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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://lithub.com/americas-first-war-on-drugs-was-also-a-war-on-jazz/">
    <title>Literary Hub » America’s First War on Drugs Was Also a War on Jazz</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T15:27:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lithub.com/americas-first-war-on-drugs-was-also-a-war-on-jazz/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Lisa E. Davis on the Historical Anti-Black Crusade of Law Enforcement and the White Cultural Establishment"]]></description>
<dc:subject>warondrugs jazz history music lisadavis 2026 race racism lawenforcement police policing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-240-how-the-medias-burden-the-straining-resources-framing-manufactures-the-expendable-other">
    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 240: How the Media's &quot;Burden,&quot; the &quot;Straining Resources&quot; Framing Manufactures the Expendable Other</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T06:24:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-240-how-the-medias-burden-the-straining-resources-framing-manufactures-the-expendable-other</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we discuss the ideological work done by our media's default frame of immigrants, poor seniors, homeless people, and those with disabilities as "burdens" and "strains" on our limited resources––namely those provided by the holy Taxpayer. Meanwhile, skyrocketing police and Pentagon budgets are just treated as unremarkable laws of nature.
 
With guest Beatrice Adler-Bolton of the Death Panel podcast."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.vox.com/advice/493994/ring-simplisafe-nest-doorbell-cameras-paranoia">
    <title>How Ring doorbell cameras breed paranoia in neighborhoods | Vox</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-08T21:32:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.vox.com/advice/493994/ring-simplisafe-nest-doorbell-cameras-paranoia</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["﻿Doorbell surveillance is undermining neighborly relationships."

[archived: https://archive.is/i0pdf ]

"In 2022, a father and son in Florida received notifications from their Ring doorbell camera: Someone was at their door. The pair quickly jumped into action, scouring their apartment complex for a would-be intruder. The scene they happened upon was a woman checking her phone in her car. They fired seven shots at her as she drove away.

The woman, who survived, had never approached their door. The person who was captured on camera turned out to be a neighbor dropping off a package that had been mistakenly delivered to his home.

This is an extreme example of paranoia-fueled behavior spurred by home security systems, but it’s part of a larger trend. Footage of alleged porch pirates is regularly posted to community Facebook and Nextdoor groups, and any odd-seeming or erratic action can raise suspicion, especially if you’re a person of color.

This class of doorbell cameras, which includes Amazon-owned Ring, Google Nest Doorbell, and SimpliSafe, is marketed as a convenient means of seeing who’s at your door, a tool to catch burglars and trespassers and maybe even find your lost dog. In actuality, its uses are often more nefarious. Hundreds of local law enforcement and government agencies nationwide have joined Ring’s social app Neighbors, a platform where anyone, regardless of whether they own a Ring camera, can post a tip about crime or safety in their neighborhood, and where investigators can request footage from Ring users. And doorbell cameras are popular; 62 percent of respondents in a 2025 US News survey said they installed an outdoor security camera at home. Americans have turned their yards and porches into their own tiny surveillance states.

In addition to the obvious legal and privacy concerns, there is scant evidence that doorbell cameras actually reduce crime — but there is reason to believe they are having an impact on our neighborly relationships. Research has shown that knowing we’re being watched makes us subconsciously more aware of others, which, in turn, may make us paranoid. Another paper found “the awareness of being watched can intensify existing distrust, paranoia, and fear.” This suspicion colors how we perceive and interact with each other.

“Being a good neighbor does not mean spying on your neighbors,” Will Owen, the communications director of the Surveillance Technology Oversight Project, told Vox. “We do need to change our thinking around neighborhood surveillance and not buy into the big tech that is creating fear and distrust among neighbors.”

How cameras undermine trust

Even as more people outfit their homes with surveillance technology, ironically, Americans hold their neighbors in high regard. A recent report from the Survey Center on American Life found that 72 percent of Americans maintain some level of trust in their neighbors, a stark contrast to the just 30 percent of Americans who said they trusted others more broadly, according to last year’s World Happiness Report. These findings suggest people feel like they belong in their communities, even if they don’t regularly interact with their neighbors, Daniel Cox, the director of the Survey Center on American Life and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, told Vox.

So, if we generally believe the people who surround us can be trusted, then who exactly are the cameras for? “If you already trust your neighbors…you can infer that the camera is there to deter people from outside your neighborhood from stealing,” Peter Kim, a professor of management and organization at the USC Marshall School of Business and author of How Trust Works: The Science of How Relationships Are Built, Broken and Repaired, told Vox. But if you don’t have actual relationships with your neighbors, you may become suspicious of them, too. Suddenly, everyone is a potential suspect.

Americans tend to consider their homes as their own domain that they alone are responsible for protecting. Instead of relying on communal support (Can I give you a spare key in case I ever get locked out? Do you need me to water your plants while you’re out of town? You’d let me know if you saw someone stealing my package, right?) we lean into individualistic forms of protection like personal security cameras. What this signals to the wider community is that, absent a camera, people cannot be trusted to not steal each other’s packages. And, sure, the camera maybe deters a few people from petty theft, but at what cost? “It’s no longer about those [good] behaviors being the result of your neighbors being trustworthy. Instead the inference becomes, they’re doing this because of this monitoring system, this real disincentive that’s in place,” Kim said. “People can behave in a trustworthy manner, but ironically, you can have less trust in them because you believe that if it were not for that system, they wouldn’t behave in a trustworthy way.”

The cynicism actually leads to a cycle of bad behavior. When cameras are turned onto others, people readily admit to spying on their neighbors, watching back footage to overhear conversations, research found. (Two different participants in the study said they eavesdropped semi-regularly, even though they don’t typically talk to their neighbors in person.) What’s more, when we suspect others won’t abide by the standard neighborly social contract — don’t vandalize, don’t steal — we are less likely to abide by those unspoken rules, too, Kim said. “It becomes more of a, ‘I’m looking out for myself and to hell with all of you,’” Kim added.

How being surrounded by cameras makes us feel

In a 2022 study, participants were instructed to set up cameras and film themselves in various scenarios in their homes. Knowing they were being recorded, many participants reported feeling self-conscious, which impacted how they acted. They actually held back from showing affection to their partner, or from talking.

Other research has found that when people know they’re being watched, they’re able to detect human faces on a computer quicker than people who aren’t under surveillance. “It suggests that our brain might be in this hyper-alert state when we’re being surveilled to detect others in our environment and possibly threat in our environment,” Kiley Seymour, an associate professor of neuroscience and behavior at the University of Technology Sydney and the study’s lead author, told Vox. And participants weren’t even aware of how being on camera affected their response time. “They were like, ‘Oh no, we forgot the cameras were even there.’ … And, despite that, it’s really influencing how they respond to the stimuli that are put in front of them,” Seymour said.

In a neighborhood setting, constant surveillance could make us more sensitive to what our neighbors say, or we could perceive them as more threatening than they actually are, Seymour said. Being perpetually on the lookout for threats puts everyone on edge, ready for a fight.

Home security cameras are often marketed as a form of community connection, but they are ultimately used as a means of isolation and community policing — and the negative consequences disproportionately impact minorities, according to Neilly Tan, a PhD researcher studying human centered design and engineering at the University of Washington. One study from MIT’s Media Lab analyzed public posts from users in Los Angeles on Ring’s social app Neighbors and found that “users actively frame video subjects as criminal and suspicious, that the race of a neighborhood has a significant impact on posting rates, and…that Neighbors may be used as a racial gatekeeping tool, particularly by white neighborhoods that border non-white areas in Los Angeles.”

“This idea of whiteness is apparent with using this technology,” Tan said, adding that one study participant talked about how filming someone with a security camera reminded them of the “Karen” archetype.

To be a good neighbor, spy less and talk more

Trusting our neighbors and resisting the urge to give in to paranoia or spy on them requires vulnerability, Kim said. Letting our guards down, perhaps by ditching the cameras, fosters goodwill when we realize we haven’t been taken advantage of.

To do so, we need to invest time in getting to know our neighbors. In his research, Cox has found that Americans consider a “good” neighbor someone who minds their own business and doesn’t get involved in your life. But the value in being part of a community is knowing each other. “It requires us to be more comfortable with our neighbors getting involved in our affairs and us getting involved in theirs,” Cox said.

The only way to do that is through genuine conversation. Start by simply saying hello when you cross paths in the hallway or while walking the dog, then transition to small talk. (Some possible conversation topics: the weather, events in your town, recommendations for a plumber.) “Neighborly small talk collectively really matters in instilling trust and understanding of your community,” Cox said. “We under-appreciate how important regular, routinized social interactions are either in the workplace or in our neighborhoods.”

With time, you’ll become an established part of each other’s days — a familiar face you see around the neighborhood, someone to ask a favor of, someone to do a favor for. Someone who isn’t a threat or someone to spy on, but another person living their lives in proximity to yours."

[See also: 

"The rise of fear-based social media like Nextdoor, Citizen, and now Amazon’s Neighbors: Why people are socializing more about crime even as it becomes rarer."
https://www.vox.com/recode/2019/5/7/18528014/fear-social-media-nextdoor-citizen-amazon-ring-neighbors ]]]></description>
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“Donald Trump and his supporters, they want to be white without judgment,” says Glaude. “History is a battleground, because history, of course, holds them to account.”"

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<item rdf:about="https://sfstandard.com/2026/07/02/america-s-250th-empire-founded-sf-has-warning/">
    <title>America’s 250th: The empire that founded SF has a warning for us | The San Francisco Standard</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T13:12:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sfstandard.com/2026/07/02/america-s-250th-empire-founded-sf-has-warning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In his classic 1963 study “Imperial Spain 1469-1716,” J.H. Elliott argues that the decline of the empire was caused by a number of factors, including an economic crisis brought on by an endless procession of ill-conceived wars; an ossified society dominated by a reactionary church and clinging to dysfunctional ideals; a stagnant intellectual life characterized by a rejection of science and the Enlightenment; extreme nativism and an obsession with racial purity; a society divided between the very rich and the vast majority, who were very poor; rampant cronyism; and a procession of incompetent monarchs. 

Hmm. Does any of this sound familiar? 

Let’s start with unnecessary wars. If there was a single event that started the Spanish empire on its death spiral, it was King Philip II’s disastrous decision to send an “Invincible Armada” to attack England in 1588. Philip and the Spanish church were filled with holy zeal to smite the English infidels. A Jesuit prelate named Pedro de Ribadeneira wrote, “I consider this enterprise the most important undertaken by God’s Church for many hundreds of years. Every conceivable pretext for a just and holy war is to be found in this campaign. … This is a defensive, not an offensive war; one in which we are defending our sacred religion and our most holy Roman Catholic faith.” The invasion abjectly failed, the ships destroyed by a combination of English cannon, fires, and storms, at a cost of 10 million ducats — three-fourths of Philip’s annual budget. 

Wars imposed an insupportable financial burden on Spain, and its rejection of science and the Enlightenment prevented it from advancing alongside European nations that were open to new ideas. Spain’s stagnant intellectual climate was epitomized by a notorious episode that took place during the reign of Philip IV. When a junta of theologians was summoned to opine upon a proposed canal linking the Manzanares and the Tagus rivers, it declared that if God had intended the rivers to be navigable, He would have made them so. When progressive Spaniards embraced the humanist ideas of the free-thinking Dutch scholar Erasmus, the Inquisition, the powerful ecclesiastical institution charged with maintaining Catholic orthodoxy, accused him of heresy and forced him to recant his sins publicly and spend a year in seclusion in a monastery. Crucially, Elliott argues that Spain created the Inquisition precisely because Spain was more racially and religiously diverse than other European countries: “The intermingling of Christians, Jews, and Moors had created religious and racial problems of unparalleled complexity and had prompted the organization of a tribunal dedicated to a solution along the only lines that seemed feasible — the imposition of orthodoxy.” The Inquisition was driven not just by hatred of alien beliefs but by fear that even the slightest deviation from orthodoxy might open the floodgates to widespread heresy. 

The Inquisition’s obsession with ferreting out heretics was indistinguishable from its obsession with exposing and denouncing those who were racially impure; namely, Jews and Moriscos, descendants of the Moors who conquered Spain in the 8th century and ruled it for centuries. Spain’s obsession with racial purity, or limpieza de sangre (“purity of blood”), drove it to expel first its Jews, in 1492, then its Moriscos, between 1609 and 1614. The Spanish crown feared, for good reason, that even Jews or Muslims who had converted to Catholicism often secretly clung to their old beliefs. But political and economic reasons also played a role. Many Jews had attained high positions in finance and trade, and some Spanish resented their success. Similarly, many so-called Old Christians (as opposed to the Moriscos, who were known as “New Christians”) disliked the Moriscos for, as Elliott writes, “spending too little, working too hard, and breeding too fast.” 

Both expulsions had negative effects on the Spanish economy. So disastrous was the effect of the expulsion of the Moriscos that in 1633, the royal confessor wrote, “It is a very short time ago since the Moriscos were expelled — an action which did such harm to these kingdoms that it would be a good idea to have them back again, if they could be persuaded to accept our Holy Faith.” But as Elliott writes, “[W]hat was done could never be undone. The regime of the Duke of Lerma [the favorite of King Philip III, who effectively governed Spain during Philip’s reign] was never one to give much thought to the morrow, and the expulsion of the Moriscos aptly symbolized its general outlook in its total disregard for economic realities, its determination to adopt the easiest solution when confronted by admittedly intractable problems, and its tendency to give way before popular and sectarian pressures. Here was a regime that, at a time when Castile stood most in need of government, was content to follow where others led, a government that preferred panaceas to policies and had nothing but high-sounding phrases and empty gestures to offer a society that desperately needed a cure for its many ills.” 

Spain in the age of empire suffered from extremes of wealth and poverty: It had virtually no middle class. The writer Gonzalez de Cellorigo lamented in 1600, “Our republic has come to be an extreme contrast of rich and poor, and there is no means of adjusting them one to another. Our condition is one in which we have rich who loll at ease, or poor who beg, and we lack people of the middling sort, whom neither wealth nor poverty prevents from pursuing the rightful kind of business enjoined by natural law.” Elliott notes that Spain lacked what other European countries were developing: “a middling group of solid, respectable, hard-working bourgeois to bridge the gap between the two extremes.” Elliott argues that Spain’s potential middle class was lured away from productive activities by a desire to emulate the lazy, decadent aristocracy. As he writes, they “had committed the great betrayal. They had been enticed away by the false values of a disorientated society — a society of ‘the bewitched, living outside the natural order of things.’ The contempt for commerce and manual labor, the lure of easy money from investment in censos and juros [financial instruments that further drained Spain’s collapsing economy], the universal hunger for titles of nobility and social prestige — all these … had persuaded the bourgeoisie to abandon its unequal struggle, and throw in its lot with the unproductive upper classes of society.”

Spain’s decline was exacerbated by the rise of so-called validos, or royal favorites, who for decades wielded the real power in the royal court — and used their influence for massive self-enrichment. We’ve already noted the disastrous decision by one of the most prominent of these favorites, the Duke of Lerma, to expel Spain’s Moriscos. Lerma not only gorged himself at the royal trough; he was also particularly prone to being conned by even more outrageous grifters. “Lerma’s choice of confidants was uniformly disastrous,” Elliott writes. “Easily deceived by plausible rogues, he elevated to positions of great importance the most unsavory characters.” Don Pedro Franqueza, a bureaucrat tasked by Lerma to run the treasury, stole almost unbelievable amounts of money from the royal coffers and managed to obtain the title of Count of Villalonga before he was caught in 1607. Once arrested, Don Franqueza was charged with no fewer than 484 offenses, including fraud, misappropriation, bribery, extortion, embezzlement of public funds, document forgery, violation of state secrets, influence peddling, and concealment of assets. He was sentenced to life in prison and forced to  repay 1.5 million ducats, about a fifth of the Crown’s average annual expenditure. 

Finally, some of Spain’s monarchs, especially the ones who were in power during the empire’s swan song, were even worse than the validos. Sovereigns like Carlos IV, who was interested only in hunting, and his despotic, vindictive son Ferdinand VII were dreadful rulers whose incompetence led Napoleon to depose them both. Historian Stanley G. Payne described Ferdinand — during whose 19th century reign Spain lost most of its empire and whose later period is referred to as “the Ominous Decade” — as “in many ways the basest king in Spanish history. Cowardly, selfish, grasping, suspicious, and vengeful, D. Fernando seemed almost incapable of any perception of the commonwealth.” 

Spain’s decline was a long time in the making. When Anza proudly planted the Spanish flag on San Francisco soil in 1776, the great empire he represented had been rotting from within for more than a century and a half. But few could have predicted that it would collapse as suddenly as it did.

The United States isn’t Spain. But for anyone who follows the news, the parallels are inescapable — and ominous."]]></description>
<dc:subject>garykamiya sanfrancisco history imperialism empire spain españa 2026 us donaldtrump politics decline war validos inquisition economics society idelas science inequality cronyism monarchy division nativism racialpurity race whitesupremacy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/american-progress-was-an-optical-illusion/">
    <title>American Progress Was an Optical Illusion | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T08:17:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/american-progress-was-an-optical-illusion/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The turn-of-the-century energy transition dazzled the nation — while concealing segregation, extraction, and ruin."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc">
    <title>Mapping the ADL’s Origins in Settler-Colonial Liberalism, State Power, &amp; Civil Rights as Cover... - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T06:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we are joined by Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the ADL as a Cold War neoconservative institution. Gelman excavates the Anti-Defamation League's origins as a white, settler colonial institution founded by German-Jewish elites—not to combat antisemitism broadly, but to manage class respectability and suppress Eastern European Jewish immigrant socialists whom they viewed as a racial and social threat. 

 Gelman looks back at how early Jewish settlers had built fortunes through participation in 19th-century US territorial expansion, Indigenous dispossession, and slavery's economic system, understanding themselves as white Europeans racially distinct from the "vermin" arriving from the Pale of Settlement. The ADL and its predecessor, the American Jewish Committee (founded 1906), operated as Progressive Era eugenicist charities designed to "correct and fix" rather than support self-determination, preemptively capturing Jewish political identity to prevent autonomous radical organizing.

 Gelman traces how the ADL evolved from an instrument of McCarthyite purges—coordinating mass firings of Jewish leftists in 1951, offering its services to McCarthy committee members, and abandoning Julius and Ethel Rosenberg to execution while denying antisemitism played any role in their prosecution (the judge who sentenced them sat on the ADL's Civil Rights Committee)—into a key architect of Cold War anti-communism and neoconservative "democracy promotion." The organization attacked Arab League representatives speaking about Zionist violence in Palestine as early as 1946, treating Palestinian and Arab organizing as "foreign insurgency" while framing Jewish fundraising for Israeli settlement as natural civic participation. After Israel's 1967 military victory, the ADL strategically re-racialized Jews as non-white within the framework of race liberalism, allowing it to cast Israeli militarism as defensive racial liberation and Arab calls for refugee return as antisemitic rather than anti-colonial. This racial pivot occurred precisely as European Jews had achieved economic whiteness through the GI Bill, suburbanization, and the collapse of university quotas—benefits systematically denied to Black populations through redlining.

 Emmaia Gelman is the author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the Anti-Defamation League as a Cold War neoconservative institution (UC Press, 2026) and co-editor of The Anti-Defamation League: A Critical Reader (Pluto Press, 2026). She co-hosts the podcast Unpacking Zionism. Emmaia is co-chair of the American Studies Association Caucus on Academic and Community Activism, and a longtime activist in New York City.

 She is the founding director of the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism, which examines the political and ideological work of Zionist institutions in Palestine and transnational contexts. She researches the history of ideas about race, queerness, safety, and rights, and their production as levers in surveillance, “anti-terror”, and war. Her teaching spans academic and community spaces."

