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    <description>recent bookmarks from robertogreco</description>
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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://organizingmythoughts.org/why-libraries-matter-in-a-fascist-moment/">
    <title>Why Libraries Matter in a Fascist Moment</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T04:51:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://organizingmythoughts.org/why-libraries-matter-in-a-fascist-moment/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“If we lose this as a public good and as a free public service, we will have lost everything,” says Mariame Kaba."

...

"“A lot of people in power view knowledge as dangerous,” says organizer Mariame Kaba. In this episode of Movement Memos, Kelly Hayes speaks with Kaba and organizers Alison Macrina and Katie Clark about why public libraries matter, not just as places to borrow books, but as vital public infrastructure. They discuss libraries as spaces where people can gather without spending money, learn together, and build the kind of shared intellectual life that authoritarianism seeks to destroy. The conversation explores book bans, censorship, austerity, AI, political education, and the bipartisan defunding of public goods, while making a powerful case for libraries as sites of struggle, possibility, and collective survival."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mariamekaba kellyhayes libraries publicgood 2026 resistance fascism alsionmacrina katieclark publiclibraries authoritarianism censorship austerity struggle possibility politicaleducation education learning howwelearn bookbans</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-plot-against-trains">
    <title>The Plot Against Trains | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-19T08:09:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-plot-against-trains</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The horrific Amtrak derailment outside Philadelphia this week set off some predictable uncertainty about what exactly had happened—a reckless motorman? An inadequate track? A missing mechanical device? Some combination of them all?—and an even more vibrant set of arguments about the failure of Americans to build any longer for the common good. Everyone agrees that our rail system is frail and accident-prone: one tragedy can end the service up and down the entire path from Boston to Washington, and beyond, for days on end. And everyone knows that American infrastructure—what used to be called our public works, or just our bridges and railways, once the envy of the world—has now been stripped bare, and is being stripped ever barer.

What is less apparent, perhaps, is that the will to abandon the public way is not some failure of understanding, or some nearsighted omission by shortsighted politicians. It is part of a coherent ideological project. As I wrote a few years ago, in a piece on the literature of American declinism, “The reason we don’t have beautiful new airports and efficient bullet trains is not that we have inadvertently stumbled upon stumbling blocks; it’s that there are considerable numbers of Americans for whom these things are simply symbols of a feared central government, and who would, when they travel, rather sweat in squalor than surrender the money to build a better terminal.” The ideological rigor of this idea, as absolute in its way as the ancient Soviet conviction that any entering wedge of free enterprise would lead to the destruction of the Soviet state, is as instructive as it is astonishing. And it is part of the folly of American “centrism” not to recognize that the failure to run trains where we need them is made from conviction, not from ignorance.

There is a popular notion at large, part of a sort of phantom “bi-partisan” centrist conviction, that the degradation of American infrastructure, exemplified by the backwardness of our trains and airports, too, is a failure of the American political system. We all should know that it is bad to have our trains crowded and wildly inefficient—as Michael Tomasky points out, fifty years ago, the train from New York to Washington was much faster than it is now—but we lack the political means or will to cure the problem. In fact, this is a triumph of our political system, for what is politics but a way of enforcing ideological values over merely rational ones? If we all agreed on common economic welfare and pursued it logically, we would not need politics at all: we could outsource our problems to a sort of Saint-Simonian managerial class, which would do the job for us.

What an ideology does is give you reasons not to pursue your own apparent rational interest—and this cuts both ways, including both wealthy people in New York who, out of social conviction, vote for politicians who are more likely to raise their taxes, and poor people in the South who vote for those devoted to cutting taxes on incomes they can never hope to earn. There is no such thing as false consciousness. There are simply beliefs that make us sacrifice one piece of self-evident interest for some other, larger principle.

What we have, uniquely in America, is a political class, and an entire political party, devoted to the idea that any money spent on public goods is money misplaced, not because the state goods might not be good but because they would distract us from the larger principle that no ultimate good can be found in the state. Ride a fast train to Washington today and you’ll start thinking about national health insurance tomorrow.

The ideology of individual autonomy is, for good or ill, so powerful that it demands cars where trains would save lives, just as it places assault weapons in private hands, despite the toll they take in human lives. Trains have to be resisted, even if it means more pollution and massive inefficiency and falling ever further behind in the amenities of life—what Olmsted called our “commonplace civilization.”

Part of this, of course, is the ancient—and yet, for most Americans, oddly beclouded—reality that the constitutional system is rigged for rural interests over urban ones. The Senate was designed to make this happen, even before we had big cities, and no matter how many people they contain or what efficient engines of prosperity they are. Mass transit goes begging while farm subsidies flourish.

But the bias against the common good goes deeper, into the very cortex of the imagination. This was exemplified by New Jersey Governor Chris Christie’s decision, a few short years ago, to cancel the planned train tunnel under the Hudson. No good reason could be found for this—most of the money would have been supplied by the federal government, it was obviously in the long-term interests of the people of New Jersey, and it was exactly the kind of wise thing that, a hundred years ago, allowed the region to blossom. Christie was making what was purely a gesture toward the national Republican Party, in the same spirit as supporting a right-to-life amendment. We won’t build a tunnel for trains we obviously need because, if we did, people would use it and then think better of the people who built it. That is the logic in a nutshell, and logic it seems to be, until you get to its end, when it becomes an absurdity. As Paul Krugman wrote, correctly, about the rail-tunnel follies, “in general, the politicians who make the loudest noise about taking care of future generations, taking the long view, etc., are the ones who are in fact most irresponsible about public investments.”

This week’s tragedy also, perhaps, put a stop for a moment to the license for mocking those who use the train—mocking Amtrak’s northeast “corridor” was a standard subject not just for satire, which everyone deserves, but also for sneering, which no one does. For the prejudice against trains is not a prejudice against an élite but against a commonality. The late Tony Judt, who was hardly anyone’s idea of a leftist softy, devoted much of his last, heroic work, written in conditions of near-impossible personal suffering, to the subject of … trains: trains as symbols of the public good, trains as a triumph of the liberal imagination, trains as the “symbol and symptom of modernity,” and modernity at its best. “The railways were the necessary and natural accompaniment to the emergence of civil society,” he wrote. “They are a collective project for individual benefit … something that the market cannot accomplish, except, on its own account of itself, by happy inadvertence. … If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively.”

Trains take us places together. (You can read good books on them, too.) Every time you ride one, you look outside, and you look inside, and you can’t help but think about the private and the public in a new way. As Judt wrote, the railroad represents neither the fearsome state nor the free individual. A train is a small society, headed somewhere more or less on time, more or less together, more or less sharing the same window, with a common view and a singular destination."]]></description>
<dc:subject>trains rail railways 2015 adamgopnik amtrak publicgood cars individualism us transportation centrism autonomy ideology commongood</dc:subject>
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    <title>Bring Back the Rails! | Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-19T07:00:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2011/01/13/bring-back-rails/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset whose replacement or recovery would be intolerably expensive. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively. If we throw away the railway stations and the lines leading to them—as we began to do in the 1950s and 1960s—we shall be throwing away our memory of how to live the confident civic life. It is not by chance that Margaret Thatcher—who famously declared that “there is no such thing as Society. There are individual men and women, and there are families”—made a point of never traveling by train. If we cannot spend our collective resources on trains and travel contentedly in them it is not because we have joined gated communities and need nothing but private cars to move between them. It will be because we have become gated individuals who don’t know how to share public space to common advantage. The implications of such a loss would far transcend the demise of one system of transport among others. It would mean we had done with modern life."

[archived:
https://archive.is/B21jx

See also:
https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2010/03/11/in-love-with-trains/
https://archive.is/OM330 ]

"Railways have been declining since the 1950s. There had always been competition for the traveler (and, though less marked, for freight). From the 1890s horse-drawn trams and buses, followed a generation later by the electric or diesel or petrol variant, were cheaper to make and run than trains. Lorries (trucks)—the successor to the horse and cart—were always competitive over the short haul. With diesel engines they could now cover long distances. And there were now airplanes and, above all, there were cars: the latter becoming cheaper, faster, safer, more reliable every year.

Even over the longer distances for which it was originally conceived, the railway was at a disadvantage: its start-up and maintenance costs—in surveying, tunneling, laying track, building stations and rolling stock, switching to diesel, installing electrification—were greater than those of its competitors and it never succeeded in paying them off. Mass-produced cars, in contrast, were cheap to build and the roads on which they ran were subsidized by taxpayers. To be sure, they carried a high social overhead cost, notably to the environment; but that would only be paid at a future date. Above all, cars represented the possibility of private travel once again. Rail travel, in what were increasingly open-plan trains whose managers had to fill them in order to break even, was decidedly public transport.

Facing such hurdles, the railway was met after World War II by another challenge. The modern city was born of rail travel. The very possibility of placing millions of people in close proximity with one another, or else transporting them considerable distances from home to work and back, was the achievement of the railways. But in sucking up people from the country into the town and draining the countryside of communities and villages and workers, the train had begun to destroy its own raison d’être: the movement of people between towns and from remote country districts to urban centers. The major facilitator of urbanization, it fell victim to it. Now that the overwhelming majority of nonelective journeys were either very long or very short, it made more sense for people to undertake them in planes or cars. There was still a place for the short-haul, frequently stopping suburban train and, in Europe at least, for middle-distance expresses. But that was all. Even freight transportation was threatened by cheap trucking services, underwritten by the state in the form of publicly funded freeways. Everything else was a losing proposition.

And so railways declined. Private companies, where they still existed, went bankrupt. In many cases they were taken over by newly formed public corporations at public expense. Governments treated railways as a regrettable if unavoidable burden upon the exchequer, restricting their capital investment and closing “uneconomic” lines.

Just how “inexorable” this process had to be varied from place to place. “Market forces” were at their most unforgiving—and railways thus most threatened—in North America, where railway companies reduced their offerings to the minimum in the years after 1960, and in Britain, where in 1964 a national commission under Dr. Richard Beeching axed an extraordinary number of rural and branch lines and services in order to maintain the economic “viability” of British Railways. In both countries the outcome was an unhappy one: America’s bankrupt railways were de facto “nationalized” in the 1970s. Twenty years later, Britain’s railways, in public hands since 1948, were unceremoniously sold off to such private companies as were willing to bid for the most profitable routes and services.

In continental Europe, despite some closures and reductions in services, a culture of public provision and a slower rate of automobile growth preserved most of the railway infrastructure. In most of the rest of the world, poverty and backwardness helped preserve the train as the only practicable form of mass communication. Everywhere, however, railways—the harbingers and emblems of an age of public investment and civic pride—fell victim to a dual loss of faith: in the self-justifying benefits of public services, now displaced by considerations of profitability and competition; and in the physical representation of collective endeavor through urban design, public space, and architectural confidence.

The implications of these changes could be seen, most starkly, in the fate of stations. Between 1955 and 1975 a mix of antihistoricist fashion and corporate self-interest saw the destruction of a remarkable number of terminal stations—precisely those buildings and spaces that had most ostentatiously asserted rail travel’s central place in the modern world. In some cases—Euston (London), the Gare du Midi (Brussels), Penn Station (New York)—the edifice that was demolished had to be replaced in one form or another, because the station’s core people- moving function remained important. In other instances—the Anhalter Bahnhof in Berlin, for example—a classical structure was simply removed and nothing planned for its replacement. In many of these changes, the actual station was moved underground and out of sight, while the visible building—no longer expected to serve any uplifting civic purpose—was demolished and replaced by an anonymous commercial center or office building or recreation center; or all three. Penn Station—or its near contemporary, the monstrously anonymous Gare Montparnasse in Paris—is perhaps the most notorious case in point.

The urban vandalism of the age was not confined to railway stations, of course, but they (along with the services they used to provide, such as hotels, restaurants, or cinemas) were by far its most prominent victim. And a symbolically appropriate victim, too: an underperforming, market-insensitive relic of high modern values. It should be noted, however, that rail travel itself did not decline, at least in quantity: even as railway stations lost their charm and their symbolic public standing, the number of people actually using them continued to rise. This was of course especially the case in poor, crowded lands where there were no realistic alternatives—India being the best illustration but by no means the only one.

Indeed, despite underinvestment and a degree of intercaste social promiscuity that renders them unappealing to the country’s new professionals, the railways and stations of India, like those of much of the non-Western world (e.g., China, Malaysia, or even European Russia), probably have a secure future. Countries that did not benefit from the rise of the internal combustion engine in the mid-twentieth-century age of cheap oil would find it prohibitively expensive to reproduce American or British experience in the twenty-first century.

The future of railways, a morbidly grim topic until very recently, is of more than passing interest. It is also quite promising. The aesthetic insecurities of the first post–World War II decades—the “New Brutalism” that favored and helped expedite the destruction of many of the greatest achievements of nineteenth-century public architecture and town planning—have passed. We are no longer embarrassed by the rococo or neo-Gothic or Beaux Arts excesses of the great railway stations of the industrial age and can see such edifices instead as their designers and contemporaries saw them: as the cathedrals of their age, to be preserved for their sake and for ours. The Gare du Nord and the Gare d’Orsay in Paris; Grand Central Station in New York and Union Station in St. Louis; St. Pancras in London; Keleti Station in Budapest; and dozens of others have all been preserved and even enhanced: some in their original function, others in a mixed role as travel and commercial centers, others still as civic monuments and cultural mementoes.

Such stations, in many cases, are livelier and more important to their communities than they have been at any time since the 1930s. True, they may never again be fully appreciated in the role they were designed to serve—as dramatic entrance portals to modern cities—if only because most people who use them connect from tube to train, from underground taxi rank to platform escalator, and never even see the building from the outside or from a distance, as it was meant to be seen. But millions do use them. The modern city is now so large, so far-flung—and so crowded and expensive—that even the better-heeled have resorted to public transport once again, if only for commuting. More than at any point since the late 1940s, our cities rely for their survival upon the train.

The cost of oil—effectively stagnant from the 1950s through the 1990s (allowing for crisis-driven fluctuations)—is now steadily rising and unlikely ever to fall back to the level at which unrestricted car travel becomes economically viable again. The logic of the suburb, incontrovertible with oil at $1 a gallon, is thus placed in question. Air travel, unavoidable for long-haul journeys, is now inconvenient and expensive over medium distances: and in Western Europe and Japan the train is both a pleasanter and a faster alternative. The environmental advantages of the modern train are now very considerable, both technically and politically. An electrically powered rail system, like its companion light-rail or tram system within cities, can run on any convertible fuel source whether conventional or innovative, from nuclear power to solar power. For the foreseeable future this gives it a unique advantage over every other form of powered transportation.

It is not by chance that public infrastructural investment in rail travel has been growing for the past two decades everywhere in Western Europe and through much of Asia and Latin America (exceptions include Africa, where such investment is anyway still negligible, and the US, where the concept of public funding of any kind remains grievously underappreciated). In very recent years railway buildings are no longer buried in obscure subterranean vaults, their function and identity ingloriously hidden under a bushel of office buildings. The new, publicly funded stations at Lyon, Seville, Chur (Switzerland), Kowloon, or London Waterloo International assert and celebrate their restored prominence, both architectural and civic, and are increasingly the work of innovative major architects like Santiago Calatrava or Rem Koolhaas.

Why this unanticipated revival? The explanation can be put in the form of a counterfactual: it is possible (and in many places today actively under consideration) to imagine public policy mandating a steady reduction in the nonnecessary use of private cars and trucks. It is possible, however hard to visualize, that air travel could become so expensive and/or unappealing that its attraction for people undertaking nonessential journeys will steadily diminish. But it is simply not possible to envision any conceivable modern, urban-based economy shorn of its subways, its tramways, its light rail and suburban networks, its rail connections, and its intercity links.

We no longer see the modern world through the image of the train, but we continue to live in the world the trains made. For any trip under ten miles or between 150 and 500 miles in any country with a functioning railway network, the train is the quickest way to travel as well as, taking all costs into account, the cheapest and least destructive. What we thought was late modernity—the post-railway world of cars and planes—turns out, like so much else about the decades 1950–1990, to have been a parenthesis: driven, in this case, by the illusion of perennially cheap fuel and the attendant cult of privatization. The attractions of a return to “social” calculation are becoming as clear to modern planners as they once were, for rather different reasons, to our Victorian predecessors. What was, for a while, old-fashioned has once again become very modern.

The Railway and Modern Life

Ever since the invention of trains, and because of it, travel has been the symbol and symptom of modernity: trains—along with bicycles, buses, cars, motorcycles, and airplanes—have been exploited in art and commerce as the sign and proof of a society’s presence at the forefront of change and innovation. In most cases, however, the invocation of a particular form of transport as the emblem of novelty and contemporaneity was a one-time thing. Bicycles were “new” just once, in the 1890s. Motorbikes were “new” in the 1920s, for Fascists and Bright Young Things (ever since they have been evocatively “retro”). Cars (like planes) were “new” in the Edwardian decade and again, briefly, in the 1950s; since then and at other times they have indeed stood for many qualities—reliability, prosperity, conspicuous consumption, freedom—but not “modernity” per se.

Trains are different. Trains were already modern life incarnate by the 1840s—hence their appeal to “modernist” painters. They were still performing that role in the age of the great cross-country expresses of the 1890s. Nothing was more ultra-modern than the new, streamlined superliners that graced the neoexpressionist posters of the 1930s. Electrified tube trains were the idols of modernist poets after 1900, in the same way that the Japanese Shinkansen and the French TGV are the very icons of technological wizardry and high comfort at 190 mph today. Trains, it would seem, are perennially modern—even if they slip from sight for a while. Much the same applies to railway stations. The petrol “station” of the early trunk road is an object of nostalgic affection when depicted or remembered today, but it has been constantly replaced by functionally updated variations and in its original form survives only in nostalgic recall. Airports typically (and irritatingly) survive well past the onset of aesthetic or functional obsolescence; but no one would wish to preserve them for their own sake, much less suppose that an airport built in 1930 or even 1960 could be of use or interest today.

But railway stations built a century or even a century and a half ago—Paris’s Gare de l’Est (1852), London’s Paddington Station (1854), Bombay’s Victoria Station (1887), Zurich’s Hauptbahnhof (1893)—not only appeal aesthetically and are increasingly objects of affection and admiration: they work. And more to the point, they work in ways fundamentally identical to the way they worked when they were first built. This is a testament to the quality of their design and construction, of course; but it also speaks to their perennial contemporaneity. They do not become “out of date.” They are not an adjunct to modern life, or part of it, or a byproduct of it. Stations, like the railway they punctuate, are integral to the modern world itself.

We often find ourselves asserting or assuming that the distinctive feature of modernity is the individual: the unreducible subject, the freestanding person, the unbound self, the unbeholden citizen. This modern individual is commonly and favorably contrasted with the dependent, deferential, unfree subject of the pre-modern world. There is something in this version of things, of course; just as there is something in the accompanying idea that modernity is also a story of the modern state, with its assets, its capacities, and its ambitions. But taken all in all, it is, nevertheless, a mistake—and a dangerous mistake. The truly distinctive feature of modern life—the one with which we lose touch at our peril—is neither the unattached individual nor the unconstrained state. It is what comes in between them: society. More precisely civil—or (as the nineteenth century had it) bourgeois—society.

The railways were and remain the necessary and natural accompaniment to the emergence of civil society. They are a collective project for individual benefit. They cannot exist without common accord (and, in recent times, common expenditure), and by design they offer a practical benefit to individual and collectivity alike. This is something the market cannot accomplish—except, on its own account of itself, by happy inadvertence. Railways were not always environmentally sensitive—though in overall pollution costs it is not clear that the steam engine did more harm than its internally combusted competitor—but they were and had to be socially responsive. That is one reason why they were not very profitable.

If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset whose replacement or recovery would be intolerably expensive. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively. If we throw away the railway stations and the lines leading to them—as we began to do in the 1950s and 1960s—we shall be throwing away our memory of how to live the confident civic life. It is not by chance that Margaret Thatcher—who famously declared that “there is no such thing as Society. There are individual men and women, and there are families”—made a point of never traveling by train. If we cannot spend our collective resources on trains and travel contentedly in them it is not because we have joined gated communities and need nothing but private cars to move between them. It will be because we have become gated individuals who don’t know how to share public space to common advantage. The implications of such a loss would far transcend the demise of one system of transport among others. It would mean we had done with modern life.

—This is the second part of a two-part essay."]]></description>
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    <title>The Left Doesn’t Hate Technology with Gita Jackson - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T05:21:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qcf5syA1MlE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Paris Marx is joined by Gita Jackson to discuss why the left’s hatred of AI is justified, why a different approach to technology is necessary, and how they’re reassessing their own relationships with digital tech.

Gita Jackson is a co-founder of Aftermath (https://aftermath.site ).

Also mentioned in this episode:
     
• Gita wrote about why the left doesn’t hate technology (https://aftermath.site/anthropic-claude-ai-leftist-technology/ ).

• Gita also wrote about downloading digital music (https://aftermath.site/digita-audio-player-snowsky-echo-mini-fiio-hyby/ ) onto a Snowksy Fiio Echo Mini.

• Chris Person wrote about the  Boox Palma eReader (https://aftermath.site/i-love-my-weird-little-phone-shaped-ereader/ )  as an alternative to Kindle.

• Learn more about Mike Pondsmith (https://blackgirlnerds.com/from-cyberpsychos-to-netrunners-here-is-the-story-of-mike-pondsmith-the-true-mastermind-behind-cyberpunk/ ) and his Cyberpunk TTRPG.

• Gita will one day get Paris to watch Frieren (https://www.crunchyroll.com/series/GG5H5XQX4/frieren-beyond-journeys-end ) ."

[references:

"The Left Doesn't Hate Technology, We Hate Being Exploited
Techno-cynics are all just wounded techno-optimists."
https://aftermath.site/anthropic-claude-ai-leftist-technology/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://yourbrainonmoney.substack.com/p/low-trust-society-cost">
    <title>The Hidden Tax of Living in a Low-Trust Society: How Collapsed Trust Costs You Money</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T23:14:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://yourbrainonmoney.substack.com/p/low-trust-society-cost</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Late-stage capitalism built a low-trust society, and it's an economic disaster"

...

