidencebased evidence assessment 2020 policeabolition defunding prisonabolition</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://soundcloud.com/eetheducationesearcher/the-sociology-of-education-policy-stephen-ball">
    <title>The sociology of education policy (Stephen Ball) by Meet The Education Researcher</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-07T05:39:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://soundcloud.com/eetheducationesearcher/the-sociology-of-education-policy-stephen-ball</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[““Sociology of education has devoted itself to saving, reforming, improving, perfecting the school … I now believe that it is a doomed enterprise. The school is an irredeemable institution”.

Prof. Stephen Ball (IOE London) is one of the world’s most eminent education researchers – a leading voice in the sociology of education, and a founding name in the area of policy sociology.

We talk about everything from Foucault to the state of pandemic education. We also discus Stephen’s recent provocative writing on the need for education researchers to ‘break their addiction’ to trying to improve schools and schooling.”

…

“For a great majority of my career, I was a redemptive sociologist. I saw, at some level, my role being to save education from the deleterious impacts of neoliberalism or the forces of regression… In a way, I neglected to think about what education is in itself irrespective of those iterations or influences or nuances. I’ve come to realize belatedly that, in fact, really the problem is the school. And the school, for many of us, to a great extent, is education. Sociology has devoted itself to saving, reforming, improving, effecting the school. I now believe that that’s a doomed enterprise. It’s an irredeemable institution. The problem is the institution of school.

And as part of that, we’ve also neglected the fact that sociology of education came into being in relation to school as one of the technologies of government which were aimed at civilizing, in particular, the working class urban population that emerged in the 19th and 20th century. But we distance ourselves from that and see ourselves as having a separate position over and against the school, whereas in fact we have been and continue to be profoundly implicated and imbricated in the maintenance of the school as an institution. So, it’s a form of self-critique, if you like.”

…

“We have to break out addiction to the school as the primary vehicle or meaning for education. We also have to dispense with the architecture that then constructs the school. If you look at most criticism they are related to the idea or based on the idea that we’ve the wrong curricula, we’ve got the wrong pedagogy, and we’ve got the wrong forms assessment, and if we get them right, then everything will be all right. And so what I’m saying is actually the problem is pedagogy, curriculum, and assessment in themselves. So, the first move has to be to create a space in which it’s possible to think about education without reconstructing it on the basis of the architecture that constructs it as a modernist institution. 

I realize that’s an enormously difficult thing to think about and I’ve had some fascinating conversations with people as a result of the paper. And it has been intriguing to see how deeply wedded people are, even, if you like, radicals are wedded to the school. So many of the conversations are littered with “yes, but…” “yes, but we need the school”… “yes, but the school does this”… “yes, but the school is fundamental to the opportunities of working class children.” And moving beyond that is the challenge, moving beyond the “yes, buts” to actually  think openly about doing things in a way that starts from somewhere else.”

[See also:

"The errors of redemptive sociology or giving up on hope and despair" by Stephen J. Ball (2020)
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01425692.2020.1755230 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>stephenball education school schooling sociology covid-19 coronavirus foucault change via:cervus india australia philanthropy privatization governance policy michelfoucault critique problematization howwethink governmentality archaeology discourse research theory thinking unschooling deschooling reform edreform addiction schools lcproject openstudioproject criticism pedagogy curriculum assessment modernism neoliberalism technology edtech engagement remotelearning digitaldivide inequality economics onlinelearning community commons software linear linearity fallingbehind bankingmodelofeducation well-being socialization personalgrowth citizenship democracy knowledge self-formation self creativity policyanalysis policysociology jennyozga conservatism politicalscience analysis academia highered highereducation wellbeing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thecut.com/2020/09/ruth-bader-ginsburg-anger.html">
    <title>Should Ruth Bader Ginsburg Have Stepped Down Sooner?</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-21T23:33:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thecut.com/2020/09/ruth-bader-ginsburg-anger.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So I understand why people will be furious at Ruth Bader Ginsburg and why they will say so loudly, in raised tones that convey their own assurance that they would have made the right choice, had they been her. Though those who are mad will not want to hear it, their reaction is made of precisely the same stuff that led people to lionize her as an outsize savior: because in the absence of structural security it is far easier to home in on individuals — as both our heroes and our villains — than it is to reckon with the enormity of what’s wrong and what needs to be righted."

...

"Ruth Bader Ginsburg matters, now as much as she ever has, but her survival alone couldn’t have saved us, any more than getting rid of Donald Trump will save us. We are facing something far larger: a desperate, life-or-death fight to rebuild, reimagine, reform (and in some cases raze) enormous apparatuses, including our criminal justice, electoral, health-care, and education systems, labor and capitalism, education, housing, the courts themselves, and, most urgently, the health of our planet. It will call on us to fight as fiercely and with as much determination as Ginsburg herself fought, through her life and career.

That’s daunting and hard. And for some, in the face of all this, it will undoubtedly feel good and perhaps even righteous to voice frustration at the decisions made by one woman — extraordinary, ordinary, important, and now sadly gone. But that’s not the work, and it’s not going to work to get us anywhere in the perilous days to come. Instead, we have to address what is really broken, which is not just our hearts and our spirits: It’s the frail systems in which Ruth Bader Ginsburg wanted so badly to believe. She’s gone and it is up to us to undertake the demanding revolutionary work of remaking them, this time stronger and more just."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ruthbaderginsburg 2020 rebeccatraister politics us elections supremecourt constitution healthcare health systems criminaljustice justice democracy voting reform reimagination labor work inequality housing education capitalism latecapitalism climatechange scotus law legal feminism gender latestagecapitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_i12zRBXObI">
    <title>This is an Uprising! A Conversation with Boots Riley and Noname - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-02T19:51:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_i12zRBXObI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[This is the one where Boots Riley goes on several long-winded "explanations" (weak excuses) why the murders of black women – especially black trans women – are erased by male public figures. All he had to say is that it's a big problem and that men need to do much, much better, but instead he goes into all sorts of verbal contortions to explain it away. As a result, there is not enough Noname talking in the video. She keeps calling out his excuses though.]