[also here:
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/mapping-the-adls-origins-in-settler-colonial-liberalism-state-power-civil-rights-as-cover-with-emmaia-gelman 

See also:

The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, by Emmaia Gelman (2026)
https://www.ucpress.edu/books/the-anti-defamation-league-and-the-racial-state/hardcover 

Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism
https://criticalzionismstudies.org/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://open.spotify.com/episode/53hnMibTVpbKx7C0OfvhAi">
    <title>Descolonización del patrimonio en Puerto Rico con Rafael Capó García y Javier Arbona-Homar • Sur-Urbano</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-03T22:56:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/53hnMibTVpbKx7C0OfvhAi</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Puerto Rico: Un archipiélago que, cada año, recibe a millones de turistas. Muchos de estos visitantes llegan a un lugar que, por décadas, se ha posicionado en una ruta de consumo caribeño – un lugar famoso por fantasías tropicales de ron, cigarros, café y, más recientemente, reggaetón. Si queremos ser más específicos, el Viejo San Juan, el sector colonial de la capital de Puerto Rico, está organizado en torno a satisfacer al visitante con sus restaurantes de comida criolla, coctelerías, tiendas y una proliferación de alquileres a corto plazo. Pero este modelo termina volviéndose insostenible para quienes la habitan. Detrás de las campañas publicitarias cuidadosamente diseñadas para atraer a turistas a un destino familiar y convenientemente situado “dentro” de los Estados Unidos, se oculta una historia incómoda de guerra, racismo y represión violenta.

Hay muchas personas en Puerto Rico cuestionando el espacio público y excavando las historias que existen debajo de cada monumento, de cada estatua, de cada ciudad y su infraestructura. Una de esas personas es Rafael Capó García, el fundador de Memoria (De)Colonial – un proyecto en Puerto Rico que ofrece recorridos históricos en San Juan. Los guías interrogan los legados coloniales de la herencia y el patrimonio puertorriqueño. Esto lo hacen a través de un lente decolonial y antirracista, y el proyecto tiene como misión promover perspectivas críticas en el momento de acercarnos a un monumento histórico. Pueden conocer más de su proyecto aquí:

https://memoriadecolonial.com/

Para pensar más en este acercamiento hacia los monumentos, nos sentamos también con Javier Arbona-Homar, un profesor puertorriqueño en UC Davis quien se enfoca en el diseño y en los estudios explosivos, es decir, cómo las explosiones transformaron la política espacial de los paisajes. Pueden encontrar su libro más reciente, “Explosivity Following What Remains”, aquí:

https://www.upress.umn.edu/9781517918842/explosivity/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/rule-world-education-power-stanford-tech-theo-baker/">
    <title>The University as Giant App | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:12:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/rule-world-education-power-stanford-tech-theo-baker/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Theo Baker’s book about Stanford offers a shockingly frank look at a campus that is as tightly governed as a Siberian labor camp—one perhaps designed by Sergey Brin."

...

"It might be argued that Silicon Valley, like the army, the church, and the American Bar Association, is free to identify, recruit, and train new members as they please. What kind of a university is this, then? A metaphor comes to mind. Stanford is the harbinger of the university-as-giant-app, a networked series of buildings, professors, classrooms, donors, faculty, trustees, and back-office staff designed to turn out a small but predictable number of next-generation tech titans. Like other apps, it feels like a highly engineered tool geared to customer convenience, though only a carefully selected group of human beings is allowed to use the program—and the real operator is Silicon Valley itself, whose screen taps summon the Stanford within Stanford, fresh from the warehouse."]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2026-06-26T09:27:52+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Symbolic Capitalists love to take from the rich. We're less reliable about giving to others. It's a significant social problem."]]></description>
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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
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    <title>How the Working-Class Man’s Game Became an Elite Sport in the U.S.</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T07:29:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hammerandhope.org/article/world-cup-soccer-class</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The path to the World Cup is accessible to only a narrow slice of American soccer players."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/amy-sheralds-sacred-monuments">
    <title>Amy Sherald’s Sacred Monuments | Commonweal Magazine</title>
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    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/amy-sheralds-sacred-monuments</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Black portraiture in an iconoclastic age"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/who-benefits-from-distorting-american-studies/">
    <title>Who Benefits from Distorting American Studies? - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-18T01:35:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/who-benefits-from-distorting-american-studies/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Normativity, in the hands of the “non-distortionists,” smuggles into American studies assumptions that we’re told we must describe rather than prove. A key question the field has tackled, which Kahlenberg and Lin recognize, is what exactly is “American culture”? What is distinct from other cultures, in “its customs, norms, history, literature?” But what they should know—and we must remember—is that the actual error with the field is how the boundedness of the object of study (“America”) was an assumed truth, rather than a question.

Instead, the distinction of “America” was taken for granted, rather than something to uncover. During the collapse of empires (post–World War I) and the growing consolidation of US power (post–1898 to post–World War II) in the international arena, early American studies scholars were concerned with national identity (and perhaps anxious about its character); as such, they sought to understand and preserve some uniqueness. The authors insist the US is exceptional. In their eyes, “exceptionalism” is a truth to be described, just like “American culture.” The boundaries of these objects are taken for granted. What, who, when, and where they contain are but elements to find in the archive or the field. Like boxes to tick, or t’s to cross."]]></description>
<dc:subject>americanstudies us academica colleges universities americanexceptionalism usexceptionalism 2026 highered highereducation ivánchaarlópez erinmcelroy richardkahlenberg lieflin narrative donaldtrump history rightwing farright authoritarianism genewise florida texas education schools schooling exceptionalism propaganda scholarship imperialism empire ice race racism universityoftexas humanities distortions identity nationalism robinkelley robindgkelley amykaplan vinedeloriajr katherinemckittrick politics settlercolonialism colonialism colonization slavery blackstudies ethnicstudies capitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/music/2022/feb/01/immanuel-wilkins-jazz-saxophone">
    <title>Sax star Immanuel Wilkins: ‘Hands are a symbol of praise – but they are also lifted up at police’ | Jazz | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-06T11:44:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/music/2022/feb/01/immanuel-wilkins-jazz-saxophone</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["At 24, the saxophonist is being hailed as one of the most promising jazz artists in the US – and his music, which explores faith and Black cultural vitality, is utopian in an America that isn’t"

...

"Immanuel Wilkins appears on a video call from his flat in Brooklyn, looking intently at the laptop perched on top of his Fender Rhodes keyboard. A column of light bounces off his forehead, and his red circular glasses magnify his eyes ever so slightly, making him look particularly absorbed in conversation.

We’re speaking before the release of The 7th Hand, the follow-up to his Blue Note Records debut (“an alto saxophonist whose playing is at once dazzlingly solid and perfectly lithe”, trilled the New York Times, as the album topped its best jazz of 2020 poll). He’s warm, effusive and a tad nervous. There’s a tantalising moment where he considers playing the Rhodes to explain a point, before getting tongue-tied, reconsidering and starting again. He’s only 24, and yet this new album – which examines spirituality in its artwork and contemporary dance in its videos – is mature and adventurous.

“At the core of Black existence, which is to say jazz music as well, is this idea of the in-between,” he says. “What makes jazz so great – it’s the solo, right? We play the head [the central theme], then we remix, we do our own thing in-between.”

He was born in Philadelphia, moving 20 minutes east to the suburb of Upper Darby for grade school: “I had grass. I had a playset in the backyard. I had the quintessential suburban kid life.” An only child, music was Wilkins’ way of making friends, via school bands and the historic Philadelphia Clef Club of Jazz and Performing Arts. Back home, his parents encouraged his music, perhaps living out their abandoned artistic dreams – he recently stumbled upon Archie Shepp and Benny Golson transcriptions compiled by his dad, who flirted with professional work as a trombonist and flautist.

Wilkins is a member of the Pentecostal Church of God in Christ, and began his musical career as resident pianist in the worship band at his local church. “I realised early on that there was a correlation between the atmosphere in the room and what I played. That was a turning point for me as a composer, player, everything. The idea of being responsible for how people consumed the spirit.”

He moved quickly through his early instruments: “I started on violin when I was three, and yeah, it didn’t really work out. Then I tried piano, and was not good. I tried singing. Yeah …” he says, chuckling. To convince his parents he was serious about the saxophone (and to fork out the money for one of his own), Wilkins returned home from church one Sunday and found he “could already play through one of the hymns [on it], like halfway, just.” They said yes.

Growing up, it was all about saxophonist Kenny Garrett (“third grade, fourth grade, fifth, sixth, seventh …”) and tips passed down from Branford Marsalis, whose band his unofficial “big brother” Justin Faulkner had recently joined on drums. Fellow Philly dweller Marshall Allen, leader and longtime member of the Sun Ra Arkestra, invited Wilkins aged 12 to the famed Arkestra House in Germantown, where the interstellar adventurers have lived since 1968. Wilkins got to sit next to Allen and experience his caustic sound. “Marshall used to tie a red rope around the bell of his saxophone, and I got a red wristband and put it round mine to be just like him.”

Why did he leave, then? “There’s some good Philly colleges, but I just wanted to go to Juilliard, I wanted to be around Wynton [Marsalis]” – the Pulitzer Prize-winning trumpeter and teacher who typifies august, classy jazz. “So I got up and left.” Marsalis pointed him towards Ornette Coleman’s Town Hall, 1962 album (“Emulating [Coleman’s] sound became a big part of what I do”), and the move to New York also brought him closer to forward-thinking pianist Jason Moran, who would later produce his first album. “I first met him at an Aretha Franklin concert when I was a child. Then, whenever he was in Philly, I went to all his gigs. When his drummer heard me in New York he said to Jason, ‘Hey, you know that cat who used to come to all our gigs? He doesn’t sound that bad, you should probably give him a chance.’” It was at Juilliard that Wilkins also met his quartet (Micah Thomas, Daryl Johns and Kweku Sumbry); there’s now an expectant buzz developing around all four of them.

Juilliard’s jazz department shares a floor with the dance and acting divisions, and Wilkins regrets not branching out across disciplines earlier (his mum was a dancer, and still dances in church on occasion). The 7th Hand makes up for lost time, a collective creative statement with roots in Black critical thought. The cover art, featuring Wilkins mid-immersion, remixes established ideas of southern Black baptism, placing women in the traditionally male leadership role. “I guess I’m trying to ask, who is really worthy of being baptised? Or, what is the established imagery around holiness that we see?” Meanwhile, the video Emanation/Don’t Break (featuring Farafina Kan Percussion Ensemble, and directed by Cauleen Smith, above) searches for the connections between Black dance styles – footwork, line-dancing and double-dutch – weaving yet more rich symbolism into Wilkins’ creation.

The album’s title comes from the Book of Ezekiel, where God commands Ezekiel to build an altar with the measurements of “six cubits and one handbreadth”.

“Hands are at the centre of spiritual life, they’re so powerful,” says Wilkins. “Those lifted hands in the church are some symbol of praise, right? But those same hands are also lifted up at the police.” His philosophy, and music, is utopian in an America that isn’t: “It’s about imagining a scenario that is so far beyond our reach, but that gets us to a certain truth that meets us farther than we are now.”

The album continues where Omega’s rhapsody on the totality of Black life left off: seven movements that flow into one another and culminate in the 27-minute immersive tapestry of Lift. Collective improvisation gradually subsumes the quartet as the record progresses; the group morphs into vessels through whom divine inspiration can flow freely. The sound is excitingly diverse, flowing quickly from harsh, driving dissonance towards gentler gospel tones, before exploding back into vibrant improvisation.

I ask Wilkins where he stands on the idea of spiritual jazz, a genre now bound up with cosmic psychedelia. “I like the phrase sacred music better,” he says. “Like, John Coltrane had A Love Supreme, and Duke Ellington had Come Sunday. I wonder if maybe this is my sacred music period.” Either way, as band members gradually peel themselves away from the group and embrace Wilkins’ idea of vesselhood with transcendent solos, his music always feels carried by spirit."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/mcgreevy-pope-leo-slavery-apology-magnifica-humanitas">
    <title>Coming Clean | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-06T00:31:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/mcgreevy-pope-leo-slavery-apology-magnifica-humanitas</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Leo’s new encyclical is remarkably candid about the Church and slavery."]]></description>
<dc:subject>johnmcgreevy catholicchurch catholicism magnificahumanitas popeleoxiv ai artificialintelligence slavery history labor work woekers religion race haiti france mexico colonialism colonization johnbrown harpersferry latinamerica us cuba philippines abolitionism abolition popegregoryxvi brazil brasil humandignity jacquesmaritain africa johnpaulii vaticanii</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://sanasaeed.substack.com/p/they-need-you-illiterate">
    <title>They Need You Illiterate - by Sana Saeed - Views My Own</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T08:09:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sanasaeed.substack.com/p/they-need-you-illiterate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If everything feels really dumb right now, that’s because it is. We are in the midst of a literacy crisis - and you can even see it on this platform, presumably created to combat illiteracy.

Literacy, in the fuller sense, has always threatened concentrated power. Historically, literacy movements were tied to labour organizing, abolition, anti-colonial struggle, feminist movements and political consciousness because genuine literacy allows people to interpret the world rather than merely consume it. Freedom Schools during the Civil Rights era were not simply about teaching people to read, but about teaching Black Americans how to understand and navigate the systems governing their lives. Slave codes criminalized literacy for a reason, colonial powers restricted education for a reason; Lenin himself, in What Is To Be Done, wrote that “without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement” - his argument being that a sudden consciousness would not be enough to bring about revolution, but that education had to be a guide.

A literate public is harder to oppress because it is cognizant of its oppression - it can name its material experiences, conditions and solutions. And to be literate does not mean having to go through institutionalized education either.

What we are witnessing now is not just declining reading comprehension, but the erosion of media literacy, political literacy and cultural literacy more broadly. Tech companies - which govern every facet of our lives now - are accelerating this dismantling by prioritizing immediacy, endless consumption and emotional reaction over depth or reflection - for the sake of profit, increasing shareholder value. We are flooded with information while losing the ability to contextualize and interpret it, to actually look at something and say “this is what this means and what it can lead to”. The forced ubiquity of AI is probably the clearest example of this: increasingly we are seeing the replacement of critical thinking with instant gratification that encourages outsourcing thinking rather than take the time to sit with something and develop our thoughts around it, contextualize our thoughts around other things we know.

For these companies we are both the product and the consumer. Our data, habits, desires and behaviours are constantly mined, sold and fed back to us through algorithms designed to shape everything from what we buy to who we date to how we understand politics and the world around us - Steve Bannon understood this better than most and he successfully leaned into it much to the chagrin of all of us. The result is a population that lives with impulse and algorithmic suggestion rather than …just taking a breath and giving it a thought.

This is all, of course, by design.

In the U.S., the greatest predictor of your life’s trajectory is your zip code, which determines access to education, healthcare, environmental safety and economic opportunity itself - it literally determines your life expectancy. Race and class, of course, have baked into that design.

And so any society organized so explicitly around such inequality will continue to reproduce that inequality and work towards worsening it - because that is what a design does, it reproduces what it was meant to reproduce.

And the danger in this is that while literacy, in the total breadth of that word, cannot abolish any system of oppression and violence, it absolutely gives us the tools necessary to navigate it and begin dismantling it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L2wk2M2mr0U">
    <title>Art vs. Tucker Carlson: Revolutionary Tools or &quot;Tools&quot;? (with Saul Williams) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T04:58:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L2wk2M2mr0U</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Poet, musician, actor, & writer Saul Williams joins Bad Faith podcast for the first time to talk about how art can help feed this revolutionary moment and expand our understanding of our potential as a global community. But also, Briahna is still hyper-fixated on the prominent role the Israel-critical right is playing in the anti-war space, and what the implications are for building a left, anti war, internationalist movement that can't be "America first" insofar as our way of life is dependent on the immiseration of the global south. We work through all of this in a deeply nuanced, compassionate, and musical 2 hour chat."

[referenced here by Jared Ball:

"Saul Williams, Briahna Joy Gray, and I Love Boosters (*No Spoilers, Just Precursor)"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbSbtilM5nQ ]]]></description>
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    <title>The ADL is An Actual Psyop with Emmaia Gelman and Mama Ganuush - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T02:38:26+00:00</dc:date>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8">
    <title>Lane Kiffin Accidentally Picked the Worst Fight Possible.. | Bomani Jones - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T01:32:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Bomani is joined by Yahoo Sports' Steven Godfrey to break down the fallout from Lane Kiffin’s comments about Oxford and Baton Rouge, why the Ole Miss vs. LSU debate is really a conversation about money, and how NIL has changed the rules for who can win in college football. They also get into why the old coach-driven model is cracking, what made the Saban era so dominant, and which major programs are facing real pressure in this new version of the sport."

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>bomanijones stevengodfrey lanekiffin south collegesports sports colleges universities money athletics lsu olemiss mississippi alabama louisiana texas oklahoma georgia universityofgeorgia indiana auburn batonrouge jackson birmingham development interstates coaching collegefootball americanfootball history race racism us atlanta nola neworleans florida fsu universityofindiana universityofmichigan universityofalabama universityofmiami universityofoklahoma universityoftexas sec colorado jamelehill rulingclass nicksaban</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:cfe83d24505d/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/modernist-schools-for-disabled-children-new-deal-era/">
    <title>Disabling Modernism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-30T22:54:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/modernist-schools-for-disabled-children-new-deal-era/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["During the first decade of the New Deal, modernist architects designed schools for disabled children that proposed radical visions of civic care."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/how-ais-see-our-world/">
    <title>How AIs See Our World</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-26T23:36:42+00:00</dc:date>
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<dc:subject>chenoehart 2026 ai artificialintelligence seeing chatbots openai chatgpt donnorman clivethompson skeumorphism technology computers computing comprehension computation llms elisagiardinapapa aitraining algorithms eryksalvaggio 2022 2023 ux ui theowayt amazon qrcodes cameras tomwilliams 2019 google microsoft morganklaussscheuerman race rfid smartphones data waymo understanding elaineherzberg uber ntsb automstion psysicalai nvidia avs detection tracking driverlesscars apple complexity</dc:subject>
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    <title>Albert Kahn’s Archive Of The Planet</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-26T06:47:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/the-archive-of-a-vanishing-world/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Albert Kahn sought to preserve a world he perceived to be disappearing. A century later, his “Archives de la Planète” connects disparate lands, dying ecosystems and cultures, and a world being utterly transformed by modernity."]]></description>
<dc:subject>albertkahn 2022 gracelinden climatechange climatecrisis climate globalwarming photography documentation modernity disappearance landscape nature environment ecosystems culture via:javierarbona johnakomfrah amybalkin collections collecting documentary googlemaps camillehenrot smithsonian sarahsze time memory jacquesderrida vanishing pacificislands pasifika centralamerica science imperialism cosmopolitanism humanity films filmmaking ecology diaspora temporality race history nonlinear bedouin everyday cuba neworleans nola paulaamad panamá perú nepal capeverde sinking melting images imagery augusteléon julesgervais-courtellemont middleast france daguerreotypes louislumière augustlumière lumièrebrothers hgwells mariecurie middleeast mediterranean europe henribergson southafrica venezuela japan egypt russia vietnam paris germany diversity</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRuOyAamn8U">
    <title>Cuba Under Imperial Threat with Alexander Aviña &amp; Musa Springer - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-25T23:49:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRuOyAamn8U</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As the US threatens to invade Cuba we'll talk to historian Alexander Aviña and organizer and cultural worker Musa Springer about some of the history of US imperialism's relationship to the current responsible for the Western Hemisphere's most powerful socialist revolution, a revolution they have defended for nearly 70 years, despite being just 90 miles off the shores of the greatest enemy of sovereignty and human dignity, the so-called United States of America.