"we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds."

...

"Every woman I know Googles a man before a first date. Not a quick Instagram lookup. A minor background investigation. Full name into Google. LinkedIn. Instagram. Screenshot his profile and send it to a group chat. (This is how we got the “Are we dating the same guy?” groups.)

It’s a sort of reflexive action, the way you check the weather before leaving the house. It feels like common sense, the bare minimum of due diligence before sitting across from a stranger at a bar.

I check reviews before I buy anything over $50. I read the one-star reviews first, because I assume the five-star ones might be fake. I check multiple browsers before buying plane tickets because I’ve heard the prices change based on your search history. (Do they? It’s not 100% confirmed, but I’ve written about surveillance pricing too many times to not be suspicious.)

I don’t think any of this makes me paranoid. I think it makes me normal. Everyone I know does some version of this.

This is tax you pay for living in a society that doesn’t trust itself.

There’s a particular kind of exhaustion that comes from living in a society where you can’t take anything at face value. Not the price on the label, not the job listing, not the product review, not the terms of the contract. You develop a permanent squint — a low-grade suspicion that hums beneath every transaction, every interaction, every click.

We tend to talk about trust as a social or political problem. Declining trust in institutions, in government, in each other — these are the subjects of concerned op-eds and Pew Research surveys. And they should be.

But the erosion of trust is also an economic problem. And the economic system we’ve built — one that rewards extraction, obfuscation, and short-term profit above all else — is the engine driving that erosion.

The numbers are bad

The Pew Research Center has been tracking interpersonal trust since 1972. Back then, 46% of Americans said “most people can be trusted.” Today, it’s 34%. Just 28% trust the media — down from 72% in the 1970s.

[chart]

The 2026 Edelman Trust Barometer found that seven in ten people globally now report “unwillingness or hesitance to trust someone with different values.”

[graph]

Economists have a term for this: social capital. It’s the idea that trust is a precondition for markets to actually work. When people trust that contracts will be honored, that products are what they claim to be, that the person on the other side of the transaction isn’t trying to destroy them — commerce flows. Innovation happens. People take risks, start businesses, lend money, collaborate.

When trust collapses, all of that seizes up.

Think about what a low-trust economy actually looks like in practice. Everything gets expensive. Contracts get thicker. Lawyers get richer. Every transaction requires documentation, verification, third-party guarantees.

<blockquote>The friction is very much structural. It’s a tax on everything, paid in time, money, and cognitive bandwidth.</blockquote>

Last week, I wrote about 2025 as the year the grift economy went mainstream — surveillance pricing, prediction markets, AI slop, fraud at industrial scale. All of that is real. But it’s downstream of something deeper: we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds.

What low trust looks like in practice

Consider the subscription economy. What was once a convenience — auto-renew so you don’t have to think about it — has become a tool of exploitation.

Surveillance pricing that charges you the maximum the algorithm thinks you’ll tolerate. Cancellation processes so labyrinthine that Amazon named theirs “Iliad” internally — as in, the epic Greek poem — because escaping was supposed to be an odyssey. (They settled an FTC lawsuit over it.) Junk fees buried in checkout flows. Shrinkflation. Service shrinkflation — hotels offering fewer cleanings, loyalty programs requiring more points, AI chatbots replacing human service.

A lot of today’s regulatory apparatus now exists because companies abused the assumption of good faith.

Or consider the job market. Fake job listings — “ghost jobs“ that companies post with no intention of filling — have become so pervasive that they distort labor market data and waste millions of hours of applicant time.

[graph]

Why do they exist? Because companies discovered that the appearance of hiring is useful for investor relations, for internal politics, for building a candidate pipeline. The cost is externalized onto the people who spend hours tailoring resumes and sitting through interviews for positions that were never real.

When the system rewards dishonesty, dishonesty is what you get.

And that’s how we get the scam economy

As I wrote last week, the grift economy isn’t just about single bad actors — it’s what a low-trust system produces.

When institutions and corporations behave in predatory ways, individuals start to adopt the same logic. If the system is a grift, then grifting becomes rational. If everyone is trying to extract value from you, why wouldn’t you try to extract value from them?

The explosion of scams, side-hustle culture repackaged as “courses” that teach you to scam others, dropshipping empires built on misleading ads, influencer marketing that can’t be distinguished from real advice.

The rise of “fake it till you make it” as a legitimate business philosophy. Something like Theranos didn’t happen in a vacuum. It happened in a culture where the line between storytelling and fraud had been so thoroughly blurred that a company could fake an entire technology and attract billions in investment.

The scam economy is what a low-trust system produces. When people lose faith that playing by the rules leads to fair outcomes, the rules start to feel optional. And once that happens, trust erodes further, which makes the rules feel even more optional, which erodes trust further still. It’s a death spiral.

And the people who suffer most are the ones who can least afford to. Wealthy people can absorb the cost of a bad deal, a misleading investment, a predatory subscription. They have lawyers. They have financial advisors. For everyone else, a single scam — a fake landlord, a fraudulent contractor, a deceptive loan — can be financially devastating. Low trust is regressive. It functions as a tax on the poor.

The psychological tax

Living in a state of perpetual vigilance is cognitively expensive.

Every email could be phishing. Every phone call could be fraud. Every price could be inflated, every review could be fake, every “limited time offer” could be manufactured urgency. There’s a clear mental labor involved with trying to figure out if you’re getting dupped or not.

Behavioral economists call this “decision fatigue.” But it’s more than that. It’s trust fatigue — the weariness of living in a world where you have to assume bad faith as your default.

<blockquote>People in low-trust environments experience higher rates of anxiety, depression, and chronic stress. They’re more likely to feel isolated, because distrust doesn’t stay contained to commercial transactions — it bleeds into personal relationships. If you spend all day navigating systems designed to exploit you, it becomes harder to turn that off when you get home.</blockquote>

There’s a concept in psychology called “epistemic learned helplessness“ — the state where you’ve been deceived so many times that you stop trying to figure out what’s true. You don’t become smarter or more discerning. You just give up on discernment entirely. This is where conspiracy thinking flourishes.

And that, conspiracy thinking, is the psychological endgame of a low-trust economy. Not a population of savvy, skeptical consumers making smart choices. A population of exhausted, anxious people who can’t tell what’s real anymore.

***

How we got here

The erosion of trust in our country is the predictable outcome of specific economic choices.

• Start with deregulation. When you systematically remove the guardrails that prevented companies from deceiving consumers — and then underfund the agencies tasked with enforcing what remains — you help create an environment where dishonesty is profitable.

• Add financialization. When companies are optimized for quarterly earnings rather than long-term value creation, customer relationships are viewed as a short-term extraction opportunity.

• Layer on the platform economy, which has created new and spectacular ways to scale dishonesty. Fake reviews are an industry. Dark patterns — interface designs specifically engineered to trick you into choices you didn’t mean to make — become the standard.

• And then there’s consolidation. When industries are dominated by a handful of players, consumers can’t make better choices (because there are none).

Trust as a public good

Trust is not just a nice-to-have. It’s not a soft, sentimental concept that belongs in a TED Talk but not in serious economic analysis.

<blockquote>Trust is a public good — like clean air, like roads, like the electrical grid. It’s the invisible infrastructure that makes everything else work.</blockquote>

And like all public goods, it’s subject to the tragedy of the commons. Every company that uses a dark pattern, every platform that allows fake reviews, every employer that posts a ghost job — they’re each making a singular rational decision that degrades a shared resource. No individual actor bears the full cost of the trust they destroy. But collectively, we all pay for it.

In higher transaction costs. In wasted time. In anxiety. In a political system increasingly unable to function because its citizens don’t believe anything anymore.

The idea that self-interest, left alone, will produce good outcomes? It’s failed. Markets need trust to function. And markets, left to their own devices, will consume the trust they depend on.

Rebuilding trust requires treating it like the infrastructure it is. Real regulation with real enforcement and real penalties. Antitrust action that restores competitive markets where you can actually choose trustworthy businesses. Incentive structures that reward long-term relationships over short-term extraction.

But it also requires something that can’t be legislated: people and communities choosing to operate differently. Choosing trust not as naïveté, but as strategy.

That’s what I want to explore next week — community as an economic strategy, not just a nice-to-have. How investing in relationships might be the smartest financial decision you can make. How trust, when you build it intentionally, compounds the same way money does."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.getrealphilippines.com/2016/04/paradise-lost-redefining-filipino-concept-ownership/">
    <title>Paradise Lost: Redefining the Filipino Concept of Ownership – Get Real Post</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T03:51:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.getrealphilippines.com/2016/04/paradise-lost-redefining-filipino-concept-ownership/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Paradise Lost, by 17th-century English poet John Milton, is a poetic rendition of the fall of man and his eventual eviction from the Garden of Eden. The character responsible for the entire debacle is Satan (formerly Lucifer, fairest of the angels in Heaven) who chose to rebel against his Creator with his claim to notoriety best summed up in the famous quote “Better to reign in Hell than to serve in Heaven” (sounds familiar MLQ?). The story closely parallels what we see unfolding before our very eyes in the Philippines, with the tragic loss of our tropical island paradise to the destructive force known as Filipinos, driven by a dark underlying motivating factor: self-centered greed (the new flag of R.P. bearing proof).

[image]

In America and other capitalist countries, greed is welcomed and considered to be good for business; and thereby beneficial for the general welfare of the entire society as it keeps the economy humming. On the flip side, greed has its damaging and destructive effects as made evident in the creeping urban sprawl, pollution and irreversible degradation of the environment, and the loss of originally rich flora and fauna.

Our Current Destructive Concept of Ownership

Greed is a selfish desire that exists in the context of the concept of ownership. It is the State that defines ownership – through titles and rights. Humans behave and treat their surrounding environment based on their perceived concept of ownership. Basically, if you own something, you have the right to freely do as you please. But for most people, owning an item brings with it an innate responsibility to care for and maintain it. If you don’t own it, you generally don’t give a damn.

It is a common behavior among Filipinos to litter and vandalize in public, but not in their own premises; you will notice residents dumping garbage out on the street or nearby vacant lot in order to keep their own yard within property walls clean.

Social climbers, wishing to project their aristocratic self-worth to the rest of the zombie community, desire to flash out their wealth to gain admiration and respect. Thus there is an “arms race”-like open competition among Filipinos to grab as much of the pie as they can, with hacienderos and oligarchs gobbling up more even lands and properties through their money-making machines, while the rest of the unfortunate masses scramble for the left overs.

A Healthier Perspective

Of the 90% of the population who claim to be Christians and know their text book, there is a different idea of ownership that is unveiled in the letters of Paul: “All things are yours, whether … the world or life or death or the present or the future—all are yours.” (this being in the context of the Creator being one’s own Father, and them being children as heirs).  It is a paradigm shift that transcends our current traditional beliefs.

Just the mere interpretation and application of this “radical concept” of ownership can work wonders. Here’s how.

Why will there be a need to acquire increasingly more properties when “everything is already yours” to begin with? For some it is some kind of self-delusion to think that you own, for example, Megamall or Boracay Island. But to come to think of it, what’s the difference between you and the actual owner – when both of you can actually access and enjoy it just the same? The only real difference is even an advantage on your end since you are spared of the headaches and costs of operating and maintaining the facility.

Applying the “It’s All Mine” Ownership Concept

On the other hand, we can see ownership to be just a figment of human imagination. If I went to Rizal Park and said to myself: “This park is mine. All these people roaming around here – well I’m just letting them enjoy my property. And those guys tending the flower garden there – they all work for me to keep my park pretty and clean. ”

Audacious as it may seem, there is a different attitude that grows out of one’s bosom when you know you own an entire public park. You will voluntarily pick up any litter you see messing up your property. You will reprimand the gardener for not doing a good job. (Remember the passion Jesus had in driving out the template traders even though no one perceived him to be the property owner?) You begin to see Rizal Park in an entirely different light. You will even want to visit it more frequently because you have every right to access and enjoy it – It’s all yours!

And the good thing about knowing you own everything is that it doesn’t cost you a single peso – just like the air you breathe and the rain you are blessed with.  So you can just walk into the lobby of Waterfront Cebu City Hotel and claim “this is all mine” while sitting in their fine elegant lobby chairs gazing at the grandeur before you.

As Filipinos and even guests of the Philippines, try to think of it this way: This land is your land – it’s all yours. So anyone messing up YOUR little P.I. paradise on earth has got to stop! Let us in unison all say with iron-willed passion now… “This has got to STOP!”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/institutions-are-how-we-scale-up-cooperation-among-millions">
    <title>Institutions are how we scale up cooperation among millions | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T06:50:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/institutions-are-how-we-scale-up-cooperation-among-millions</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Good institutions are social technologies that scale trust from personal relations to entire nations. How do they work?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>institutions 2026 julienlie-panis technology trust relations citizens citizenship accountability publicgood elinorostrom society authorities authority deirdremccloskey jamesmadison us stevenlevitsky danielziblatt democracy corruption thomasjefferson federalism johnadams constitution cooperation italy italia robertputnam emillia-romagna calabria socialcapital 1970s 1980s politics markets cities nations scale governance government antcoloonies ants evolutionarybiology survival reputation kinship strangers japan reciprocation commons</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.kagi.com/waiting-dawn-search">
    <title>Waiting for dawn in search: Search index, Google rulings and impact on Kagi | Kagi Blog</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-21T20:43:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.kagi.com/waiting-dawn-search</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://wikipedia25.org/en/twenty-five-years-of-wikipedia">
    <title>25 years of Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-17T03:51:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://wikipedia25.org/en/twenty-five-years-of-wikipedia</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>wikipedia history internet web online 2026 2001 future encyclopedias collaboration publicgood knowledge access accessibility</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist">
    <title>How to Argue with Pro-Capitalist Cultists</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-08T03:19:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["1. Market Economics as Structural Failure, Not Moral Failure

2. Why Debate Fails: The Cult of Market Belief

3. System Incentives vs. Human Intentions

4. How Market Mythology Protects the System

5. The Apocalyptic Trajectory of Market Incentives

6. Why People Defend a System That Is Killing Them

7. How to Argue Effectively

8. The Cult Structure of Market Fundamentalism

9. A New Framework: Systems Literacy as Liberation

10. Conclusion: The End of Debate

...

Addendum: 25 Common Market Myths

Below is a list of 25 of the most common myths continually propagated by believers in the orthodox market religion. These are provided as a reference for when you inevitably encounter such nonsense.

In the following order:

1. “Capitalism creates wealth.”
2.“Capitalism lifted billions out of poverty.”
3. “Free markets allocate resources efficiently.”
4. “Competition drives innovation.”
5. “The market knows best.”
6. “Capitalism rewards hard work.”
7. “Socialism always fails.”
8. “The invisible hand creates order.”
9. “Capitalism is natural to human behavior.”
10. “Inequality is natural and necessary.”
11. “People are inherently selfish, so capitalism works.”
12. “Without markets, nothing would get done.”
13. “Capitalism promotes freedom.”
14. “Regulation destroys innovation.”
15. “Government is inefficient; the market is efficient.”
16. “Capitalism is the best system we’ve tried.”
17. “The poor are poor because of bad choices.”
18. “If you tax the rich, they’ll stop investing.”
19. “The market is democratic—people vote with dollars.”
20. “Capitalism produces meritocracy.”
21. “Capitalism protects against tyranny.”
22. “Price signals contain wisdom.”
23. “Entrepreneurs are the engine of progress.”
24. “Environmental issues can be solved by market incentives.”
25. “There is no alternative to capitalism.”"

[See also:

"Understanding Capitalist Cultists, Part Two: The Nature of Indoctrination
Markets economists are not economists at all - they are cult recruiters."
https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/understanding-capitalist-cultists ]

[via:

"Unredacted Tonight: Debunking Every Pro-Capitalism Argument!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pO5iWeO0-f8 

"In this special episode of Unredacted Tonight, Lee Camp takes on capitalism, market economics, and the myths of the “free market” using comedy, data, and real-world examples. From “capitalism creates wealth” to “free markets allocate resources efficiently” and “the poor are poor because of bad choices,” Lee walks through the most common talking points you’ve heard a thousand times – and shows why they don’t hold up when you actually look at how the system works. All of that, plus a very serious discussion of pecan pie and whiskey.

We dive into how systems, not individual intentions, drive outcomes like environmental destruction, extreme inequality, and global poverty. Lee challenges the idea that money is the only form of wealth, and explains how things like health, community, social cohesion, knowledge, and a livable planet are left out of standard economic metrics. The episode also looks at how technology and scientific progress actually generate abundance, while the market mainly decides who gets access and on what terms.

Lee also tackles the myths that “capitalism rewards hard work” and “capitalism promotes freedom.” If hard work automatically led to prosperity, night-shift sanitation workers and caregivers would be billionaires, while unproductive executives would be broke. Instead, the system tends to reward ownership, prior wealth, positional advantage, and sometimes ruthless behavior, while most people are stuck trading their time for basic survival. And that so-called “freedom to choose” often boils down to choosing among different brands, while offering no real freedom to refuse harmful or meaningless work without risking food, housing, and healthcare.

Finally, the episode breaks the spell of “There Is No Alternative” (TINA) by highlighting real-world examples of cooperatives, commons-based systems, and community projects (like tool libraries) that already operate outside pure market logic – and could be scaled up if we wanted them to be. Many of the ideas and quotes in this episode draw on the brilliant work of Peter Joseph (Peter Joseph Substack), whose analysis of market systems, technological capacity, and ecological limits helps frame this whole discussion. If you’re curious about systemic change, alternatives to our current economic model, and how we might actually design a saner world, this one’s for you."

See also:

"A film-maker looks at religion, the 9/11 terror attacks, and possible plans by international leaders to create a single world bank." (Jeff Adams)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s_ylCs-xm54 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHMGb-dLfOU&amp;t=1s">
    <title>Fighting San Francisco's Manhattanization with Tim Redmond - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-08T20:56:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHMGb-dLfOU&amp;t=1s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Welcome to another episode of the Doomloop Dispatch, the news show covering the worst parts of the San Francisco Bay Area. In this episode, Kevin and D Scott talk to Tim Redmond, editor of the 48 Hills and former executive editor of the Bay Guardian. We get into Tim’s reporting on the recall of San Francisco supervisor Joel Engardio and his thoughts on Engardio’s replacement. We also talk about how real estate speculation destroyed the city and the state of local legacy media. Really good stuff!

Sources

All of Tim’s stories in 48Hills
https://48hills.org/author/tim/

Here’s what Scott Wiener has done
https://48hills.org/2025/09/heres-what-scott-wiener-has-done/

The Engardio recall, Yimby urbanist elitism, and the next step in SF politics
https://48hills.org/2025/09/the-engardio-recall-yimby-urbanist-elitism-and-the-next-step-in-sf-politics/

The Engardio recall and the failure of conservative politics in SF
https://48hills.org/2025/09/the-engardio-recall-and-the-failure-of-conservative-politics-in-sf/

Strange (and maybe inappropriate) actions at the Planning Commission …
https://48hills.org/2025/09/strange-and-maybe-inappropriate-actions-at-the-planning-commission/

Bullshit opinion piece on Family Zoning plan
https://sfstandard.com/opinion/2025/09/21/small-business-lurie-upzoning-sharky-laguana-ben-bleiman/ "]]></description>
<dc:subject>sanfrancisco timredomnd joelengardio daniellurie doomloop doomloopdispatch crime 2025 yimby yimbyism yimbys nimby nimbyism transit publictransit infrastructure housing scottwiener recalls politics policy displacement rentcontrol media urbanurbanism urbanplannign denisty elections inequality taxes taxation eisenhower richardnixon history dwightdeisenhower construction profit profits marhetrateghousing vancouver britishcolumbia zoning aiboom aibubble artificialintelligence ai affordability opeanai chatgpt kevinjones dscotmiller salesforce speculation displacment ronaldreagan homelessness homeless gentrification socialsafetynet sros redevelopment neoliberalism economics california us publichousing 1960s developers housingcrisis affrodability nyc latecapitalism latestagecapitalism billclinton joebiden barackobama race racism reaganism irs data coyotemedia soleilho planning vienna socialhousing donaldtrump taxrate stockholm cities finance socialism universityofcalifornia wealth socialservices publicgood productivi</dc:subject>
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    <title>Revolución ferroviaria de México: ¿por qué los trenes son el futuro?| La BaseLatam 1x61 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-24T02:56:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bchiNVcZkO8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["En el episodio de hoy, 23/09/2025, Inna Afinogenova, Marco Teruggi y Estefanía Veloz hablan del desarrollo de las rutas ferroviarias en México que comienzan becaren todo el país entre sí y conecten México con países de Centroamérica. ¿Por qué es importante y qué beneficios le puede suponer a México? ¿Qué sucede si hay desinversión estatal en el desarrollo de ferrocarril? ¿Por qué la rentabilidad y el beneficio neto no es el criterio a la hora de evaluar la eficacia de este tipo de obras? Con la participación del arquitecto y urbanista, Federico Taboada"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1319&amp;context=jmb">
    <title>John Muir Tells of Hetch-Hetchy. Nature Lover Protests That Park Must Be Saved. Says Proposition to Take It for San Francisco Is Scheme of a Few Sly Dollarish Schemers There. - Pasadena Star (1909)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-22T21:23:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1319&amp;context=jmb</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["NATURE LOVER PROTESTS THAT PARK MUST BE SAVED.

Says Proposition to Take It for San Francisco Is Scheme of A Few Sly Dollarish Schemers There.
By John Muir

The bill having for its object the destruction of the Hetch-Hetchy valley in the Yosemite national park, by damming it for a San Francisco water supply and electric power supply is now before Congress.