“Join us for a conversation on art, politics and revolution with Boots Riley and Noname.

—————————————————

The global uprising against racism and police violence has brought millions of people around the world into the streets to make Black Lives Matter, and has catapulted radical demands for police and prison abolition into the center of public consciousness. 

It’s also brought new urgency to discussions of reform and revolution, challenging the power of capitalism, imperialism, and colonialism in the 21st century, and the role of artists can as participants in political struggles. 

Join us for a wide-ranging conversation on art, politics, and revolution with Noname and Boots Riley, hosted by Khury Petersen-Smith.

Noname is a rapper from Chicago. She’s the founder of Noname’s Book Club.

Boots Riley is a rapper and filmmaker from Oakland.

—————————————————

Haymarket Books is an independent, radical, non-profit publisher. Every dollar we take in from book sales and donations goes directly to support our project of publishing books for changing the world—a project has never been more necessary or more urgent. We need your help to continue to do the work.

While all of our events are freely available, we ask that those who are able make a solidarity donation in support of our continuing to do this important work.

—————————————————

Join Noname’s Book Club here: https://www.nonamebooks.com/
Get a copy of Boots Riley’s Book here: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/489-boots-riley

For further reading on this topic check out Haymarket Books’ Black Liberation Reading List: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/blogs/65-haymarket-books-on-the-struggle-for-black-liberation “]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/column/nice-white-parents">
    <title>Nice White Parents - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2020-08-02T14:14:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/column/nice-white-parents</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Nice White Parents” is a new podcast from Serial Productions, brought to you by The New York Times, about the 60-year relationship between white parents and the public school down the block.

We know American public schools do not guarantee each child an equal education. Two decades of school reform initiatives have not changed that. But when Chana Joffe-Walt, a reporter, looked at inequality in education, she saw that most reforms focused on who schools were failing: Black and brown kids. But what about who the schools are serving? In this five-part series, she turns her attention to what is arguably the most powerful force in our schools: White parents."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/michaelkelly68/status/1288930274731085824">
    <title>Michael Kelly on Twitter: &quot;Trump’s rhetoric on fair housing is racist and vocalizes what many white homeowners feel and express privately and publicly (racialized fear of crime and declining property values), but Trump is also just affirming the post-re</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-31T04:11:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/michaelkelly68/status/1288930274731085824</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Trump’s rhetoric on fair housing is racist and vocalizes what many white homeowners feel and express privately and publicly (racialized fear of crime and declining property values), but Trump is also just affirming the post-redlining norm. #AFFH https://twitter.com/TomSugrue/status/1288559720870154247

<blockquote>1/ Over the last few months, Trump has tried to rile up white suburbanites by speaking out against #AFFH (affirmatively furthering fair housing), a requirement first included in the 1968 Fair Housing Act (aka Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act.)</blockquote>

In Race for Profit, @KeeangaYamahtta shows that even during HUD’s most activist period (under George Romney from 1969-1973), the agency was never truly empowered to integrate the suburbs or promote inner-city home ownership in a way that wasn’t predatory toward Black residents.

Attempts to enforce fair housing policies on a case by case basis encounter a private real estate market thoroughly infused with racism and racial segregation - from the real estate market’s foundations through each stage of its development. [image of text from book]

As landlords eagerly await eviction moratoria to end and eviction courts to open, we ought to consider reforms and tactics that *constrain and reduce the size and scope* of the private real estate market, not proposals that simply make appeals within its racist boundaries.

• pass rent control

Use state power to cut into landlords’ profits, and reduce tenants’ monthly housing costs

• de-commodify housing
• expand public housing

Take housing out of the private marketplace and make housing a public good guaranteed by right

• seize or occupy vacant, investor or speculator-owned properties through direct action - @moms4housing https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-03-14/homeless-moms-occupy-house-los-angeles-caltrans-coronavirus-pandemic

<blockquote> Another group of homeless moms and families are taking over a house — this time in L.A.: Fearing the coronavirus outbreak and inspired by a similar occupation in Oakland, homeless residents moved into an El Sereno home owned by Caltrans.</blockquote>

• form tenant collectives with the capacity to go on rent strike or collectively block evictions - @SyracuseTenants, @PBCTenantsUnion, @StompSlumlords, @LATenantsUnion, there are many across the country that I’m missing

There is an analogy to police and prison abolition. Are proposals reformist reforms that reinforce the existing system (additional funding for body cameras or re-training) or non-reformist reforms that move society closer to abolition and socialism?

This is not to mention that police are always the shock troops and first line of defense for real estate values and private property. https://blubrry.com/jacobin/28667783/the-dig-policing-for-the-market-with-brenden-beck/ “]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/07/how-i-became-police-abolitionist/613540/">
    <title>How I Became a Police Abolitionist - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-14T04:45:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/07/how-i-became-police-abolitionist/613540/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Police manage inequality by keeping the dispossessed from the owners, the Black from the white, the homeless from the housed, the beggars from the employed. Reforms make police polite managers of inequality. Abolition makes police and inequality obsolete."

...

"Like the boy at the rec center, most victims of police violence survive. No hashtags or protests or fires for the wounded, assaulted, and intimidated. I often wonder, What if Derek Chauvin had kneeled on George Floyd’s neck for seven minutes and 46 seconds instead of eight? Maybe Floyd would have lived to be arrested, prosecuted, and imprisoned for allegedly attempting to use a counterfeit $20 bill. Is that justice? This, for me, is why we need police abolition. Police manage inequality by keeping the dispossessed from the owners, the Black from the white, the homeless from the housed, the beggars from the employed. Reforms make police polite managers of inequality. Abolition makes police and inequality obsolete.

“Police abolition” initially repulsed me. The idea seemed white and utopic. I’d seen too much sexual violence and buried too many friends to consider getting rid of police in St. Louis, let alone the nation. But in reality, the police were a placebo. Calling them felt like something, as the legal scholar Michelle Alexander explains, and something feels like everything when your other option is nothing.