We'll talk about how the Cuban revolution has survived the last 5 decades in the face of extreme pressure, how they survived the fall of the Soviet Union, some historical examples of their solidarity with oppressed peoples the world over, and their relationship to progressive forces in Latin America in the current moment. We'll also spend some time discussing Raúl Castro, the former Cuban president who has recently been indicted by the Trump regime under utterly absurd pretenses.

National Network on Cuba (Brigades)
https://nnoc.org/brigades/

Alexander Aviña is a historian and professor—and the son of undocumented migrants from Michoacán, Mexico whose sacrifices and love made these educational achievements possible.  He is currently an Associate Professor of History in the School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies at Arizona State University (ASU).  He has taught previously at Florida State University and the University of Southern California.  He holds a B.A. in History magna cum laude from Saint Mary’s College of California and a Ph.D. in History from the University of Southern California.

His research focuses on twentieth-century Mexico, with an emphasis on revolutionary movements, the Mexican Left, state violence and terrorism, immigration, and the history of narcotics production and trafficking.

Musa Springer is an organizer and a cultural worker. They host the Groundings Podcast, are member of the Black Alliance for Peace, and Red Barrial Afrodescendiente."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uv4XD19KcV4">
    <title>Sweaty DesperAzn with Chris Lee and Jasmine Lee Ehrhardt - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-25T05:11:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uv4XD19KcV4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sad Francisco is produced by Toshio Meronek and edited by Tyger Ligon.

"Two Wasian Americans and one classic, everyday Asian American (all millennials), try to make sense of East Asian American discourses that were in the zeitgeist of the past six months.

1. CS graduation rates fall off a cliff. For a particular class of Asian Americans, computer science degrees were a step in the direction of the American Dream. Now that tech oligarch’s true nature as warmongers who hate humanity and want to replace workers with data centers has been revealed, where will they go? Source: DailyCal, “UC Berkeley CS major enrollment on pace to drop by 59% as part of nationwide trend” https://www.dailycal.org/news/campus/academics/uc-berkeley-cs-major-enrollment-on-pace-to-drop-by-59-as-part-of-nationwide/article_8ceded3c-d939-4f60-8aa4-110be003c4e3.html

2. Is the Laufey music video starring Alyssa Liu, Hudson Williams, a Katseye member and other Wasians of Hollywood a Wasian supremacist cultural object? Source: YouTube:    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yNa8jP4zoJo and Reddit: https://www.reddit.com/r/aznidentity/comments/1sodav8/wasian_obsession_in_the_western_media/

3. Benjamin Champagne Song is a political prisoner convicted as part of Pam Bondi (RIP) and Andy Ngo’s effort to kill dissent and funnel more money to the white power movement and DHS contractors. Fanmail to (as of May 2026): BENJAMIN HANIL SONG, #11137-512, FMC Fort Worth, FEDERAL MEDICAL CENTER, P.O. BOX 15330, FORT WORTH, TX 76119

4. 2025 ended with Asian (and to an extent, Black) TikTok Gen Z thru Gen X consumed by H-Martgate, which started as a joke questioning non-Asian peoples’ place in Asian grocery stores. Source: Madeline Qi’s original TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@say_qis/video/7546343858146118926

5. The birth rate in the US is now well below “replacement rate”: Are Hell Joseon (South Korea) and other East Asian countries a window into our future? Namuwiki: https://en.namu.wiki/w/N포세대 "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/">
    <title>From Californian to Texan Ideology: Conservatism, Religion and Extractivism in the Tech Sector | médialab Sciences Po</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:57:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the occasion of a special session co-organized with the CNRS Center for Internet and Society, the médialab seminar welcomes Fred Turner (Stanford University). He will offer a critical reading of the ideological transformations underway in the American tech world, from California’s libertarian utopia to the more conservative ideology now embodied by Texas.

Abstract

As they leave California for Texas, major digital companies are doing more than looking for new spaces. Their leaders (Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, Joe Lonsdale...) are settling in a state where religion plays a major role, in a Bible Belt dominated by oil billionaires. Texan politics can be summed up in a few words: tax refusal, deregulation, and the narrative of a new frontier populated by “those who are willing to take the necessary risks.” 

Just like oil, digital technologies, including AI and cryptocurrencies, as well as space exploration, depend on public funding and environmental leniency to thrive. So why not take power directly? Tech leaders are now pursuing that path, following in the footsteps of speculative oil investors. 

How did the digital world move from the Californian ideology, where entrepreneurialism was mixed with the legacies of counterculture, to the Texan ideology, shaped by a rejection of any interference except that of the Gospels, and where great, deserving men are seen as working in the name of God? 
Biography  

After a career in journalism in Boston and teaching at MIT and Harvard, Fred Turner is now Professor and Chair of the Department of Communication at Stanford University.

His research explores the relationships between media technologies and cultural transformations, with a particular focus on the role of emerging media in shaping American society since World War II.

He is the author of three influential books: The Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II to the Psychedelic Sixties, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, and Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory.

Fred Turner’s work has received numerous academic awards and has been translated into French, Spanish, German, Polish and Chinese."

[direct link to video: https://vimeo.com/1137645914

See also:
https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies
https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner 2025 siliconvalley californianideology texanideology california texas billionaires fortresses tescreal libertarianism elonmusk gigafactory tesla capitlaism latecapitalism technology billionaites oligarchy climate climatechange environment globalwarming richardbarbrook andycameron sanfrancisco 1960s couunterculture 1990s extraction extractivism bunkers christianity billygraham religion politics race racism neoliberalism economics misogyny christiannationalism policy web internet online dotcomboom dotcombust johnperrybarlow newtgingrich newright rightwing farright right freemarkets freemarketfundamentalism conservatism idealism poverty austin markzuckerberg facebook meta us tiktok google joelonsdale tennessee memphis fbi fairbanks alaska louisiana covid-19 pandemic coronavirus gregabbott rickperry hooverinstitution labor energy water electricity regulation deregulation housing taxes taxation antiwoke newdeal universities colleges academia highered highereducation margaretatwood petrobaptists fossilfu</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies">
    <title>Fred Turner on Countercultures, Cybercultures, and Californian and Texan Ideologies - New Books Network</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:56:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peoples & Things host, Lee Vinsel, and guest host, Paula Bialski, Associate Professor of Digital Sociology at University of St. Gallen, talk to Fred Turner, Harry and Norman Chandler Professor of Communication at Stanford University, about his classic 2006 book, _From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism_. They briefly explore the arc of Fred’s career and revisit the book in the spirit of asking what has changed in digital ideology since the book’s publication, including with the role of Silicon Valley elites in the second Trump Administration, Elon Musk’s role in DOGE, and the (perhaps only brief) turn of digital technology elites moving from California to Texas. Since this conversation was recorded in April 2025, Fred’s essay, “The Texan Ideology,” has been published in The Baffler: https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner "

[See also: 
https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/
https://vimeo.com/1137645914 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://share.transistor.fm/s/cd365742">
    <title>The Equator Podcast | &quot;The American university is simply a corporate institution&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T00:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://share.transistor.fm/s/cd365742</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The American university today, the writer Siddhartha Deb tells Equator's Pankaj Mishra, is "a money-making, MBA- and lawyer-run hedge fund and real estate operation with a minor sideline in education." It's hard, he says, to tell the difference between "Columbia University and the New School on the one hand and X and Elon Musk on the other."

Siddhartha, an Indian writer and novelist, came to academia in the US in the belief that it was a citadel of free thought and open minds. But as he wrote in his Equator essay From Calcutta to Columbia, disenchantment set in quickly. He saw how students were loaded with debt, how his university was voraciously expanding across its pocket of Manhattan, and how the jargon of theory "allowed people to cultivate a moral distance from capital and empire".

Journalism has suffered in parallel as well, both in the US and India. Siddhartha, a former journalist, tells Pankaj that newspapers as much as universities have cravenly surrendered to the Trump administration and but also to previous presidents. "I grew up with this idea of writing being a noble vocation," says Pankaj. "One of the great disillusioning experiences really of the last two or three decades has been that very few people seem to think of it that way. Most people think of it  as a pathway to the most hideously conventional forms of success."

Read Siddhartha's essay for Equator, From Calcutta to Columbia: A memoir of disenchantment https://www.equator.org/articles/from-calcutta-to-columbia "

[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-american-university-is-simply-a-corporate-institution/id1886383434?i=1000766628988
https://open.spotify.com/show/3pS2rfsMQ3PoEfqWvSaBPG ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_sY2bvKrW_M">
    <title>How Physics is Like Poetry with Chanda Prescod-Weinstein - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-07T04:25:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_sY2bvKrW_M</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When the world gets to be too much, contemplating the endless wonder and beauty of the cosmos can be a huge relief. After all, we’re insignificant in the grand scale of space and time. But cosmic thinking can also teach us so much about ourselves. This week, Adam sits with Chanda Prescod-Weinstein, professor of physics and faculty member in women’s and gender studies at the University of New Hampshire, to talk about the truths we uncover about ourselves when we search for the truths of the universe. Find Chanda’s new book, The Edge of Space-Time: Particles, Poetry, and the Cosmic Dream Boogie"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM">
    <title>Vicky Osterweil on Disney, Intellectual Property and Storytelling - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-03T19:43:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, we’re featuring a recent, live interview that I did at Firestorm books with Vicky Osterweil, anarchist writer and worker, author of In Defense of Looting and more recently The Extended Universe: How Disney Killed The Movies and Took Over the World (Haymarket, 2026). Vicky is a member of the Collective of Anarchist Writers (CAW), and you can also find her on Bluesky and what she's thinking about what she's watching at Letterboxd.

During the chat Vicky talks about intellectual property and how it overlaps between entertainment and other elements like technology and medicine, the shaping and limiting effects IP has on popular culture and imagination, the film industry and more."

[See also:

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil" (2021)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWxjrTRDbio

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil This week we are getting the chance to air a conversation that I had with writer, anarchist, and agitator Vicky Osterweil about her recently published book  In Defense of Looting, a Riotous History of Uncivil Action published  (Bold Type Press, August 2020). We get to talk about a lot of different topics in this interview, how the book emerged from a zine written in the middle of the Ferguson Uprising of the summer of 2014, its reception by the far right and by comrades, her process in deciding what to include in this book, the etymology of the word “loot” and ensuing implications thereof, why you should totally transition if that’s the right thing for you to do, and many more topics!"

and 

"The Interregnum: Roundtable with Vicky Osterweil" (2022)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a3MRLe0Gcno

"This week we are pleased to present something a little bit new for TFS listeners. This is a kind of informal round table discussion that co host Scott and I had alongside Vicky Osterweil, who has been on the show before to speak on her book In Defense of Looting; A Riotous History of Uncivil Action. We all sat down to talk about a short and thought provoking article which was published in January of 2022 called “The Interregnum: The George Floyd Uprising, the coronavirus pandemic, and the emerging social revolution” which was published on the Haters Cafe and we will link to it in the show notes for anyone interested in reading it.

An interregnum is defined as being a period of discontinuity in a government, organization, or social order, and it typically points to time frames at which there isn’t a clear monarch or reigning body in a given place. This article points to the many ways the George Floyd uprising, the covid 19 pandemic, the rise of anti-work, and what the article calls the Great Refusal (a pivot from the ‘Great Resignation’ nomenclature of some mass media) have all created the conditions for a possible broadscale social revolution. Also stay tuned to the end of this episode where we chat briefly about what books we’re reading right now. We hope you enjoy this chat!

((note to listeners, I’m now using the name I use in real life for this radio project, which is Amar. It’s become more and more important to me to be as fully acknowledging of my culture and ethnicity as possible, and this is one way I’m choosing to do that))"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo25094688.html">
    <title>Flavor and Soul: Italian America at Its African American Edge, by John Gennari (2017)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T01:55:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo25094688.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the United States, African American and Italian cultures have been intertwined for more than a hundred years. From as early as nineteenth-century African American opera star Thomas Bowers—“The Colored Mario”—all the way to hip-hop entrepreneur Puff Daddy dubbing himself “the Black Sinatra,” the affinity between black and Italian cultures runs deep and wide. Once you start looking, you’ll find these connections everywhere. Sinatra croons bel canto over the limousine swing of the Count Basie band. Snoop Dogg deftly tosses off the line “I’m Lucky Luciano ’bout to sing soprano.” Like the Brooklyn pizzeria and candy store in Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing and Jungle Fever, or the basketball sidelines where Italian American coaches Rick Pitino and John Calipari mix it up with their African American players, black/Italian connections are a thing to behold—and to investigate.

In Flavor and Soul, John Gennari spotlights this affinity, calling it “the edge”—now smooth, sometimes serrated—between Italian American and African American culture. He argues that the edge is a space of mutual emulation and suspicion, a joyous cultural meeting sometimes darkened by violent collision. Through studies of music and sound, film and media, sports and foodways, Gennari shows how an Afro-Italian sensibility has nourished and vitalized American culture writ large, even as Italian Americans and African Americans have fought each other for urban space, recognition of overlapping histories of suffering and exclusion, and political and personal rispetto.

Thus, Flavor and Soul is a cultural contact zone—a piazza where people express deep feelings of joy and pleasure, wariness and distrust, amity and enmity. And it is only at such cultural edges, Gennari argues, that America can come to truly understand its racial and ethnic dynamics."]]></description>
<dc:subject>johngennari italianamericans 2017 history us culture music film spikelee snoopdogg franksinatra pyffdaddy thomasbowers seancombs rickpitino johncalipari media sports food suffering exclusion emulation suspition wariness distrust amity enmity race</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/the-interdisciplinary-nature-of-food-is-now-unignorable-alicia-kennedy-on-food-writing-food-security-and-food-justice/">
    <title>“The Interdisciplinary Nature of Food Is Now Un-ignorable”: Alicia Kennedy on Food Writing, Food Security, and Food Justice - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-15T06:31:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/the-interdisciplinary-nature-of-food-is-now-unignorable-alicia-kennedy-on-food-writing-food-security-and-food-justice/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>writing howwewrite interdisciplinary food brcohen aliciakennedy justice foodjustice foodsecurity decolonization media geography foodsystems systems systemsthinking policy politics economics puertorico markets veganism vegetarianism us diversity class gender race environment foodwriting reform snap consumption</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KaSa61inr8g">
    <title>The Truth About Wokeness with Musa al-Gharbi | Ep 22 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:27:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KaSa61inr8g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when the guardians of cultural narratives and societal norms become inseparable from the very hierarchies they critique? Today, we explore the concept of "symbolic capitalists" with Musa al-Gharbi, author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and assistant professor at the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University.

In this conversation, Musa discusses the role of symbolic capitalists in perpetuating societal inequalities and how their influence extends to academia and media. His latest book, "We Have Never Been Woke," provides a radical yet introspective take on these themes. Drawing from his experiences at elite institutions like Columbia University, he highlights the paradoxes and internal contradictions of symbolic capitalism. Join us as Musa al-Gharbi articulates the complicity of the professional-managerial class in societal injustices and reflects on the role of identity and networks in shaping academic and professional paths.

In This Episode:
• Definition and impact of symbolic capitalists
• Collaboration between symbolic and traditional capitalists
• Moral and ethical implications of symbolic professions
• The interplay between academia and elite credentialing
• Disparities within symbolic professions
• Exploitation of adjunct professors in higher education
• Historical context of social justice movements among symbolic capitalists
• The symbolic performance of advocacy vs. direct action
• Revisiting the relationship between personal success and systemic inequality

About Musa:
Musa al-Gharbi, Ph.D., is the Daniel Bell Research Fellow at Heterodox Academy, and an assistant professor of journalism, communication and sociology at Stony Brook University. Musa is the Author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, published by Princeton University Press. He is a columnist for The Guardian and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, and The Atlantic, among other publications."]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi heterodoxacademy 2025 wokeness capitalism morality ethics academia elitism credentialing credentials credentialism meritocracy gatekeeping exploitation adjuncts highered highereducation colleges universities socialjustice movements history directaction performativity success inequality symboliccapitalists signaling columbia elites culture johntomasi antiwoke wokeism politics politicalcorrectness pierrebourdieu pmc professionalmanagerialclass education class academiccapital labor work petitbourgeois marketing media press symboliccapitalism moralvanguard richardreeves segregation race racism dreamhoarders classx creativeclass socialorder consulting law finance arts entertainment symboliccapital marxism institutions charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex ows occupywallstreet corporations jay-z oprah socialmobility us economics sociology anandgiridharadas nonprofit nonprofits amazon journalism pr administration leadership managment lawyers consultants rupertmurdoch elonmusk worke</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/failure-affirmative-action/674439/">
    <title>The Failure of Affirmative Action - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:19:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/failure-affirmative-action/674439/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For the Black poor, a world without affirmative action is just the world as it is—no different than before."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/Qd4kB ]

"Most of my colleagues are college-educated. I am often the only product of felons, addicts, and foster care whom my peers have encountered outside of time spent volunteering in homeless shelters and group homes. Over the years, whenever affirmative action in higher education has come under threat, these folks have offered their sympathies. They believe that I—a child of a Black father and white mother who grew up in poverty and instability—feel the attacks more acutely. Most Americans seem to think affirmative action sits at the foundation of some beneficent suite of education policies that do something significant for poor Black kids, and that would disappear without the sanction of affirmative action. But the reality is that for the Black poor, a world without affirmative action is just the world as it is—no different than before.

In 2012, 6 percent of Harvard’s freshmen identified as Black. At the time, Black Americans made up 14 percent of the population and 15 percent of the country’s young adults. Harvard was then a far cry from racial parity. But in just three years, the university increased the number of Black freshmen by 50 percent. By 2020, The Harvard Crimson was reporting that more than 15 percent of incoming freshmen were Black, which meant the university had acquired perfect representation. This progress—Black progress—appears poised to recede with the expected loss of affirmative action due to the Supreme Court’s coming decisions on the Students for Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina cases. But to endure a loss, one must have first enjoyed a gain. Diversity at Harvard was not the result of some intricate system for sourcing talent from the whole of Black America. With the permissions granted in 1978’s Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, Harvard used race-conscious admissions to saturate itself with students drawn from the highest-earning segments of Black America.

The same year that Harvard achieved perfect Black representation, a group of celebrated economists published a study examining income segregation across America’s colleges.

From 1999 to 2004, the years examined by the study, about 16 to 18 percent of American children were living below the federal poverty line. Families living below the FPL struggle to afford enough food, clothing, or shelter to stave off biological decline. In the absence of income segregation, children from poverty would make up a proportional 16 to 18 percent of college students. But according to the study, only 3 percent of the students at Harvard in that time period came from families in the bottom 20 percent. (The researchers later found that the percentage had increased to about 5 percent for a cohort of students at Harvard from 2008 to 2013.)

In October of 2020, Harvard reported 154 Black first-year students. Given that the child-poverty rate in Black America hovers north of 30 percent, in an equitable society, some 40 Black freshmen would have come from poor families. The income-segregation study did not disaggregate income brackets by race, and neither does Harvard, but the university does disclose that about a quarter of its latest freshman class comes from families with incomes below $85,000, its threshold for full financial aid. This is far above the federal poverty line and therefore not a good indicator of how many poor students attend Harvard. But if we extrapolate the study’s findings, only seven or eight of said 154 Black freshmen would have come from poor families. The other 140 or so Black students at Harvard were likely raised outside of poverty and probably as far from the bottom as any Black child can hope to be.

Writing in the American Journal of Education in 2007, the Princeton sociology professor Douglas Massey observed that 40 percent of Black students in the Ivy League were first- or second-generation immigrants. Black immigrants are the highest-earning and best-educated subset of Black America.

The Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr., a director of the university’s African American–studies center, once estimated that as many as two-thirds of Harvard’s Black students in the early 2000s were the fortunate sons and daughters of Black immigrants or, to a lesser extent, children of biracial couples. A Black woman who was a Harvard senior at the time told The New York Times in 2004 that there were so few other Black students whose grandparents had been born in the U.S. that they had begun calling themselves “the descendants.”

The Supreme Court affirmed race to be an acceptable criterion within a holistic admissions framework in 1978. The regime described here persisted for 45 years without manifesting any progress of note for the Black poor, and it strains faith to imagine that the trickle-down was on its way in year 46. The coming eulogies for affirmative action should acknowledge this history. No policy that hesitates to say class prioritizes the impoverished, and the people we do nothing for should at least enjoy public acknowledgment of their abandonment.

When I was in elementary school, my grandmother told me that I would go to college for free because I was Native American. I’m not Native. Rather, my father is from a light-skinned Black family, and for a long time, families like these presented sharp cheekbones and aquiline noses as evidence of Native roots. In nearly every case, it was plain white ancestry, but Black folks had been denied the supposed dignity of whiteness for so long that even those who had it did not want it. My dad told the Native fiction to my mom, and she told my grandmother, who was white working poor, and her fictions met with my father’s. Like many in her class, she believed that the government was in the business of giving gifts to everyone but poor whites. In her view, the world worked like this: Asian Americans received loans to start businesses. Hospitals gave free medical care to Hispanic children. Native Americans enjoyed juiced-up welfare and free college. Black Americans received preferential hiring and a free education. Because she believed me to be both Black and Native, college appeared to be a given.

My grandmother’s understanding of how college entry worked for Black Americans was shaped by decades of white-poor hearsay about affirmative action. She had no Black friends; ethnic gossip and popular culture were all she had to go on, and these gave her a wildly inaccurate view of what was to be my college experience. But I have found that even wealthier and more sophisticated Americans have absorbed similar fictions.

According to The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, out of 153,000 Black test-takers in 2005, only about 1,200 scored a 700 or above on either section of the SAT. I was among that handful. Unlike the stories my grandmother told me, a red carpet wasn’t rolled out in front of me. The guidance counselor at my New Jersey public high school said nothing about my test scores and was similarly apathetic when I said I was not going to apply to college at all. When I came back a week later to recant after my father threatened to throw me out on the streets if I didn’t apply, my counselor—rather than hand me a blank check from the office of affirmative action—handed me a thin packet about the Free Application for Federal Student Aid.

Being a former foster youth with a missing mother and a father only just released from prison, I was legally eligible for quite a bit of aid via the FAFSA. But without legal documentation of my situation, which no adult around me had kept, acquiring that aid would require me to obtain signed statements from members of the community testifying to my fractured living conditions. As a transient youth suddenly crashing with a father I had known for barely two years and residing in an entirely new town, there was no community to vouch for me. Unable to meet the federal requirements, I slogged through an associate’s, a bachelor’s, and eventually a master’s degree, accruing substantial loans despite eligibility for grants that could have paid for my entire undergraduate education.

Since 2018, I have used what I learned (albeit too late) to help my foster sister navigate college and the FAFSA, which must be renewed every year (including resubmitting community testimony on official letterhead). On more than one occasion, she has been selected for “additional verification,” one of several variations of bureaucratic rigmarole that can result in the delay of aid long enough to force lower-income students to miss a semester if they cannot afford to pay tuition out of pocket. Even when you’re prepared for this, as she and I were, the delay is demoralizing.

Every poor kid with aspirations of college faces a slightly different constellation of obstacles, but those differences abate beneath a homogenous disappointment. The National Center for Education Statistics found that, in 2012, just 14 percent of low-income high-school students  obtained a bachelor’s or higher degree within eight years of high-school graduation. Rates of college attendance specifically among Black youth and kids below the federal poverty line—the lowest of low-income—are lower still. Given that the rate for foster or homeless youth is a meager 2 to 11 percent, it’s safe to assume that the one for Black fosters is effectively zero. Meanwhile, compiling data scattered across publications, I’ve calculated that 85 percent of bachelor’s degrees awarded to Black students go to Black folks raised in the middle and upper classes. For daily life, the result is this: In any office—in any room—where a bachelor’s degree is a prerequisite, the odds that the person next to you has come from poverty, especially Black poverty, are staggeringly low.

Affirmative-action policies are not directly responsible for the impediments that poor Black students face in higher education. Nevertheless, those policies have existed for nearly five decades and have demonstrably not been an obstacle to the formation of a status quo in which so few poor Black Americans obtain a bachelor’s degree. Although that might be viewed as a policy failure, the oral arguments in the Supreme Court cases make this much clear: Affirmative action is not intended to combat the barriers faced by the poor, Black or otherwise. It is meant to achieve racial diversity. Where it finds the bodies does not matter.

In the case of Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College, all parties involved—the justices, the petitioners, and the respondents—agree that the intention of affirmative action is to produce the “educational benefits of diversity.” As described by Seth Waxman, the respondent on behalf of Harvard, “a university student body comprising a multiplicity of backgrounds, experiences, and interests vitally benefits our nation. Stereotypes are broken down, prejudice is reduced, and critical thinking and problem-solving skills are improved.” The contention of Students for Fair Admissions is that Harvard could use other metrics, particularly socioeconomic status, to achieve educationally significant diversity without the need for racial considerations.

In response to the SFFA plan, Justice Sonia Sotomayor suggested that weighting factors such as class in admissions amounts to “subterfuges” for reaching some sort of “diversity in race.” She probed the lawyers in oral arguments by saying that she did not “understand why considering race as one factor but not the sole factor is any different than using any of those other metrics.” The view that Sotomayor lays out here asserts that considering income and wealth, or considering them in conjunction with race, is just a tedious path to the same outcome achieved by considering race alone. But of course, an admissions scheme that considers class would not just be a subterfuge. Even if it yielded a student body with the same degree of racial diversity, the students themselves would be very different.

Many Americans retain a certain dissonance about class, believing simultaneously that it does and does not matter. Would a classroom with one Black student who was raised by parents who met while studying business at Yale benefit from the added diversity of a Black student who was raised in the Cuney Homes projects that produced George Floyd? You would be hard-pressed to find someone who answers no, and it is doubtful that Sotomayor would either. But the only way to promote the admission of these two hypothetical Black students is with policies that recognize both class and race. Unfortunately, conversations about diversity too often focus solely on the gaps between Black and white Americans, excluding entirely the issue of class divides among Black Americans.

In 2018, William Julius Wilson—a survivor of Jim Crow and a pioneer in the study of urban poverty—reported that Black Americans had the highest degree of residential income segregation of any racial group: Our top and bottom classes were then the least likely to live alongside each other. That same year, the Pew Research Center released a study on income inequality within races. From 1970 to 2016, the top 10 percent of Black workers earned nearly 10 times what the bottom 10 percent of Black workers did. For nearly 50 years, Black Americans experienced more income disparity than any other racial group in the country. The report received widespread coverage, including in The Atlantic, but mainly for its findings regarding Asian Americans, who had (temporarily) displaced Black Americans as the least equal group.

I can only cheer on, and envy, the speed at which knowledge of class disparities among Asian Americans has permeated popular culture. I hope it continues, because the Asian parity that Harvard has achieved is certainly not the result of admitting impoverished Burmese Americans. In the time since the 2018 Pew study was released, we have seen not just class-focused journalism but Always Be My Maybe, Everything Everywhere All at Once, and Beef. Each pop-cultural work demonstrates not just that class exists for Asians, but that it drastically alters their lives, their opportunities, and their interactions in ways that—shockingly—mirror how class affects white Americans.

That no similar awareness is growing on behalf of disparities afflicting Black Americans is absurd. The fact that the white upper class had a median wealth more than 20 times that of the white poor helped fuel Occupy Wall Street, Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and a socialist revival among white youth that continues today. In 2015, the Black upper class had a median wealth 1,382 times greater than the Black poor, along with an incarceration rate nearly 10 times lower than what I inherited. Yet still, some of the best-educated minds in the country claim to not understand how taking this into consideration might yield a qualitatively different student body than what comes from treating Black Americans as a class-free blob.

Powerful as they may be, elite institutions require support from the ground up. The social prestige that achieving racial diversity offers and the ability it has to smooth over the appearance of other inequities are too alluring for a university like Harvard to pass up. But, rich as it is, Harvard does not have the capital necessary to employ all of the country’s poor, fix their neighborhoods, and fund their public schools, or the willingness to wait an entire generation for those social changes to generate a cohort of low-income children who are nevertheless academically excellent. It will always be cheaper and more expedient to simply recruit wealthy kids instead. If what comes after affirmative action penalizes the Black middle and upper classes, that is nothing to celebrate. But if we want to erect something that benefits all Black Americans, we cannot expect that to happen without policies that treat class as meaningful."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KolVAvT2mGU">
    <title>Idris Robinson: Race Traitors, Identity Politics, and Revolutionary Horizons Since the Uprising - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:14:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KolVAvT2mGU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How It Might Should Be Done 2.0

Idris Robinson revisits and expands upon his seminal essay.

In the aftermath of the CHAZ occupation in downtown Seattle, “How It Might Should" was a public talk surveying the horizon of revolutionary potential uncovered by the George Floyd Rebellion during the hot summer of 2020. The essay of the same title, published in Ill Will that August, is seen in radical circles as one of the definitive texts of the uprising. In ten putative theses, ranging from identity politics, the current pandemic, to the legacy of black revolt, the essay sought to facilitate a more direct and focused discussion regarding the stakes of emancipatory transformation at the very heart of empire. 

Since the uprising, the crisis has only deepened, presenting new possibilities and dashing others. In this new lecture, Idris both reassesses and expands upon previous themes, such as a theorization of civil war as stasis, an examination of the abolitionist race-traitor through the lens of a political theology of martyrdom, and the libidinal death-drive suffusing American racial dynamics."]]></description>
<dc:subject>idrisrobinson 2022 race racism identitypolitics jamesboggs uprisings 2020 georgefloyd revolution resistance civilwar martyrdom us georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america">
    <title>The Bills That Destroyed Urban America — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-01T04:17:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The planners dreamed of gleaming cities. Instead they brought three generations of hollowed-out downtowns and flight to the suburbs."

[See also:


"The Demise of Real Neighborhoods Is a Story of Finance"
https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-demise-of-real-neighborhoods-is-a-story-of-finance

"America’s neighborhoods were once beautiful, unique, dense, and scaled for a communal life on foot. But obscure federal rules piling up over a century have made it nearly impossible for banks to finance new ones."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>josephlawler cities us 2026 urbanplanning urban cars stlouis automobiles policy markgelfand history middleclass transit publictransit transportation streetcars rail railways trains congress pruitt-igoe neighborhoods progressive progressivism catherinebauer housing mobility nyc lecorbusier rationalism paris villeradieuse slums density crime michaelbloomberg rudolphgiuliani edithelmerwood puertoricop sanjuan planning laws law legal 1937 detroit zoining howardhusock publichousing society roberttaft banking banks finance lawmaking robertomoses 1949 1954 1973 richardnixon poverty fha 1932 1934 1944 alexandervonhoffman morthages suburbs suburbia economics economy race racism brooklyn oarkslope boston southend 1849 housingact</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://tariqacknickulous.substack.com/p/addressing-common-rebuttals-rezionism">
    <title>Addressing Common Rebuttals re:Zionism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T18:41:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://tariqacknickulous.substack.com/p/addressing-common-rebuttals-rezionism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Place to address some of the more common rebuttals and comments I've received or seen regarding my posts and other frequent arguments used by people"]]></description>
<dc:subject>zionism antizionism jewishsupremacy israel 2026 tariqacknickulous race ethnicity ethnonationalism religion judaism itamarben-gvir us evangelicals violence hatecrimes christianity palestine hamas gaza genocide ethniccleansing colonialism colonization settlercolonialism supremacy bds boycott divestment sanctions thawabit birthright whitesupremacy nazis nazism antisemistism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b85176ad1ec4/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/iran-and-gaza-are-only-the-beginning">
    <title>'Iran and Gaza are Only the Beginning' (Chris Hedges at Princeton)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T00:47:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/iran-and-gaza-are-only-the-beginning</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TV9dkU2E8j0 ]

"The genocide in Gaza is the beginning. Welcome to the new world order. The age of technologically-advanced barbarism. There are no rules for the strong, only for the weak. Oppose the strong, refuse to bow to its capricious demands and you are showered with missiles and bombs. We watch this madness daily with the war on Iran, the saturation bombing of southern Lebanon and the suffering in Gaza.

International bodies such as the United Nations have been neutered, transformed into useless appendages of another age. The sanctity of individual rights, open borders and international law have vanished. The most psychopathic rulers of human history, those who reduced cities to ashes, herded captive populations to execution sites and littered lands they occupied with mass graves and corpses, have returned with a vengeance, opening up a vast moral abyss.

The law, despite a few valiant efforts by a handful of judges — who will soon be purged — domestically and in international bodies such as The International Court of Justice is contemptuously violated. Savagery abroad. Savagery at home.

The BBC’s Lucy Williamson reports that Israel is destroying south Lebanon “using Gaza as a model – a blueprint for destruction used again as a path to peace”.

Over 1 million people have already been displaced in Lebanon -- one-fifth of the entire population of a country that already hosts the world’s highest number of refugees per capita -- in just a few weeks. Add to this 2 million displaced in Gaza and 3 million displaced in Iran. 6 million people rendered homeless.

For four decades Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been lobbying for the U.S. to go to war with Iran. Previous administrations, Republican and Democrat, have refused, in no small part because of fierce opposition within the Pentagon, which did not view Iran as an existential threat and did not project a positive outcome for the U.S. or its regional allies.

But Donald Trump, encouraged by his inept negotiating team of his son-in-law Jared Kushner and fellow real estate developer and golfing partner Steve Witkoff, each fervent Zionists, took Israel’s bait. Britain’s national security adviser, Jonathan Powell, who attended the final talks between the U.S. and Iran, dismissed Kushner and Witkoff as “Israeli assets.”

Joseph Kent, who resigned from his position as director of the National Counterterrorism Center to protest the war, wrote in his resignation letter that “Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby.”

The public rationale for the war on Iran since it began on February 28 has been protean. Is it to shut down Iran’s nuclear program? Is it to thwart Iran’s ballistic missile program? Is it because the U.S. carried out pre-emptive attacks on Iran, as Marco Rubio said, to ensure the safety of U.S. assets once Israel decided to strike? Is it because the Iranian government carried out lethal repression, killing hundreds of anti-government protestors during massive street protests? Is it regime change? Is it an attempt to shut down Iran’s so-called state sponsored terrorism? Or are these subterfuges for something else?

Certainly, Israel and the U.S. seek regime change. But here it appears the U.S. and Israel diverge. Israel also apparently seeks, as in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Lebanon, the physical disintegration of Iran, the breaking apart of the country into warring ethnic and religious enclaves, the transformation of Iran into a failed state.

Persians in Iran constitute roughly 61 percent of the population with various minority groups, who often suffer state repression, making up the remaining 39 percent. These ethnic groups include Azerbaijanis, Kurds, Lurs, Balochs, Arabs and Turkmens, along with religious minorities such as Sunnis, Christians, Baha’i, Zoroastrians, and Jews. The shattering of Iran into antagonistic ethnic and religious enclaves would leave Israel as the dominant power in the region, giving it the ability to, if not occupy its neighbors directly, control and subjugate them through proxies, part of a long-held desire for a Greater Israel. It would also make it possible for foreign states to control Iranian gas reserves, the second largest in the world, and its oil reserves, 12 percent of the global total.

Israel’s crusade against the Palestinians, the Lebanese and now the Iranians is justified by the extermination of 6 million Jews during the Holocaust. But it is not lost on the Global South, especially Palestinians, that nearly all Holocaust scholars have refused to condemn the genocide in Gaza. Not one of the institutions dedicated to researching and commemorating the Holocaust have drawn the obvious historical parallels or decried the mass slaughter.

Holocaust scholars, with a handful of exceptions, have exposed their true purpose, which is not to examine the dark side of human nature and the frightening propensity we all have to commit evil, but to sanctify Jews as eternal victims and absolve the ethnonationalist state of Israel of its crimes of settler colonialism, apartheid and genocide.

The hijacking of the Holocaust, the failure to defend Palestinian victims because they are Palestinian, has imploded the moral authority of Holocaust studies and Holocaust memorials. They have been exposed as vehicles not to prevent genocide but to perpetrate it, not to explore the past, but manipulate the present.

Any tepid recognition that the Holocaust may not be the exclusive property of Israel and its Zionist supporters is swiftly shut down. The Holocaust Museum in Los Angeles deleted an Instagram post that read: “NEVER AGAIN CAN’T ONLY MEAN NEVER AGAIN FOR JEWS” after a backlash. In the hands of Zionists, “never again” means precisely that, never again, only for Jews.

Aimé Césaire, in Discourse on Colonialism, writes that Hitler seemed exceptionally cruel only because he presided over “the humiliation of the white man,” applying to Europe the “colonialist procedures which until then had been reserved exclusively for the Arabs of Algeria, the ‘coolies’ of India, and the nègres d’Afrique.”

The near-annihilation of Tasmania’s Aboriginal population, the German slaughter of the Herero and Namaqua, the Armenian genocide, the Bengal famine of 1943 — then British prime minister Winston Churchill referred to Hindus as “a beastly people with a beastly religion” — along with the dropping of nuclear bombs on civilian targets in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, illustrates something fundamental about “Western civilization.”

Genocide is not an anomaly, it is coded in the DNA of Western “civilization.”

“In America,” the poet Langston Hughes said, “Negroes do not have to be told what fascism is in action. We know. Its theories of Nordic supremacy and economic suppression have long been realities to us.”

The Nazis, when they formulated the Nuremberg laws, modelled them on laws designed to disenfranchise Blacks. America’s refusal to grant citizenship to Native Americans and Filipinos — although they lived in the U.S. and U.S. territories — was emulated by the German fascists who stripped citizenship from Jews. American anti-miscegenation laws, which criminalized interracial marriage, were the impetus to outlaw marriages between German Jews and Aryans. American jurisprudence classified anyone with one percent of Black ancestry — the so-called “one drop rule” — as Black. The Nazis, ironically showing more flexibility, classified anyone with three or more Jewish grandparents as Jewish.

The millions of indigenous victims of colonial projects in countries such as Mexico, China, India, Australia, the Congo and Vietnam, for this reason, are deaf to the fatuous claims by Jews that their victimhood is unique. They too suffered holocausts, but these holocausts remain minimized or unacknowledged by their Western perpetrators.

Israel embodies the ethnonationalist state our Christian fascists and the far-right dream of creating for themselves, one that rejects political and cultural pluralism, as well as legal, diplomatic and ethical norms. Israel is admired by the far right because it has turned its back on humanitarian law and uses indiscriminate lethal force to “cleanse” its society of those condemned as human contaminants.

It was this distortion of the Holocaust as unique that troubled Primo Levi, who was imprisoned in Auschwitz from 1944 to 1945 and who wrote Survival in Auschwitz. Levi was a fierce critic of the apartheid state of Israel and its treatment of Palestinians. He saw the Shoah as “an inexhaustible source of evil” that “is perpetuated as hatred in the survivors, and springs up in a thousand ways, against the very will of all, as a thirst for revenge, as moral breakdown, as negation, as weariness, as resignation.”