Great interest in the Hetch-Hetchy case is being manifested by all the most important clubs in America, including women's clubs, and by the people in genera. For light has been brought to bear upon it and everybody is beginning to see more and more clearly that the commercial invasion of the Yosemite park means that sooner or later under various specious beguiling pleas, all the public parks and playgrounds throughout our country may be invaded and spoiled. The Hefch-Hetchy is a glaringly representative case involving, as it does, the destruction of one of the grandest feautures of the Yosemite national park, which, if allowed, would create a most dangerous precedent.

Judging from the way that the country has been awakened to the importance of park preservation, it is incredible that the people will tolerate the destruction of any part of the great Yosemite park, full of God's noblest handiwork, forever dedicated to beneficent public use. The friends of our national park system must continue to watch and fight, and protest to Secretary Ballinger and their congressmen to put an end to all such dollary assaults on the nation's recreation and playgrounds, for they are the most priceless of all our upllfting natural resources.

The better part of the world is beginning to know that beauty plays an important part in human progress, and that regarded even from the lowest financial standpoint, it is one of the most precious and productive assets any country can possess.

Timber and water are universal wants, and of course the government is aware that no scheme of management of the public domain failing to provide for them can possibly be maintained. But however abundantly supplied from legitimate sources, every national park is besieged by thieves and robbers and beggars with all sorts of plans and pleas for possession of some coveted treasure of water, timber, pasture, rights of way, etc. Nothing dollarable is safe, however guarded. Thus the Yosemite park, the beauty glory of California and the nation, Nature's own mountain wonderland, has been attacked by the spoilers ever since it was established, and this strife, I suppose, must go on as a part of the eternal battle between right and wrong. At present the San Francisco board of supervisors and certain monopolizing capitalists are trying to get the government's permission to dam and destroy Hetch-Hetchy, the Tuolumne Yosemite valley, for a reservoir, simply that comparatively private gain may be made out of universal public loss.

Should this wonderful vaJley be submerged, as proposed, not only would it be made utterly inaccessible, but the sublime Tuolumne canyon, away up to the heart of the high Sierra, would be hopelessly closled. None, as far as I have learned, of thousands who have visited the park, is in favor of this destructive and wholly unnecessary water scheme. Very few of the statements made by the applicants are even partly true.

Thus, Hetch-Hetchy, they say is "a low-lying meadow." On the contrary, it is a high-lying natural landscape garden. "It is a common minor feature, like thousands of others." On the contrary, it is a very uncommon feature, and after Yosemite the rarest, and most beautiful and in many ways the most important feature of the park. "Damming it would enhance its beauty." As well say, damming New York's Central park would enhance its beauty! "Hetch-Hetchy water is the purest and the only valuable source of supply for San Francisco." It is the purest, because it drains a pleasure ground visited by hundreds campers with their animals every season, and soon these hundreds will be thousands. And there are many other adequate and available sources of supply, though probably they would be somewhat more costly; and so on with all their bad, cunning, beguiling arguments, boldly advanced under a cloud of ignorance."

[via:
https://social.ayjay.org/2025/08/22/john-muir-writing-in-the.html

"It would make a good and useful tattoo: _Nothing dollarable is safe._"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>johnmuir 1909 sanfrancisco capitalism water hetchhetchy nature money motivation profits yosemite beauty publicgood sanfranisco profit nationalparks california</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@mackinnon.jesse/no-one-left-to-talk-to-loneliness-in-the-age-of-algorithmic-capitalism-e33e10946bc2">
    <title>No One Left to Talk To: Loneliness in the Age of Algorithmic Capitalism | by Jesse MacKinnon | Aug, 2025 | Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-20T18:09:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@mackinnon.jesse/no-one-left-to-talk-to-loneliness-in-the-age-of-algorithmic-capitalism-e33e10946bc2</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>ai artificialintelligence automation technology intermediation human humanism community solitude loneliness 2025 society patriarchy friendship leisure childhood algorithms capitalism vulnerability markets civics schools education neighborhoods labor work civiclife neoliberalism economics economy talkradio cablenews solidarity isolation monetization competition connection politics policy culture fear crime relationships engagement understanding online internet web chatbots neighborliness gender time money families childcare liberation exhaustion commuting commutes social sociallife pleasure artleisure leisurearts captivity digital privatization safety freedom children affection facebook meta scarcity recognition attention companionship intimacy environment platforms church churches belonging austerity alienation information grievance manhood masculinity joerogan andrewtate tiktok soundbites spectacle identity mentorship mentors resilience stubbornness unions workers embodiement disembodiment growth consumption</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GJIQr4FvEpo">
    <title>Why Venetians want Jeff Bezos to choke on his wedding cake... - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-29T03:29:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GJIQr4FvEpo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Lauren Sanchez, in preparation for her Venice wedding, is carrying an Eiffel Tower purse that likely costs more than your rent, your mortgage, or even your monthly salary. Jeff Bezos' yacht Koru's purchase price could supply insulin for 856,666 diabetics or feed roughly 1,285,000 people for an entire year. The Bezos/Sanchez $10 million wedding is just the tip of the selfish iceberg that is the Amazon empire, known for grinding warehouse workers into the ground with surveillance practices, extreme time management, on-the-job injuries, and aggressive union busting. Join your Inequality Watchdog Taya Graham, as she breaks down the true cost of the wedding, Amazon's harsh labor practices, and how the Venetians are fighting back—they just might win too!"]]></description>
<dc:subject>jeffbezos venice 2025 eattherich inequality laurensanchez blueorigin carbonfootprint tayagraham excess extravagance strongarms labor workers surveillance oppression exploitation unions unionbusting wealth billionaires yachts superyachts luxury infrastructure globalwarming climatechange climate housing taxes taxavoidance taxevasion washingtonstate amazon oligarchs florida publicgood protests protest workingclass italy italia weddings 2018 cities chicago baltimore arlington virginia pinkertons wages profits safety economics workingconditions tourism costofliving minimumwage organizing unesco work seattle prosperity blight infrastucture qualityoflife oligarchy</dc:subject>
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    <title>Questions for Anthropic (or any other LLM-pusher)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-15T22:10:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://danmcquillan.org/questions_for_anthropic.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I was fortunate to have the chance to debate with staff from Anthropic in an event at the Tate Gallery.

Under discussion were the ethical and social impacts of Claude and other LLMs, especially in the context of the project at the Tate and Anthropic's push into education. The panel discussion was lively and wide-ranging.

Here are the prompts I prepared for myself beforehand, in case they're useful to anyone who wants to question the inevitability of AI in their university, educational institution or other setting. These questions are a boiled-down summary of extensive research and I have the receipts, as they say.

Questions: How do students feel about using a tool or 'creative collaborator' that:

- has been trained on other people's creative output, without permission?
- depends on exploitative and potentially abusive labour practices?
- is a massively carbon-emitting and environmentally damaging technology?
- is based on a belief in the power of scaling, when this creates so many basic problems?
- is used to put people out of a job or to deskill them, even though it can't actually do the job tasks properly?
- is touted as supporting people at work but is so unreliable it actually creates more work to check it?
- is claimed to improve efficiency but undermines people's skills and capacities?
- that will be pushed into schools and universities while degrading education and learning?
- is really a way to privatise public services like health and education?
- is claimed to be ethical while helping to fill the internet with slop?
- is supposedly on the way to becoming a genius but carries on making really dumb mistakes?
- is ranked as 'intelligent' using measures that are ultimately derived from eugenics?
- is being made 'safe' in ways that actually make it a more powerful tool for potential dictators?
- has as a central goal, according to its founder, American global dominance?
- is increasingly turning towards the military for both funding and purpose?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>danmcquillan ai artificialintelligence resistance 2025 technology military automation imperialism dictatorship eugenics generativeai llms privatization publicgood environment globalwarming climate climatechange permission ip iintellectualproperty carbonemission work labor efficiency schools education universities colleges highered highereducation learning howwelearn slop internet web online ethics claude anthropic genai</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.robinsloan.com/lab/data-center-energy/">
    <title>Energy suck</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-01T03:46:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.robinsloan.com/lab/data-center-energy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["That’s the first Stargate data center, intended for OpenAI’s use, captured by the Sentinel-2 satellites between March 7 and April 14: a little over a month of work. The sense of urgency is palpable, even from space!

It’s ironic that, just as engineers broke the curve of energy efficiency, producing chips (like Apple’s M series) that yanked the Pareto frontier of power vs. energy into undreamt-of territory, the software industry found an outlandish new need for raw compute.

It’s tempting to say “this always happens”—humans are always discovering new needs, new desires, right? — but I don’t think it does. Drivers of fuel-efficient cars (or, indeed, electric cars) don’t suddenly develop dreams of elaborate road trips. (Here’s a ton of data regarding that scenario.) No, this doesn’t always happen; it just happened this time; and it’s an epochal bummer.

By the mid-2010s, a surprising picture was coming into focus, driven by the requirements of mobile phones: a world of super-powerful devices consuming energy in dainty sips. Just like the cameras on those phones, there seemed to be something physics-breaking about it — the result of incredible ingenuity and care.

And then came AI."

...

"The AI data center buildout seems wasteful to me because it’s duplicative: a bunch of companies all racing to acquire exactly the same thing. Imagine another timeline, in which a stable, savvy U.S. government declared AI research a national priority and organized an ambitious project to pursue it: bringing investigators together into super-powered labs, funding the construction of national data centers, making them available to academic researchers — the pioneers who have, in our timeline, been effectively sidelined.

(Remember, the true sublime of the Manhattan Project wasn’t the science camp at Los Alamos: it was the pop-up uranium and plutonium enrichment facilities, doing exacting chemical work at basically inconceivable scale. If you are looking for “state capacity”, there it is.)

A clear remedy to the moral problem of a tech­nology built on the commons would be the com­mit­ment of these tools and research, plus their outputs, back to the commons.

This is a sce­nario held in wistful regard by plenty of folks in the AI industry, by the way.

Of course, there’s a response that goes: “Let us cook — after super­in­tel­li­gence is born in one of these data cen­ters, it will invent lim­it­less free energy, and we won’t have to worry about any of this.” I’m open to exploring the unknow­able ben­e­fits of pow­erful AI, but this response is laughable, because we already have the poten­tial for lim­it­less free energy. No fur­ther inno­va­tion is required — only coordination.

It feels totally appro­priate to say to OpenAI, Google, and the rest: sure, build all the data cen­ters you want … just be sure to budget for the solar farms and bat­teries to sup­port them.

There’s room for big con­crete boxes in this world — I’ve done some great work in big con­crete boxes — but I find this par­tic­ular species trou­bling rather than inspiring. There is no get­ting over the tragedy of finding our­selves on the cusp of a new energy regime for computers, only to tumble back into the furnace.

The lap­tops these days run without fans, cool and quiet, faster than ever. Meanwhile, the long cor­ri­dors of the data cen­ters roar, and roar, and roar."]]></description>
<dc:subject>robinsloan ai artificialintelligence datacenters efficiency energy openai google nvidia solar electricity computing computers technology commons manhattanproject history us government governance aws azure apple publicgood waste industry siliconvalley amazonwebservices</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80">
    <title>Evgeny Morozov: Democracy, Technology and the City - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-13T16:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.cccb.org/en/activities/file/democracy-technology-and-city/217682

"Which challenges and threats emerge as public spaces "smart", integrating sensors, cameras, and various means of algorithmic regulation? Technology companies, having optimized the public sphere, are increasingly offering to optimize our cities. Yet the terms of such "optimization" remain ambiguous and opaque, often presenting the business agendas of technology vendors as inevitable features of digitization. As we transition to the post-Snowden era, the costs of ubiquitous computing left in the hands of private companies have become painfully clear. How could cities take advantage of digital technologies without succumbing to the optimization excesses of the "smart city"?

Opening lecture of the series "Open City", in which will also participate Josep Maria Benet i Jornet, Marta Segarra, Manuel Forcano, Bruce Bégout, Rafael Chirbes, Erri de Luca, Richard Sennett and Kamila Shamsie.

Presenters: Joan Subirats

Participants: Evgeny Morozov

This activity is part of Open City, The Barcelona Debate"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hh7Cxt_PKqw">
    <title>Brian Eno perfectly explains selfishness of the super rich - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-12T02:20:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hh7Cxt_PKqw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["'If they want to leave the UK, then...  off'

This week we met the musician and record producer Brian Eno who told us that super rich people should be happy to pay a bit more tax to make sure many, many more people aren't struggling in poverty. He dismisses the idea that some might leave the country if the government brought in a wealth tax and said most would not even notice it. Mean rich people think more about numbers on a bank balance rather than how they could use it, he suggests.

The Roxy Music co-founder is part of the Patriotic Millionaires group – high profile rich people in support of an extra super tax rich..
Do you agree?

Look out for our upcoming film on the Patriotic Millionaires event on Peeps very soon.

Interview by Isabel Loubser
with Frankie Lister-Fell

-----
This is the start of our new channel Peeps – independent, campaigning journalism offering an alternative voice. Please subscribe, like or comment on our videos to help get us off the ground.

From the offices of the Camden New Journal and Islington Tribune."]]></description>
<dc:subject>taxes taxation brianeno inequality poverty billionaires wealth policy 2025 wealthtax isabelloubser frankielister-fell society economics government rich wealthy elonmusk carlosslim ego corruption greed jeffbezos markzuckerberg fascism pierreomidyar philanthropy charity philanthropicindustrialcomplex charitableindustrialcomplex publicgood</dc:subject>
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]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-03-18T19:00:16+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Since his retirement from politics, Barack Obama has displayed an astonishing lack of regard for the public good. Instead of serving his fellow human beings, he has mainly devoted himself to a rigorous program of conspicuous self-celebration."

]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-03-17T23:54:58+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Emily Drabinski and Mariame Kaba speak in this session recorded at Socialism 2024. This session was sponsored by Social Justice Initiative. The public library is an example of the world we want. Everything from books and media to cake pans and garden tools are held in common and shared equitably, expanding the public good and access to it. This is precisely why libraries are under attack, and why we must organize to win the library and, in turn, the world. The next Socialism Conference will be held in Chicago, July 3-6. Learn more about the Socialism Conference at www.socialismconference.org. Buy books from Haymarket: www.haymarketbooks.org Follow Haymarket on podcast platforms for regular event recordings, book talks, political analyses and poetry readings!"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/03/opinion/philanthropy-charity-billionaires-math.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Impossible Math of Philanthropy - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-23T03:43:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/03/opinion/philanthropy-charity-billionaires-math.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Lower East Side of Manhattan is home to some of the oldest and most storied charities in the country, founded at the dawn of the Progressive era. University Settlement, established in 1886, opened one of the first public baths in New York City. In 1893, Henry Street Settlement began offering health care to neighborhood residents and later convened the conference that led to the formation of the N.A.A.C.P.

Today, New Yorkers in need continue to depend on these charities for housing assistance, child and elder care, food security, education and employment training. Yet poverty on the Lower East Side has been increasing for decades, and Manhattan has the most unequal income distribution of any large county in America.

It’s a similar story across the country. In recent years, Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Michael Bloomberg and many others have poured billions into fighting poverty, protecting the environment and improving health outcomes. Corporate giving has also grown significantly over the past 5 years. Yet despite these efforts, income inequality is worse than it’s been since before the Great Depression, and poverty and its associated social pathologies remain stubbornly pervasive. What gives?

There’s a simple answer, one you’ll never hear in the grand halls of the charity gala circuit: The math of philanthropy simply doesn’t work. And it never will.

Americans typically understand charities as organizations that pick up where the government leaves off — championing the poor, the environment, the sick and the marginalized. But this framing is incomplete, and frankly misleading.

More often than not, charities work to mitigate harms caused by business. Every year, corporations externalize trillions in costs to society and the planet. Nonprofits form to absorb those costs, but have at their disposal only a tiny portion of the profits that corporations were able to generate by externalizing those costs in the first place. This is what makes charity such a good deal for businesses and their owners: They can earn moral credit for donating a penny to a problem they made a dollar creating.

Take the fast-food industry, where wages are so low that a majority of workers’ families are enrolled in public assistance. When an underpaid McDonald’s worker seeks a free meal at a soup kitchen, the soup kitchen is, in effect, stepping in to supplement a legal but inadequate wage. The lower the wage, the greater the profits for McDonald’s, which puts the soup kitchen in the position of indirectly subsidizing those profits.

According to census data, about half of Americans earn less than a living wage, which we estimate conservatively at $75,000 for a family of three. For every family to earn a living wage, we estimate that employers would need to pay at least $1.9 trillion more in wages and salaries. But in 2023, only $77 billion of all American charitable dollars went toward so-called human service organizations such as food banks and homeless shelters. Employers will never choose to make up that difference, because keeping wages low is what fuels so much of the profits their shareholders demand.

Government welfare programs play a much larger role than charity in bridging the $1.9 trillion gap, but they are also insufficient. Total spending on economic security programs by the U.S. government in 2023 was $545 billion, still a small fraction of what it would take for all Americans to meet their basic needs. If the Trump administration fulfills its plan to slash social services such as food stamps and child care assistance, while diverting more wealth to the rich through tax cuts, the math will get only worse and the pressure on charities will compound.

A similar predicament exists for environmental cleanup.

Think about Coca-Cola, which, up until the 1970s, was sold mostly in refillable glass bottles. In the 1980s and ’90s, it switched to plastic — effectively outsourcing the cost of recycling to municipalities, or, more accurately, the cost of plastic pollution to the world.

Last year, researchers identified Coca-Cola as the single largest branded plastic polluter on the planet. The long-term environmental costs of plastic pollution are enormous — $3.7 trillion per year, according to one study. Based on its share of plastic production, that means Coca-Cola’s plastic alone inflicts some $30 billion in annual environmental damage. That’s about three times the company’s net income in 2022. How much did it donate to charitable causes that year? Not quite $95 million, a small share of which went toward recycling programs.

That leaves governments on the hook for the rest of the damage, but here, too, public spending is grossly insufficient, and it is almost certain to become more so under the Trump administration. The total proposed budget for the Environmental Protection Agency in the current fiscal year is less than $11 billion; as of 2018, states and local governments contributed about $32 billion a year to protect natural resources — but again, that’s a tiny fraction of what it would cost to fix the damage corporations inflict on the environment each year.

These calculations reveal why so many good and seemingly well-funded causes fail to move the needle. The health and environmental costs from the food industry exceed the revenue it generates. The cost in the United States of health care from smoking is several times the revenue of the cigarette industry. The costs of mental illness, misinformation and political discord created by the social media industry are immeasurable.

Nonprofits that work to reverse obesity, prevent addiction or treat anxiety will never have anywhere near the resources they need to fully meet their missions.

Building a more equitable world would require addressing the damage that for-profit companies cause at the root. As the European Union has shown through a variety of new laws in recent years, regulation can be used to force businesses to internalize their hidden social costs. Alternatively, corporations could be legally rechartered so that their bylaws compel them to put public interests ahead of their shareholders. Both approaches would hurt companies’ profit margins.

For this to work, the public would also need to develop greater skepticism of the rich entrepreneurs who, with more cash than they could ever spend, donate portions of their wealth to favored causes. Lionized for their achievements and revered for their compassion, they bask in their status as society’s saviors. Meanwhile, the corporations they own extract wealth and externalize costs on a scale that dwarfs their largess. With one hand they generate supernormal profits by plundering society, and with the other they dole out a few crumbs to “save the world.” But they never will. The math simply doesn’t work."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/OjBEA

via:
https://48hills.org/2025/02/lurie-wants-to-ask-his-rich-friends-to-fund-his-programs-heres-why-it-wont-work/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://dadadrummer.substack.com/p/on-first-looking-into-brands-whole">
    <title>On First Looking into Brand’s Whole Earth Catalog</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-17T18:31:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://dadadrummer.substack.com/p/on-first-looking-into-brands-whole</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Are we in the present that the past envisioned… or just the one they invested in?"

...

"These pages on Fuller serve as a preface to a subsequent tour of the environment Brand arranges from macro to micro. We move from the cosmos to the biosphere of the Earth to the human body to the mind — and that’s just the first twenty-five pages, which culminate in a full spread devoted to an essay by ecological activist and poet Wendell Berry which begins, “First there was Civil Rights, and then there was The War, and now it is The Environment.”

A long section follows that is devoted to ecological problems - pollution, the population explosion, hunger - and “Desperate Ecology Action.” This in turn introduces one of the most in-depth sections of the catalog, instructions and tools for heading back to the land – farming, shelter, crafts, and advice on organizing new communities. By midway through the book, we’re making homebrew from our own crops and drinking it in outdoor communal hot tubs that we’ve built along Finnish or Japanese plans. Have we solved the world’s ecological problems yet?

[image]

Not quite. In fact, looking from a half-century later, not at all. Things are worse. Much, much worse. How did all these good ecological intentions linked to tools go so wrong?

Returning to that well-known statement of Brand’s at the 1984 Hacker’s Conference, I see now that it was in fact part of a dialogue initiated by none other than Steve Wozniak, co-founder of Apple. The verbatim exchange is preserved on videotape.

<blockquote>STEVE WOZNIAK: It turns out that, there are cases though, problems with development of a product in a company — sometimes it gets developed and the company decides it doesn't want it, doesn’t fit a market, it won’t make a product, it won't sell. In a case like that the company should be very free to quickly give it to the engineer, legal release: "It's yours.” Take it out and start your own company, if it’s Apple, or start your own software product company. And sometimes the companies, internally, because they own it, will squash it and say, "You cannot have it, even though we're not going put it out,” and nobody else in the world's going to get it. That's a hiding of information, and that is wrong.

STEWART BRAND: It seems like there's a couple of interesting paradoxes that we're working here… On the one hand you have, a point you’re making Woz, that information sort of wants to be expensive, because it's so valuable. The right information in the right place just changes your life. On the other hand, information almost wants to be free, because the cost of getting it out in many respects is getting lower and lower all the time. So you have these two things fighting against each other.