Police couldn’t do what we really needed. They could not heal relationships or provide jobs. We were afraid every time we called. When the cops arrived, I was silenced, threatened with detention, or removed from my home. Fifteen years later, my old neighborhood still lacks quality food, employment, schools, health care, and air—all of which increases the risk of violence and the reliance on police. Yet I feared letting go; I thought we needed them.

Until the Ferguson, Missouri, cop Darren Wilson killed Michael Brown. Brown had a funeral. Wilson had a wedding. Most police officers just continue to live their lives after filling the streets with blood and bone.

I drove from Ferguson to law-school orientation two weeks after Brown’s death. I met, studied, and struggled alongside students and movement lawyers who explained the power and the purpose of the prison-industrial complex through an abolitionist framework. Black abolitionists have condemned the role of prisons and police for centuries, even before W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction. They imagined and built responses to harm rooted in community and accountability. In recent decades, abolitionists have developed alternatives to 911, created support systems for victims of domestic violence, prevented new jail construction, reduced police budgets, and shielded undocumented immigrants from deportation. Abolition, I learned, was a bigger idea than firing cops and closing prisons; it included eliminating the reasons people think they need cops and prisons in the first place."

...

"Slavery abolition required resistance, risk, and experimentation. Black people rebelled, ran away, and built an underground railroad. Abolitionists wrote and orated against the “peculiar institution.” Allies funded campaigns, passed legislation, and changed the Constitution. Of course, people then felt a range of anxieties about abolition. Slave owners worried about their plantations and the profits that the labor camps wrought. White overseers feared joblessness. Both feared the loss of superiority. Some Black people had reservations about how they’d sustain themselves without the steady, yet violent, protection of their owners. Police abolition triggers similar anxieties today—moral, economic, and otherwise.

But if abolitionists waited to convince every single person that liberation was worth the pursuit, Black people might still be on plantations. Slavery’s violence and repression was riskier than Black people’s plans, imagination, and will to be free. So they held the uncertainty in their bellies and started running.

Rather than waiting for comforting answers to every potential harm ahead of us, let’s run. And continue to organize, imagine, and transform this country toward freedom and justice without police and violence. Let’s run.

And never look back."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/cyborgyndroid/status/1273636860493955073">
    <title>Rivers Solomon on Twitter: &quot;Loving how the conversation has expanded from police and prison abolition to the abolition of oppressive institutions more broadly - nursing homes, psychiatric hospitals/facilities, group homes. One I rarely see specifically na</title>
    <dc:date>2020-06-21T07:07:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/cyborgyndroid/status/1273636860493955073</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Loving how the conversation has expanded from police and prison abolition to the abolition of oppressive institutions more broadly - nursing homes, psychiatric hospitals/facilities, group homes.

One I rarely see specifically named but should enter the chat is school.

Talking here of underage compulsory schooling, in which children are forced to spend 1/3 of their lives without control over what they learn, when (and if) they urinate and defecate, when they undergo physical exertion, which people they spend their days with.

Compelled to sit, be quiet, be still, they can’t move their bodies at will. Let’s talk about the power adults hold over children period & how this is especially evident w/ disabled & Black kids in schools. Schools criminalise some bodies more than others.

As with abolition in general, it can’t happen without a complete transformation of society.

Flashing back to this girl in my class who had to get special permission from a doctor to use the toilet whenever she needed because of the recurrent UTIs she had from always holding it. Nothing good about an institution in which you require a doctor’s note to urinate at will.

Back to disability being criminalised in school settings, think about which children are labeled as ‘bad’ or ’naughty’ & as chronic disruptors who don’t listen or ‘respect’ authority. Kids with autism & ADHD particularly buy also consider depression, anxiety.

Teachers enact horrific racist abuse on Black kids (& on other racialised and colonised peoples but that’s less my story to speak to).

Even among progressive teachers, often the curriculum itself is racist.

Schools often provide zero protection against bullying & sexual harassment & violation, and through perpetuating ableism, sexism, misogyny, queerphobia, and racism in the classroom, they actually encourage it. Don’t get me started on dress codes.

Ok, actually yes get me started on dress codes.

Boys (et al) still can’t have long hair at many schools Loudly crying face.

Girls (et al) can’t show skin.

Black people’s naturally textured hair can be effectively banned.

There’s an impulse to want to reform, but it’s the whole damn institution from root to tip that harms. Schools are often about training docile workers for the capitalist machine, reinforcing class (& other social) divisions, & imprisoning Black and brown kids.

I’m not against learning. I’m not against a place where children can go to pursue academic curiosities under the guidance of supportive adults. But I know for me & others, school got in the way of learning & growth. Even as someone who excelled academically, I’m still recovering.

https://twitter.com/amaditalks/status/1273662809306468352
This excellent thread needs to be absorbed hard, especially by folks currently worrying about how we can resume normal schooling in the age of COVID.

We have a unique opportunity to trash a defective, dangerous institution. We should go for it.

https://twitter.com/Idzie/status/1274484118139678721
Seeing some reactions to the great “abolish schools” thread I RTed a couple days ago claiming that the idea just hasn’t been thought through, & noting the parallels between reactions to that & police abolition, as if it’s new, as if both don’t have LONG histories…

Decades or centuries worth of alternative models, scholarship & resistance. So anyway looks like I’m now outlining a post on those parallels, & doing an overview of different historical & current educational approaches & models.