Levi deplored the Manichaeanism of those who “shun nuance and complexity.” He condemned those who “reduce the river of human events to conflicts, and conflicts to duels, us and them.” He warned that the “network of human relationships inside the concentration camps was not simple: It could not be reduced to two blocs, victims and persecutors.” The enemy, he knew, “was outside but also inside.”

Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski, known as “King Chaim,” ruled the in the Łódź ghetto on Poland on behalf of the Nazi occupiers. The ghetto became a slave labor camp that enriched Rumkowski and his Nazi masters. Rumkowski deported opponents to death camps. He raped and molested girls and women. He demanded unquestioned obedience. He embodied the evil of his oppressors. For Levi, he was an example of what many of us, under similar circumstances, are capable of becoming.

“[W]e are all mirrored in Rumkowski, his ambiguity is ours, it is our second nature, we hybrids molded from clay and spirit,” Levi wrote in The Drowned and the Saved. “His fever is ours, the fever of our Western civilization that ‘descends into hell with trumpets and drums,’ and its miserable adornments are the distorting image of our symbols of social prestige.”

“Like Rumkowski, we too are so dazzled by power and prestige as to forget our essential fragility,” Levi continued. “Willingly or not we come to terms with power, forgetting that we are all in the ghetto, that the ghetto is walled in, that outside the ghetto reign the lords of death, and that close by the train is waiting.”

Levi understood that the line between the victim and victimizer is razor thin. We can all become willing executioners. There is nothing intrinsically moral about being Jewish or a survivor of the Holocaust. Levi, for this reason, was persona non grata in Israel.

Zionists find in the Holocaust and the Jewish state a sense of purpose and meaning, as well as a cloying moral superiority. After the 1967 war, when Israel seized Gaza the West Bank including East Jerusalem, Syria’s Golan Heights and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, Israel, as American sociologist Nathan Glazer approvingly observed, became “the religion of the American Jews.” The Holocaust became their “moral capital.”

“Jewish suffering is depicted as ineffable, uncommunicable, and yet always to be proclaimed,” writes the European historian Charles S. Maier, in The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity:

<blockquote>It is intensely private, not to be diluted, but simultaneously public so that gentile society will confirm the crimes. A very peculiar suffering must be enshrined in public sites: Holocaust museums, memory gardens, deportation sites, dedicated not as Jewish but civic memorials. But what is the role of a museum in a country, such as the United States, far from the site of the Holocaust? Is it to rally the people who suffered or to instruct non-Jews? Is it supposed to serve as a reminder that “it can happen here?” Or is it a statement that some special consideration is deserved? Under what circumstances can a private sorrow serve simultaneously as a public grief? And if genocide is certified as a public sorrow, then must we not accept the credentials of other particular sorrows too? An American historian of Polish ancestry argues that, with the German invasion of 1939, the Poles became the first people in Europe to experience the Holocaust and that historians have so far “chosen to interpret the tragedy in exclusivistic terms — namely as the most tragic period in the history of the Jewish Diaspora.” If Polish Americans claim their own “forgotten Holocaust,” what recognition should they enjoy? Do Armenians and Cambodians also have a right to publicly funded holocaust museums? And do we need memorials to Seventh-Day Adventists and homosexuals for their persecution at the hands of the Third Reich?</blockquote>

Unique suffering confers unique entitlement.

Any crime Israel carries out in the name of its survival — its “right to exist” — is justified in the name of this uniqueness. There are no limits. The world is black and white, a never-ending battle against Nazism, which is protean, depending on who Israel targets. To challenge this bloodlust is to be an antisemite, facilitating another genocide of Jews.

This simplistic formula not only serves the interests of Israel, but also the interests of colonial powers that carried out their own genocides, ones they also seek to obscure.

The sacralization of the Nazi Holocaust offers a bizarre quid pro quo. Arming and funding the state of Israel, blocking U.N. resolutions and sanctions that would condemn its crimes and demonizing Palestinians, and their supporters becomes proof of atonement and support for Jews. Israel, in return, absolves the West of its indifference to the plight of Jews during the Holocaust, and Germany for perpetrating it. Germany uses this unholy alliance to separate Nazism from the rest of German history, including the genocide German colonists carried out against the Nama and Herero in German South-West Africa, now Namibia.

“[S]uch magic,” Israeli historian and genocide scholar, Raz Segal, writes, “legitimizes racism against Palestinians at the very moment that Israel perpetrates genocide against them. The idea of Holocaust uniqueness thus reproduces rather than challenges the exclusionary nationalism and settler colonialism that led to the Holocaust.”

Professor Segal, the director of the program in Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Stockton University in New Jersey, wrote an article about the war on Gaza on October 13, 2023, titled: “A Textbook Case of Genocide.”

This denunciation from an Israeli Holocaust scholar, whose family members perished in the Holocaust, was a very lonely stance.

Professor Segal saw in the Israeli government’s immediate demand that Palestinians evacuate the north of Gaza and the blood-curdling demonization of the Palestinians by Israeli officials — the defense minister said Israel was “fighting human animals” — the stench of genocide.

“The whole idea about prevention and ‘never again’ is that — as we teach our students — there are red flags, that once we notice them, we’re supposed to work in order to stop the process that could escalate to genocide,” Professor Segal told me, “even if it’s not genocidal yet.”

Professor Segal paid for his honesty. The offer to lead the University of Minnesota’s Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, which has issued no condemnation of the genocide, was revoked.

When professor Segal and I testified at the state capital in Trenton in opposition to the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) bill, which equates criticism of the state of Israel with antisemitism, we were jeered by Zionists and our microphones were cut by the committee chairman. There we were, arguing that this bill would curtail free speech while we were in real time being denied free speech.

Genocide is the next stage in what the anthropologist, Arjun Appadurai, calls “a vast worldwide Malthusian correction” that is “geared to preparing the world for the winners of globalization, minus the inconvenient noise of its losers.”

The funding and arming of Israel by the United States and European nations, as it carries out genocide, has effectively imploded the post-World War II international legal order. It no longer has credibility. The West can no longer lecture anyone about democracy, human rights or the supposed virtues of Western civilization. The ruse, that somehow we as a nation promote democracy, equality and human rights, is finished.

“At the same time that Gaza induces vertigo, a feeling of chaos and emptiness, it becomes for countless powerless people the essential condition of political and ethical consciousness in the twenty-first century — just as the First World War was for a generation in the West,” Pankaj Mishra writes.

None of us who reported from Israel and Palestine, where I worked as a reporter for seven years, predicted this genocide. And yet, we were acutely aware of the genocidal impulse that lay at the heart of the Zionist project — the desire by large segments of Israeli society to eradicate and expel all Palestinians. This genocidal impulse was there from the inception of Zionism.

Victor Klemperer, a professor of linguistics and the son of a Berlin rabbi living under Nazi rule, noted in his diary, “To me the Zionists, who want to go back to the Jewish state of A.D. 70 (destruction of Jerusalem by Titus), are just as offensive as the Nazis. With their nosing after blood, their ancient ‘cultural roots,’ their partly canting, partly obtuse winding back of the world they are altogether a match for the National Socialists.”

I covered the extremist rabbi, Meir Kahane, who claimed that violence was a Jewish virtue and revenge, a divine commandment. He was, when I was based in Israel, barred by the Israeli government from running for office.

Kahane was assassinated on November 5, 1990, in New York City. His Kach Party in Israel was outlawed four years later after Baruch Goldstein, a Brooklyn-born doctor and Kach member, entered Hebron’s Ibrahimi Mosque and opened fire on worshippers, killing 29 Palestinians. Goldstein, dressed in his army captain’s uniform, was overpowered by worshippers and beaten to death. I was sent by my editors in New York to interview the survivors. When they received the copy, they insisted I do more interviews with Jewish colonists who justified Goldstein’s grievances with Palestinians, part of the game of balance, but really part of the effort to obscure the truth.

Kach, following its statements of support for the massacre, was declared a terrorist organization by the United States.

But Kahanism did not die. It was nurtured by Jewish extremists and colonists.

Kach’s racial intolerance and calls for mass violence against Palestinians infected larger and larger segments of Israeli society. It found near universal acceptance after the attacks of October 7.

I saw this intolerance at political rallies held by Netanyahu, who received lavish funding from right-wing Americans associated with AIPAC, when he ran against Yitzhak Rabin, who was negotiating a peace settlement with the Palestinians. Netanyahu’s supporters chanted Kahane-inspired slogans such as “Death to Arabs” and “Death to Rabin.” They burned an effigy of Rabin dressed in a Nazi uniform. Netanyahu marched in front of a mock funeral for Rabin.

Rabin was assassinated by a Jewish fanatic on November 4, 1995.

Netanyahu, who first became prime minister in 1996, has spent his political career nurturing these Jewish extremists, including Itamar Ben-Gvir, who hung a portrait of Goldstein on the wall of his living room, Bezalel Smotrich, Avigdor Lieberman, Gideon Sa’ar and Naftali Bennett.

Netanyahu’s father, Benzion, who worked as an assistant to the founder of Revisionist Zionism, Vladimir Jabotinsky, and was referred to by Benito Mussolini as “a good fascist,” was a leader in the Herut Party that called on Israel to seize all the land of historic Palestine. Many of those who formed the Herut Party carried out terrorist attacks during the 1948 war that established the state of Israel. Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, Sidney Hook and other Jewish intellectuals, described the Herut Party in a statement published in The New York Times as a party “closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to Nazi and Fascist parties.”

There has always been a virulent strain of Jewish fascism within the Zionist project, mirroring the strain of fascism in American society. Unfortunately, for us and the Palestinians, these fascistic strains are ascendant.

The decision to obliterate Gaza has long been the dream of far-right Zionists, heirs of Kahane’s movement. Jewish identity and Jewish nationalism are the Zionist versions of the Nazis’ blood-and-soil ideology. Jewish supremacy is sanctified by God, as is the slaughter of the Palestinians, who Netanyahu compared to the Biblical Amalekites who were massacred by the Israelites. Europeans and Euro-Americans in the American colonies used the same Biblical passage to justify their genocide against Native Americans.

Enemies — usually Muslims — who are slated for extinction are subhumans who embody evil. Violence and the threat of violence are the only forms of communication those outside the magical circle of Jewish nationalism understand.

Messianic redemption will take place once the Palestinians are expelled. Jewish extremists call for the Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of three of the most sacred sites for Muslims, supposedly built on the ruins of the Jewish Second Temple which was destroyed in A.D. 70 by the Roman army, to be demolished. These extremists call for it to be replaced by a “Third” Jewish temple, a move that would set the Muslim world alight. The West Bank, which zealots refer to as “Judea and Samaria,” is being annexed by Israel. Israel, governed by religious laws imposed by the ultra-Orthodox Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, will soon mirror the despotic theocracy in Iran.

James Baldwin presciently saw this regression to our innate barbarism. He warned that there was a “terrible probability” that “Western populations, struggling to hold on to what they have stolen from their captives, and unable to look into their mirror, will precipitate a chaos throughout the world which, if it does not bring life on this planet to an end, will bring about a racial war such as the world has never seen, and for which generations yet unborn will curse our names forever.”

The savagery in Iran, Lebanon and Gaza is the same savagery we face at home. Those carrying out the genocide, mass slaughter and unprovoked war on Iran are the same people dismantling our democratic institutions.

The Iranians, Lebanese and Palestinians know there is no appeasing these monsters. The global elites believe nothing. They feel nothing. They cannot be trusted. They exhibit the core traits of all psychopaths — superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance, a need for constant stimulation, a penchant for lying, deception, manipulation and the inability to feel remorse or guilt. They disdain as weakness the virtues of empathy, honesty, compassion and self-sacrifice. They live by the creed of Me. Me. Me.

“The fact that millions of people share the same vices does not make these vices virtues, the fact that they share so many errors does not make the errors to be truths, and the fact that millions of people share the same forms of mental pathology does not make these people sane,” Erich Fromm writes in “The Sane Society.”

We have witnessed evil for nearly three years in Gaza. We watch it now in Iran. We watch it in Lebanon. We see this evil excused or masked by political leaders and the media.

The New York Times, in a page out of Orwell, sent an internal memo telling reporters and editors to eschew the terms “refugee camps, “occupied territory,” “ethnic cleansing” and, of course, “genocide” when writing about Gaza.

Those who name and denounce this evil, including the heroic students who set up encampments on campuses here and abroad, are smeared, blacklisted and purged. They are arrested and deported. A deadening silence is descending upon us, the silence of all authoritarian states. We know where this ends. Fail to do your duty, fail to cheerlead the war on Iran, speak out against the crime of genocide, and see your broadcasting license revoked, as Trump’s Chair of the F.C.C. Brendan Carr has proposed.

We have enemies. They are not in Palestine. They are not in Lebanon. They are not in Iran. They are here. Among us. They dictate our lives. They are traitors to our ideals. They are traitors to our country. They envision a world of slaves and masters. Gaza is only the start. There are no internal mechanisms for reform. We can obstruct or surrender.

Those are the only choices left."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/">
    <title>Notes Towards A 'Woke 2'</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T07:37:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I think about the successes and failures of wokeness as an ideological lens, I think about the music video for Childish Gambino’s song “This Is America.”

When the music video dropped in 2018, I remember feeling like it was genius. Police brutality against Black Americans had been a central focus of my political activation since 2014, when the murders of Eric Garner and Tamir Rice lit the country on fire. This was the beginnings of the Black Lives Matter movement. I was living in Chicago when a group of activists shut down the Dan Ryan Expressway, spanning across it in a human chain. Four years later, watching “This Is America” was an affirmation of the things I already believed and could see to be true just by being politically aware: America is a death cult where it's wholly permissible to use state sanctioned violence against Black people, and in particular they are being killed by police.

For the second round of Black Lives Matter in 2020, I lived in New York. As the COVID-19 pandemic shut the city down, it was also writhing with life in the form of protest. This was life-giving fire—I remember being handed a bouquet from a woman in a march going by, then later watching a bus driver film us as I marched past her, tears in her eyes—but by the end of the summer I also understood its limitations. I went to a rally with the man who is now my husband, and on our walk home I told him how annoying it was to hear everyone’s Instagram handles after every speech.

The idea of wokeness comes from Black culture. It’s not a complicated idea—to be “woke” means that you are not sleepwalking through life. You are awake and aware of the political realities around you. Notably, wokeness does not instruct you how to use this knowledge. If there is to be a sequel to wokeness, a “woke 2,” what I want to see is a better understanding of what to do once you have woken up.

Being so for real: woke 2 is an idea that started as a joke. Erin Vanderhoof from Vanity Fair describes its origins as coming from “progressive retribution fantasies after Donald Trump’s 2024 victory.” The idea was about bringing back wokeness as it was during Obama's presidency, when many people thought having a Black president meant racial progress was inevitable so our work was done—a political movement as defined by a desire to get back to brunch.

But the wheels fell off that brand of neoliberal thought a long time ago. “Woke” as a term joined ideas like “political correctness,” “DEI,” or “social justice” in its popular meaning becoming “things liberals do or say that’s annoying.” Calling something woke became more about being able to signal an in-group and out-group—a polite way of calling something tainted by its association with certain kinds of liberal-coded ways of being “anti-racist,” like mandatory unconscious bias training at work. The idea of flipping things back on their head—no, we are woke again, and you are too or else!—really cracks me up. Wokeness full cultural victory! Put those pronouns back in your bio, do a land acknowledgement—the wokeness struggle session begins now!  But if I were to ask myself what I want out of the idea of being woke in this political era, there are failures of woke 1 that I think are useful to dissect.

Wokeness, being so wrapped up in the Black Lives Matter movement which itself was reliant on the ecosystem of Twitter, was sometimes more about watching than taking action. I remember watching the protests in Ferguson, Missouri after the death of Mike Brown on Periscope, a Twitter product, trying to use the internet to get a sense of what was happening on the ground. I don’t know that watching all that footage did me much good; sure, I was pretty aware of what was going on in Ferguson, but there wasn’t much I could do. Mostly, it gave me a panic attack. 

> In 2026, talk is cheap.

As a movement, Black Lives Matter was intended to be decentralized and leaderless, but of course, that didn’t mean that figureheads did not emerge. The negative space in the idea of wokeness—who are you watching, who is bringing you to awareness?—can easily be occupied by grifters and other bad actors. In 2025, the executive director of the Oklahoma City branch of the Black Lives Matter organization was indicted on embezzlement charges. Shaun King, an organizer who would go on to work on Bernie Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign, has had enough accusations of pocketing donations meant for families of Black people killed by police violence that there’s a section on it in his Wikipedia page. Because the Black Lives Matter movement used Twitter to signal boost news and organize events, apparently former Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and Black Lives Matter activist DeRay McKesson became friends. I think we all know how that one turned out—as soon as Twitter execs found a buyer to take their company, they passed it off to a white supremacist and washed their hands of the whole thing.

In this first version of wokeness, I wasn’t nearly as skeptical of figureheads and corporations co-signing social movements as I needed to be. I had this unshakeable belief that justice would emerge in the end, that people would do the right thing just because it was the right thing to do. I trusted companies, I put my faith in people who posted about the right things online. 

Now in 2026, that talk is cheap. People—and corporations—who loudly demonstrate how much they are aware of the right things, how woke they are, are not always behaving in alignment with those values. In 2021, Target made a commitment to invest $2 billion into Black-owned businesses by stocking their products in its stores. By 2025, after America elected Donald Trump president again, Target had rolled back its DEI initiatives, including scaling back its investment in stocking products from Black-owned businesses. A long time ago, that might have felt like a betrayal, but I don’t put much faith in publicly-traded corporations to do the right thing anymore.

Wokeness as an ideology became about showing people how much you are aware of things happening around you, rather than a cogent plan about what to do with your newfound awareness. Being aware is really easy to do, and if just being aware becomes in itself a virtue, then there’s the potential for an ecosystem that is centered around showing other people how much you know. Oh, you’re fighting for Black Lives? I bet you don’t even know about these other marginalized groups of people that also need help! I have watched the brightest minds of my generation, starving hysterical naked, arguing about whether or not the finale of Stephen Universe was sufficiently righteous on the internet.

Knowing and being able to see the firmament that upholds injustice is useful, but you also have to know what to do with that knowledge. I felt proud of seeing different celebrities extol the virtues of the “This Is America” music video, but at the end of the day, it’s just a music video. What did I think people sharing it a lot was going to do? “Stay woke,” raising awareness, cannot be where one’s desire to do good terminates. When all you ask of a person is that they stay aware, attention and consumption takes the place of action. Getting out into the street to march was wonderful, but not when the marches are aimless and without goals, or when they become a platform for people to gain new Instagram followers (follow me to know where the next action is!). Wokeness can be instead about small, interpersonal actions, a way of linking humans together in a chain of community.

I think the mostly grassroots effort to boycott Target is an example of this in action. There is only one goal for this boycott: show Target that it has lost the loyalty of the Black shoppers it used to enjoy, unless the company is willing to reinstate the policies it dropped after Trump was elected president again. As far as I know, there’s no leader to this movement, and it is mostly a spontaneous action born out of Target deciding to roll back its DEI initiatives. It’s not going to change the world, sure, but it’s making a dent in Target’s finances. When a Black pastor attempted to call off the boycott after a year, Black people en masse refused. Former Ohio state Senator Nina Turner told USA Today that in meetings with Target executives, they were still hostile to the idea of diversity, equity and inclusion, and she intended to escalate her efforts in organizing against the brand. All in all, not shopping somewhere isn’t a big ask, but if a lot of people do it together, then you can demonstrate power in a way that these corporations understand: losing them money.

> I don’t really want to change the world anymore.