WOZNIAK: Information should be free but your time should not.</blockquote>

I want to give Wozniak the last word from the exchange this time, because his follow-up – rarely quoted, and just barely audible in the videotape – leads to another explanation for Brand’s contradiction. Information can – Wozniak even says “should” – be free (Wozniak famously clashed with Jobs over open source, which he championed). But your time – or to rephrase that in more strictly economic terms, your labor – should not.

In this snippet of dialogue, Wozniak – who cashed out of Apple a millionaire – seems to be advocating an anti-capital, pro-labor stance toward information. Brand, on the other hand – the one-time Merry Prankster who killed The Whole Earth Catalog at the height of its profitability, who moved to a houseboat in Sausalito for a lifestyle seemingly more beatnik than yuppie – frames the opposition of capital and labor as a “paradox,” rather than the conflict of material interest that it is.

This oddly benign view of capital may well lurk in The Whole Earth Catalog — peeking out for example in the entry for Atlas Shrugged by Ayn Rand (“This preposterous novel has some unusual gold in it. – SB”) — but it’s difficult to see for all the ecological awareness and activism. However, Brand has proven in years since to be more than a little comfortable with the titans of capital. In the 1980s, Brand horrified many ecological activists who had been inspired by The Whole Earth Catalog when he became a consultant to Shell Oil, as well as an advocate for nuclear power (a stance he holds to this day, even in the wake of the Fukushima disaster). He has also loudly championed bio-engineering for both crops and animals. By 1995, an article in Fortune magazine dubbed him, “The Electric Kool-Aid Management Consultant.” And one of his recent endeavors, The Long Now Foundation, is tied to Jeff Bezos — who personally funded its most grandiose project, a “10,000-year clock,” and installed it on land he owns in west Texas.

[image: screenshot "from an FAQ by the designer of the 10,000-year clock, Danny Hillis"]

Is it too much to read this coziness with capital into the exchange at the Hackers Conference in 1984? Can we also read it into certain blithely entitled statements in the Last Whole Earth Catalog? Regardless, it is all too easy to find in the actions of the billionaires who came out of the Silicon Valley community that Brand helped establish. As Brand’s current associate Bezos takes a seat on the inauguration platform this month, alongside Zuckerberg and Musk, the politics of their tech-based corporations have become more obvious, and more poisonous, than ever. The legacy of The Whole Earth Catalog has given Silicon Valley philosophical cover, as it were, for decades – associating corporate strategies with the anti-establishment attitudes of 1960s youth culture. But that cover has not only worn thin, it’s in shreds as these “disruptors” claim their place in an anti-democratic oligarchy.

What’s worse, these corporations have only further entrenched the very problems that The Last Whole Earth Catalog identified as most crucial for society to solve fifty years ago. The book is closing on them - and us - fast."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wired.com/story/amber-alert-paywall-california/">
    <title>Californians Say X Blocked Them From Viewing Amber Alert About Missing 14-Year-Old | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-03T22:59:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/amber-alert-paywall-california/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Many people reported they hit a screen preventing them from seeing the alert unless they signed in."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/liberalism-cannot-produce-outcomes">
    <title>Liberalism Cannot Produce Outcomes Satisfactory to Liberals</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-30T18:07:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/liberalism-cannot-produce-outcomes</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["and any sufficient equality of opportunity simply is an equality of outcome"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/everyone-into-the-grinder">
    <title>Everyone Into The Grinder - by Hamilton Nolan</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-04T23:20:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/everyone-into-the-grinder</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is good to make powerful people participate in public systems."

...

"One of the most direct ways to improve a flawed system is simply to end the ability of rich and powerful people to exclude themselves from it. If, for example, you outlawed private schools, the public schools would get better. They would get better not because every child deserves to have a quality education, but rather because it would be the only for rich and powerful people to ensure that their children were going to good schools. The theory of “a rising tide lifts all boats” does not work when you allow the people with the most influence to buy their way out of the water. It would be nice if we fixed broken systems simply because they are broken. In practice, governments are generally happy to ignore broken things if they do not affect people with enough power to make the government listen. So the more people that we push into public systems, the better.

Rich kids should go to public schools. The mayor should ride the subway to work. When wealthy people get sick, they should be sent to public hospitals. Business executives should have to stand in the same airport security lines as everyone else. The very fact that people want to buy their way out of all of these experiences points to the reason why they shouldn’t be able to. Private schools and private limos and private doctors and private security are all pressure release valves that eliminate the friction that would cause powerful people to call for all of these bad things to get better. The degree to which we allow the rich to insulate themselves from the unpleasant reality that others are forced to experience is directly related to how long that reality is allowed to stay unpleasant. When they are left with no other option, rich people will force improvement in public systems. Their public spirit will be infinitely less urgent when they are contemplating these things from afar than when they are sitting in a hot ER waiting room for six hours themselves.

This sort of mandatory equality is obviously not what powerful people prefer. They will object that it infringes upon their rights. Because the right in question is the right to pretend that the rights of others are not as important as their own, it is not a right that we should be too bothered about violating. If they want to file a complaint, they can get in line at City Hall, like everyone else.

This general principle of good government was on my mind as I watched the Republican Party unite as one to wail about the injustice perpetrated upon convicted felon Donald Trump in that New York courtroom this week. What we winkingly refer to as “the justice system” is at the very top of the list of things that rich and powerful people are not subjected to in the same way as everyone else. It is the most pervasive and the most devastating example of this principle in action. If you can afford a lawyer, your sentence will be lighter. If you can afford bail, you will not sit in jail. If you can afford a nice home in a nice neighborhood it will be generally understood by police that their job is to work for you and not against you. In every aspect of its operation, our system of crime and punishment produces vastly nicer outcomes for the rich than for the rest of us. A private state prison full of poor people sitting not far from where Donald Trump frolics freely at Mar-a-Lago is a child’s picture book-style illustration of this whole thing in action. Here is where we send the regular crooks, and there is where we send the rich crooks.

The best reason to reform America’s system of mass incarceration is that it is an inhuman atrocity that will, in time, be viewed as the next step after slavery in our country’s list of unjust crimes of persecution. Even right wingers agree with this proposition in their own tacit way—notice how people rush to hire the very best lawyer they can possibly afford and pull every political string available to them to free themselves from the clutches of the criminal justice system whenever they face it. Notice how not too many rich people accept public defenders. This is rather inconsistent, philosophically speaking. Law-and-order Republicans should be the first ones to meekly accept the system’s harshest punishment when they do wrong. But of course, those harsh punishments are not meant for them. They are meant for the others.

The sight of the very same people who routinely demand more police and harsher criminal sentences competing to scream the loudest about the injustice of convicting a blatant crook for a blatant crime does not really require any ornamentation from me. It all speaks for itself. These people are not interested in justice; they are interested in oppression. That is the project they are enthusiastic about. From that point of view, the whole spectacle makes perfect sense.

It’s easy to laugh when all of this happens to Donald Trump. His punishment, whatever it is, will be richly deserved. But if you’re interested in using this moment for something other than schadenfreude, ask yourself: To what degree do I fall prey to the same tendencies to protect myself and let the rest of the world burn? How often have I focused my energy on using my time and resources to insulate myself from the many fucked up public systems in America, rather than thinking about how to make them better? I would never charge any of you with being as bad as Donald Trump or his enablers. But all of us have done some of this, somewhere. You send your kids to private school rather than crusading to make public schools better; you join TSA pre-check rather than writing letters to the Department of Transportation; you get the good health insurance from your job and scarcely think about the misery of the inner city hospitals; you spring for the Uber to the airport and don’t attend the public hearings about the MTA budget. This is human nature. I say this not as a condemnation, but as, perhaps, a gentle spur to action. All of us can think more deeply about the injustices that surround us. All of us can resist the temptation to purchase our way out of public problems and promptly forget about them. And all of us can enforce a social sanction—shaming—against extremely rich and powerful people who, one way or another, build a rocket to go to space while the planet burns in their wake.

There are nearly two million incarcerated people in the United States of America. Donald Trump deserves all of the same rights that they have. He can get in line behind all of them, and wait his turn patiently."

[via:
https://kottke.org/24/06/our-unpleasant-privatized-reality ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nSUvJHimKWM">
    <title>Healthcare Profiteers Are Quietly Devastating Small-Town America. For the Poor, It’s Life or Death. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-09-20T17:13:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nSUvJHimKWM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Healthcare profiteers are destroying small towns across America. Hospitals deemed unprofitable are being closed by investors, leaving entire communities without a healthcare provider. The costs are deadly.

Kei Pritsker was embedded with Put People First! PA, a group that's fighting to make healthcare a human right in the state of Pennsylvania."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q8hxl-q4GcQ">
    <title>Why is it SO HARD to find a public bathroom in the U.S.? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-08-22T20:32:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q8hxl-q4GcQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ever been caught outside without a place to pee? You’re not alone – the U.S. has a severe shortage of public bathrooms. It’s tied with Botswana, Georgia and a couple other countries for having just eight public bathrooms per 100,000 people! This means many Americans turn to private businesses like Starbucks when they’ve “gotta go.” But WHY does America have such a severe shortage of public toilets? Yara went on a bathroom-hunting journey throughout New York, one of the most bathroom-deficient cities, to find out."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R58Si78N9i4">
    <title>How College Became A Scam - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-07-31T00:34:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R58Si78N9i4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Believe it or not, college in the U.S. used to be either ultra-cheap or even free to any student who wanted to attend. That may seem like a distant dream to students today, entering lives of debt servitude in order to pay off their student loans. But it’s true: the end of free college was the result of an intentional strategy by elites in the 1970s and ‘80s to destroy any idea of college as a public good, to be enjoyed and shared by all. And tens of millions of people today are paying the price. Luke Herrine, PhD candidate at Yale Law School, explains."

...

"0:00 A Story
1:23 How America Destroyed Free College
4:30 The Student Debt Crisis
5:46 How To Erase All Student Debt"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/the-pandemic-is-the-time-to-resurrect-the-public-university">
    <title>The Pandemic Is the Time to Resurrect the Public University | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2020-05-12T04:26:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/the-pandemic-is-the-time-to-resurrect-the-public-university</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“ince the coronavirus pandemic reached the East Coast, at least twenty-three students, faculty, and staff of the City University of New York have died. According to data compiled by cuny professor Michael Yarbrough and undergraduates in his research colloquium, sixteen of these deaths were caused by covid-19. They include William Helmreich, a distinguished sociologist who walked virtually every one of New York City’s hundred and twenty-one thousand blocks; Anita Crumpton, a graduate of City College, who was an office assistant at cuny’s Graduate Center for two decades; and Joseph Dellis and Yolanda Dellis, a couple who met at a bowling alley almost forty years ago and worked at Kingsborough Community College. The cause of the remaining deaths has not been announced.

cuny is the largest urban public-university system in the United States. Its twenty-five campuses span the five boroughs. One of the campuses, where five of the faculty and staff who died of the coronavirus worked, is Brooklyn College. I teach there.

The New Yorker’s coronavirus news coverage and analysis are free for all readers.
It seems likely that no other college or university in the United States has suffered as many deaths as cuny. Yet, aside from an op-ed by Yarbrough in the Daily News, there has been little coverage of this story. Once known proudly as “the poor man’s Harvard,” cuny has become a cemetery of uncertain dimensions, its deaths as unremarked as the graves in a potter’s field.

The coronavirus has revealed to many the geography of class in America, showing that where we live and work shapes whether we live or die. Might it offer a similar lesson about where we learn?

Consider a recent opinion piece in the Times, by the Brown University president, Christina Paxson. Paxson, who’s also the deputy chair of the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, argues that college campuses should reopen in the fall. Her piece has generated wide and sympathetic discussion, including an interview on NPR’s “Morning Edition.”

Like many such articles, Paxson’s is a statement of universal academic citizenship. Her concern is the “lower-income students who may not have reliable internet access or private spaces in which to study” and the students who depend on college for “upward mobility.” It’s an important point. But the Times’ own reporting shows that more students at Brown come “from the top 1 percent of the income scale than from the entire bottom 60 percent”—a feature Brown shares with four other Ivy League universities. Just over four per cent of Brown’s students come from the bottom twenty per cent. Meanwhile, cuny’s campuses are among the most powerful engines of upward mobility in the country, drawing hundreds of thousands of students from the poor and the working class.

The hidden force of those numbers is felt across Paxson’s prose. Paxson insists that campuses can reopen this fall if there is “rapid” and “regular” testing of all students throughout the year. At cuny, even in the best of times, we often don’t have soap in our bathrooms. We also still have push faucets. To wash one hand, I must use the other to twist and hold one of the sink’s two handles, hard and continuously. This produces water of a single temperature—cold—leaving me, always, with one hand that’s touched a surface and must remain unwashed. It’s hard to imagine coronavirus tests when washing both hands is nearly impossible.

Paxson also envisions universities “collaborating with their state health departments and rolling out tracing technology on their campuses.” Yet there’s nowhere at cuny that I could go simply to find out the most basic statistics on coronavirus infections and deaths. An article in The Atlantic, written by a lecturer at Yale, recommends that universities track and trace students through their campus “touchless keycard entry” systems. Brooklyn College can’t afford keycards. Instead, I must deploy six keys—three for my office, two for the department office, and one that does double duty for our smart classroom and the bathroom—to make my way across campus.

Finally, Paxson worries about the virus spreading through college dorms. She counsels that “we can’t simply send students home and shift to remote learning every time this happens.” She recommends that sick students be quarantined in hotel rooms—“costly,” she acknowledges, “but necessary.” That certainly reflects the Brown experience, in which undergraduates live on campus for at least three of their four years, and money is plentiful. But that experience is atypical. According to data compiled by the Seton Hall professor Robert Kelchen, just under sixteen per cent of undergraduates in the United States live on campus, and around forty per cent of community-college students live with their parents. From conversations I’ve had with students, I’d say that the latter number is higher at cuny. A student who gets sick at Brooklyn College will, in all likelihood, end her day where it began: at home with her family.

For decades, a handful of boutique colleges and powerhouse universities have served as emblems of our system of higher education. If they are not the focus of discussion, they are the subtext, shaping our assumptions about the typical campus experience. This has remained true during the pandemic. The question of reopening has produced dozens of proposals, but most of them are tenable only for schools like Brown; they don’t obtain in the context of Brooklyn College. The coronavirus has seeded a much-needed conversation about building a more equal society. It’s time for a similar conversation about the academy.

In academia, as in the rest of society, a combination of public and private actors directs wealth to those who need it least. While cuny struggles to survive decades of budget cuts—and faces, in the pandemic, the possibility of even more—donors lavish elite colleges and universities with gifts of millions, even billions, of dollars. Sometimes these donations fund opportunities for low-income students, but mostly they serve as tax-deductible transfers to rich, private institutions, depriving the public of much-needed revenue. What taxes federal and state governments do collect may be returned to those institutions in the form of hefty grants and contracts, which help fund operating budgets that Brooklyn College can only dream of. This is the song of culture in our society. The bass line is wealth and profit; the melody is diversity and opportunity.

Yet, for all the talk of the poor and students of color at the Ivy League, the real institutions of mobility in the United States are underfunded public universities. Paxson may believe that “a university campus is a microcosm of any major city in the U.S.,” as she told NPR, but cuny is no microcosm. With nearly two hundred and seventy-five thousand students and forty-five thousand staff—a population larger than that of many American cities—it is what the Latin root of the word “university” tells us higher education should be: the entire, the whole. More than seventy-five per cent of our undergraduate students are nonwhite. Sixty-one per cent receive Pell Grants, and the same percentage have parents who did not graduate from college. At City College and Baruch College, seventy-six and seventy-nine per cent of students, respectively, start out in the bottom quintile of the income distribution and wind up in one of the top three quintiles. For hundreds of thousands of working-class students, in other words, a cash-starved public university is their gateway to the middle or upper-middle class.

Beyond opportunity, institutions like cuny offer a vision of education that is less about credentials than about the deep contact—and conflict—between reading and experience that is the essence of culture. On most élite campuses, undergraduates are eighteen to twenty-two years old. At cuny, more than twenty-five per cent of undergraduates are twenty-five or older. Our campuses are not cloisters; they’re classrooms out of the pages of Plato and Huey Newton, where philosophy is set in motion in and by the street. Like other public colleges and universities, cuny is a mustard seed of intellectual life, a source of reinvention and renewal. If we are to endure this crisis—and, later, to learn from it—some of our most original thinkers and leaders will come from schools like City College.

One of the reasons Paxson believes we need to open schools is that many of them are heading toward financial disaster. Here the distinction between public and private—or Brown and Brooklyn College—begins to collapse. Paxson describes the possibilities as “catastrophic,” across the board, and she is not exaggerating. Heavily dependent on tuition, and uncertain that online courses will attract or retain students, many institutions anticipate a loss of revenue so large and precipitous that they fear they may have to close.

Yet these choices are not dictates of nature and economics. They are political and historical, arising from years of decision and indecision, which have slowly, sometimes imperceptibly, shifted the burden of higher education from public to private sources. The tax subsidies for big gifts to Harvard and Yale find their counterpart in the proportion of revenues that public colleges and universities now derive from tuition. Though this shift has been going on for decades, 2017 was a watershed: it was the first year that public colleges and universities began to receive more revenue from tuition than from the state.

If this is the funding model that has forced upon us the choice of open or die—or open and die—we might heed the example of a different catastrophe, which prompted American society to make a different choice. During the Depression, the New York municipal-college system opened two flagship campuses: Brooklyn College and Queens College. These schools built the middle class, took in refugees from Nazi Germany, remade higher education, and transformed American arts and letters. In 1942, Brooklyn College gave Hannah Arendt her first teaching job in the United States; an adjunct, she lectured on the Dreyfus affair, which would figure prominently in “The Origins of Totalitarianism.” In the decades that followed, cuny built more campuses. Until 1976, it was free to all students; the government footed the bill.

What prompted this public investment in higher education was neither sentimentality about the poor nor a noblesse oblige of good works. It was a vision of culture and social wealth, derived from the activism of the working classes and defended by a member of Britain’s House of Lords. “Why should we not set aside,” John Maynard Keynes wondered in 1942, “fifty million pounds a year for the next twenty years to add in every substantial city of the realm the dignity of an ancient university.” Against those who disavowed such ambitions on the grounds of expense, Keynes said, “Anything we can actually do we can afford.” And “once done, it is there.”

Public spending, for public universities, is a bequest of permanence from one generation to the next. It is a promise to the future that it will enjoy the learning of the present and the literature of the past. It is what we need, more than ever, today. Sending students, professors, and workers back to campus, amid a pandemic, simply because colleges and universities need the cash, is a statement of bankruptcy more profound than any balance sheet could ever tally.

In memory of

Moshe Augenstein
Amelia Bahr
Joseph Bertorelli
Mark Blum
Joseph Brostek
Anita Crumpton
Javaney Daley
Joseph Dellis
Yolanda Dellis
Luis Diaz
William Tulio Divale
William Gerdts
William Helmreich
Donald Hoffman
Raymond Hoobler
Jay Jankelewicz
Juliet Manragh
Yves Roseus
Joel Shatzky
Paul Shelden
Michael Sorkin
Ralph Steinberg
Thomas Waters“]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/Threadbare/status/1249602172276244480">
    <title>Flyndersticks 🌻🌹 on Twitter: &quot;The USPS was created with the express purpose of helping a far-flung citizenry communicate, learn, and participate in governance. The postal service isn't a business, it's a goddamn LIBRARY. https://t.co/SirRgm3FlZ&quot; / T</title>
    <dc:date>2020-04-22T19:02:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/Threadbare/status/1249602172276244480</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The USPS was created with the express purpose of helping a far-flung citizenry communicate, learn, and participate in governance. 

The postal service isn't a business, it's a goddamn LIBRARY."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/let-them-eat-tech">
    <title>Let Them Eat Tech | Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-16T23:02:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/let-them-eat-tech</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[““Tech-for-all” campaigns build on a deep-seated tradition of modern liberals framing the problem of rural poverty in terms of the geographic and technological remoteness of rural areas. The famed Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) hydroelectric infrastructure project was one of the more notable accomplishments of New Deal liberalism, in no small part by virtue of its success in more fully integrating struggling rural communities into the national economy. Franklin Roosevelt and his brain trust believed that one of the main problems of “underdeveloped regions” in Appalachia and the broader South was their physical isolation from urban centers of capitalist production. Many New Deal architects, beginning with TVA chairman David Lilienthal, saw the project as a way of spurring economic growth by luring industry to rural places. During the early Cold War, growth-oriented liberals also funneled billions of dollars of research-and-development funds into previously overlooked areas, transforming cities like Atlanta and Charlotte and building the modern Sunbelt in the process.

Nevertheless, by the 1960s, rural areas across the South began experiencing new waves of economic uncertainty. Decades of agricultural modernization resulted in fewer rural workers being supported in farming occupations, which led to an increase in outmigration to cities, where there were more job opportunities. State leaders from both political parties responded by implementing a model of economic development that came to be known as “smokestack chasing”: using public subsidies and the promises of a low-wage and non-unionized workforce to recruit manufacturers to rural communities. This approach produced a surge in one-company towns and cities throughout the rural South—places like Arkadelphia, Arkansas, and Rocky Mount, North Carolina—which generated jobs and provided momentary economic stability. But by the late 1970s, those companies were finding even cheaper labor outside the United States, and rural towns began to undergo debilitating rounds of deindustrialization and capital flight.

A new generation of Democratic Party politicians burst onto the national scene at the height of this crisis. These “New Democrats” or “Atari Democrats” went to great lengths to distance themselves from the party’s traditional associations with the industrial manufacturing sector and its powerful labor unions, shifting their focus to relentless high-tech growth instead. Many of them hailed from Southern or Midwestern states with large rural populations that were experiencing the devastating effects of rural disinvestment, including James Blanchard (Michigan), Al Gore (Tennessee), James Hunt (North Carolina), Charles Robb (Virginia)—and, of course, Arkansas’s Bill Clinton. Their vision for how respond to the coordinated crises of deindustrialization and the decline of the agricultural sector offered a clear departure from the recent past; as Clinton boldly announced to Forbes in 1979, his first year as governor, “smokestack chasing doesn’t work.” Instead, Clinton and the other Atari Democrats looked to the success of Silicon Valley and Route 128 outside of Boston, which had recently become bastions of tech-focused industrial activity.