Thinking Indigenous education & decolonizing education, Zapatista autonomous schools, the Modern School movement, unschooling (obviously), the youth run Purple Thistle Center (which sadly closed a few years back), Agile Learning Centers…

Please feel free to send me relevant suggestions, links to good articles or papers! When I no longer have (YET ANOTHER) migraine I’m looking forward to diving in & getting this put together…”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/prisonculture/status/1193968879476891654">
    <title>#AbolitionMeansNoPrisons on Twitter: &quot;When I ask reformers to point me to a historical moment when the systems they want to *redeem* were *intact* and working as they would like, it's always SILENCE because that time never existed... One would think that</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-13T03:01:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/prisonculture/status/1193968879476891654</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I ask reformers to point me to a historical moment when the systems they want to *redeem* were *intact* and working as they would like, it's always SILENCE because that time never existed... One would think that this would provide a clue that they aren't to be redeemed."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2019/10/chile-protests-against-president-pinera-and-deep-inequality.html">
    <title>Chile protests against President Pinera and deep inequality.</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-28T16:10:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2019/10/chile-protests-against-president-pinera-and-deep-inequality.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“But symbols get scrambled when they’re reused. If a spectacle resurfaces, its meaning rarely remains exactly the same. That’s happened with the Joker, and it’s happening with other old reference points too. Take the loud pot-beating protests that have been taking place all over Chile, called cacerolazos. People leaning out of windows or marching on the streets, loudly expressing their dissatisfaction with the status quo and their support for the protests. (If you don’t know what that sounds like, here’s a video a relative sent me from Oct. 19, taken in the middle-class neighborhood of Ñuñoa.) If you were around and right-wing in 1971, the cacerolazos ringing out all across the country the past week—in rich neighborhoods and poor ones, in cities big and small—might remind you of the March of the Empty Pots, which many forget was actually undertaken by conservative Chilean women to register their opposition to Allende’s socialist government. Those protests were largely and functionally right-wing, but—like the cacerolazos against the government today, which have a very different politics—they also managed to transcend class differences.

Today, the cacerolazo seems to be transcending categories again. Because they seem to be coming from every sector, it’s not clear that Chile’s current situation is reducible to the usual right–left axes. On Friday night, the largest protest in the country’s history gathered, with approximately 1.2 million in Santiago and protests in solidarity all over the country. The sheer size also doesn’t lend itself easily to factionalist descriptions. That’s what sets this moment apart—and makes it seem just very faintly possible that a country that’s been rehashing the same triumphalist and traumatic stories about itself for decades might be able to pivot for a new chapter. While over 120 allegations of human rights violations are being investigated, including possible homicides by law enforcement and allegations of torture and sexual abuse—as well as hundreds of people injured by birdshot—the massive gatherings have not yet resulted in the kind of brutal military crackdown that happened in 1973.

I started here by referring, as for years one had to, to the country’s two protagonists: Pinochet and Allende. They were symbols of two very different Chiles. But when I said that these sights in Chile the past week would be traumatic if you were alive in 1973, I meant it. Many Chileans weren’t alive then. This contingent—young, buckling under increasing costs of living and enormous debt—seems tired of relitigating the past. They’re objecting, at least in part, to the long shadow Pinochet and Allende have cast: to the way Pinochet has been used endlessly as an excuse by the left while they preserved many or most aspects of his economic model; to the way Allende has remained a boogeyman for the right, used to scare children with stories of financial ruin and leftist terrorism. It even makes a certain horribly Freudian kind of sense that breaking the country out of these unproductive narrative recursions would require a strange and terribly dangerous semi-reenactment. With tanks on the streets. Lines in the stores. Fires. Fights.

I don’t want to downplay the intensity of what’s happened the past week. The chaos has many Chileans exhausted and on edge. What began with a student protest over a subway fare hike has exploded into nationwide marches against much more: an unsustainably high cost of living, poverty-level retirements, bad and expensive health care, poor education, and crushing debt, to name a few. President Sebastián Piñera called a state of emergency in the early hours of Oct. 19, deploying the military. Much of the country is now under curfew. As of this writing, 18 people have died. There is footage of soldiers beating civilians; one video captures Carabineros (militarized police) bludgeoning people as they walk by. A TV network aired live footage of soldiers shooting as they drove through a neighborhood in Recoleta. On Tuesday morning, an Argentine TV news team was broadcasting when a soldier lifted his rifle and shot at them with a rubber bullet. By Tuesday night, there was footage of soldiers shooting into a building in Las Condes. Chile’s infrastructure has been heavily damaged in the protests too: After Oct. 18, most of the subway system was severely damaged and temporarily shut down. Dozens of stations were burned. While some lines are partly operational, full function won’t be restored for months. Buses and police precincts and stores were set on fire. Hundreds of small and medium-size businesses throughout the country have had to close due to looting or other damage. Things are loud and frightening and wild.”

…

“On Friday, the Congress was evacuated due to protests outside, a peaceful (if loud) protest that by evening surpassed a million people in Plaza Baquedano alone. Though truckers have denied going on strike for fear of creating food shortages, they joined taxi drivers to bring the highways outside Santiago to gridlock, protesting against high road tolls. Efforts to create enough change are ongoing too: Evelyn Matthei, who served as Piñera’s former minister of labor during his first term, ran for president, and is currently mayor of Santiago’s Providencia district, said in an interview on Friday that the kind of profound change the country needed would require replacing “at least” eight of Piñera’s 24 ministers with people from the middle class with more diverse backgrounds that included (for example) public education experience. In the lower chamber of Congress, the House passed a proposed reduction in the work-week to 40 hours, and the opposition proposed a plebiscite for a new Constitution. To the extent that the demands are legible, the protests seem to be calling, first, for an end to the state of emergency and the military presence, and, more broadly, for a Constituent Assembly—for a new Constitution and a new social contract that sees people more as citizens than as a captive market for corporations seeking government concessions. Many are calling for the resignation of Interior Minister Chadwick, who spearheaded the initial escalation against the fare-dodgers. Others call for Piñera’s ouster. After the extraordinary, nation-wide outpouring Friday evening—Santiago’s protests were made up of almost 7 percent of the country’s population—Piñera tweeted, “The massive, joyous and peaceful protest today, where Chileans ask for a Chile with greater justice and solidarity, opens big roads to future and hope. We all have heard the message. We all have changed. With unity and help from God, we will travel this road to a better Chile for everyone.” Many of the chants had directly insulted him. On Saturday, he announced that he’d asked all his ministers to resign and said he would lift the state of emergency on Sunday if circumstances permitted. The curfew in Santiago is over. No one knows what will happen next.