Recently, I also joined the Democratic Socialists of America. It was the campaign for Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a campaign he handily won, that tipped me over. At least in New York, the DSA is an organization that offers me a lot of opportunities to use my knowledge of what needs fixing in this city and put it into action. I don’t think electoralism is the answer, per se, but I know this group will give me resources to put pressure on my local government if and when I need to.

Another part of this is that I have stopped trying to demonstrate my wokeness to other people. I want to lead with actions rather than words. And besides, trying to argue people into submission is quicksand you’ll never get out of—a lot of the time, the person I’m yelling at on the internet knows their argument doesn’t make sense, and by responding to it with anything other than “fuck off” I’m just amplifying it.

Two weeks ago, a friend reached out to me to help with a fundraiser for my friend Stella. We talked about her situation on the Aftermath podcast– she had been scammed out of a lot of money from a game developer who decided just to never pay her for services rendered. We didn’t end up fundraising the entire amount of the money Stella was owed, but we raised nearly $13,000. I was happy to raise awareness of what Stella went through on the channels I have available to me. It is good that people knew that the studio she worked for scammed her. But more than that, I made a material difference in my friend’s life.

It doesn’t have to be a national movement. Stella’s live stream was only a few hours, and most of the people participating were just her friends and neighbors. Still, we managed to do a little good just by pooling our resources and working together. 

In 2014, 2018, and 2020, I thought that it was possible to be so woke, so aware, that liberty would emerge. I don’t know what the end goal of a woke 2 could or should be—I think of it more of a chance to give back to people and communities that have helped me, to create spaces of love for the people I love in a world that can be uncaring. I think I don’t really want to change the world anymore. I am just happy to be able to do a little good."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theverge.com/entertainment/897923/ghost-in-the-machine-valerie-veatch-interview">
    <title>Ghost in the Machine’s Valerie Veatch isn’t drinking the AI Kool-Aid | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T02:06:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/entertainment/897923/ghost-in-the-machine-valerie-veatch-interview</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ghost in the Machine director Valerie Veatch wants you to understand how race science has shaped this moment in tech."

[trailer:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i9DAv0D7tnY ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ai artificialintelligence eugenics race racism charlespulliam-moore 2026 film documentary valerieveatch openai history johnmccarthy compsci computers computing francisgalton samaltman galtonpearson ideology sora agi artificialgeneralintelligence gender siliconvalley iq intelligence tecnhofascism xai digitalcolonialism elonmusk markzuckerberg meta</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenerdreich.com/curtis-yarvin-compares-africans-to-cattle-cuddles-a-soros/">
    <title>Curtis Yarvin Compares Africans to Cattle, Cuddles A Soros</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-16T01:07:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenerdreich.com/curtis-yarvin-compares-africans-to-cattle-cuddles-a-soros/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Curtis Yarvin has befriended Alexander Soros, son of George Soros and chair of the Open Society Foundation, at a fancy conference in southern Bavaria.

A new profile of Yarvin in the German publication Die Zeit captures Yarvin guzzling wine (and weeping, as he has a habit of doing lately) at an intellectual confab for “distinguished political thinkers” at a five-star Schloss Elmau spa and hotel in February.

Yarvin described Soros as “actually smart,” while Soros described Yarvin as “very nice.” On Saturday, Yarvin posted pictures of himself with Soros, embracing and smiling like the best of friends.

It’s a strange sight—the son of the man long credited as liberalism’s greatest patron, arm in arm with one of today’s leading architects of neofascism. But Yarvin has always had a talent for cultivating men with more money than sense. More on that in a moment.

While researching my book on tech fascism, I came across an especially disturbing podcast interview with Yarvin. During an appearance on the Anglofuturist podcast last year, he swilled beer and laid out a dehumanizing and dystopian vision for Africa:

How should Africa be governed? First, it has to be re-governed. First, you know, the anarchy has to be eliminated, there has to be...Imagine a futurist Africa, Africa in 2100 and there’s a computer...that knows how many Africans there are, down to a single digit, where they are in terms of position—just the way, you know, if you’re, like, a rancher in Wyoming, you know where all your cattle are thanks to modern whatever—you know where all these people are, you know what they’re doing and your goal is for them to thrive as human beings without breeding too much. Like, you know, what a vision right? You know, like, imagine restoring order to South Africa. You don’t need to make South Africa all white to restore order to South Africa. You just need governance.

(Note: The YouTube transcript says “without breathing too much,” but I believe Yarvin actually says “breeding,” which makes more sense in this context. In any case, it’s a distinction without a difference.)

The racism is in-your-face and designed to provoke outrage. But notice the tech fascist structure underneath it: Africans compared to cattle, their movements tracked by computer, their reproduction managed by an external authority. Their human dignity and sovereignty dissolved into what Yarvin blandly describes as “governance.” It’s a fascist colonial fantasy—Yarvin calls it “neocolonialism”—in its purest, most technocratic form.

He suggested another target for the same treatment: West Oakland. His “neocolonialism” solution for the historically Black neighborhood entails allowing the Chinese government to impose an authoritarian surveillance regime:

So we basically cede West Oakland and it becomes extraterritorial under Chinese law. And then Chinese like police, you know how in Beijing they have the police officers with like the white gloves... and so, basically, like, if there's any sort of — you know—it’s under Chinese law, enforced by Chinese security forces—so if there’s any bad bad behavior and then, you know, the guys in white gloves are like they blow the [whistle] and they're like right you know like jaywalking right. I mean first of all anything involving both Asians and African-Americans is inherently amusing, number one fact, and it’s just how it is I don’t make the rules...

Yarvin imagined a future West Oakland where he could use an app to summon a drone armed with a megaphone to yell at people considered bothersome (here, he appeared to do a racist imitation of a Chinese voice).

“And that’s the first step, and if there’s no compliance with these orders in Chinese—which maybe the guy doesn’t understand—I think he’ll learn to understand them,” Yarvin said, calling the situation a “win win” and a model for future governance.

Yarvin spoke these words as USAID cuts were devastating global health in the poorest countries of Africa. Estimates from public health researchers suggest the resulting death toll could reach at least 14 million by 2030, concentrated heavily in sub-Saharan Africa—many of them children under five. Yarvin has advocated gutting USAID for decades.

As USAID cuts kill the continent's poorest and most vulnerable, Silicon Valley’s venture capital class is moving in. Elon Musk is aggressively expanding Starlink across Africa—using his leverage inside the Trump administration to pressure sovereign governments into opening their markets to him. He helped kill the foreign aid and now he’s peddling satellite internet. Meanwhile, multiple tech-funded “Network State” projects are being pushed in Africa.

Yarvin says in public what others can only say in private, and he has a talent for introducing disturbing scenarios that later become reality. Long before DOGE, Yarvin imagined a presidential administration that would install a CEO to gut the federal bureaucracy and dismantle USAID. Many shocking aspects of our current situation can be traced back to his blogs. So when Yarvin speaks of colonizing Africa with surveillance and eugenics, we should pay attention, because Yarvin—clown, court jester, guru, svengali—has a talent for cultivating billionaires. People like Peter Thiel, JD Vance, and Marc Andreessen consider him a genius. Now, he’s cozied up with Alexander Soros.

Which makes his current decline worth noting, with caution.

It’s 2026. Trump is sinking in the polls and Republicans are likely headed to a crushing defeat in the midterms. The CEO-dictator system Yarvin prescribed collapsed spectacularly when Elon Musk flamed out and turned on Trump. The president’s hunger for crypto corruption currently seems larger than his desire for a risky overnight coup that could end in prison or death for all involved.

And Yarvin cannot stop crying.

The Die Zeit piece captures him weeping at the spa in Bavaria, swirling wine in a glass, ordering multiple rounds of Scotch on a New York Times reporter’s tab. This is not a new habit. He has bawled in the New Yorker and during podcast interviews. His tears have become more important than his words.

To some degree, Yarvin’s gaudy racist fantasies of fascist surveillance and control over Black people seem like a desperate cry for attention. His image as a serious political influencer has suffered major damage over the past year as multiple journalism profiles have exposed him as a long-winded bore prone to incoherent monologues and wine weeping. He complains that Trump isn’t being authoritarian enough and worries he may need to flee the country if Democrats retake power. Many of his fellow right-wing provocateurs have turned on him, pelting him with online mockery and scorn.

His fifteen minutes of fame seem to be expiring, and so he escalates to prolong the interest. Africans as cattle, Chinese drones in West Oakland—his sci-fi racist taunts sound like something an intellectually precocious middle schooler would think up.

Yet, even in this diminished stage of his celebrity, he keeps finding fans among the billionaire class.

“Generally, the people at the top aren’t sociopaths either,” Yarvin wrote in response to one of my comments about his appearance in Bavaria. “They’re just inside a giant machine they didn’t create. They see everything through the machine’s screen... But once you allow for this—and they for the reverse—they’re easy to get along with.”

These words were accompanied by his cuddly photos with Soros, which Yarvin said he had posted “with permission lol.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>curtisyarvin alexandersoros 2026 gilduran nerdreich neocolonialism colonialism colonization georgesoros racism ethniccleansing africa westoakland usaid elonmusk donaldtrump tescreal networkstate maarcandreessen peterthiel jdvance us governance government republicans democrats race</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://social.ayjay.org/2026/03/13/novelists-who-help-us-think.html">
    <title>Novelists who help us think … | Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T23:30:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://social.ayjay.org/2026/03/13/novelists-who-help-us-think.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Novelists who help us think theologically about this country’s racial history:

• for 1850-1900: William Faulkner
• for 1900-1950: Ralph Ellison
• for 1950-2025: Albert Murray"]]></description>
<dc:subject>theology alanjacobs novelists history williamfaulkner ralphellison albertmurray fiction writing howwewrite race us 2026</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics">
    <title>The Limitations of Partisan Politics - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T02:08:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I don’t vote.

As I explained to Nick Gillespie, I stopped voting as I transitioned into social science. Putting on a jersey and rooting for a team was messing up my work (and that of my peers), so I decided to take a step back from participation in horseraces (although I still vote for ballot initiatives, etc.).

What I told Nick was true. But, perhaps, it wasn’t the whole truth. If I’m being fully honest, another part of my reason for abstaining was the growing realization that, when the chips are down, and the rubber meets the road, the Democratic Party is basically useless. Often, in fact, they’re a big part of the problem. This reality shone through clearly to me while researching my book.

The core puzzle We Have Never Been Woke tries to grapple with is that, from the beginning of our professions, symbolic capitalists have defined ourselves in terms of altruism and serving the common good. We have higher pay, prestige and autonomy than most other workers in America. We have a lot more cultural and political influence too. We have consistently insisted that it’s necessary to preserve and enhance these benefits – not for our own sake, but to empower us to help everyone in society, including and especially the least among us.

In terms of moral and political affiliations, the slice of Americans that are most likely to self-identify as antiracists, feminists, environmentalists or allies to LGBTQ people are also the same slice of society that dominates the symbolic professions. Symbolic capitalists overwhelmingly self-identify as “liberal,” “progressive,” or “left.” We vote overwhelmingly and increasingly for the Democratic Party.

Given how we tend to define ourselves, what one might expect is that as more wealth and power was consolidated in our hands, we’d see longstanding social problems getting ameliorated, inequalities would shrink, social tensions would be eased thanks to the adjudication of experts who make decisions based on “the facts” and “merit,” and we’d see growing trust in institutions because of all the great work we’re doing. This is what previous generations of symbolic capitalists promised would happen – and it’s a story we continue to tell.

Over the last 50 years, there were significant changes to the global socioeconomic order that radically enhanced the affluence and influence of symbolic capitalists relative to everyone else in society. However, the results from this transition are very far from what we promised. We see growing inequalities. Longstanding social problems have festered and, in some cases, grown worse. We see growing affective polarization and mistrust in institutions. The core puzzle the book is trying to work through is, “what went wrong here?” Why is it that the world we inhabit is so far from the world we promised?

Of course, symbolic capitalists recognize that the world we live in is very far from what we ostensibly hope for. We have stories we like to tell ourselves about why this is the case. Ultimately, these stories tend to boil down to two villains: “the millionaires and the billionaires” and “those damn Republicans.” In a previous post, I addressed the “blame the actual capitalists,” narrative at length. Here, I want to address the deficiencies of the partisan political narrative we gravitate towards."

...

"A desire for peace, order, and non-confrontation dominates the academy. Higher ed institutions, in general, are full of people who are risk averse and conformist. People who fall into “leadership” roles are often the most quiescent of all – allowing themselves to get steamrolled by PR teams and lawyers into servile postures, offering limp and half-hearted defenses of the academy and its mission, when they are offered at all. And to their credit, they recognize this about themselves: most university presidents acknowledge they have done a poor job responding to declining faith in their institutions and the accompanying efforts to impose reforms from the outside.

Small wonder the public doesn’t trust academia! Not only are we apparently unable or unwilling to address stakeholders’ concerns, we also seem incapable of effectively communicating our own value in society in the face of adversaries who are out to gut our institutions.

Now is the time to dispense with both of these tendencies. We need to be more explicit about addressing ways our institutions are not, in fact, representing and serving large swaths of America. However, we also need to be more muscular about pushing back against false narratives, asserting our value to society, and defending our institutions from inappropriate forms of political interference.

Institutional neutrality, now the rage, is no shield for cowardice. The Kalven Report, the foundational document of the institutional neutrality movement, emphasizes, “From time to time instances will arise in which the society, or segments of it, threaten the very mission of the university and its values of free inquiry. In such a crisis, it becomes the obligation of the university as an institution to oppose such measures and actively to defend its interests and its values.”

We find ourselves in such a moment now.

If, in this moment, faculty refuse to make use of the rights and freedoms we have, then it doesn’t matter if they’re stripped away, and they will be. If “academic freedom,” “free speech,” and “viewpoint diversity” organizations have nothing to say to this illiberalism, or even support these moves, they’re worse than useless. If university leaders cannot muster the strength or conviction to decline to follow unlawful and unethical orders and challenge these actions in the courts, then they should resign in disgrace or be pushed out. If we, as a collective, cannot and will not stand against this overreach and defend ourselves in public -- then we deserve what we get. But others do not deserve to suffer from our failure. And so, we must not fail.

Critically, any resistance to the administration’s illiberal policies, or defense of our institutions and their mission – these must not be framed in banal partisan terms. This is not just a matter of effective praxis (to prevent further polarization and resentment), it’s also a matter of respecting the truth. Again, we got here through bipartisan political actions. Moreover, the chronic failures of our own professions and institutional leaders provided fodder for the “populist” forces now aligned against us. We’ll only get out of this predicament by engaging with those who are currently skeptical of, or alienated from, our institutions – by acknowledging and constructively responding to their concerns.

More broadly, it’s critical for symbolic capitalists to understand that “voting blue no matter who” is not really a solution to the social problems we express concern about. Some of the places where these problems are most pronounced are symbolic economy hubs where Democrats exercise uncontested rule. And when there’s a lot on the line, and it’s critical for the party to have a backbone and take decisive action, you can bank on the Democratic Party to instead make things worse or, at best, to engage in purely sterile forms of #Resistance.

As I detail in Chapter 4 of We Have Never Been Woke, symbolic capitalists are more likely to vote and support political campaigns than almost any other block of the U.S. electorate. However, we tend to overrate voting as a means of addressing social problems. It’s convenient to think that we just show up to the ballot box every couple of years, pull the lever for the “blue” candidate, and we’ve fulfilled our obligations to social justice. But that simply isn’t the way the world works.

We can look to the areas Democrats control with one-party rule to recognize the limitations of partisan politics for addressing social problems. Those limitations are severe."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://vinniesperrazza.substack.com/p/albert-murray-the-omni-americans">
    <title>Albert Murray: The Omni-Americans - by Vinnie Sperrazza</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T01:19:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vinniesperrazza.substack.com/p/albert-murray-the-omni-americans</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/who-is-walter-mignolo-architect-of-decoloniality">
    <title>Who is Walter Mignolo, architect of decoloniality? | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-02T16:36:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/who-is-walter-mignolo-architect-of-decoloniality</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A prominent architect of decolonial theory, his diagnosis of European colonial ills is both penetrating and flawed"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theverge.com/policy/886348/meta-glasses-ice-doxxing-privacy">
    <title>Meta won’t let morality get in the way of a product launch | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T22:43:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/policy/886348/meta-glasses-ice-doxxing-privacy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Anyone else notice that ICE isn’t worried about getting doxed by Meta?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/2fxkb ]

"There’s never been a better time to add facial recognition to everything! The public at large is gradually becoming numb to our Palantirized surveillance state, and American communities are responding to the militarization of federal law enforcement with their own increasingly intricate webs of sousveillance.

The Ray-Ban Meta glasses are sleek, unobtrusive wearables with front-facing cameras and a passthrough display in the right lens that can show maps, texts, social media posts, and more. Name Tag is a new feature that uses facial recognition to identify people you see in real life through the glasses. Perhaps the glasses would have sounded way too creepy in the past; perhaps they still sound creepy now. But who has the energy to complain? A dangerously mercurial president, the blatant profiteering and corporate give-and-take, the expansive use of government surveillance, a supine Fourth Estate owned by billionaires, the rampant tyranny of ICE: These are the best preconditions to introduce Name Tag, brought to you by Meta and Ray-Ban.

After months and months of ceaseless whining about the doxxing of ICE agents, there hasn’t been a single peep from Attorney General Pam Bondi about the future of facial recognition in Meta glasses. If frictionless facial recognition becomes commonplace, theoretically, ICE is vulnerable to the technology as well. But the government is remarkably complacent on this front. Maybe it thinks that Meta is at the beck and call of Washington, DC, and will change its product to suit the needs of ICE. Maybe the screaming over “doxxing” was never actually about doxxing. Or maybe a little bit of both?

As The Verge’s Victoria Song notes, even though smart glasses “aren’t inherently evil,” the Ray-Bans are automatically suspicious due to Meta’s established history of carelessness and ongoing demonstration of its totally demagnetized moral compass. Meta knows that the glasses are controversial, and that combining them with facial recognition poses serious privacy risks. But the time is ripe to spring the combination on a distracted, jaded public. According to an internal memo from last year, reviewed by The New York Times, the company claimed the feature will be launched “during a dynamic political environment where many civil society groups that we would expect to attack us would have their resources focused on other concerns.”

The sentence is remarkably self-serving, even for Meta. The “dynamic political environment,” one presumes, is the chaotic Trump administration, the very same regime with which Meta and its CEO has curried favor — using slobbering praise and ideologically motivated policy changes and ballroom donations that went toward demolishing the historic White House East Wing. The “civil society groups” would be any of the civil liberties organizations, such as the ACLU, that take an interest in privacy rights; the “other concerns” distracting them would be the rampant surveillance and repression of Americans by the aforementioned “dynamic political environment.”

Lina Khan’s FTC would have probably had something to say about it; the newspapers would have had a field day in an era before The Washington Post was bought and sold for parts by a Trump-enamored Jeff Bezos. But this is a new world, and the ascendance of fascism can really pave the way for a product launch!

The social violation posed by Meta’s glasses is unusually stark. The front-facing cameras combined with a smart interface and a low-profile appearance make them harder to clock. The ease of surveillance combined with additional computing features, all bundled inside a wearable that isn’t immediately detectable as a recording device, makes for a novel kind of a wiretap. This is not tricky to understand, the way that NSA bulk collection of metadata might be. A judge will grasp in an instant the danger these devices pose to the sanctity of jury proceedings; internet commenters instinctively despise their use in public spaces like the New York City subway.

Just because you are outside of your home doesn’t mean you have consented to having a random bozo collect your face and your name, the latter of which can enable them to search for your digital presence or even home address. The act of existing in public should not carry those risks. You do not want Name Tag to haunt you just outside the synagogue, gay bar, or abortion clinic.