The New Democrats who served as governors pursued strategies that fostered collaboration between government and business, touting public-private partnerships with the high-tech sector (which had already developed a reputation for being anti-union) as the best way to help struggling communities in their states generate economic activity. The Southern New Democratic governors were members of the Southern Growth Policies Board, a state-funded research agency and policy shop focused on creating new development plans for the region. In the early 1980s, the board began laying out plans to incubate tech startups throughout the region—both in already-established local markets, like North Carolina’s Research Triangle, and in previously untapped rural areas. Clinton oversaw the creation of the Board’s Southern Technology Council, which promoted the more efficient transfer of knowledge and research between academia and industry. Tennessee Senator Al Gore, meanwhile, spearheaded the passage of a series of laws that turned the research networks controlled by the National Science Foundation over to the commercial sphere, so that both public and private sources could fund and benefit from its growth.

Clinton and Gore’s shared Southern roots, and their shared commitment to a new technology agenda, became key pillars of their successful bid for the White House in 1992. In stump speeches throughout the country, they discussed the power of technology to connect people and transcend not just partisan but also rural and urban divisions. They pledged to create a “door-to-door information network to link every home, business, lab, classroom, and library by the year 2015.” In a ceremony held in Silicon Valley during the first days of their administration, Clinton and Gore unveiled a new initiative called “Technology for America’s Economic Growth,” which affirmed that “accelerating the introduction of an efficient, high-speed communications system can have the same effect on U.S. economic and social development as public investment in the railroads in the 19th century.” They requested expanded public funding for research and development work and called on the federal agencies and Congress to eliminate regulations that hindered the private sector from investing in such a network.

These efforts culminated in the Telecommunications Act of 1996, the most sweeping overhaul to U.S. communications policy since 1934. The act deregulated all segments of the industry, premised on the idea that a more competitive marketplace would help to make phone, cable, and internet service cheaper and more readily available. Taken together, these policies put into action the Democratic neoliberal faith that fueling the growth of the tech sector offered not only the clearest route to ongoing economic prosperity but also the surest means of providing a key social service.”]]></description>
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    <title>Alec Resnick on Twitter: “OK, via prompt by @vgr, 1 like = 1 opinion about unschooling”</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-15T23:54:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/aresnick/status/1206336018410082305</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“1. Unschooling’s greatest mistake was situating itself in the negative space of school.  It doesn’t have a coherent position on what learning is.

2. Because unschooling is reacting to school’s coercive structures, it has developed an overly naturalistic view of learning that’s about “getting out of the way” which idealizes youth, learning, and often glosses over the complexities of actually learning and working.

3. The future of unschooling is much more likely to be invented in the world of work than the world of school or unschooling.  And it probably won’t even be named as education per se for much of its infancy.

4. Mostly we talk about “learning” only to make sense of either (a) doing something inauthentic, or (b) being a novice.  At some point, you stop “learning” the guitar and start just getting better.  The most radical perspectives abandon treating learning as a distinct activity.

5. The most meaningful part of “unschooling” is the phase people go through in learning to learn and get things done without school-like structures.  Understanding why we go through that phase has much more to do with psychology than education and is woefully under-explored.

6. Education won’t see meaningful reform until the time and money associated with schooling is made available for invention and experimentation.  Unschooling, as long as it remains an “exit” strategy (in the AO Hirschman) sense, will never be instrumental to this.

7. One’s opinion about the relative decomposition of the premia which formal education earns people into human, network, and social/cultural capital is a far more important term in the mid-term future of school, learning, and unschooling than anyone’s pedagogy.

8. Education is a prematurely professionalized sector.  Basic standards of rigor, consistency, shared vocabulary, and similar which other professions take for granted don’t yet exist.  Unschooling has inherited and amplified this hubris as a reactionary position and community.

9. Human development is slow.  Experimentation requires longer time horizons than most investment vehicles permit.  To a first approximation, you can probably ignore research or reform efforts which don’t have built into their structure deep acknowledgment of this.

10. By framing its superiority in terms of rights, humane-ness, and ethics (as opposed to, e.g., efficacy), unschooling opts for the losing side of the political economy in conversations about the future of learning.  This is a harsh critique of both unschooling and education.

11. Unschooling hand-waves at the reasons school exists (e.g. “industrial revolution factory model”), but has failed to develop a coherent analysis of school’s robustness to change and staying power.  “What’s adaptive about school for whom?” is an underappreciated question.

12. School [and un-schooling] have much more to learn from kindergarten and the world of work than either appreciate.

13. It is a deep and important question why, for the most part, graduates from graduate schools of education (having nominally studied how people learn and grow), are not some of the most highly paid and sought after designers/managers in fields where knowledge work dominates.

14. A basic incoherence in discussions of unschooling, learning, and education, is that [mostly] people treat learning as a domain-independent activity.  Domain specificity of methods’ relevance/efficacy is ignored because of the political functions of discourse around learning.

15. The set of things people worry about learning is ~arbitrary, a minute sliver of what’s out there.  The process of identifying, creating curricula for, and developing educators to support learning a topic is so slow so as to make content-first reformers largely irrelevant.

16. Most discussions of learning wildly overindex on “fit” of topic-defined interest.  Learning and motivation are driven by the social and cultural contexts in which people find themselves.

17. When given the chance to focus on “cognitive” or “affective” factors in someone’s learning, returns are almost always higher emphasizing the affective.  We don’t yet have fundamental explanations for this, but it is a fact largely ignored by unschoolers and schoolers alike.

18. At most conferences, you hear about new ideas and new work.  Unschooling/alt-ed conferences are much more similar to a political caucus coming together around values.  Whether this is cause or effect, the intellectual stagnation has yet to even be identified by the sector.

19. Unschooling [and school] has never really grappled with the reality that choice amongst “education options” is better understood as choice among “insurance products” than “investment products”.  i.e. it is about raising the floor to which you can fall.

20. The timescale required to capture the long-term returns of human capital development mean that for all intents and purposes, only governments, churches, universities, and visionary billionaires will be in a position to meaningfully experiment with new K12 institutions.

21. Much of the work of unschooling has as little to do with school and learning as remediating an unhealthy relationship to body image has to do with the theory of nutrition.

22. One of the greatest unrecognized reform strategies is to leverage new, salient skills (e.g. programming) to create cover for new pedagogy.  Doing this in K12 requires inventive, intellectual work connecting these skills to all the disciplines for which school is responsible.

23. Dewey, Montessori, Reggio Emilia, Waldorf, etc.—the extent to which these have succeeded or not has ~nothing to do with their pedagogical efficacy.  It is a political/financial/cultural fact.  Efforts which do not have a historical analysis and story about this are unserious.

24. One of the most important [false] things you learn in school is that you learn by being taught.  In unschooling, many people never unlearn this, instead substituting other classes or courses for the classroom that’s now gone.

25. Many explain away counterfactuals about people who drop out/unschool/homeschool by pointing to privilege.  This is a fascinating datum.  If it were an honest point, then educators would be interested in the pedagogical and managerial insights of the upper-middle class family.

26. There are approximately as many people homeschooled as there are in charter schools.  “Charter school” is a design and governance mechanism.  As is “homeschooling”.  Talking about them as though they are pedagogies—e.g. “Does homeschooling work?”—is pure confusion.

27. Just as corporations have offered us new [often dark] visions of what the next nation states look like, so too will the first entities to figure out how to leverage tools like income share agreements to securitize human capital offer us new [maybe dark] visions of cities.

28. The bias to emphasize the cognitive in education leads people to vastly overestimate the power of remote technologies and experiences to transform learning.  If it is fundamentally social, much of it will be fundamentally local.

29. To the extent unschooling recognizes learning is a slow, social, high-touch, and therefore local process it has one up on every company tackling this space which aims to be the first in history to create a large-scale, high-touch organization anyone wants to join.

30. One of the most valuable skills those who unschool and support others who unschool develop is the ability to introduce people to a map of an intellectual territory without confusing exposure for attempted mastery.  Formal education could learn a great deal from this.

31. The most important ratio in the future of learning is the relative balance of dollars and minutes which go into (a) investigating how school works and could be improved, (b) investigating how “non-traditional” learning works, & (c) inventing new tools/approaches.

32.  Pick any organizational unit (company, lab group, whatever).  The first 100h of activity on-boarding a junior colleague to that group likely represents 1000h (8–10m full-time) of rigorous activity for a young person.  Unschooling should focus on organizing access to this.

33. One of the cleverest sleights of hand—whose provenance I’m still mystified by—is that we discuss learning’s future in terms of methods instead of entrants/products.  Learning is one of the most “execution-dependent” and “recipe-resistant” activities I can imagine.

34. Once you assume the moniker of “alternative”, you’ve lost the whole ball game.

35. Unschooling is really a battle against legibility.  Competing with school will mostly be about subverting or competing with its measures of legibility.  School’s measures are far less meaningful than most will admit.  In whose interest is it to improve them?

36. To the extent that unschooling (and school reform) must confront legibility, as work product becomes increasingly structured and digitized (e.g. Figma, GitHub, etc.) there is a growing opportunity to leverage passive process artifacts for analysis and evaluation.

37. Conversely, most attempts to leverage portfolios or similar dramatically underestimate the sensing bandwidth constraints they’re up against.  Last I checked, MIT spends an average of eleven (11) minutes evaluating a candidate.

38.  Unschooling rightly recognizes an opportunity to unbundle (often leveraging online and community resources).  Its efficacy requires knowing youth well (which dramatically increases CAC).  No one knows whether, including that, there’s any value to be unlocked by unbundling.

39. Many undertake alternative educational arrangements/endeavors prompted by their own children.  Though an authentic motive, it is not durable: Starting and growing the organization will outlive your kid’s needs.

40. A core challenge in organizing for educational change (in unschooling and elsewhere) is that your constituency (youth and families) are definitionally ephemeral.  Someone is only in middles school for three years.  The average urban superintendent is in office for ~3y.

41. One of the hardest rhetorical positions unschooling (and any reform) are forced to adopt is “doing less” than school.  School doesn’t do what it sets out to for many youth.  But, it controls the dialogue around new entrants and can hold them to that, unachieved standard.

42. In the analogy to environmentalism, if “unschooling” is “going off grid”, we are still in search of our Rachel Carson, our _Silent Spring_, our Learning Environment Protection Agency.  Without that, efficacy at the margin is irrelevant.

43. Continuing the environmental analogy: Unschooling would do well to find its Alice Waters https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alice_Waters — What is its Chez Panisse?  What is the highest practice of it which is unimpeachable, even if it is upmarket and unreplicable?

44. The legal/political approaches which characterized the rise of homeschooling are underfunded and underexplored.  e.g. Whence families’ [and youth's] rights to free assembly?  Pursuing these requires meaningful alternatives, which is one function of

<blockquote>43. Continuing the environmental analogy: Unschooling would do well to find its Alice Waters https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alice_Waters — What is its Chez Panisse?  What is the highest practice of it which is unimpeachable, even if it is upmarket and unreplicable?</blockquote>

45. Learning experiences involve tools/materials, learners, and facilitators.  We are limited by our tools and materials.  Many are designed for school.  Funding the creation of new tools and materials generally requires targeting schools as your customer.  This is unsolved.

46. An underappreciated question for theories of change which assume you can work forward from school as it exists: If culture eats strategy for breakfast, and if many of the fundamental, sector-wide issues in schooling are cultural, what form should your answer to that take?

47. A basic human capital challenge facing both unschooling and schooling: For youth to [learn to think critically, develop and pursue their own projects, whatever], they need to see people doing that.  How do you define adults’ role as _both_ facilitators and investigators?

48. One of the most exciting shifts now possible (given the nature of remote knowledge work) is the economic emancipation of youth aged 14–18.  Small steps toward this represent radical threats for traditional educational establishments.

49. A big strategic obstacle facing unschooling is that school can always shift internal structures to enable ongoing rent-seeking on your education.  So you should expect (as you see), more options for flexible “school” experiences which don’t threaten the institution overall.

50. Just as we have postmortems and sunsets of companies and their strategies, we need the same for educational thinkers and initiatives.  The arc of work by someone like John Holt can tell us a lot about the dangers and obstacles for reformers, these remain unarticulated.

51. Whatever your flavor of reform, one of the most valuable distinctions to make is between the political question of who should control youth’s experience how, and the technical question of how to support learning.  Incumbents benefit from their conflation.

52. In the near-term, unschooling will be a force for increased socioeconomic and racial stratification.  Whether it will be so in the long term is a question of institutions.  This makes unschooling’s failure to engage with institutional politics all the more serious.

53. One of the most radical exogenous events which could unfold for unschooling (and many of the caring professions) is the development of a UBI and UBI-like systems.

54. There are many reasons you see “alternatives” flourish in K5, to a lesser extent 6–8, and not at all in 9–12.  The proximity of social/economic realities of adulthood.  Without changing this, those constraints will always backpropagate through the ghost of high school future.

55. In searching for an alternative identity, unschooling groups have a lot to learn from other groups which are quite narrow but seen as broadly rigorous (Iowa Writers Workshop, MIT Media Lab, Harvard Law School).

56. One of the core things unschooling [often] gets right is a set of advantages taken for granted by every upper-middle class family: a small set of people who know you well, are invested in your success, and can responsively allocate resources on the behalf of your development.

57. Another conceptual challenge for unschooling: Conceptually, what is the difference between a great book and a great lecture?  How would you criticize a lecture without resorting to stereotypes of bad lectures?  Or coercive elements?

58. Oftentimes, it is hard or impossible to get interested in things which are not in your environment.  To the extent that unschooling focuses on the absence of structure, it also fails to grapple with the question of how to think about fertilizing youth’s soil.

[NB From this thread so far, it may sound like I'm just dumping on unschooling.  If so, this is merely the narcissism of small differences: I have so much hope for alternative approaches, I wish their proponents tackled these bigger questions more seriously and aggressively!]

59. One of the greatest opportunities facing various, self-selected communities of “alternative” education is to use their access to time with youth and adults as the foundation for an organization analogous to the Mayo Clinic or Media Lab or Xerox PARC.

60. One of the most radical requirements of taking unschooling seriously is defining a social life/role for youth distinct from their identity as students.  The dramatic expansion of the ease and possibility of this when you can be Very Online™️ is a tremendous opportunity.

61. One of the deeper things Seymour Papert ever said was that you can’t think about thinking without thinking about thinking about something.  Strategically, this suggests that unschooling might do better to tackle supremacy topic by topic, tool by tool.

62. Significant portions of unschooling and homeschooling are not about alternative pedagogies.  They are about avoiding toxic environments, securing needed special education services, and similar.

63. One of the beautiful things about the idea of “public” education is its availability to everyone.  Minority needs (special education, English Language Learners, etc.) play an outsized role in school bureaucracy.  Unschooling has ~ no answer to these questions currently.

64. One of the most important consequences of a constitutional guarantee of freedom of education would be to, over time, force the government to unbundle funding and services for these minority needs.

65. This is the most exciting/frustrating time to be alive if you’re interested in the future of learning.  The gap between novices and real, intellectual work is shrinking at an unprecedented rate.  There are lifetimes of work to be had mining the progress of the past decade.

66. Early College High School is a model for what rent-seeking will look like as alternatives push their way into school: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Early_college_high_school Its insight and reform is literally _send youth to less high school_.  And they managed to get high schools to own it!

67. [For the wealthy,] the equivalent on the consumer side will look increasingly like the relationship between, say, Stanford and YC.  Consumers will secure intangible cultural capital through institutional affiliation, and someone else will take on human capital.

68. Some branding alternatives for unschooling (if it is really about self-directed learning and removing school’s structures): PhD, MFA, apprenticeship, football team, contemplative practice.  All of these have less brand liability than unschooling.  Why stick with it?

69. One of the scariest suspicions of my own beliefs (as they align with unschooling) is that perhaps our relationship to institutions is just as fundamental, immovable, and worth just working forward from as our relationship to any other tribe.

70. Self-direction is powerful.  It leaves largely unanswered questions of critique and quality.  To the extent excellence emerges from environments of intense critique and aspirations to excellence, neither school nor unschooling have coherent answers to this cultural question.

71. One of the most powerful corollaries of erasing the line between learning/living is that you realize that novices are often doing the same _kind_ of intellectual work as professionals, just less effectively.  Unschooling should leverage this opportunity for apprenticeship.

72. The biggest problem in unschooling is access to time with youth + money to spend it well.  The second biggest is access to adults who can create intellectually rich/rigorous environments for youth.  The third biggest is access to great tools and materials to support work.

73. A common question in confronting unschooling and similar is, “But what if they [don't want to, are bored, don't know what they're interested in, etc.]?”  One of unschooling’s great integrities is pointing out that school has approximately no answer to this question either.

74. A categorical question unschooling must answer if it is to ever become mainstream: Left to their own devices, under what conditions can/should a young person be able to choose an “inferior” educational product or experience?  Technocrats will say “None”, purists “Any”.

75. Every educational innovation is “experimenting” on youth, nearly nothing is validated with anything approaching the rigor or seriousness that you expect of any other good or service in the public sector.

76. One of the biggest reasons this is not a problem in practice is because youth are remarkably robust.  This is as an advantage of this sector’s!  Very little of what systems do or don’t has an outsized effect.  Class remains the strongest predictor. [referencing 74]

77. People’s concerns about the “socialization” of unschooled youth are disconnected from reality.  One of the best things unschooling could do would be to cement its position as often a socially and emotionally healthier pathway to reframe its work as a public health issue.

78. This is a photograph from the original Sudbury Valley School a few years ago.  https://sudburyvalley.org It is the rules for operating the microwave.  Democratic/free-schools make the same mistake as those suggesting that everyone need to re-discover calculus for themselves.

79. In contrast, this is a photograph from a Boston Public School.  Plenty of people choose unschooling or free schooling or democratic schooling over public school because of nothing other than what the semiotics of this juxtaposition imply. [compared to 78]

80. Neither schooling nor unschooling will play a significant role in the liberal goals of equalizing society.  School will always play handmaiden to the structure of labor and capital.  The most radical efforts look for ways to leverage this fact.

81. Understandably, unschooling is full of people with a fraught relationship to school.  Many in school look down on them (either irrelevant bc they are wealthy or irrelevant bc they secretly think failure in school makes you a failure).  This is a serious strategic challenge.

82. In my lifetime, ~free college will become a reality in the United States.  This will be an enormous opportunity for those interested in unschooling.  They will not take this opportunity; industry will.  And so industry will define the future of “alternative” education.

83. One of the most persistent sociological effects in education research is that poor youth define “good” students by obedience/work ethic while rich do so by creativity/intelligence.  Changing this is one of the most politically radical projects unschooling could tackle.

84. Structure is not coercion.  Just because something is hard does not mean it is rigorous.  Just because something isn’t fun doesn’t mean its coercive.  These distinctions matter, and both school and unschooling confuse them to no end.

85. As unhealthy as they can be, one of the better facets of, say, hustle culture or creative self-help is the embrace of meaningful work + fulfillment as hard + challenging.  Progressive education (incl. unschooling) must get beyond handwaving about how to support this well.

86. The first thing people did w/ the movie camera was make films of plays.  We’ve made online, distributed classes.  Unschooling could be a *small* market for those exploring meaningful, creative applications of technology with youth.  But it won’t be VC scale in the next 20y.

87. Nintendo spends more on R&D than the NSF spends on education research each year.  These alternative sources of capital are long frustrated with the irrelevance of their results to traditional school.  Unschooling, homeschooling, and similar could be real partners for them.

88. Graduate schools of education don’t investigate homeschooling and unschooling (or better yet, run their own educational environments) because (a) their clientele are traditional schools, and (b) they cannot afford the brand risk of failing.  Business model is destiny.

89. One of the signs of a healthy professional and intellectual community is self-critique and reflection.  I may not be in the community enough to know, but as a small, alternative perspective, unschooling has yet to muster this capacity.

90. At some point, industries w/ a surplus of inbound talent will take the already nearly-formalized structure of tech internships to their logical conclusion and begin charging tuition.  One of the best things unschooling could do is offer case management around these paths.

91. One of the silliest illusions education reformers (including unschooling) labors under is that improved results will persuade the system to do anything.

92. In many other domains, 10x improvement is possible.  In education, 10x improvement is ~ impossible on time or cost for reasons of human development.  This has serious ramifications for the challenges of organizational change, theory of change, funding innovation, and similar.

93. Something unschooling gets right is that it frames its work as a movement and school of thought.  Too much change these days is framed in terms of individual entrants, products, and technologies.  The staying power of incumbents requires institutional time scales.

94. Something unschooling gets wrong, having gotten its timescales right, is its complete lack of any [critical] sense of history.  There are no consensus explanations for the arc of unschooling’s success or lack thereof.  This is a crazy situation for a reform movement.

95. The @recursecenter is one of the most serious and thoughtful efforts in (influenced by?) unschooling I know of.  As practitioners, they have more to say about the practicalities of these issues than 90% of the people I meet.

96. Unschooling has many unknown allies in other disciplines and domains.  The refusal, by and large, to engage the academy or its output means there are significant, low-hanging fruit to seize to bring to unschooling.  This will require making epistemology and psychology allies.

97. Much as great management and communication is often the limiting reagent on a team, great management and mentorship is often the limiting reagent in human development.  Pedagogy has nearly no language for this.  Most differences in efficacy therefore go unexplained.

98. From the POV of theory of change, one of the most challenging aspects of beginning work w/ marginal communities is that you actually bolster and improve the position of the incumbent.  “Disruptive” innovation moving upmarket requires feedback loops which don’t exist.