***

I’ve noticed fewer Joker references over the last few days. And it feels like the potency of certain old spectacles—men in uniform confronting civilians, long grocery store lines—might be diminishing too. After a week of this state of emergency, things are not better in Chile. Things do not get easier when the “happy face” gets replaced by honest feeling. Tourism has plummeted, there are still fires, and people are anxious and angry and tired. But circumstances are not as bad as they could be. It could all go south at any time, but for now—for now—there is not desabastecimiento. The lines are not bread lines. (Yet.) Disturbing though the images of military attacking civilians are, things have not escalated to the familiar point of no return. I don’t know if that’s progress for a country both saturated by and sick of witnessed and inherited traumas. But it is something.

“Do you think Joker inspired any of this?” I asked my cousin Bernardita. “Of course,” she said, “or actually, the reverse: the social discontent inspired this interpretation of the Joker. Without a doubt.”

Whatever use the protesters have made of the Joker, there are obvious limits to his explanatory power. The protesters’ interpretation of the nihilistic clown has also taken some extratextual—and unifying—turns, such as the refusal of some politicians (and even a general) to adopt the rhetoric of war. The Joker snapped and turned on society. Chile is angry, and parts of it did snap. But by and large, the public still cares and has not devolved into nihilism. On Oct. 21, NO ESTAMOS EN GUERRA—WE ARE NOT AT WAR—was projected on the side of the Telefónica building near Plaza Italia, where huge crowds had gathered to reject the military’s enforcement of the curfew and test this version of Chile to see if it has changed. And if it can.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.kqed.org/arts/13863810/critical-resistance-prison-abolition-oakland-temescal-baby-world">
    <title>How Prison Abolitionists Acquired a Former Baby Store in Oakland's Temescal District | KQED Arts</title>
    <dc:date>2019-08-20T22:06:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.kqed.org/arts/13863810/critical-resistance-prison-abolition-oakland-temescal-baby-world</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“On the corner of 44th Street and Telegraph Avenue in Oakland, amid the upstart cafes and yoga studios of the Temescal district, a longtime baby shop is becoming a center for prison abolition.

Where months ago the building’s blue facade advertised toys and car seats, now murals and slogans promote a world without incarceration. An image of a white dove ascends from brown hands, and a woman blows the word “Libertad” from a conch shell. Window banners mark local campaigns against police conferences and gang injunctions, and lettering above the 7,000-square-foot corner storefront’s entrance announces the new occupants’ intentions: “Building People Power.”

This will be the new national offices of Critical Resistance. The prison abolitionist group, cofounded 20 years ago by the activist and scholar Angela Davis, recently acquired the $3.3 million real estate through a young supporter who’s vowed to “radically redistribute” her inherited wealth, and is building offices and gathering space to share with allied groups. It’s an improbable fate for commercial property in an area synonymous with the city’s influx of young professionals.

And the unlikely deal required even more surprisingly interlocked interests: The Cabellos, who ran Baby World for decades, sold the building to Critical Resistance after rejecting offers from developers and corporate retailers (including one they blame for helping drive them out of business). They wanted to mitigate gentrification in North Oakland, and were endeared to the nonprofit’s politics by their harrowing experience of the United States-backed coup in their native Chile.

“I’d just seen Black Panther,” recalled Dania Cabello, the business owners’ 36-year-old daughter, of helping solicit Critical Resistance, where her brother once interned, to buy the family property. “So I was like, ‘How do we bring a real-life Wakanda Institute to Oakland?”

Abolition, Not Reform

The acquisition means stability for Critical Resistance, which faces steep rent increases in its downtown Oakland offices, and a more conspicuous public presence at a time when its once-fringe ideas are going mainstream. “Look at the headlines—you have people proudly calling themselves abolitionists, the popularization of ‘abolish ICE,’” said communications director Mohamed Shehk. “It shows chipping away at state violence is an achievable reality.”

Critical Resistance has several full-time employees and chapters in Los Angeles, New York City, Portland and Oakland. Part of its strategy is to dismantle the infrastructure of the prison-industrial complex, and then try to redirect public resources away from policing, surveillance and incarceration. Locally, for example, it participated in a successful coalition-based campaign against Urban Shield, a law-enforcement exposition criticized for promoting police militarization with emergency preparedness funds.

Building on the momentum of the recent San Francisco youth jail closure, Critical Resistance is working with Supervisor Matt Haney to shutter the county jail on Bryant Street. There’s broad political support for closing the seismically unsafe facility; Critical Resistance wants to go further and see that it isn’t replaced. “The idea is to reduce the incarcerated population, implement bail reform and divert people into services that make a new jail unnecessary,” Shehk said.

“Oakland Power Projects,” an ongoing campaign, shows another side of Critical Resistance’s work: community-based alternatives to policing. For one project, organizers canvassed Oaklanders and then developed literature about addressing health emergencies without calling the cops. Tahirah Rasheed, an Oakland native recently hired as building project manager, said the Temescal center will make these resources more accessible. “It will be a hub for racial justice and social justice organizing—especially pushing back against gentrification,” she said.

At a time when criminal-justice reform has widespread support, even from conservatives such as the Koch Brothers, Critical Resistance is leery of its ideas being co-opted or diluted, and often assails progressive-seeming ideas that entrench incarceration. In 2016, for example, the organization opposed a California proposition to repeal capital punishment and resentence death row prisoners to life without parole, arguing it enshrined “the other death sentence.”

Lately, the group has similarly challenged liberal outrage at privately-run prisons: Ruth Wilson Gilmore, the theorist and Critical Resistance cofounder, recently stressed her critique of the reformist referendum on private prisons in a New York Times Magazine profile, saying they play only a small, parasitic role in mass incarceration. “We don’t believe the system is broken, so we don’t want it fixed,” Critical Resistance organizer Rehana Lerandeau explained to KQED. “We want it abolished.”

Philanthropy as Redistribution

Rachel Gelman grew up in what she called a wealthy, owning-class family in Washington, D.C., struggling to reconcile her sharpening social-justice convictions with her privilege. Her family’s fortune, she said, derives largely from investments that benefit shareholders and executives at the expense of workers. “So, I was confused about my role in the movement,” she said.