Americans’ increasing addiction to filming each other adversarially is a symptom of the erosion of trust in our society; we broadcast each other breaching social norms, and we record law enforcement breaking the law. The institutions that are supposed to solve collective action problems have been hijacked or subverted. The forces that are supposed to keep the peace and curb violence instead sow discord and dole out death. Hostility is the basic mode in which we engage with each other and our government, and filming has become a hostile act. Meta’s glasses are a sleek version of the weapon everyone already has in their pocket; the addition of facial recognition will accelerate the ongoing breakdown in public trust.

The notion that any individual creep can get their hands on these glasses should be chilling: Even a mildly antisocial personality can wreak serious harm with the technology. But ultimately, it is not the regular old stalker who poses the greatest threat when it comes to Meta’s Ray-Bans. 

Fundamentally, the glasses are collecting data about the whereabouts of other people all over the world while calling back home to computers owned by a corporation with a track record of collecting far too much information about its users and being far too permissive about what others do with it. As with all data collected by third-party corporations, it is highly vulnerable to subpoenas by the government, which is presently engaged in an expansive war on unmasking its critics on the internet. How will Meta safeguard that data, when it wouldn’t even safeguard its fact-checking program in the face of a White House that is hostile toward facts?

We are no longer operating in a world where we judge technology by what would happen if it landed in the “wrong hands.” It is already in the wrong hands. Industry and government have been captured by the worst people you know. The federal government of the United States is run by white supremacists who believe in the “great replacement” theory, and is currently engaged in a project of forced demographic change through mass deportation enabled by racial profiling blessed by the Supreme Court and enacted by an agency flush with billions of dollars. To be blunt, the work of ICE is the work of ethnic cleansing. And all centralized repositories of data that connect the identities and real-life locations of individuals, if exposed to ICE, will become tools of ethnic cleansing. Even without a formal relationship — that we know of, anyway — some feds have embraced the glasses: A Customs and Border Protection agent was photographed last year wearing Meta glasses at an immigration raid.

Tech is never neutral; it is owned, created, and maintained by people with specific points of view, priorities, and vested political interests. The benefits it bestows on the powerful and the powerless are not equal or proportionate. As with the removal of the ICEBlock app from Apple’s App Store, Silicon Valley is at the beck and call of Washington, DC. Meta will tweak and adjust the rollout of Name Tag to best appease the “dynamic political environment” that made the launch possible in the first place. Bondi knows the score, and so do the rest of us. Surveillance is their tool, not ours, and Meta belongs to them, and not to us."]]></description>
<dc:subject>meta markzuckerberg surveillance ice 2026 police policing sarahjeong facialrecognition victoriasong linakhan metaglasses rayban us racialprofiling race racism sousveillance ray-ban fascism siliconvalley apple iceblock power powerlessness appstore ios politics policy pambondi ethniccleansing whitesupremacy borderpatrol lawenforcement border borders</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Racist Beginnings of School Vouchers | NEA</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-27T22:09:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nea.org/nea-today/all-news-articles/racist-beginnings-school-vouchers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From segregation academies to universal “choice,” the hidden history shaping today’s voucher expansion."

...

"Voucher expansion is re-segregating schools by race and income and reflects a policy rooted in resistance to school integration.

Programs framed as equity tools often become subsidies for families with means.

The new federal voucher program risks scaling these harms nationwide."]]></description>
<dc:subject>vouchers schools schooling history race racism publicschools education 2026 brendaálvarez segregation inequality</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://hyperallergic.com/raymond-saunders-who-made-the-color-black-his-own-dies-at-90/">
    <title>Raymond Saunders, Who Made the Color Black His Own, Dies at 90</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-26T06:35:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hyperallergic.com/raymond-saunders-who-made-the-color-black-his-own-dies-at-90/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Bay Area artist integrated chalk notation and assemblage on his idiosyncratic blackboard surfaces, plumbing the depths of lived experience and racial identity."

...

"Raymond Saunders, whose collage-based paintings and installation works grappled with the complexities of lived experience, racial identity, and broader sociopolitical structures, died on July 19 in Oakland, California. He was 90 years old. The news of his death was announced in a joint statement from Casemore, Andrew Kreps, and David Zwirner galleries, which co-represented the artist. The cause was aspiration pneumonia, the New York Times reported.

Described as a cult-like figure in the arts community of the San Francisco Bay Area, where he had lived and worked since the early 1960s, Saunders is best known for his assemblage-style blackboard surfaces bearing white chalk and chalk-like notations, smears of vibrant paint, and accumulated found ephemera. His mixed-media work is known to have influenced artists including Jean-Michel Basquiat and has often drawn comparisons to Robert Rauschenberg’s Combines (1954–64) paintings.

Saunders’s death came just days after the closing of his first major museum retrospective, Raymond Saunders: Flowers from a Black Garden, held at the Carnegie Museum of Art in his hometown of Pittsburgh. The show brought him long overdue recognition in a mainstream art world that has often overlooked or lumped together artists based on their shared identity, a pattern Saunders railed against in his landmark 1967 pamphlet “Black Is a Color.” In the printed essay, published in response to an article by Ishmael Reed about the Black Arts Movement, Saunders criticized the pigeonholing of Black artists, arguing that they should not feel obligated to center their art and their successes on their race. “Can’t we get clear of these degrading limitations, and recognize the wider reality of art, where color is the means and not the end?” Saunders wrote.

While rejecting oversimplistic characterizations of identity, the artist often produced work that explored the subject of race and his own daily observations as a means to understand himself and the world around him. Pieces like “Beauty in Darkness” (1993–99) juxtaposed segregationist signage, business posters, religious imagery, pages from children’s books, and paintbrushes, disparate elements that nevertheless cohere in the composition. Other works referenced prominent Black artists and cultural figures like “Charlie Parker [formerly Bird]” (1977) and “Malcolm X: Talking Pictures” (1994); in “Untitled (Bird Lives)” (1995), a chalk-drawn symbolic Basquiat crown is featured among illustrations referencing Jazz musicians Thelonious Monk, Miles Davis, and Dizzy Gillespie.

“I’m American. I’m Black. I’m a painter. So all those things enter into what it is that becomes what I present,” Saunders said in a 1994 interview.

Born on October 28, 1934 in Homestead, Pennsylvania, Saunders was raised with his three sisters by a single mother. After his family moved to the nearby city of Pittsburgh, he began taking art classes through the Carnegie Museum’s Saturday morning youth program. There, he met one of his earliest mentors, public school arts educator Joseph C. Fitzpatrick, who helped him earn a scholarship to the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. While there, he also studied at the Barnes Foundation through the University of Pennsylvania.

Like Fitzpatrick’s other mentees, who included Andy Warhol and Mel Bochner, Saunders went on to study at the Carnegie Institute of Technology (now Carnegie-Mellon University), where he received a Bachelor of Fine Arts degree in 1960. He then moved to California and earned a Master of Fine Arts degree from the California College of Arts and Crafts (now California College of the Arts) in 1961.

Saunders relocated briefly to New York City, where he had his debut solo exhibition in 1966 at Terry Dintenfass’s East 67th Street gallery, known for representing several Black artists, including Jacob Lawrence and Richard Hunt, during a period when the city’s galleries showed primarily White artists.

The artist described his process for making art as “ongoing,” in part because of his reluctance to move on from a work: “I have other work that I sort of have around because I’m sort of wanting to continue it and know that the moment it gets out here, I can’t get it back.” 

Julie Casemore, director of the namesake gallery in San Francisco, echoed this sentiment in a statement to Hyperallergic: “His complex practice was always evolving and he was at work on multiple pieces in the studio at any given time,” she said, adding that “he painted flowers every day.”

Saunders later moved back to California, where he began teaching at California State University, Hayward (now East Bay) in 1968. He then joined the faculty of his alma mater, where he taught until his retirement in 2013 and held a professor emeritus title. San Francisco artist Dewey Crumpler, who had a decades-long friendship with Saunders, described him as “a powerful influence” on the Bay Area arts community and beyond. Crumpler initially met Saunders in 1967 as his pupil at the California College of the Arts; eight years later, the two became colleagues.

“He was impressive from the moment I saw him dressed in an embroidered gray flowered sweater and white balloon-bottom pants,” Crumpler recalled in an email to Hyperallergic. “He was too hip for words.” 

“His sophisticated use of the color black served both as a metaphor and a platform for personal liberation,” Crumpler said."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/03/mellon-foundation-humanities-research-funding/685733/">
    <title>What Is the Mellon Foundation Doing to Higher Education? - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-21T22:08:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/03/mellon-foundation-humanities-research-funding/685733/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Is the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation the last best hope for American arts and letters—or is it killing them?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/HlFCZ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/eternal-recurrences/">
    <title>Eternal Recurrences - The Ideas Letter</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T01:17:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/eternal-recurrences/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Evgeny Morozov knows how to theorize (and, a fortiori, how to intellectually provoke) like few other mortals. The elegance of his argumentation and the sophistication of his critiques are legendary. Several issues back, Morozov [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/socialism-after-ai/ ] launched a grenade by suggesting that socialist attempts to harness AI have treated it like other basic tools of capitalist production—as a neutral instrument that can simply be redirected—rather than as a transformative force that actively shapes social values and human capacities.

We now have two responses to Morozov’s original essay, one from the Cornell historian Aaron Benanav [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/a-real-political-economy-of-technology/ ], a target of Morozov’s earlier salvo, and another from the NYU scholar Leif Weatherby [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/automate-the-c-suite/ ]. For Benanav, humanity stands between two technological revolutions—generative AI and the green energy transition—and how we choose between them will determine the shape of the future.  His essay develops a broader project of designing a post-capitalist “multidimensional economy” (for more see his coruscating essays in New Left Review [newleftreview.org/issues/ii153/articles/aaron-benanav-beyond-capitalism-1 ] this past year ) while rebutting Morozov’s claim that such a framework would stifle technological “worldmaking.” 

Weatherby, who looks at both Morozov and Benanav, argues that contemporary Marxist and socialist analyses of technology fail to engage adequately with the entanglement between technological rationality and capitalist ideology. To understand AI and the digital economy, Weatherby suggests, one must see them as the logical outcomes of a longstanding merger between mathematics, computation, and neoliberal governance—a fusion that has turned “optimization” into both the logic and the theology of capitalism itself.

Morozov [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-socialist-charcuterie-board/ ] responds in analytically stentorian tones asserting misrepresentation. His rebuttal is a blistering defense of his original essay on socialism and AI. Morozov accuses Benanav of no less than misreading his arguments, erecting straw men, and evading core challenges. His piece blends close textual analysis and cultural critique to argue that Benanav’s institutional blueprint remains trapped in capitalist categories and fails to inspire a desirable post-capitalist life.

Our curated section puts forward two stellar pieces from a recent issue of the London Review of Books, both of which we deem to be required reading. The first, from the acclaimed writer and critic Adam Shatz [https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v48/n02/adam-shatz/another-country ], is a magisterial tour d’horizon of the parlous state of the United States, where imperial monstrosity is coupled with racial violence, yet where an underlying promise of sublime innovation and cosmopolitan possibility somehow remain.

The second is an essay by Iza Ding [https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v48/n02/iza-ding/studying-is-harmful ] in which she examines meritocracy’s enduring failures in both China and the US. Ding interweaves historical context and philosophical reflections to argue that high-stakes exams like the gaokao perpetuate inequality under the guise of fairness while fueling global disillusionment with elite selection systems. The lessons for today are myriad.

Our musical selection for Issue 57 comes from Maurice Ravel, that great master of orchestral precision and vivid color. Our focus is on the adagio from his second piano concerto. The music is hypnotic—both intimate and timeless. Nobody owns this piece like Martha Argerich, who performs it live here [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jeuYd8nltBo].

—Leonard Benardo, senior vice president at the Open Society Foundations"

[See also:

"Morozov on AI: A Trip Down Academia Lane - YouTube" [Dwayne Monroe]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NUby9eTbsuM 

"In this video, I read from Evgeny Morozov's essay, published in Ideas Letter magazine, titled, Socialism After AI. Or rather, I read as much of it as I could take.

Links:

Bluesky post
https://bsky.app/profile/sonjadrimmer.bsky.social/post/3mebkr7mfyk2l

Socialism after AI by Evgeny Morozov
https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/socialism-after-ai/

An Unresolved Issue: Evgeny Morozov, The New Yorker, and the Perils of "Highbrow Journalism"
https://leevinsel.com/blog/2014/10/11/an-unresolved-issue-evgeny-morozov-the-new-yorker-and-the-perils-of-highbrow-journalism" ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://davidzmorris.substack.com/p/the-techno-fascist-starter-pack">
    <title>👁️The Techno-Fascist Starter Pack - by David Z. Morris</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T01:02:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://davidzmorris.substack.com/p/the-techno-fascist-starter-pack</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Get caught up on three years of Dark Markets"]]></description>
<dc:subject>davidmorris 2026 2024 2025 tescreal transhumanism extropianism singularitarianism singularity cosmism rationalism effectivealtruism longtermism darkmarkets coindesk crypto cryptocurrencies peterthiel jeffreyepstein mashaprusakova mashadrokova technofascism fascism timnitgebru eliezeryudkowsky deepseek ai artificialintelligence zizians eugenics elonmusk nickbostrom richardhanania ftx power siliconvalley technology technooptimism antichrist education media ezraklein politics us policy regulation deregulation phrenology whitesupremacy canon luigimangioni petersinger alicecrary consciousness grift fraud aibubble racism race propaganda chatgpt apple llms agi mediocrity intelligence michaellewis cia economics trevormilton astroturfing china justinsun tron bitcoin safemoon johnkarony finance binance javiermilei haydendavis argentina rugpulls donaldtrump trumpism maga sambankman-fried samaltman émiletorres mashabucher mariadrokova mariyaprusakova mashaprusso artificialgeneralintelligence</dc:subject>
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    <title>Ramón Grosfoguel - ¿Qué significa ser &quot;latino&quot; en EE.UU. hoy? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T23:06:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XAP93zdUw1o</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["¿"Latino" es una identidad cultural, una etiqueta lingüística o una categoría racial construida por el poder imperial? En esta intervención, Ramón Grosfoguel desmonta las lecturas simplistas sobre "lo latino" en EE.UU. y explica cómo operan las clasificaciones raciales, el blanqueamiento y la asimilación dentro de las estructuras de dominación."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ramóngrosfoguel latinidad latinos race language 2026 badbunny us whiteness chile argentina cuba puertorico latinamerica ethnicity domincanrepublic nyc whitening florida haiti racism immigration mexico elsalvador centralamerica colonialism colonization heterogeneity spanish español racialization migration</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/champions-apathy">
    <title>Champions of Apathy | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-10T22:46:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/champions-apathy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first neoliberals distrusted Christianity. Their heirs have tried to revise it."

...

"It would be easy to see all this as the triumph of the Calvinist doctrine of total depravity over the Catholic notion of the common good, but much of the debate took place between Catholics. Buckley was raised Catholic, Bozell converted as a young adult, Kirk converted in 1963, and Meyer did the same shortly before dying in 1972. Hayek was a Catholic as well.

Mises claimed that the Catholic Church’s premodern origins made it a natural ally of anyone who was against the current order. This conclusion was grounded in his suspicion of Catholicism, but it accurately identified the countercultural possibilities of the Church in a secularizing liberal world. Not surprisingly, there are also non-neoliberal currents within the American right, and here as well Catholicism looms large. Self-described “postliberals” and national conservatives (“natcons”) embrace tariffs—anathema to neoliberals—and claim to support a kind of neo-Fordist welfare state. Many are Catholic converts, and some of them, like Vice President J. D. Vance, have explicitly cited their faith as a reason for their break with neoliberal orthodoxy. But it remains to be seen whether—apart from tariffs, an idea Trump supports for his own reasons—postliberals and “natcons” will have much influence on economic policy or whether their influence will actually counteract neoliberalism. It is notable, and sadly predictable, that few postliberals and natcons publicly opposed Trump’s budget bill, which starved the welfare state to pay for massive tax cuts for the rich.

And it is hard to believe that any postliberal or natcon influence would actually represent a move toward a more compassionate right. Postliberals’ political activity seems less defined by concern for the poor and the working class than by hostility toward “outsiders”—immigrants, racial and ethnic minorities, and transgender people. Somewhat paradoxically, the Silicon Valley figures whose ideas owe something to the work of Meyer are often the allies of ideologues who follow in the tradition of Bozell: Vance, for example, is a protégé of libertarian billionaire Peter Thiel. And though Elon Musk himself has fallen out with the Trump administration, his crusade against federal agencies continues through the efforts of Russell Vought, the powerful director of the Office of Management and Budget. Musk is hostile to the “woke mind virus” not only as it pertains to business and government, but to any other field of endeavor. Neoliberalism’s opposition to any collective intervention motivated by compassion seems like its most durable contribution to the right, one capable of surviving in a post-neoliberal authoritarian age. 

Peter Thiel recently complained that Christianity “always takes the side of the victim,” and characterized “wokeness” as an “ultra-Christianity” extended from this compassion. He may foam at the mouth over the “woke mind virus” the way Elon Musk does, but he and the right more broadly agree that it has to be destroyed “for us to go back to a society that’s progressing.” The Silicon Valley right has invented its own gospel and even its own idea of the soul: Hayek’s conception of the mind was incongruous with human psychology but describes well the tech right’s vision for AI. Behold. From the industry that brought you libertarianism without civil liberties and currencies without value come minds without will and a Gospel without mercy."]]></description>
<dc:subject>henrysnow politics economics christianity 2026 neoliberalism catholicism catholicchurch javiermilei popefrancis friedrichhayek friedrichvonhayek ludwigvonmises murrayrothbard libertarianism capitalism compassion empathy albertjaynock newtestament bible herbertspencer policy government governance jesuits socialism reason intention deliberation society engelbertdollfuss fascism planning kensianism johnmaynardkeynes williamfbuckley coldwar totalitarianism russellkirk us uk williamwinwoodreade god farright rightwing servitude labor work workers class inequality internationalism williamrusher apartheid wilhelmröpke lbrentbozell integralism faharper baldyharper miltonfriedman volkerfund charleskoch christiannationalism nationalism alfredsloan welfarestate welfare desegregation race racism paulvolcker jimmycarter federalreserve conservatism leonardread education humanity jdvance postliberalism liberalism liberals peterthiel wokeness ai artificialintelligence civilliberties mercy siliconvalley elonmusk calvinism w</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0">
    <title>The Billionaire Plan to Escape Democracy: Quinn Slobodian on 'Crack-Up Capitalism' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T21:15:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Will tech billionaires get rid of democracy by getting rid of people?

In this episode of The Nerd Reich, Gil Duran sits down with renowned historian Quinn Slobodian (Globalists, Crack-Up Capitalism) to dissect the "ideology of exit." 

While the media focuses on failed "Freedom City" experiments like Prospera, Slobodian reveals a darker endgame: a shift toward automated, "post-human" infrastructure where voters are no longer part of the equation.

In this episode, we explore:

The Hong Kong Blueprint: How a colonial relic became the template for 21st-century capitalism.

Authoritarian Capitalism: Why Silicon Valley elites are obsessed with models of control.

The Post-Human Zone: Why the future of "sovereignty" belongs to Manhattan-sized data centers, not citizens.

The Octavia Butler Reality: What if future isn't about escaping the "company town," but fighting to get inside one?