99. Confidence is socially constructed, and represents a significant part of what forms the cultural capital of top tier schools and similar.  Unschooling would do well to establish and build counter-narratives around artifacts like this https://youtube.com/watch?v=Ng5qzH39nyg

100. Despite all of these challenges, I believe that inventing the future of learning is among the most exciting and impactful work anyone can do.  It beats the constraints of industry and artifice of the academy.  Unschooling would do well to leverage this to attract talent.

OK that’s 100.  I have no original ideas.  If you found anything in this thread interesting, please take the time to review, in detail, the work of thinkers like Holt, Papert, and Dewey.  None have the answer, but they and others have done incredible work on these questions.

For those interested, a few starting points:

Dewey’s “My Pedagogic Creed” http://dewey.pragmatism.org/creed.htm

Papert’s _Mindstorms_ http://mindstorms.media.mit.edu

Illich’s Deschooling Society http://davidtinapple.com/illich/1970_deschooling.html

Holt’s How Children {Learn; Fail} https://amazon.com/dp/B074MGJ457 https://amazon.com/dp/0201484021

Please feel free to DM me or reach out to alec@powderhouse.org if you’d like to chat about any of this!

Thanks @vgr for the prompt!“]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | A Better Internet Is Waiting for Us - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-02T04:14:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/11/30/opinion/social-media-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["And even if our algorithms become miraculously intelligent and unbiased, we won’t solve the problem of social media until we change the outdated metaphors we use to think about it.

Twitter and Facebook executives often say that their services are modeled on a “public square.” But the public square is more like 1970s network television, where one person at a time addresses the masses. On social media, the “square” is more like millions of karaoke boxes running in parallel, where groups of people are singing lyrics that none of the other boxes can hear. And many members of the “public” are actually artificial beings controlled by hidden individuals or organizations.

There isn’t a decent real-world analogue for social media, and that makes it difficult for users to understand where public information is coming from, and where their personal information is going.

It doesn’t have to be that way. As Erika Hall pointed out, we have centuries of experience designing real-life spaces where people gather safely. After the social media age is over, we’ll have the opportunity to rebuild our damaged public sphere by creating digital public places that imitate actual town halls, concert venues and pedestrian-friendly sidewalks. These are places where people can socialize or debate with a large community, but they can do it anonymously. If they want to, they can just be faces in the crowd, not data streams loaded with personal information.

That’s because in real life, we have more control over who will come into our private lives, and who will learn intimate details about us. We seek out information, rather than having it jammed into our faces without context or consent. Slow, human-curated media would be a better reflection of how in-person communication works in a functioning democratic society.

But as we’ve already learned from social media, anonymous communication can degenerate quickly. What’s to stop future public spaces from becoming unregulated free-for-alls, with abuse and misinformation that are far worse than anything today?

Looking for ideas, I talked to Mikki Kendall, author of the book “Amazons, Abolitionists, and Activists.” Ms. Kendall has thought a lot about how to deal with troublemakers in online communities. In 2014, she was one of several activists on Black Twitter who noticed suspiciously inflammatory tweets from people claiming to be black feminists. To help figure out who was real and who wasn’t, she and others started tweeting out the fake account names with the tag #yourslipisshowing, created by the activist Shafiqah Hudson. In essence, the curated arena of Black Twitter acted as a check on a public attack by anonymous trolls.

Ms. Kendall believes that a similar mechanism will help people figure out fakes in the future. She predicts that social media will be supplanted by immersive 3-D worlds where the opportunities for misinformation and con artistry will be immeasurable.

“We’re going to have really intricately fake people,” she said. But there will also be ways to get at the truth behind the airbrushing and cat-ear filters. It will hinge on that low-tech practice known as meeting face to face. “You’re going to see people saying, ‘I met so-and-so,’ and that becomes your street cred,” she explained.

People who aren’t willing to meet up in person, no matter how persuasive their online personas, simply won’t be trusted. She imagines a version of what happened with #yourslipisshowing, where people who share virtual spaces will alert one another to possible fakes. If avatars are claiming to be part of a group, but nobody in that group has met them, it would be an instant warning sign.

The legacy of social media will be a world thirsty for new kinds of public experiences. To rebuild the public sphere, we’ll need to use what we’ve learned from billion-dollar social experiments like Facebook, and marginalized communities like Black Twitter. We’ll have to carve out genuinely private spaces too, curated by people we know and trust. Perhaps the one part of Facebook we’ll want to hold on to in this future will be the indispensable phrase in its drop-down menu to describe relationships: “It’s complicated.”

Public life has been irrevocably changed by social media; now it’s time for something else. We need to stop handing off responsibility for maintaining public space to corporations and algorithms — and give it back to human beings. We may need to slow down, but we’ve created democracies out of chaos before. We can do it again."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2019/09/college-cost-indebted-zaloom/597181/">
    <title>What Is the Cost of College Doing to Families? - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-09T20:16:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2019/09/college-cost-indebted-zaloom/597181/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Joe Pinsker: In the past few decades, what’s changed in how families pay for college?

Caitlin Zaloom: College used to be a lot cheaper for families, because there was more funding from the government. If you think about the biggest educational systems, like the University of California system or the City University of New York system, these universities were free or practically free for decades. That was in part because of a belief that higher education was essential for the national project of upward mobility, and for having an educated citizenry.

So middle-class families didn’t always have to pay for college with debt. The shift began in the 1980s, in terms of a changing political philosophy. President Ronald Reagan’s budget director, David Stockman, said in 1981, “If people want to go to college bad enough, then there is opportunity and responsibility on their part to finance their way through the best way they can.” When those who argued that college is a private benefit framed it like that, it became logical to say that education should be paid for by the people that it benefits. And so in the 1990s, the vast expansion of loans for higher education began.

Pinsker: Many of the parents and children you interviewed about their college-related debt feared that they were being financially burdensome to their family members. Given the shift you just described, do you think that this represents people internalizing system-level problems as personal ones?

Zaloom: The families that I spoke with really feared the possibility that they would be a weight on each other. And that is very much a fear of failing under the terms of the current college financing system—people understand themselves as failing, but we give them unreasonable terms.

The fear is a really visceral feeling for parents. What they want is for their children to be able to go off into the world and become adults without the weight of their history—that of the parents—bringing them down. Across all of my interviews, it was so important to parents to enable their kids to move into open futures, not limited by the parents’ economic background. The idea of limiting the horizon of their children is almost inconceivable to the parents that I spoke with.

Parents understand something profound about living in a powerfully unequal society. They recognize that having a kid who can take their shots—who can really make the most of themselves—is essential to the possibility of reaching this far-off tier where people are living lives of stability and wealth. And if young adults are unable to take that shot, they face the possibility that they will be in either that constrained, eroding middle class that their parents belong to—or, worse, that they will fall, and fall far.

Pinsker: The middle-class parents in your book generally didn’t talk with their kids about the financial strain of paying for college. You note that this isn’t confined just to the subject of paying for college, but is the case with other financial matters too. Why do you think parents so often avoid conversations about money with their kids?

Zaloom: I think that one reason middle-class parents stay silent about their finances is that they feel vulnerable, in terms of their social standing. When families face financial difficulties, that makes them feel like they may fall out of the middle class and like they won’t be able to do what people like them are supposed to do—for instance, to be able to send their kid to a college that’s a good fit or to be able to retire securely. So that silence about money is a kind of last resort for shoring up a faltering middle-class identity.

Pinsker: What is the single change that you think would be most effective in making paying for college less fraught for families?

Zaloom: I think that it is essential to make public universities tuition-free or low-cost. That would do wonders for helping families understand that education is for them, and for opening up the imaginations of young people who don’t otherwise see college as a possibility. That is important in and of itself, but it’s also important because free tuition would take the pressure off families to reorganize their lives around trying to achieve this unmanageable financial goal, which is what we ask them to do now. And then ultimately, it would also benefit young adults, because they would be graduating without the kind of debt that would inhibit them from trying to figure out what kind of contribution they want to make to the world and what kind of job they want to have.

Pinsker: What would you say to people who would read what you just said and argue in response that money can’t just be given out to everyone like that?

Zaloom: Most of the economic arguments against free tuition are based on the notion that education is a private good—that a college education is like a house, in that it’s something you are buying and then hold the responsibility to pay back. I don’t dispute the calculations of those who support that argument. And I do understand that funding free or low college tuition would also benefit a lot of wealthier families. But, for the reasons I mentioned earlier, I see higher education as being a fundamental public good that we have somehow defined as a private one.

Even considering that economic objection on its own terms, I would argue that higher education is now necessary for a stable life and a good job, in the way that K–12 education and a high-school degree was necessary 40 years ago. We now have a system that requires K–16 education for financial stability, so it’s important to fund that—we wouldn’t ask people to pay for 5th grade, so we shouldn’t also ask people to be paying for sophomore year.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/san-francisco-or-how-to-destroy-a-city/">
    <title>San Francisco; or, How to Destroy a City | Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2019-03-31T22:55:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/san-francisco-or-how-to-destroy-a-city/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As New York City and Greater Washington, DC, prepared for the arrival of Amazon’s new secondary headquarters, Torontonians opened a section of their waterfront to Alphabet’s Sidewalk Labs, which plans to prototype a new neighborhood “from the internet up.” Fervent resistance arose in all three locations, particularly as citizens and even some elected officials discovered that many of the terms of these public-private partnerships were hashed out in closed-door deals, secreted by nondisclosure agreements. Critics raised questions about the generous tax incentives and other subsidies granted to these multibillion-dollar corporations, their plans for data privacy and digital governance, what kind of jobs they’d create and housing they’d provide, and how their arrival could impact local infrastructures, economies, and cultures. While such questioning led Amazon to cancel their plans for Long Island City in mid-February, other initiatives press forward. What does it mean when Silicon Valley—a geographic region that’s become shorthand for an integrated ideology and management style usually equated with libertarian techno-utopianism—serves as landlord, utility provider, urban developer, (unelected) city official, and employer, all rolled into one?1

We can look to Alphabet’s and Amazon’s home cities for clues. Both the San Francisco Bay Area and Seattle have been dramatically remade by their local tech powerhouses: Amazon and Microsoft in Seattle; and Google, Facebook, and Apple (along with countless other firms) around the Bay. As Jennifer Light, Louise Mozingo, Margaret O’Mara, and Fred Turner have demonstrated, technology companies have been reprogramming urban and suburban landscapes for decades.2 And “company towns” have long sprung up around mills, mines, and factories.3 But over the past few years, as development has boomed and income inequality has dramatically increased in the Bay Area, we’ve witnessed the arrival of several new books reflecting on the region’s transformation.

These titles, while focusing on the Bay, offer lessons to New York, DC, Toronto, and the countless other cities around the globe hoping to spur growth and economic development by hosting and ingesting tech—by fostering the growth of technology companies, boosting STEM education, and integrating new sensors and screens into their streetscapes and city halls. For years, other municipalities, fashioning themselves as “the Silicon Valley of [elsewhere],” have sought to reverse-engineer the Bay’s blueprint for success. As we’ll see, that blueprint, drafted to optimize the habits and habitats of a privileged few, commonly elides the material needs of marginalized populations and fragile ecosystems. It prioritizes efficiency and growth over the maintenance of community and the messiness of public life. Yet perhaps we can still redraw those plans, modeling cities that aren’t only made by powerbrokers, and that thrive when they prioritize the stewardship of civic resources over the relentless pursuit of innovation and growth."

…

"We must also recognize the ferment and diversity inherent in Bay Area urban historiography, even in the chronicles of its large-scale development projects. Isenberg reminds us that even within the institutions and companies responsible for redevelopment, which are often vilified for exacerbating urban ills, we find pockets of heterogeneity and progressivism. Isenberg seeks to supplement the dominant East Coast narratives, which tend to frame urban renewal as a battle between development and preservation.

In surveying a variety of Bay Area projects, from Ghirardelli Square to The Sea Ranch to the Transamerica Pyramid, Isenberg shifts our attention from star architects and planners to less prominent, but no less important, contributors in allied design fields: architectural illustration, model-making, publicity, journalism, property management, retail planning, the arts, and activism. “People who are elsewhere peripheral and invisible in the history of urban design are,” in her book, “networked through the center”; they play critical roles in shaping not only the urban landscape, but also the discourses and processes through which that landscape takes shape.

For instance, debates over public art in Ghirardelli Square—particularly Ruth Asawa’s mermaid sculpture, which featured breastfeeding lesbian mermaids—“provoked debates about gender, sexuality, and the role of urban open space in San Francisco.” Property manager Caree Rose, who worked alongside her husband, Stuart, coordinated with designers to master-plan the Square, acknowledging that retail, restaurants, and parking are also vital ingredients of successful public space. Publicist Marion Conrad and graphic designer Bobbie Stauffacher were key members of many San Francisco design teams, including that for The Sea Ranch community, in Sonoma County. Illustrators and model-makers, many of them women, created objects that mediated design concepts for clients and typically sat at the center of public debates.

These creative collaborators “had the capacity to swing urban design decisions, structure competition for land, and generally set in motion the fate of neighborhoods.” We see the rhetorical power of diverse visualization strategies reflected across these four books, too: Solnit’s offers dozens of photographs, by Susan Schwartzenberg—of renovations, construction sites, protests, dot-com workplaces, SRO hotels, artists’ studios—while Walker’s dense text is supplemented with charts, graphs, and clinical maps. McClelland’s book, with its relatively large typeface and extra-wide leading, makes space for his interviewees’ words to resonate, while Isenberg generously illustrates her pages with archival photos, plans, and design renderings, many reproduced in evocative technicolor.

By decentering the star designer and master planner, Isenberg reframes urban (re)development as a collaborative enterprise involving participants with diverse identities, skills, and values. And in elevating the work of “allied” practitioners, Isenberg also aims to shift the focus from design to land: public awareness of land ownership and commitment to responsible public land stewardship. She introduces us to several mid-century alternative publications—weekly newspapers, Black periodicals, activists’ manuals, and books that never made it to the best-seller list … or never even made it to press—that advocated for a focus on land ownership and politics. Yet the discursive power of Jacobs and Caro, which framed the debate in terms of urban development vs. preservation, pushed these other texts off the shelf—and, along with them, the “moral questions of land stewardship” they highlighted.

These alternative tales and supporting casts serve as reminders that the modern city need not succumb to Haussmannization or Moses-ification or, now, Googlization. Mid-century urban development wasn’t necessarily the monolithic, patriarchal, hegemonic force we imagined it to be—a realization that should steel us to expect more and better of our contemporary city-building projects. Today, New York, Washington, DC, and Toronto—and other cities around the world—are being reshaped not only by architects, planners, and municipal administrators, but also by technologists, programmers, data scientists, “user experience” experts and logistics engineers. These are urbanism’s new “allied” professions, and their work deals not only with land and buildings, but also, increasingly, with data and algorithms.

Some critics have argued that the real reason behind Amazon’s nationwide HQ2 search was to gather data from hundreds of cities—both quantitative and qualitative data that “could guide it in its expansion of the physical footprint, in the kinds of services it rolls out next, and in future negotiations and lobbying with states and municipalities.”5 This “trove of information” could ultimately be much more valuable than all those tax incentives and grants. If this is the future of urban development, our city officials and citizens must attend to the ownership and stewardship not only of their public land, but also of their public data. The mismanagement of either could—to paraphrase our four books’ titles—elongate the dark shadows cast by growing inequality, abet the siege of exploitation and displacement, “hollow out” our already homogenizing neighborhoods, and expedite the departure of an already “gone” city.

As Beat poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti muses in his “Pictures of the Gone World 11,” which inspired Walker’s title: “The world is a beautiful place / to be born into / if you don’t mind some people dying / all the time / or maybe only starving / some of the time / which isn’t half so bad / if it isn’t you.” This is precisely the sort of solipsism and stratification that tech-libertarianism and capitalist development promotes—and that responsible planning, design, and public stewardship must prevent."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JhNczOuhxeg">
    <title>Meet the man behind a third of what's on Wikipedia - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2019-01-30T21:08:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JhNczOuhxeg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Wikipedia now boasts more than 5.7 million articles in English and millions more translated into other languages, all written by online volunteers. Errol Barnett talks to one editor who was named among Time Magazine’s most influential people on the internet."

[See also:
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/meet-the-man-behind-a-third-of-whats-on-wikipedia/

"Steven Pruitt has made nearly 3 million edits on Wikipedia and written 35,000 original articles. It's earned him not only accolades but almost legendary status on the internet.

The online encyclopedia now boasts more than 5.7 million articles in English and millions more translated into other languages – all written by online volunteers. Pruitt was named one of the most influential people on the internet by Time magazine in part because one-third of all English language articles on Wikipedia have been edited by Steven. An incredible feat, ignited by a fascination with his own history.

Pruitt is deeply obsessed with history, and his love of opera inspired his Wikipedia username: Ser Amantio Di Nicolao, his favorite opera character.

"My first article was about Peter Francisco, who was my great great great great great great grandfather … and if we had an hour I could probably go into the full story," Pruitt said. "He was a sergeant in arms in the Virginia Senate and there's kidnapping, potential piracy. If you read the story you would not believe any of it happened."

Still living with his parents in the home he grew up in, Pruitt has always remained true to his interests.

"I think for a long time there was an attitude of, 'That's nice, dear. The boy's crazy. I don't know why he wastes his time, the boy's crazy,'" Pruitt said of what his parents think of his volunteer gig.

That may have changed when Time magazine named him one of the top 25 most influential people on the internet, alongside President Trump, J.K. Rowling and Kim Kardashian West.

How much money does he make from his work? None.

"The idea of making it all free fascinates me. My mother grew up in the Soviet Union ... So I'm very conscious of what, what it can mean to make knowledge free, to make information free," he said.

Pulling from books, academic journals and other sources, he spends more than three hours a day researching, editing and writing.

Even his day job is research, working in records and information at U.S. Customs and Border Protection. He joked that his colleagues probably think he's nuts.

"Because I edit Wikipedia all the damn time, I think that one sort of goes without saying," Pruitt said.

Wikipedia's Kui Kinyanjui said the site would not exist without the dedication of its volunteers. It is now one of the top five most visited in the world, among Google, YouTube and Facebook.

"People like Steven are incredibly important to platforms like Wikipedia, simply because they are the ones that are the lifeblood," said Kui Kinyanjui, WikiMedia's vice president of communications.

Six-thousand people visit the site every second, bringing a responsibility for the editors to present a diverse and fair platform.

"We know there's a lot more to be done. That's why we're very excited about projects like Women in Red, which seeks to identify and place more content on women on our platform ... Steven has been a large contributor to that project," Kinyanjui said.

"The last statistic I saw was that 17.6 percent of the biographical articles on Wikipedia area about women, on the English Wikipedia I should say," Pruitt said. "It was under 15 percent a couple of years ago which shows you how much we have been able to move the needle."

How does he celebrate that victory? "Write another article, make another edit."

To put in to perspective what it took for Pruitt to become the top editor, he's been dedicating his free time to the site for 13 years. The second-place editor is roughly 900,000 edits behind him, so his first place status seems safe, for now."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2019 wikipedia online internet web stevenpruitt publicgood influence power gender publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://kottke.org/18/11/the-ubiquitous-collectivism-that-enables-americas-fierce-individualism">
    <title>The Ubiquitous Collectivism that Enables America’s Fierce Individualism</title>
    <dc:date>2018-11-20T06:22:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/18/11/the-ubiquitous-collectivism-that-enables-americas-fierce-individualism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Forbes recently released their 2019 “30 Under 30” list of “the brashest entrepreneurs across the United States and Canada” who are also under 30 years old. A persistent criticism of the list is that many of the people on it are there because of family or other social advantages. As Helen Rosner tweeted of last year’s list:

<blockquote>My take is: all 30 Under 30 lists should include disclosure of parental assets</blockquote>

In a piece for Vox, Aditi Juneja, creator of the Resistance Manual and who was on the 30 Under 30 list last year, writes that Forbes does ask finalists a few questions about their background and finances but also notes they don’t publish those results. Juneja goes on to assert that no one in America is entirely self-made:

<blockquote>Most of us receive government support, for one thing. When asked, 71 percent of Americans say that they are part of a household that has used one of the six most commonly known government benefits — Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, welfare, or unemployment benefits.

And many people who benefit from government largesse fail to realize it: Sixty percent of Americans who claim the mortgage-interest deduction, which applies to homeowners, say they have never used a government program. If you’ve driven on public roads, gone to public school, or used the postal service as part of your business — well, we all rely on collective infrastructure to get ahead.</blockquote>

And then she lists some of the ways in which she has specifically benefitted from things like government programs, having what sounds like a stable home environment, and her parents having sufficient income to save money for her higher education.

<blockquote>I went to public schools through eighth grade. My parents were able to save for some of my college costs through a plan that provides tax relief for those savings. I stayed on my parent’s health insurance until I was 26 under the Affordable Care Act. I have received the earned income tax credit, targeted at those with low or moderate income. I took out federal student loans to go to law school.</blockquote>

Juneja’s piece reminds me of this old post about how conservatives often gloss over all of the things that the government does for its citizens:

<blockquote>At the appropriate time as regulated by the US congress and kept accurate by the national institute of standards and technology and the US naval observatory, I get into my national highway traffic safety administration approved automobile and set out to work on the roads build by the local, state, and federal departments of transportation, possibly stopping to purchase additional fuel of a quality level determined by the environmental protection agency, using legal tender issed by the federal reserve bank. On the way out the door I deposit any mail I have to be sent out via the US postal service and drop the kids off at the public school.</blockquote>

And also of mayor Pete Buttigieg’s idea of a more progressive definition of freedom:

<blockquote>Or think about the idea of family, in the context of everyday life. It’s one thing to talk about family values as a theme, or a wedge — but what’s it actually like to have a family? Your family does better if you get a fair wage, if there’s good public education, if there’s good health care when you need it. These things intuitively make sense, but we’re out of practice talking about them.