Gelman, 29, is program director at Jewish Youth for Community Action, an activist and leadership training program in Piedmont. She moved to Oakland six years ago and discovered Resource Generation, a nonprofit that encourages wealthy young people to back leftist and progressive causes. Members of her family are philanthropists, and she considers their giving well-meaning and inspiring. But old-world charity, she said, can be “top down” or prescriptive, and it almost always entrenches status. Gelman doesn’t want her name on a theater.

Resource Generation, by contrast, recasts philanthropy as redistribution, stressing donations as a way to diffuse instead of bolster one’s own power. Now Gelman thinks of giving as a way to help upend the forces of capitalism, patriarchy and white supremacy that underlie her inheritance. “I believe ending this economic system that creates such drastic wealth inequality is necessary for all peoples’ humanity and dignity, including my own and that of my family,” she said.

Gelman was supporting Critical Resistance when the organization approached her about the Temescal building. She knew Critical Resistance was struggling with rising rents, and saw an opportunity to offer the group stability while removing property from the speculative market with her $3.3 million purchase. The company she formed to hold the building, which Critical Resistance is considering placing in a land trust, is named for an Arundhati Roy quotation: Another World Possible.

Critical Resistance shifted Gelman’s view of incarceration. She had gone from from being disgusted at its profiteers to embracing the idea that “any system that cages people is fundamentally inhumane,” she said. The multimillion-dollar donation to an organization that in 2017 had $373,000 in revenue reflects her optimism about the prospect of abolition, and she agreed to be interviewed in order to send a message to people with backgrounds similar to hers: “Invest in a world that benefits everybody.”

‘Bittersweet’
Aldo and Cristina Cabello listed 4400 Telegraph Ave. for sale in 2017, as business at Baby World declined. Dania, their daughter, pointed to online competition and also to displacement: The family-run business, founded more than 30 years prior, found the intergenerational continuity of its customer base severed. So it was “heartbreaking,” she said, to field offers from “condo developers and mega-corporations—the antithesis of the community we want to serve.”

Selling to Critical Resistance, though, appealed to the Cabellos’ abiding quest for justice. They came to Oakland as political refugees from Chile in 1973 after Augusto Pinochet, with United States government support, seized power in a military coup. A hit squad known as the Caravan of Death had executed Aldo’s brother Winston, and they feared for their lives. “My father was actually taken in on a couple occasions and released alive,” Dania said. “That was rare.”

Living in North Oakland with Dania’s two elder sisters, the Cabellos started selling refurbished electronics and baby accessories at the Coliseum Flea Market. “My memory is bleaching used toys in the backyard,” Dania said. The hustle led to small storefronts and, in the 1990s, the property on Telegraph Avenue. All the while, Aldo and other exiled family members researched the role of Armando Fernandez Larios, an officer in the Caravan of Death, in Winston’s slaying.

The effort culminated in a 1999 civil lawsuit against Larios, who was then living in Florida as part of a plea agreement with federal prosecutors regarding other assassinations. Four years later, a jury found him liable for torture, crimes against humanity and extrajudicial killing, and awarded the Cabellos $4 million in damages. (Dania called the figure “symbolic,” saying they don’t expect to ever receive the money.) According to the Center for Justice and Accountability, it was the first time a Pinochet operative was tried in the United States for human rights violations.

The United States’ hand in Pinochet’s coup, particularly training Larios through the School of the Americas, instilled in the Cabellos a sensitivity to abuses of power that easily dovetails with prison abolitionism. Dania’s brother interned with Critical Resistance, and her activism ties enabled the acquisition. She hopes it inspires more wealthy people to support collective ownership, and beamed that Critical Resistance commissioned muralist-activists Leslie “Dime” Lopez and Dominic “Treat U Nice” Villeda to “spread messages of strength and freedom” from the building.

Still, it’s “bittersweet,” Dania noted, because her parents felt financially forced to close the business and sell the building. She noted her generation’s habit of entering a store to “taste it, smell it, bounce on it,” and then going home to buy it online.

“But we’re all thrilled and proud to be affiliated with Critical Resistance,” she said. “What they do is in line with what my family did for 30 years.””]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/s/story/were-having-the-wrong-conversation-about-the-future-of-schools-e222a0393b67">
    <title>We’re Having the Wrong Conversation About the Future Of Schools</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-29T20:20:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/s/story/were-having-the-wrong-conversation-about-the-future-of-schools-e222a0393b67</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Despite the rhetoric, modern movements to reform schools have had a devastating effect on education"

…

"As a full-time teacher, I don’t have a lot of time to look up from the dailiness of the job to consider something as nebulous as the “future” of education. When I do, I feel a vague unease that too many non-teachers seem to have a lot of time to do this kind of thinking.

One thing in my favor is that education reform seems to take the same basic forms, year after year. There’s the standards and accountability movement and the ongoing attempts to give it “teeth.” Then there are the tech giants peddling autonomy and self-direction in lieu of soul-crushing activities like reading The Outsiders and using protractors. And though the latter reformers are often critics of the former, the two have a lot in common.

Both represent billion-dollar industries. Both frequently co-opt a rhetoric of liberation, autonomy, and empowerment. Both can barely disguise a deep disdain for teachers and schools, especially of the “sage on the stage” variety. And both are almost exclusively headed up by white men.

These are the kind of people setting a bold agenda for the future of education.

Admittedly, us unruly American educators would have a hard time coming up with anything coherent enough to compete with the brave visions set forth by the leaders of these two industries. The very fact that such an all-encompassing solution is needed testifies to their dominance in framing the narrative around American schools. Mired in the day-to-day challenges and complexities of actually caring for and educating children, many teachers exhibit a complete failure of imagination when it comes to sweeping monolithic initiatives with pithy acronyms, eye-catching logos, and font pairings that are straight fire.

But we do need to change. Beyond the usual Alice Cooper-type critiques, we teachers have been especially complicit in the widespread marginalizing, neuroticizing, and criminalizing of our most vulnerable students. Yes, we need to stop boring future white rockstars and Silicon Valley entrepreneurs. This is already well known. But, more importantly, we also need to stop harming children of color with our whitewashed curriculum, inequitable funding systems, and disparate use of punitive disciplinary measures.