Connect with Quinn Slobodian: https://bsky.app/profile/quinnslobodian.com

New Book: Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed (Releasing April 21, 2026): https://www.harpercollins.com/products/muskism-quinn-slobodianben-tarnoff?variant=43838135402530

Must Read: Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250753892/crackupcapitalism/ "

[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/you-dont-need-democracy-if-you-dont-have-people/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/29/opinion/border-patrol-ice-minneapolis.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Border Patrol Is the Problem. It Always Has Been. - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-03T22:06:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/29/opinion/border-patrol-ice-minneapolis.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The violence, racial profiling and disregard for the Constitution that has burst into public view in Minneapolis is not new or unusual for the Border Patrol. This is how the agency has operated since it was created, though for decades those activities have been hidden in the remote borderlands. If you are uncomfortable with what the Border Patrol is doing in Minneapolis, you are uncomfortable with the Border Patrol, full stop.

While Immigration and Customs Enforcement has become the umbrella term for all immigration agents, the Border Patrol is the larger force with a longer history. ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations agents have the job of finding, detaining and deporting people. Border Patrol agents police areas in between ports of entry. Alex Pretti was shot by the Border Patrol; Renee Good was shot by ICE.

The Trump administration’s decision this week to replace the Border Patrol commander in Minneapolis, Gregory Bovino, suggested the problem was limited to leadership mistakes. But this move, and other possible solutions offered by the Trump administration and Democrats alike, does not adequately address the depth of the problem.

The tactics in Minneapolis have been used both on the border and beyond — to immigrants and citizens alike — during the Bush, Obama, Trump and Biden presidencies.

Today, there are about 20,000 Border Patrol agents, compared to some 1,500 agents in the 1970s. As the agency grew, it began to extend its policing methods far from the border itself. Some 50 million vehicles are screened every year at internal Border Patrol checkpoints miles from a border. From 2016 to 2020, 91 percent of drug seizures at interior checkpoints involved only American citizens. Americans have accused officers of assaulting and racially profiling them, even before Minneapolis. The Border Patrol has also raided religious and humanitarian organizations that provide aid to immigrants.

The Southern Border Communities Coalition counted 364 fatal encounters with Customs and Border Protection agents since 2010. Border Patrol agents have killed Mexican teenagers on the Mexican side of the border. In April, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found that the U.S. government was responsible for torturing, killing and covering up the death of Anastasio Hernández Rojas while he was in Border Patrol custody.

How the Border Patrol operates can be traced back to the agency’s origins in Wild West frontier policing. The United States Border Patrol was established in May 1924, days after the signing of the Johnson-Reed Immigration Act, which set very small quotas for immigrants from most of the world except Northern Europe. According to the Times headline at the time, the law was meant “to preserve racial type as it exists here today.”

Senator David Reed, a Pennsylvania Republican who sponsored the immigration act, explained in a 1925 Senate debate: “They have no right to go into an interior city and pick up aliens in the street and arrest them, but it is just at the border where they are patrolling that we want them to have this authority.” He reassured his concerned colleagues, “We are all on the alert against granting too much power to these officials to act without warrant.”

His promises proved empty. The first agents were hired from frontier law enforcement and brought with them a frontier ethos. One agent bragged in his memoir that he had killed 27 people, but that was just whites; he didn’t bother to count Black and brown people. Another agent, angered when a smuggler shot his partner, went to the Rio Grande and indiscriminately shot at every Mexican he could see on the other side of the river.

In the mid-20th century, Congress revisited the Border Patrol’s authorization, allowing agents to operate within “a reasonable distance” of external boundaries but leaving it up to the agency’s leadership to decide what a reasonable distance was. “Reasonable distance” was later interpreted to mean 100 miles from borders and coastlines, a decision that has remained unchanged since.

Still, at the time, the Border Patrol remained a relatively small group focused on racial policing near the Mexican border. The agency’s most high-profile moment was Operation Wetback, which ejected approximately a million people in the mid-1950s.

A decade later, the 1965 Immigration Act removed the racial national origins quotas but added new restrictions to Mexicans’ entry to the United States. The number of Border Patrol apprehensions soon increased. Moreover, the courts have allowed race and appearance to justify stops by immigration agents as long as they were paired with at least one other factor. Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s 2025 concurrence in Noem v. Vasquez Perdomo confirmed again that immigration agents can use apparent race and ethnicity as a “relevant factor” to profile people far from the border itself.

The Border Patrol’s funding expanded as immigration and drugs became national issues. From 1994 to 2000, the number of agents more than doubled. Then it exploded. After the Sept. 11 attacks, the Border Patrol repositioned itself as the front line against terrorist infiltrations, even though none of the hijackers had crossed irregularly at a land border.

Founded to enforce a racist law, the Border Patrol has long held extraordinary powers to stop and interrogate citizens and immigrants alike in vast stretches of the country. The Border Patrol was not the creation of Gregory Bovino, Kristi Noem, Stephen Miller or even Donald Trump. All the Trump administration has done is draw attention to what always existed. Once the Border Patrol operated primarily in the shadows of the borderlands. Perhaps before it was possible to not really know what the Border Patrol was doing, but after watching neighbors tear gassed, pepper-sprayed and beaten while exercising their right to observe police activity, it is impossible to look away.

While we grieve the killing of Alex Pretti, we must also vow to rein in the Border Patrol. That means banning the use of race in the agency’s policing, getting its agents out of American cities and sending them back to the border — and shrinking the border zone substantially."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM">
    <title>You are being misled about renewable energy technology. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-03T21:30:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let's learn and grow. New things are cool!
Links 'n' stuff down below. Lots of links.

First, the "clean version." Please pass that around.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zgxb8I1nk2I

Jerry Rig Everything's video on battery recycling
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s2xrarUWVRQ

If you'd like a legal argument from an actual lawyer which highlights the uniquely strange and unchecked powers we have given DHS and ICE, this is worth a watch. I am not being hyperbolic in saying that this is a serious problem we need to face head on through abolishment, not reform.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zkgNnbTrsgw
 
Here are a couple of corn ethanol vs. solar land use studies. There are more if you'd like to look for them.
https://news.cornell.edu/stories/2025/04/trading-some-corn-ethanol-land-solar-offers-tremendous-opportunity
https://www.cleanwisconsin.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Corn-Ethanol-Vs.-Solar-Analysis-V3-9-compressed.pdf

I'm not gonna post links to my socials or my Patreon here.

Take care of each other.

00:00 Intro
07:35 Some opening notes
10:14 Cars and all the oil they use
15:38 Photovoltaics and electric cars
18:59 A cost and opportunity comparison
22:33 Solar farms
30:35 A discussion of land use
38:29 A diversion on wind power
41:17 The materials in solar panels
50:52 What about the batteries?
1:02:41 The reasons I made this video
1:10:16 The reason I am who I am
1:16:35 Who the liars are and what we need to do about them."]]></description>
<dc:subject>solar energy electricity lies 2026 2025 tyranny donaldtrump fascism constitution ice police policing militarism batteries republicans jimmycarter ronaldreagan joebiden democrats congress wind windpower corporations corporatism landuse photovoltaics evs cars oil fossilfuels petroleum solarpanels elections trumpism maga liars truth technologyconnctions technology jerryrigeverything voterfraud foxnews propaganda democracy us governance government tariffs trade policy journalism media maddmedia mainstreammedia reality accountability renewables minnesota minneapolics care solidarity mutualaid emissions immigration racism race nazis fascists borders border statueofliberty history ethanol cornathanol dhs law legal ethniccleansing fraud twitter socialmedia authoritarianism totalitarianism 9/11 homelandsecurity patriotact borderpatrol fourthamendment firstamendment freedomofspeech freespeech secondamendment alexpretti solarfarms powergrid fuel backupgenerators reneegood misinformation toxicity materials</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain">
    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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    <title>The Indigenous Influence in Jazz, Blues and Rock - YouTube</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["KEXP DJ and Sounds of Survivance co-host Kevin Sur gives a history lesson on the Native Americans and Pacific Islanders who influences the genres of jazz, blues and rock."]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | There’s Not Just One Way to Be Japanese - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-05T02:35:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/24/opinion/theres-not-just-one-way-to-be-japanese.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/iPSy8 ]

"I grew up in Japan, and as a kid, more than anything, I longed to be like everyone around me. Yet as the child of a Japanese mother and a British father, I was considered hafu, a term used to describe people who are ethnically half Japanese.

I spent much of my young life proving how Japanese I was. I would grow angry when people praised my impeccable Japanese. Too often I felt I didn’t belong in my own society. It was all too much. Always standing out felt so suffocating that at 19 years old, I moved to New York.

Japan was closed off from the Western world until the late 1800s. For much of the country’s history, mixed-race children were uncommon, particularly outside Tokyo. In the post-World War II era, derogatory words like “ainoko” and “konketsuji” were used to describe children born of a Japanese and foreign parent. It wasn’t until the 1980s that interracial marriages became more common.

But as Japan becomes more diverse, necessary changes in its society may come not through a reckoning with how biracial people are viewed but through an evolution of what it means to be Japanese. As much as we wish for a change in how society views us — and yes, Japan is evolving, slowly but surely — we should focus instead on how to navigate being seen as not quite Japanese, so that we don’t allow people’s views to override our identities.

Sarina Yasumoto, who is Australian and Japanese, is grateful that she gets to experience the best of both worlds. As I grew older, I started feeling the same way.

In the 2000s, prominent representation in the media, especially through models in the fashion industry, created a certain image of hafu: half white, small faced, big eyes with creased upper lids. While I sometimes found the term useful as a way to explain who I was, Japanese society exoticized our physical appearance. Moreover, those who didn’t fit this image — people who spoke only Japanese or those mixed with nonwhite ethnicities — found themselves falling outside the “hafu” label.

In recent years, the success of Black and Japanese athletes like Naomi Osaka has contributed to diversifying the image of what is considered hafu. Still, there was heated national debate about whether Ms. Osaka is really Japanese. That test is about not just ethnicity and race but also culture. Being able to speak the language, how much of your upbringing you had in the country and how “Japanese” you behave are key factors.

In my years away from Japan, I realized that being able to navigate different cultures and see the world through more than one lens are my superpowers. As my world has grown much bigger, I have felt more in control of my identity as Japanese and British and a New York transplant: a person of the world. But while my struggles with identity and belonging shaped who I am today, like other parents who are of mixed race, I wonder what’s in store for my young son, who is one-quarter Japanese.

Yuka Busari, who has two Nigerian and Japanese children, said that she was worried that they “would be stuck on the fact that they’re hafu.” She added, “When you grow up outside of Japan, it’s normal to have your ethnicities be mixed.”

Even in a world where being of mixed race is increasingly common, the hafu experience in Japan remains unique. Will my son feel at home in his home country? Will labels like “hafu” help him or hurt him?

A few years ago, I moved back to Japan, and now reside in Tokyo. As a filmmaker, I came home wanting to tell nuanced stories about my country. When pitching a documentary to a Japanese TV outlet, I was asked if I’d be telling the story from the perspective of a foreigner or as a Japanese person. It was a question I would have taken offense at when I was younger, but I just laughed it off. “It would be neither and both,” I answered. “Something more complicated.”

As hafu, rather than doubt or try to prove ourselves, we would do better to accept ourselves. Our distinct view of the world and life experiences will create more space in society for everyone.

Shina Peng is a Taiwanese American photographer who was born and raised in Japan. Ema Ryan Yamazaki is a documentary filmmaker."]]></description>
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    <title>5 Misconceptions About Friedrich Nietzsche (Will to Power, Übermensch, Fascism) with Devin Gouré - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T10:23:32+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this on-the-road episode of Acid Horizon, Craig is joined by Devin Gouré of the Moral Minority podcast for a wide-ranging conversation dismantling common misconceptions about Friedrich Nietzsche, including the will to power, slave morality, the Übermensch, fascism, race, and the myths surrounding his madness. Drawing on Thus Spoke Zarathustra, On the Genealogy of Morals, and Nietzsche’s late writings, the discussion reframes him as a thinker of forces, experimentation, and value-creation rather than domination or political dogma. The episode also addresses enduring legends from syphilis to the Turin horse while situating Nietzsche’s thought within contemporary political spectacle, nihilism, and cultural struggle. 

Devin Gouré appears on the Moral Minority podcast, which explores moral philosophy from a radical left perspective: https://pod.link/1728182343 "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w">
    <title>The Trillion Dollar War Machine (with William D. Hartung) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T07:31:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The military-industrial-complex has grown into a monster so powerful that even its earliest critics likely never foresaw its evolution. In the age of Big Tech's rising power, can anything stop it?"

...

"The military-industrial-complex (MIC) is unique in its ability to pull untold flows of tax revenue into “defensive” infrastructure that benefits no one other than the private sector manufacturing and investing in it. The machine, which perpetuates itself through an incestuous milieu that lobbies for war and defense spending, wages psychological warfare on citizens and engages in corrupt backroom deals, has risen to once unthinkable heights of influence and power since Dwight D. Eisenhower first warned Americans of its growing presence in 1961.

Political scientist William D. Hartung joins this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his and Ben Freeman’s new book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, which contextualizes the growth of the MIC behind the backdrop of Silicon Valley’s increasing radicalism and integration into American military infrastructure, as well as the Trump administration’s chaotic and unabashed foreign policy.

These tech elites push for automated warfare, domestic surveillance, and the full diffusion of any line still separating the corporate and public sectors. In essence, they symbolize how significantly Western capital has grown since Eisenhower’s warning — bolstering a corporate state bent on maximizing profit through warfare and manufacturing reliance on its often faulty products both in the public and private sector.

Empowered by the Trump administration, the trillion dollar war machine only looks to grow — and Hartung says that it will harm the entire nation in its endless quest for domination."

[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mxti7sPPD0 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hcn.org/articles/we-need-to-talk-about-the-pretendians-in-our-midst/">
    <title>We need to talk about the pretendians in our midst - High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-30T20:27:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hcn.org/articles/we-need-to-talk-about-the-pretendians-in-our-midst/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Indigenous scholar Dina Gilio-Whitaker wants Natives to approach a difficult topic rationally, vulnerably and honestly."]]></description>
<dc:subject>boaster btoastieoaster toastieoaster 2025 indigeneity indigenous pretendians native dinagilio-whitaker pretendianism sacheenlittlefeather elizabethwarren thomasking identity accountability redpower intertribalism race raceshifting elizabethhoover</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6d894ea4e6b5/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://live-ssmatrix.pantheon.berkeley.edu/research-article/alexis-madrigal/">
    <title>Alexis Madrigal: &quot;To Know A Place&quot; - Social Science Matrix</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-28T20:58:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://live-ssmatrix.pantheon.berkeley.edu/research-article/alexis-madrigal/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Recorded on December 4, 2025, this video features a Social Science Matrix Distinguished Lecture, “To Know a Place,” presented by journalist and author Alexis Madrigal.

Madrigal has long explored how technology, culture, and environment shape our lives; from his work co-founding The COVID Tracking Project to his books Powering the Dream and The Pacific Circuit. In this talk, Madrigal turns his attention to the question of how we come to know a place. Drawing on his background as a reporter, writer, and thinker of cities, landscapes, and histories, he explores different ways of writing about and understanding place, revealing how perspective, memory, and narrative inform the stories we tell about the world around us. 

About the Speaker

Alexis Madrigal is a journalist in Oakland, California. He is the co-host of KQED’s current affairs show, Forum, and a contributing writer at The Atlantic, where he co-founded The COVID Tracking Project. Previously, he was the editor-in-chief of Fusion and a staff writer at Wired. His latest book, The Pacific Circuit, came out in March 2025 from MCD x FSG. He is the proprietor of the Oakland Garden Club, a newsletter for people who like to think about plants. Madrigal authored the book Powering the Dream: The History and Promise of Green Technology. He has been a visiting scholar at UC Berkeley’s Information School and UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Technology, Science, and Medicine as well as an affiliate with Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society. He was born in Mexico City, grew up in rural Washington State, and went to Harvard.

Podcast and Transcript

Watch the panel above or on YouTube [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=URcgwVjoxbE ]. Or listen to the audio recording via the Matrix Podcast below (or on Apple Podcasts)."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/02637758251401435">
    <title>A review of silicon valley imperialism by Erin McElroy - Gillian Rose, 2025</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T17:00:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/02637758251401435</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is a fascinating, provocative book, and one I’d place alongside a number of others for its mapping of the ‘geography’ of digital geographies beyond the locations of Google and Amazon and their servers – in Silicon Valley or Silicon Glen or Silicon roundabout – to locations in Eastern Europe, Africa and South America (see for example Anwar and Graham, 2022). Importantly, none of that work makes digital geographies global in the way that, say, Bratton's (2016) notion of planetary computation does by arguing that digital networks are encompassing the globe and turning it all into The Stack. Instead, they establish a complex, relational human geography of difference and connection (cf Gabrys, 2018). In the case of Silicon Valley Imperialism, this means developing a strong political-economic analysis of the extension of Silicon Valley tech companies into Romania, tracking for example spatial divisions of labour, outsourcing, property acquisition and company mergers. In the course of that discussion, what also emerges is a very clear account of the racialisation of all those processes and relations, in Silicon Valley and elsewhere. This is particularly evident in Erin's account of the spatial divisions of labour of US tech firms: they discuss the differentiation of English-speaking whiteness between the company headquarters in the US and its call centres in Romania, as well as those excluded pretty much entirely from the labour force – Roma in Romania, Black in California. And hence one of the book's persistent themes, that fascism arises from these forms of liberalism/capitalism, an argument that is materialising all too vividly in many parts of the Global North right now.

The book also pays careful attention to the fantasies which are integral to the various capitalist expropriations that the book traces, and Erin describes the specific combination of material extractive relations and discourses as ‘technofascism’. For me, this emphasis on “meanings, dreams, and desires” (9) is absolutely critical to understanding the power of the capitalist digital tech industry now, whether megacompanies or startups. As much as technological innovation, they depend on seductive fantasies about what they can deliver, and often less explicitly and seductively, for whom.

I have to confess I wanted a little more from Erin's book about these kinds of human conduct on which this ‘technofascist’ dispositif depends (cf Bassett et al., 2023). Erin uses a rich vocabulary to describe them, noting desires, hauntings, dreams, myths, imaginaries, fantasies, ideologies, cruel optimisms, fictions and, following Hartman (2019), “critical fabulations” (156) which generate a sense of surplus or excess. Each of these has somewhat different kinds of grip on understanding the specific dynamics of classes and racialised subjectivities, and I would have learnt from hearing Erin's explore their role in their argument more explicitly.

My other, related ‘more please’ moment was in relation to gender, and gender relations. Gender is critical to understanding the differentiated forms of human that are configured by technofascism as both political economy and regime of desire (let's use that phrase for now). Fascist ideologies – techno or otherwise – have an explicit, cispatriarchal and heteronormative politics of gender, because controlling reproductive bodies – women's bodies, the two are conflated – is understood as the way to ensure racial purity (Theweleit, 1987). Certainly, it's not hard to trace the figure of the ‘techbro’ across Erin's argument, and feminist activist voices are very strong in the book: I especially enjoyed Mihaela Drăgan's account of “Roma futurism” (180) as a subversive glitch. But there are other hints in the book of the deep entanglement of certain kinds of patriarchy with the digital tech industry: Antonia, for example, the robot algorithm servant of the mayor of Cluj (214); and in the remark that there are perhaps a 100,000 women in Romania working on webcam porn sites (see also Vlase and Preoteasa, 2022) (which makes the book's characterisation of Andrew Tate as a “digital nomad” and a “internet personality” a little odd [66]). I would love to have heard more about gender as integral to Silicon Valley imperialism too, which is only to suggest again just how richly generative this book is, for many kinds of digital and other kinds of critical scholarship."]]></description>
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    <title>The Hit Hollywood Didn’t Want - The American Prospect</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ryan Coogler’s bloodsucker blockbuster is all about Black creative freedom. No wonder the industry saw it as a threat."]]></description>
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