I also think we need to talk about a different kind of patriotism: a fidelity to American greatness in its truest sense. You think about this as a local official, of course, but a truly great country is made of great communities. What makes a country great isn’t chauvinism. It’s the kinds of lives you enable people to lead. I think about wastewater management as freedom. If a resident of our city doesn’t have to give it a second thought, she’s freer.</blockquote>

Lists like 30 Under 30 reinforce the idea of American individualism at the expense of the deep spirit & practice of collectivism that pervades daily American life. America’s fierce individuals need each other. Let’s celebrate and enable that."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.artforum.com/print/201807/palace-in-plunderland-76327">
    <title>Claire Bishop on PALACE IN PLUNDERLAND - Artforum International</title>
    <dc:date>2018-09-10T03:41:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.artforum.com/print/201807/palace-in-plunderland-76327</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The construction of yet another enormous venue for culture feels like the harbinger of a horrible new world in which all public services are drained of resources but every High Net Worth Individual can evade taxes by pouring a fraction of their profits into a cultural project that enhances their social status. The über-wealthy once gave a percentage of their riches to the church; today they give them to flexible and adaptable visual art/performance spaces."

…

"A Schema for a School is one thing; the more radical proposition would be a cultural institution that includes within its architecture crucial services like a public school, day care, or a branch of the New York Public Library."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/apr/27/bulldoze-the-business-school">
    <title>Why we should bulldoze the business school | News | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2018-04-29T23:24:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/apr/27/bulldoze-the-business-school</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There are 13,000 business schools on Earth. That’s 13,000 too many. And I should know – I’ve taught in them for 20 years. By Martin Parker

…

Visit the average university campus and it is likely that the newest and most ostentatious building will be occupied by the business school. The business school has the best building because it makes the biggest profits (or, euphemistically, “contribution” or “surplus”) – as you might expect, from a form of knowledge that teaches people how to make profits.

Business schools have huge influence, yet they are also widely regarded to be intellectually fraudulent places, fostering a culture of short-termism and greed. (There is a whole genre of jokes about what MBA – Master of Business Administration – really stands for: “Mediocre But Arrogant”, “Management by Accident”, “More Bad Advice”, “Master Bullshit Artist” and so on.) Critics of business schools come in many shapes and sizes: employers complain that graduates lack practical skills, conservative voices scorn the arriviste MBA, Europeans moan about Americanisation, radicals wail about the concentration of power in the hands of the running dogs of capital. Since 2008, many commentators have also suggested that business schools were complicit in producing the crash.

Having taught in business schools for 20 years, I have come to believe that the best solution to these problems is to shut down business schools altogether. This is not a typical view among my colleagues. Even so, it is remarkable just how much criticism of business schools over the past decade has come from inside the schools themselves. Many business school professors, particularly in north America, have argued that their institutions have gone horribly astray. B-schools have been corrupted, they say, by deans following the money, teachers giving the punters what they want, researchers pumping out paint-by-numbers papers for journals that no one reads and students expecting a qualification in return for their cash (or, more likely, their parents’ cash). At the end of it all, most business-school graduates won’t become high-level managers anyway, just precarious cubicle drones in anonymous office blocks.

These are not complaints from professors of sociology, state policymakers or even outraged anti-capitalist activists. These are views in books written by insiders, by employees of business schools who themselves feel some sense of disquiet or even disgust at what they are getting up to. Of course, these dissenting views are still those of a minority. Most work within business schools is blithely unconcerned with any expression of doubt, participants being too busy oiling the wheels to worry about where the engine is going. Still, this internal criticism is loud and significant.

The problem is that these insiders’ dissent has become so thoroughly institutionalised within the well-carpeted corridors that it now passes unremarked, just an everyday counterpoint to business as usual. Careers are made by wailing loudly in books and papers about the problems with business schools. The business school has been described by two insiders as “a cancerous machine spewing out sick and irrelevant detritus”. Even titles such as Against Management, Fucking Management and The Greedy Bastard’s Guide to Business appear not to cause any particular difficulties for their authors. I know this, because I wrote the first two. Frankly, the idea that I was permitted to get away with this speaks volumes about the extent to which this sort of criticism means anything very much at all. In fact, it is rewarded, because the fact that I publish is more important than what I publish.

Most solutions to the problem of the B-school shy away from radical restructuring, and instead tend to suggest a return to supposedly more traditional business practices, or a form of moral rearmament decorated with terms such as “responsibility” and “ethics”. All of these suggestions leave the basic problem untouched, that the business school only teaches one form of organising – market managerialism.

That’s why I think that we should call in the bulldozers and demand an entirely new way of thinking about management, business and markets. If we want those in power to become more responsible, then we must stop teaching students that heroic transformational leaders are the answer to every problem, or that the purpose of learning about taxation laws is to evade taxation, or that creating new desires is the purpose of marketing. In every case, the business school acts as an apologist, selling ideology as if it were science."

…

"The easiest summary of all of the above, and one that would inform most people’s understandings of what goes on in the B-school, is that they are places that teach people how to get money out of the pockets of ordinary people and keep it for themselves. In some senses, that’s a description of capitalism, but there is also a sense here that business schools actually teach that “greed is good”. As Joel M Podolny, the former dean of Yale School of Management, once opined: “The way business schools today compete leads students to ask, ‘What can I do to make the most money?’ and the manner in which faculty members teach allows students to regard the moral consequences of their actions as mere afterthoughts.”

This picture is, to some extent, backed up by research, although some of this is of dubious quality. There are various surveys of business-school students that suggest that they have an instrumental approach to education; that is to say, they want what marketing and branding tells them that they want. In terms of the classroom, they expect the teaching of uncomplicated and practical concepts and tools that they deem will be helpful to them in their future careers. Philosophy is for the birds.

As someone who has taught in business schools for decades, this sort of finding doesn’t surprise me, though others suggest rather more incendiary findings. One US survey compared MBA students to people who were imprisoned in low-security prisons and found that the latter were more ethical. Another suggested that the likelihood of committing some form of corporate crime increased if the individual concerned had experience of graduate business education, or military service. (Both careers presumably involve absolving responsibility to an organisation.) Other surveys suggest that students come in believing in employee wellbeing and customer satisfaction and leave thinking that shareholder value is the most important issue, and that business-school students are more likely to cheat than students in other subjects."

…

"The sorts of doors to knowledge we find in universities are based on exclusions. A subject is made up by teaching this and not that, about space (geography) and not time (history), about collectives of people (sociology) and not about individuals (psychology), and so on. Of course, there are leakages and these are often where the most interesting thinking happens, but this partitioning of the world is constitutive of any university discipline. We cannot study everything, all the time, which is why there are names of departments over the doors to buildings and corridors.

However, the B-school is an even more extreme case. It is constituted through separating commercial life from the rest of life, but then undergoes a further specialisation. The business school assumes capitalism, corporations and managers as the default form of organisation, and everything else as history, anomaly, exception, alternative. In terms of curriculum and research, everything else is peripheral.

Most business schools exist as parts of universities, and universities are generally understood as institutions with responsibilities to the societies they serve. Why then do we assume that degree courses in business should only teach one form of organisation – capitalism – as if that were the only way in which human life could be arranged?

The sort of world that is being produced by the market managerialism that the business school sells is not a pleasant one. It’s a sort of utopia for the wealthy and powerful, a group that the students are encouraged to imagine themselves joining, but such privilege is bought at a very high cost, resulting in environmental catastrophe, resource wars and forced migration, inequality within and between countries, the encouragement of hyper-consumption as well as persistently anti-democratic practices at work.

Selling the business school works by ignoring these problems, or by mentioning them as challenges and then ignoring them in the practices of teaching and research. If we want to be able to respond to the challenges that face human life on this planet, then we need to research and teach about as many different forms of organising as we are able to collectively imagine. For us to assume that global capitalism can continue as it is means to assume a path to destruction. So if we are going to move away from business as usual, then we also need to radically reimagine the business school as usual. And this means more than pious murmurings about corporate social responsibility. It means doing away with what we have, and starting again."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lithub.com/rebecca-solnit-on-a-childhood-of-reading-and-wandering/">
    <title>Rebecca Solnit on a Childhood of Reading and Wandering | Literary Hub</title>
    <dc:date>2018-04-19T01:41:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lithub.com/rebecca-solnit-on-a-childhood-of-reading-and-wandering/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the most egalitarian of European—and New Mexican—traditions, forests were public commons in which common people could roam, graze flocks, hunt and gather, and this is another way that forests when they are public land and public libraries are alike: as spaces in which everyone is welcome, as places in which we can wander and collect, get lost and find what we’re looking for.

The United States’s public libraries sometimes seem to me the last refuges of a democratic vision of equality, places in which everyone is welcome, which serve the goal of an informed public, offering services far beyond the already heady gift of free books you can take home, everything from voter registration to computer access. I’ve joked for a long time that if you walked up to people in the street and asked them whether we could own our greatest treasures collectively and trust people to walk away with them and bring them back, a lot of people would say that’s impossibly idealistic and some would say it’s socialist, but libraries have been making books free for all for a very long time. They are temples of books, fountains of narrative pleasure, and toolboxes of crucial information. My own writing has depended on public libraries and then university libraries and archives and does to this day. I last used a public library the day before yesterday."

…

"So let’s begin by recognizing that all this was—and in many moral ways still is—Coast Miwok land, before the Spanish came, before Spanish claims became Mexican claims, before this was considered to be part of Mexico, before it was part of the United States."

…

"Browsing, woolgathering, meandering, wandering, drifting, that state when exploring, when looking to find what it might be possible to find rather than seeking one particular goal, is the means of locomotion. I often think that hunter-gatherers must move a lot like this, seeking game or plant foods, flexible about what might show up on any given day. I was lucky that children were weeds, not hothouse flowers, in those days, left to our own devices, and my own devices led in two directions: north to the hills and the horses, south to the library."

…

"These linked paths and roads form a circuit of about six miles that I began hiking ten years ago to walk off my angst during a difficult year. I kept coming back to this route for respite from my work and for my work too, because thinking is generally thought of as doing nothing in a production-oriented culture, and doing nothing is hard to do. It’s best done by disguising it as doing something, and the something closest to doing nothing is walking. Walking itself is the intentional act closest to the unwilled rhythms of the body, to breathing and the beating of the heart. It strikes a delicate balance between working and idling, being and doing. It is a bodily labor that produces nothing but thoughts, experiences, arrivals. After all those years of walking to work out other things, it made sense to come back to work close to home, in Thoreau’s sense, and to think about walking.

Walking, ideally, is a state in which the mind, the body, and the world are aligned, as though they were three characters finally in conversation together, three notes suddenly making a chord. Walking allows us to be in our bodies and in the world without being made busy by them. It leaves us free to think without being wholly lost in our thoughts."

…

"Moving on foot seems to make it easier to move in time; the mind wanders from plans to recollections to observations."

…

"Leave the door open for the unknown, the door into the dark. That’s where the most important things come from, where you yourself came from, and where you will go…"

…

"Like many others who turned into writers, I disappeared into books when I was very young, disappeared into them like someone running into the woods. What surprised and still surprises me is that there was another side to the forest of stories and the solitude, that I came out that other side and met people there. Writers are solitaries by vocation and necessity. I sometimes think the test is not so much talent, which is not as rare as people think, but purpose or vocation, which manifests in part as the ability to endure a lot of solitude and keep working. Before writers are writers they are readers, living in books, through books, in the lives of others that are also the heads of others, in that act that is so intimate and yet so alone."

…

"Libraries are sanctuaries from the world and command centers onto it: here in quiet rooms are the lives of Crazy Horse and Aung San Suu Kyi, the Hundred Years War and the Opium Wars and the Dirty War, the ideas of Simone Weil and Lao Tsu, information on building your sailboat or dissolving your marriage, fictional worlds and books to equip the reader to reenter the real world. They are, ideally, places where nothing happens and where everything that has happened is stored up to be remembered and relived, the place where the world is folded up into boxes of paper. Every book is a door that opens into another world, which might be the magic that all those children’s books were alluding to, and a library is a Milky Way of worlds. All readers are Wu Daozi; all imaginative, engrossing books are landscapes into which readers vanish."]]></description>
<dc:subject>rebeccasolnit 2017 children unschooling deschooling parenting education libraries wandering howwelearn freedom autonomy forests childhood novato california learning canon publicgood us egalitarianism democracy socialism thoreau walking cv unknowing uncertainty woods writing howwewrite books literature stories storytelling listening reading sanctuary vanishing nature plants wildlife multispecies morethanhuman society publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://tinyletter.com/audreywatters/letters/hewn-no-252">
    <title>HEWN, No. 252</title>
    <dc:date>2018-02-10T19:15:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://tinyletter.com/audreywatters/letters/hewn-no-252</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are incredibly bound to our mythologies. Of course we are. Mythologies – despite the popular usage of the term wherein “myth” equals “lie” – are our sacred stories. As such, these stories become capital-T true, even when they are so clearly capital-BS bullshit.

The technology industry’s power, I’d argue, is deeply intertwined with its sacred stories. And one of the most influential storytellers of Internet lore died this week: John Perry Barlow, best known as the author of the techno-utopian manifesto “Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace.” Or, depending on your social circles, I suppose, best known as a lyricist for the Grateful Dead. Or, depending on where you’re from, best known as a rancher and Wyoming native. I’ll say, as another Wyoming native, that these three elements of JPB’s life are inseparable: how tech culture envisions itself as “counterculture,” how it imagines its role in “revolution,” how it privileges “the individual” (often code for the lone, white, male hero).

“I can’t help but ask what might have happened had the pioneers of the open web given us a different vision – one that paired the insistence that we must defend cyberspace with a concern for justice, human rights, and open creativity, and not primarily personal liberty. What kind of internet would we have today?” April Glaser asks. We must rethink what has been mythologized, what and who is being mythologized when it comes to this technological world being built for us. Maybe these aren’t our sacred stories after all.

There was another tech hero with a moment of PR glory this week, of course: tech billionaire Elon Musk, whose company SpaceX successfully launched the Falcon Heavy, “the first time a rocket this powerful has been sent into space by a private company rather than a government space agency,” as The New York Times put it. The coverage of the rocket launch was mostly the coverage of Musk’s gimmicky decision to include as payload “a cherry-red Tesla Roadster once driven by SpaceX and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, blasting tunes from David Bowie’s ‘Space Oddity’ with a spacesuit-clad ‘Star Man’ dummy strapped in the driver’s seat.” The coverage of Elon Musk’s companies is almost always coverage of Elon Musk. That’s how he wants it, of course. Journalists, as mythmakers, seem happy to oblige."]]></description>
<dc:subject>audreywatters 2018 edtech technology elonmusk johnperrybarlow myth mythology mythmaking journalism technosolutionism pr aprilglaser donaldborenstein spacex publicgood wealth inequality cyberspace web online society individualism libery justice socialjustice power corporatism publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theoutline.com/post/2845/why-are-democrats-so-afraid-of-taxes">
    <title>Why are Democrats so afraid of taxes?</title>
    <dc:date>2018-01-08T07:22:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theoutline.com/post/2845/why-are-democrats-so-afraid-of-taxes</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tax hikes on the rich to fund child care, universal health care, higher education, and a green infrastructure bank would immensely benefit both the college-educated and non-college folks who are seeing their standard of living threatened by the GOP. According to Global Strategy Group polling, 85 percent of working-class whites and 80 percent of college-educated whites support higher taxes on the one percent.

Class politics do not threaten the Democratic Party — they may be the only way to save it. But all camps in the Democratic Party are grasping at different parts of the problem. Many strategists on the Hillary Clinton-end of things have rightfully noted that a shift in college-educated white support for Democrats is a positive harbinger for the party. But they have seemingly failed to grasp that the Bernie Sanders wing has a point: these voters can be won over on classic tax and spend social democracy. In 2016, only three percent of college-educated white Clinton voters made more than $250,000 a year, according to the Cooperative Congressional Election Study from that year. Far from worrying about taxes, these voters are increasingly worried about proving health care and child care for their children. Most have seen their retirement security erode and worry about whether their children can afford college. Instead of trying to appeal to a mushy center that doesn’t really exist, Democrats should embrace high taxes, particularly on the rich, to fund social services. The public is ready."]]></description>
<dc:subject>democrats taxes policy 208 economics healthcare childcare inequality banking finance richardrorty hillaryclinton berniesanders spencerpiston class infrastructure climatechange publicgoods materialism psychology emptiness capitalism publicgood</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.citylab.com/design/2017/12/good-design-is-a-public-good/548018/">
    <title>Why Good Design Is a Public Good - CityLab</title>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T19:54:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.citylab.com/design/2017/12/good-design-is-a-public-good/548018/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Coming to a community as an outsider and designing sensitively for it requires not just good intentions, but humility. James Mitchell, Orkidstudio’s founder, recalls a project he did in Bolivia that chipped away at the confidence he had built up working for the famous Japanese architect Shigeru Ban. “We argued and we pulled in different directions, we got a lot of things wrong, and we had a lot of tears on the project. But it really taught me so much; I think it was the biggest learning curve of my life. It was maybe a bad place to be, but, in hindsight, a good place to be.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>design publicgood architecture 2017 via:senongo publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/identity-education-and-power/letting-go-of-school-in-order-to-think-about-education-f9e3fb0878d8">
    <title>Letting Go Of School In Order To Think About Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-11T04:15:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/identity-education-and-power/letting-go-of-school-in-order-to-think-about-education-f9e3fb0878d8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On all of my social media profiles I self-identify as “Educator” among other titles and descriptors. I chose “educator” because it’s an umbrella term which encompasses both doing and being. To educate others may include teaching, coaching, facilitating, or guiding; providing space, opportunities, materials, structure, collaborators, audience, relevance, push-back and acceptance. As an educator I create possibilities to be speaker and listener, instructor and learner, producer and consumer, writer and reader, expert and novice, role model and seeker, professional and amateur.

When I teach at school, this is not necessarily the list going through my head. It is unlikely that my thinking is focused on the possibilities I am creating or opportunities I am affording myself or my students. No, I am thinking about brass tacks: doing the thing, getting it done in time, getting the class to do it my way (mostly). That is my teaching reality. In my planning I may find the chance to wax philosophical about what I want the real lesson to be (i.e., how to work equitably with people who are not your favorites vs. how to play 4 v 4 soccer). Or after the fact, when my colleague and I talk over what worked and didn’t work in an activity that we both tried, then I may discover an insight or two about what I am creating or perhaps sabotaging in the process. Reflection belongs to teaching. Doing and acting belong to teaching. Screwing up belongs to teaching.

Yet teaching as a set or series of actions does not add up to educating. Teaching is a piece of education, not the whole.

Often when conversations about education get hot, I find that we are actually talking about schools, teachers, policies, students, and families. What schools should do. What students should do. What families should do. What policies should do. We are talking about integral pieces of education but not about education as whole: what it is, what it can enable, how it serves us as a society. Of course this is a much more challenging task. How can we talk about what education is and what it should be when our schools are crumbling, our kids are not always safe (both inside and outside our classrooms), and the disparities between rich and poor are growing by the minute?

I don’t have the answer.

What I have come to understand, however, is that we will not achieve better education systems or outcomes without stepping back from the constraints of “school thinking.” I need to let go of what I know and think about school - its structures, history, and influence - in order to be able to think more openly about education and its possibilities. And in order to do that it feels necessary to break some rules, to upset some conventions, to seize authority rather than wait for it to be granted.

Free thinking is a political act. Even as I write this, my personal doomsday chorus is getting louder: “you can’t write that! Where’s your evidence? Where’s the data?” That’s the trenchant influence of the existing power structure. I have learned its lessons well. “There is no argument without a quote to back it up.” Authority, expertise, wisdom is always outside me. To ensure the validity of my own thoughts, I have been taught, I must ground my arguments in the theory and work of other scholars.

I’m going to place that rule aside for now and proceed with my free thinking on education. And my first instance is a selfish one: my own children. What is the education that they will need to serve them well in their lives?

• practice being kind.

• aim to be independent while recognizing that interdependence is also the way of the world and critical to our (I mean, everybody’s) survival.

• Learn to ask for and receive help. Practice offering help.

• There are lots of ways to learn things: by reading, observing, trying, asking, teaching, following, researching. Try out lots of different combinations and know that some methods will work better than others for different occasions and aims. Keep talking to people and asking questions. Practice. Get feedback. Practice more. Get more feedback.

• Get to know the culture and climate in which you live. Who seems to be at the top? Who’s on the bottom? Where do you seem to fit in? Where can you help someone? How do these systems work? Learn to ask: ‘What system is this?’

These are lessons I want my children to not only have but to internalize, practice, own in their very particular and individual ways. If I can also help my students travel on and take up these pathways, all the better.

But where do I go with these ideas then?

* * * 

The Answer To How Is Yes. (This is a book title you should look up) [https://www.worldcat.org/title/answer-to-how-is-yes-acting-on-what-matters/oclc/830344811&referer=brief_results ]

I start with people. What do people need? People need other people; positive, supportive and caring connections to others. People need purpose - reasons for doing the things they do. We investigate things we want to know more about. We go in search of the things we need. We enlist the help of others to accomplish what we cannot manage on our own. People tend to do well with challenge as long as it does not overwhelm them. Productive challenge cannot be the things which threaten our existence. People require a degree of safety and security in which they can pursue challenge and purpose. Safety and security are what communities build into their webs of relationships through trust and reciprocity.

When I embark on this kind of wide ranging, human needs-centered thinking, I quickly run into mental roadblocks: not so little voices which say, “Be careful! Writing these words, in this way, is risky. It is counter-cultural. It is against the rules of expository writing. This is no way to win a debate.”

As a teacher and educator, I am aghast at the idea that I would dare to go against the rules in a semi-professional setting. From childhood to now, I have been a firm upholder of rules of almost every kind: institutional rules, overt & covert socio-cultural rules, sports rules, you name it. And yet, in this case, I see a need to step outside certain rules, if only briefly, to consider something differently; to see what happens when the ropes are untied and the tension released. Rather than hosting a debate, I invite you to join me on an exploration.