Can today’s reformers help us make progress toward these goals? Or do they exacerbate, perpetuate, and contribute to the very problems we face?

Trying to pin deception, manipulation, and violence on this rag-tag bunch leaves me feeling petty and mean-spirited. After all, they’re often so upbeat and sincere, their rhetoric so humanistic and progressive. Ted Dintersmith, former venture capitalist and billionaire author of the book What School Could Be, recently teamed up with Prince Ea, who has made not one but two viral videos echoing the same message: schools must change. And on the standards and accountability side, David Coleman, “architect” of the Common Core and now CEO of the College Board, has boldly laid out a “beautiful vision” for American schools. In a field plagued by widespread mediocrity and entrenched inequities, shouldn’t we applaud any moves toward a more inspiring, inclusive future?

The problem is that, despite all the rhetoric and good intentions, both these movements have had a devastating effect on education, all while continually escaping blame for their outsized impact. Any negative outcomes are used to justify further expansion and dominance. Poor test scores and persistent achievement gaps aren’t seen as issues with the tests, but as misalignment and implicit bias on the part of teachers. Student attention deficit and boredom aren’t seen as a function of technology addiction, but rather an occasion to blast schools for their inability to fully capitalize on the promise of the digital age.

Not surprisingly, this seeming unassailable innocence reveals close links to the logics of white supremacy culture, especially the values of individualism, objectivity, and so-called meritocracy. They additionally amplify neoliberal beliefs in the absolute goods of privacy and consumer choice, thus shifting the blame away from dominant elites under the guise of “empowerment.” To borrow the central metaphor from Todd Rose’s The End of Average, they ultimately seek to style us as fighter pilots in the “cockpits of our economy,” where we must summon limitless initiative, grit, and resourcefulness just to survive.

Ultimately, their ideas are rooted in America’s original “solutions” to the problems of pluralism, wherein subtle self-effacement and silencing became stratagems for consolidating power. All of this is part of a long tradition in the United States, one that dates back to colonial times, guiding both the “Strange Compromise” of 1789 and the founding of the Common School. Although these roots may be less obvious in our day, they are arguably more powerful and moneyed than ever before."

…

"Ultimately, the several silences of education reform have proven a powerful gambit for privatization and profit. These industries implicitly offer themselves as neutral alternatives to our fraught political climate, much as Horace Mann’s enjoinder to “read without comment” secularized schools in a sectarian age. They also shift the onus of agency and ownership from themselves onto the student, who assumes full responsibility for finding and following their own educational path.

Whereas Mann, perhaps unconsciously, hoped to indoctrinate students into his supposedly doctrineless Unitarianism, these reformers peddle the so-called empty doctrines of individualism, personalization, objectivity, entrepreneurialism, and meritocracy—all while exacerbating inequities and deprofessionalizing teachers.

Resisting these trends starts by seeing them as two sides of the same coin. Anything that counsels and valorizes silence—before the text, the test, or even the individual student—may partake in this phenomenon. The primary effect is always to atomize: content into itemized bits, classrooms into individualized projects and timelines, and each of us into solitary individuals pursuing personalized pathways.

Among the many omissions implicit in this vision is the notion that each student has equal access to a pathway of choice. Once that false premise is established, you are truly on your own. Pull yourself up by the bootstraps, find your own personal road less traveled, dive headfirst into the entrepreneurial shark tank. Unfortunately, far too many smaller-scale reform movements espouse a similar ethos, often flooding Twitter with a toxic positivity that ignores intransigent inequities and injustices."

…

"None of this is intended to romanticize the educational mainstays of the past: lectures, textbooks, worksheets. But we should note how these more modern trends themselves often devolve into regressive, behaviorist, sit-and-get pedagogy.

Confronted by daunting challenges like widespread budget shortfalls, inequitable funding, increasing school segregation, whitewashed curriculum, and racial injustice, it’s no wonder we would reach for solutions that appear easy, inexpensive, and ideologically empty. At a time when we most need to engage in serious deliberations about the purposes and future of schools, we instead equivocate and efface ourselves before tests and technology, leaving students to suffer or succeed within their own educational echo chamber.

As appealing as these options may seem, they are not without content or consequences. Ironically, today’s progressive educators find themselves in the strange position of having to fight reform, resisting those who would render everything—including their own intentions and impact—invisible."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.forbes.com/sites/frederickhess/2018/09/18/how-much-do-rising-test-scores-tell-us-about-a-school/#acfe95c22e87">
    <title>How Much Do Rising Test Scores Tell Us About A School?</title>
    <dc:date>2018-09-23T22:53:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.forbes.com/sites/frederickhess/2018/09/18/how-much-do-rising-test-scores-tell-us-about-a-school/#acfe95c22e87</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Reading and math scores have long been the currency of American schooling, and never more so than in the past two decades since the No Child Left Behind Act. Today, advocates will describe a teacher as “effective” when what they really mean is that the teacher’s students had big increases in reading and math scores. Politicians say a school is “good” when they mean that its reading and math scores are high.

So, how much do test scores really tell us, anyway? It turns out: A lot less than we’d like.

For all the attention to testing, there’s been a remarkable lack of curiosity about how much tests tell us. Last spring, for instance, researcher Collin Hitt, of the Southern Illinois University School of Medicine, and two coauthors examined the research on school choice and found a striking disconnect between test score gains and longer-term outcomes. They reported, “Programs that produced no measurable positive impacts on achievement have frequently produced positive impacts on attainment” even as “programs that produced substantial test score gains” have shown no impact on high school graduation or college attendance. More generally, they observe:

The growing literature on early childhood education has found that short-term impacts on test scores are inconsistent predictors of later-life impacts . . . Studies of teacher impacts on student outcomes show a similar pattern of results . . . It turns out that teacher impacts on test scores are almost entirely uncorrelated with teacher impacts on student classroom behavior, attendance, truancy, and grades . . . The teachers who produce improvements in student behavior and noncognitive skills are not particularly likely to be the same teachers who improve test scores.


You would think this disconnect would prompt plenty of furrowed brows and set off lots of alarm bells. It hasn’t. And yet the phenomenon that Hitt et al. note isn’t all that surprising if we think about it. After all, test scores may go up for many reasons. Here are a few of them:

• Students may be learning more reading and math and the tests are simply picking that up. All good.

• Teachers may be shifting time and energy from untested subjects and activities (like history or Spanish) to the tested ones (like reading and math). If this is happening, scores can go up without students actually learning any more.

• Teachers may be learning what gets tested and focusing on that. In this case, they’re just teaching students more of what shows up on the test—again, this means that scores can go up without students learning any more.

• Schools may be focusing on test preparation, so that students do better on the test even as they spend less time learning content—meaning scores may go up while actual learning goes down.

• Scores may be manipulated in various ways, via techniques as problematic as cheating or as mundane as starting the school year earlier. Such strategies can yield higher test scores without telling us anything about whether students actually learned more than they used to.

It matters which of these forces are driving rising scores. To say this is not to deny the value of testing. Indeed, this observation is 100% consistent with a healthy emphasis on the “bottom line” of school improvement. After all, results are what matters.

But that presumes that the results mean what we think they do. Consider: If it turned out that an admired pediatrician was seeing more patients because she’d stopped running certain tests and was shortchanging preventive care, you might have second thoughts about her performance. That’s because it matters how she improved her stats. If it turned out that an automaker was boosting its profitability by using dirt-cheap, unsafe components, savvy investors would run for the hills—because those short-term gains will be turning into long-term headaches. In both cases, observers should note that the “improvements” were phantasms, ploys to look good without actually moving the bottom line.

That’s the point. Test scores can convey valuable information. Some tests, such as the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP), are more trustworthy than others. The NAEP, for instance, is less problematic because it’s administered with more safeguards and isn’t used to judge schools or teachers (which means they have less cause to try to teach to it). But the NAEP isn’t administered every year and doesn’t produce results for individual schools. Meanwhile, the annual state tests that we rely on when it comes to judging schools are susceptible to all the problems flagged above.

This makes the question of why reading and math scores change one that deserves careful, critical scrutiny. Absent that kind of audit, parents and communities can’t really know whether higher test scores mean that schools are getting better—or whether they’re just pretending to do so."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.forbes.com/sites/petergreene/2018/09/20/is-the-big-standardized-test-a-big-standardized-flop/#64cfe1df4937">
    <title>Is The Big Standardized Test A Big Standardized Flop</title>
    <dc:date>2018-09-23T22:50:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.forbes.com/sites/petergreene/2018/09/20/is-the-big-standardized-test-a-big-standardized-flop/#64cfe1df4937</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Since No Child Left Behind first rumbled onto the scene, the use of a Big Standardized Test to drive accountability and measure success has been a fundamental piece of education reform. But recently, some education reform stalwarts are beginning to express doubts.

There are plenty of reasons to doubt the validity of the Big Standardized Test, be it PARCC or SBA or whatever your state is using these days. After almost two decades of its use, we've raised an entire generation of students around the notion of test-based accountability, and yet the fruits of that seem.... well, elusive. Where are the waves of students now arriving on college campuses super-prepared? Where are the businesses proclaiming that today's grads are the most awesome in history? Where is the increase in citizens with great-paying jobs? Where are any visible signs that the test-based accountability system has worked?

Two years ago Jay Greene (no relation), head of the Department of Education Reform at the University of Arkansas, was writing about the disconnect in test scores-- if test scores were going up, wasn't that supposed to improve "life outcomes." Wasn't the whole argument that getting students to raise test scores would be indicative of better prospects in life? After all, part of the argument behind education reform has been that a better education was the key to a better economic future, both for individuals and for the country. Greene looked at the research and concluded that there was no evidence of a link between a better test score and a better life.

Here on Forbes.com this week, contributor Frederick Hess (director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, a right-tilted thinky tank) expressed some doubts as well. AEI has always supported the ed reform cause, but Hess has often shown a willingness to follow where the evidence leads, even if that means challenging reform orthodoxy. He cites yet another study that shows a disconnect between a student's test scores and her future. In fact, the research shows that programs that improve "attainment" don't raise test scores, and programs that raise test scores don't affect "attainment."

Test scores can be raised with several techniques, and most of those techniques have nothing to do with providing students with a better education. Drill the test prep. Take at-risk students out of electives and make them take test-related courses instead. And have teachers learn, over the years, how to teach more directly to the test. But do you want higher test scores or better education? Because those are two unrelated things.

The end result is that the test scores do not tell you what they claim they tell you. They are less like actionable data and more like really expensive noise.

Hess and Greene represent a small but growing portion of the reform community; for most, the Big Standardized Test data is God. For others, the revenue stream generated by the tests, the pre-tests, the test prep materials, and the huge mountains of data being mined-- those will be nearly impossible to walk away from.

But there is one critical lesson that ed reform testing apostates should keep in mind. The idea that the Big Standardized Test does not measure what it claims to measure, the idea that it actually does damage to schools, the idea that it simply isn't what it claims to be-- while these ideas are presented as new notions for ed reformers, classroom teachers have been raising these concerns for about twenty years.

Teachers have said, repeatedly, that the tests don't measure what they claim to measure, and that the educational process in schools is being narrowed and weakened in order to focus on testing. Teachers have said, repeatedly, that the Big Standardized Tests are a waste of time and money and not helping students get an education. Teachers have been saying it over and over and over again. In return teachers have been told, "You are just afraid of accountability" and "These tests will finally keep you honest."

After twenty years, folks are starting to figure out that teachers were actually correct. The Big Standardized Test is not helping, not working, and not measuring what it claims to measure. Teachers should probably not hold their collective breath waiting for an apology, though it is the generation of students subjected to test-centered schooling that deserve an apology. In the meantime, if ed reform thought leader policy wonk mavens learn one thing, let it be this-- the next time you propose an Awesome idea for fixing schools and a whole bunch of professional educators tell you why your idea is not great, listen to them."]]></description>
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