What if, instead of trying to produce good or even excellent students, we aimed more for empowering excellent people, outstanding citizens, valuable community members? What if we created learning centers where people of various ages could gather to pursue purpose, challenge and connection with each other in meaningful ways? What if learning remained part and parcel of living, every day, and we acknowledged and recognized that publicly and privately?

We are so desperate to find secrets, shortcuts and foolproof solutions which will suddenly change everything. Yet, if we have learned nothing else from our extensive schooling titled ‘education’, we certainly know that this is not the way the world works. There will be no miracles and we need to accept that.

When students and teachers and support staff and administrators leave the school building, the question I have is: where do they go? What do they leave school to go work on? What dilemmas are they trying to solve? What new learning will they engage in, in order to meet a particular goal?

No doubt some of those tasks and questions will be directly related to survival: How do I ensure that we have enough income to keep this roof over our heads? How can I help my mom not worry so much about me and my sister when we have to wait alone for her to come home from work? What do I need to do to save this relationship? How do I even know if this relationship is worth saving? These are not genius hour questions. But they are the kinds of questions which occupy and preoccupy our minds and instigate a kind of built-in learning which inevitably shapes the lives we are able to lead and create for ourselves.

These are not school questions but they are the ones we will chew on and make meaning with throughout our lives. These are the questions which become our education once we take our rigid notions of school out of the picture. If we want to think differently, even innovatively about education, we need to re-center human needs rather what the “economy” claims it requires. We need to stop feeding the capitalist monster we have so happily created through our highly trained and supremely wasteful consumer behaviors. We need to uncouple “education” from the neoliberal agenda of deepening social inequality. We need to reclaim education as a human-centered public good that belongs to all of us.

If that sounds ‘pie in the sky’ idealistic to you and me, that’s precisely the problem. To change what we have, there seem to be a lot of things we need to let go of. Idealism is not one of them, however."]]></description>
<dc:subject>sherrispelic education teaching unschooling deschooling schools learning children sfsh doing being freedom thinking criticalthinking evidence pedagogy authority expertise wisdom interdependence independence help self-advocacy culture society needs care caring childhood empowerment life living survival humans human idealism innovation economics capitalism systemsthinking neoliberalism inequality publicgood engagement canon cv openstudioproject lcproject publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/21/magazine/have-we-lost-sight-of-the-promise-of-public-schools.html">
    <title>Have We Lost Sight of the Promise of Public Schools? - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2017-10-16T01:53:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/21/magazine/have-we-lost-sight-of-the-promise-of-public-schools.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The word derives from the Latin word publicus, meaning “of the people.” This concept — that the government belongs to the people and the government should provide for the good of the people — was foundational to the world’s nascent democracies. Where once citizens paid taxes to the monarchy in the hope that it would serve the public too, in democracies they paid taxes directly for infrastructure and institutions that benefited society as a whole. The tax dollars of ancient Athenians and Romans built roads and aqueducts, but they also provided free meals to widows whose husbands died in war. “Public” stood not just for how something was financed — with the tax dollars of citizens — but for a communal ownership of institutions and for a society that privileged the common good over individual advancement.

Early on, it was this investment in public institutions that set America apart from other countries. Public hospitals ensured that even the indigent received good medical care — health problems for some could turn into epidemics for us all. Public parks gave access to the great outdoors not just to the wealthy who could retreat to their country estates but to the masses in the nation’s cities. Every state invested in public universities. Public schools became widespread in the 1800s, not to provide an advantage for particular individuals but with the understanding that shuffling the wealthy and working class together (though not black Americans and other racial minorities) would create a common sense of citizenship and national identity, that it would tie together the fates of the haves and the have-nots and that doing so benefited the nation. A sense of the public good was a unifying force because it meant that the rich and the poor, the powerful and the meek, shared the spoils — as well as the burdens — of this messy democracy."

…

"As the civil rights movement gained ground in the 1950s and 1960s, however, a series of court rulings and new laws ensured that black Americans now had the same legal rights to public schools, libraries, parks and swimming pools as white Americans. But as black Americans became part of the public, white Americans began to pull away. Instead of sharing their public pools with black residents — whose tax dollars had also paid for them — white Americans founded private clubs (often with public funds) or withdrew behind their fences where they dug their own pools. Public housing was once seen as a community good that drew presidents for photo ops. But after federal housing policies helped white Americans buy their own homes in the suburbs, black Americans, who could not get government-subsidized mortgages, languished in public housing, which became stigmatized. Where once public transportation showed a city’s forward progress, white communities began to fight its expansion, fearing it would give unwanted people access to their enclaves.

As black Americans became part of the public, white Americans began to pull away.

And white Americans began to withdraw from public schools or move away from school districts with large numbers of black children once the courts started mandating desegregation. Some communities shuttered public schools altogether rather than allow black children to share publicly funded schools with white children. The very voucher movement that is at the heart of DeVos’s educational ideas was born of white opposition to school desegregation as state and local governments offered white children vouchers to pay for private schools — known as segregation academies — that sprouted across the South after the Supreme Court struck down school segregation in 1954.

“What had been enjoyed as a public thing by white citizens became a place of forced encounter with other people from whom they wanted to be separate,” Bonnie Honig, a professor of political science and modern culture and media at Brown University and author of the forthcoming book “Public Things: Democracy in Disrepair,” told me. “The attractiveness of private schools and other forms of privatization are not just driven by economization but by the desire to control the community with which you interact.”

Even when they fail, the guiding values of public institutions, of the public good, are equality and justice. The guiding value of the free market is profit. The for-profit charters DeVos helped expand have not provided an appreciably better education for Detroit’s children, yet they’ve continued to expand because they are profitable — or as Tom Watkins, Michigan’s former education superintendent, said, “In a number of cases, people are making a boatload of money, and the kids aren’t getting educated.”

Democracy works only if those who have the money or the power to opt out of public things choose instead to opt in for the common good. It’s called a social contract, and we’ve seen what happens in cities where the social contract is broken: White residents vote against tax hikes to fund schools where they don’t send their children, parks go untended and libraries shutter because affluent people feel no obligation to help pay for things they don’t need. “The existence of public things — to meet each other, to fight about, to pay for together, to enjoy, to complain about — this is absolutely indispensable to democratic life,” Honig says.

If there is hope for a renewal of our belief in public institutions and a common good, it may reside in the public schools. Nine of 10 children attend one, a rate of participation that few, if any, other public bodies can claim, and schools, as segregated as many are, remain one of the few institutions where Americans of different classes and races mix. The vast multiracial, socioeconomically diverse defense of public schools that DeVos set off may show that we have not yet given up on the ideals of the public — and on ourselves."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bCcVyuq9aRE">
    <title>Ellen Ullman: Life in Code: &quot;A Personal History of Technology&quot; | Talks at Google - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2017-10-08T19:19:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bCcVyuq9aRE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The last twenty years have brought us the rise of the internet, the development of artificial intelligence, the ubiquity of once unimaginably powerful computers, and the thorough transformation of our economy and society. Through it all, Ellen Ullman lived and worked inside that rising culture of technology, and in Life in Code she tells the continuing story of the changes it wrought with a unique, expert perspective.

When Ellen Ullman moved to San Francisco in the early 1970s and went on to become a computer programmer, she was joining a small, idealistic, and almost exclusively male cadre that aspired to genuinely change the world. In 1997 Ullman wrote Close to the Machine, the now classic and still definitive account of life as a coder at the birth of what would be a sweeping technological, cultural, and financial revolution.

Twenty years later, the story Ullman recounts is neither one of unbridled triumph nor a nostalgic denial of progress. It is necessarily the story of digital technology’s loss of innocence as it entered the cultural mainstream, and it is a personal reckoning with all that has changed, and so much that hasn’t. Life in Code is an essential text toward our understanding of the last twenty years—and the next twenty."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wired.com/story/apple-campus/">
    <title>What's Wrong with Apple's New Headquarters | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-13T22:36:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/apple-campus/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But … one more one more thing. You can’t understand a building without looking at what’s around it—its site, as the architects say. From that angle, Apple’s new HQ is a retrograde, literally inward-looking building with contempt for the city where it lives and cities in general. People rightly credit Apple for defining the look and feel of the future; its computers and phones seem like science fiction. But by building a mega-headquarters straight out of the middle of the last century, Apple has exacerbated the already serious problems endemic to 21st-century suburbs like Cupertino—transportation, housing, and economics. Apple Park is an anachronism wrapped in glass, tucked into a neighborhood."

…

"Apple Park isn’t the first high-end, suburban corporate headquarters. In fact, that used to be the norm. Look back at the 1950s and 1960s and, for example, the Connecticut General Life Insurance HQ in Hartford or John Deere’s headquarters in Moline, Illinois. “They were stunningly beautiful, high modernist buildings by quality architects using cutting-edge technology to create buildings sheathed in glass with a seamless relationship between inside and outside, dependent on the automobile to move employees to the site,” says Louise Mozingo, a landscape architect at UC Berkeley and author of Pastoral Capitalism: A History of Suburban Corporate Landscapes. “There was a kind of splendid isolation that was seen as productive, capturing the employees for an entire day and in the process reinforcing an insular corporate culture.”

By moving out of downtown skyscrapers and building in the suburbs, corporations were reflecting 1950s ideas about cities—they were dirty, crowded, and unpleasantly diverse. The suburbs, though, were exclusive, aspirational, and architectural blank slates. (Also, buildings there are easier to secure and workers don’t go out for lunch where they might hear about other, better jobs.) It was corporatized white flight. (Mozingo, I should add, speaks to this retrograde notion in Levy’s WIRED story.)

Silicon Valley, though, never really played by these rules. IBM built a couple of research sites modeled on its East Coast redoubts, but in general, “Silicon Valley has thrived on using rather interchangeable buildings for their workplaces,” Mozingo says. You start in a garage, take over half a floor in a crummy office park, then take over the full floor, then the building, then get some venture capital and move to a better office park. “Suddenly you’re Google, and you have this empire of office buildings along 101."

And then when a bust comes or your new widget won’t widge, you let some leases lapse or sell some real estate. More than half of the lot where Apple sited its new home used to be Hewlett Packard. The Googleplex used to be Silicon Graphics. It’s the circuit of life.

Except when you have a statement building like the Spaceship, the circuit can’t complete. If Apple ever goes out of business, what would happen to the building? The same thing that happened to Union Carbide’s. That’s why nobody builds these things anymore. Successful buildings engage with their surroundings—and to be clear, Apple isn’t in some suburban arcadia. It’s in a real live city, across the street from houses and retail, near two freeway onramps.

Except the Ring is mostly hidden behind artificial berms, like Space Mountain at Disneyland. “They’re all these white elephants. Nobody knows what the hell to do with them. They’re iconic, high-end buildings, and who cares?” Mozingo says. “You have a $5 billion office building, incredibly idiosyncratic, impossible to purpose for somebody else. Nobody’s going to move into Steve Jobs’ old building.”"

…

"The problems in the Bay Area (and Los Angeles and many other cities) are a lot more complicated than an Apple building, of course. Cities all have to balance how they feel about adding jobs, which can be an economic benefit, and adding housing, which also requires adding expensive services like schools and transit. Things are especially tough in California, where a 1978 law called Proposition 13 radically limits the amount that the state can raise property taxes yearly. Not only did its passage gut basic services the state used to excel at, like education, but it also turned real estate into the primary way Californians accrued and preserved personal wealth. If you bought a cheap house in the 1970s in the Bay Area, today it’s a gold mine—and you are disincentivized from doing anything that would reduce its value, like, say, allowing an apartment building to be built anywhere within view.

Meanwhile California cities also have to figure out how to pay for their past employees’ pensions, an ever-increasing percentage of city budgets. Since they can’t tax old homes and can’t build new ones, commercial real estate and tech booms look pretty good. “It’s a lot to ask a corporate campus to fix those problems,” Arieff says.

But that doesn’t mean that it shouldn’t try. Some companies are: The main building of the cloud storage company Box, for example, is across the street from the Redwood City CalTrain station, and the company lets people downtown park in its lot on weekends. “The architecture is neither here nor there, but it’s a billion times more effective than the Apple campus,” Arieff says. That’s a more contemporary approach than building behind hills, away from transit.

When those companies are transnational technology corporations, it’s even harder to make that case. “Tech tends to be remarkably detached from local conditions, primarily because they’re selling globally,” says Ed Glaeser, a Harvard economist who studies cities. “They’re not particularly tied to local suppliers or local customers.” So it’s hard to get them to help fix local problems. They have even less of an incentive to solve planning problems than California homeowners do. “Even if they see the problem and the solution, there’s not a way to sell that. This is why there are government services,” Arieff says. “You can’t solve a problem like CalTrain frequency or the jobs-to-housing ratio with a market-based solution.”

Cities are changing; a more contemporary approach to commercial architecture builds up instead of out, as the planning association’s report says. Apple’s ring sites 2.5 million square feet on 175 acres of rolling hills and trees meant to evoke the Stanford campus. The 60-story tall Salesforce Tower in San Francisco has 1.5 million square feet, takes up about an acre, has a direct connection to a major transit station—the new Transbay Terminal—and cost a fifth of the Apple ring. Stipulated, the door handles probably aren’t as nice, but the views are killer.

The Future

Cupertino is the kind of town that technology writers tend to describe as “once-sleepy” or even, and this should really set off your cliche alarm, “nondescript.” But Shrivastava had me meet her for coffee at Main Street Cupertino, a new development that—unlike the rotten strip malls along Stevens Creek Blvd—combines cute restaurants and shops with multi-story residential development and a few hundred square feet of grass that almost nearly sort of works as a town square.

Across the actual street from Main Street, the old Vallco Mall—one of those medieval fortress-like shopping centers with a Christmas-sized parking lot for a moat—has become now Cupertino’s most hotly debated site for new development. (The company that built Main Street owns it.) Like all the other once-sleepy, nondescript towns in Silicon Valley, Cupertino knows it has to change. Shrivastava knows that change takes time.

It takes even longer, though, if businesses are reluctant partners. In the early 20th century, when industrial capitalists were first starting to get really, really rich, they noticed that publicly financed infrastructure would help them get richer. If you own land that you want to develop into real estate, you want a train that gets there and trolleys that connect it to a downtown and water and power for the houses you’re going to build. Maybe you want libraries and schools to induce families to live there. So you team up with government. “In most parts of the US, you open a tap and drink the water and it won’t kill you. There was a moment when this was a goal of both government and capital,” Mozingo says. “Early air pollution and water pollution regulations were an agreement between capitalism and government.”

Again, in the 1930s and 1940s, burgeoning California Bay Area businesses realized they’d need a regional transit network. They worked for 30 years alongside communities and planners to build what became BART, still today a strange hybrid between regional connector and urban subway.

Tech companies are taking baby steps in this same direction. Google added housing to the package deal surrounding the construction of its new HQ in the North Bayshore area—nearly 10,000 apartments. (That HQ is a collection of fancy pavilion-like structures from famed architect Bjarke Ingels.) Facebook’s new headquarters (from famed architect Frank Gehry) is supposed to be more open to the community, maybe even with a farmers’ market. Amazon’s new headquarters in downtown Seattle, some of 10 million square feet of office space the company has there, comes with terrarium-like domes that look like a good version of Passengers.

So what could Apple have built? Something taller, with mixed-use development around it? Cupertino would never have allowed it. But putting form factor aside, the best, smartest designers and architects in the world could have tried something new. Instead it produced a building roughly the shape of a navel, and then gazed into it.

Steven Levy wrote that the headquarters was Steve Jobs’ last great project, an expression of the way he saw his domain. It may look like a circle, but it’s actually a pyramid—a monument, more suited to a vanished past than a complicated future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://fredrikdeboer.com/2017/05/22/two-sets-of-universities-two-countries-two-futures/">
    <title>two sets of universities, two countries, two futures – the ANOVA</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-04T01:51:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://fredrikdeboer.com/2017/05/22/two-sets-of-universities-two-countries-two-futures/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have no doubt that Yale’s class of 2017 is full of smart, talented, and passionate young people. I wish them the best. I also have no doubt that those among them who may not be talented or hardworking will be wholly inoculated from that condition thanks to the accidents of birth and privilege that helped them reach their rarefied station in the first place. As a socialist, I am not interested in making them more susceptible to material hardship and the vagaries of chance, but rather of giving everyone that same level of protection – and that means raiding the coffers of their school, their parents, and their future employers for the betterment of all. I also don’t doubt that, on balance, graduates of the Connecticut State system will succeed as well. College graduates writ large enjoy a substantial premium in income and unemployment rates over those without degrees, after all. But how hard will they have to struggle, as their instructors are stretched thinner and thinner by these brutal cuts? How many of them will sink deeper into debt as they are forced to take additional semesters of classes to complete their degrees? How many of them will drop out, thanks to these cuts, and suffer under the burden of student loan debt with no degree to help them secure a better life? How many people who could have been saved, as I was saved, now won’t be because of these cuts?

Today’s Yale commencement ceremony, of course, will be stocked with liberals, decent progressive folk who will tell you they believe in equality and social justice. The parents will mostly be liberal Democrats. The student ranks will be filled, no doubt, by genuine radicals, and the faculty with Marxists and socialists. They do good deeds at these places, such as how Yale’s community recently forced the school to change the name of Calhoun College, thanks to John C Calhoun’s history as a slave owner. I celebrate the activist zeal of all involved in such actions. Yet what Yale’s community can’t do – and perhaps wouldn’t, if it could – is to dismantle its place in the engine of American inequality. For all of the decent people involved in that institution, there is no chance that it will ever voluntarily abandon its role as an incubator of the ruling class. To do so would be unthinkable. That’s the reality of higher education: ostensible leftists preside over the ever-accelerating accumulation of power, money, and privilege. A better way is possible, but it cannot be achieved from within campus."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hardbound.co/read/high-school/1">
    <title>How High School Became a Thing</title>
    <dc:date>2016-08-11T18:09:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hardbound.co/read/high-school/1</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>highschool history us publicgood nathanbashaw hardbound educacation schools publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/10/opinion/sunday/solving-all-the-wrong-problems.html">
    <title>Solving All the Wrong Problems - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-12T03:08:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/10/opinion/sunday/solving-all-the-wrong-problems.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are overloaded daily with new discoveries, patents and inventions all promising a better life, but that better life has not been forthcoming for most. In fact, the bulk of the above list targets a very specific (and tiny!) slice of the population. As one colleague in tech explained it to me recently, for most people working on such projects, the goal is basically to provide for themselves everything that their mothers no longer do.

He was joking — sort of — but his comment made me think hard about who is served by this stuff. I’m concerned that such a focus on comfort and instant gratification will reduce us all to those characters in “Wall-E,” bound to their recliners, Big Gulps in hand, interacting with the world exclusively through their remotes.

Too many well-funded entrepreneurial efforts turn out to promise more than they can deliver (i.e., Theranos’ finger-prick blood test) or read as parody (but, sadly, are not — such as the $99 “vessel” that monitors your water intake and tells you when you should drink more water).

When everything is characterized as “world-changing,” is anything?

Clay Tarver, a writer and producer for the painfully on-point HBO comedy “Silicon Valley,” said in a recent New Yorker article: “I’ve been told that, at some of the big companies, the P.R. departments have ordered their employees to stop saying ‘We’re making the world a better place,’ specifically because we have made fun of that phrase so mercilessly. So I guess, at the very least, we’re making the world a better place by making these people stop saying they’re making the world a better place.”

O.K., that’s a start. But the impulse to conflate toothbrush delivery with Nobel Prize-worthy good works is not just a bit cultish, it’s currently a wildfire burning through the so-called innovation sector. Products and services are designed to “disrupt” market sectors (a.k.a. bringing to market things no one really needs) more than to solve actual problems, especially those problems experienced by what the writer C. Z. Nnaemeka has described as “the unexotic underclass” — single mothers, the white rural poor, veterans, out-of-work Americans over 50 — who, she explains, have the “misfortune of being insufficiently interesting.”

If the most fundamental definition of design is to solve problems, why are so many people devoting so much energy to solving problems that don’t really exist? How can we get more people to look beyond their own lived experience?

In “Design: The Invention of Desire,” a thoughtful and necessary new book by the designer and theorist Jessica Helfand, the author brings to light an amazing kernel: “hack,” a term so beloved in Silicon Valley that it’s painted on the courtyard of the Facebook campus and is visible from planes flying overhead, is also prison slang for “horse’s ass carrying keys.”

To “hack” is to cut, to gash, to break. It proceeds from the belief that nothing is worth saving, that everything needs fixing. But is that really the case? Are we fixing the right things? Are we breaking the wrong ones? Is it necessary to start from scratch every time?

Empathy, humility, compassion, conscience: These are the key ingredients missing in the pursuit of innovation, Ms. Helfand argues, and in her book she explores design, and by extension innovation, as an intrinsically human discipline — albeit one that seems to have lost its way. Ms. Helfand argues that innovation is now predicated less on creating and more on the undoing of the work of others.

“In this humility-poor environment, the idea of disruption appeals as a kind of subversive provocation,” she writes. “Too many designers think they are innovating when they are merely breaking and entering.”

In this way, innovation is very much mirroring the larger public discourse: a distrust of institutions combined with unabashed confidence in one’s own judgment shifts solutions away from fixing, repairing or improving and shoves them toward destruction for its own sake. (Sound like a certain presidential candidate? Or Brexit?)

Perhaps the main reason these frivolous products and services frustrate me is because of their creators’ insistence that changing lives for the better is their reason for being. To wit, the venture capitalist Marc Andreessen, who has invested in companies like Airbnb and Twitter but also in services such as LikeALittle (which started out as a flirting tool among college students) and Soylent (a sort of SlimFast concoction for tech geeks), tweeted last week: “The perpetually missing headline: ‘Capitalism worked okay again today and most people in the world got a little better off.’ ”

Meanwhile, in San Francisco, where such companies are based, sea level rise is ominous, the income gap between rich and poor has been growing faster than in any other city in the nation, a higher percentage of people send their kids to private school than in almost any other city, and a minimum salary of $254,000 is required to afford an average-priced home. Who exactly is better off?

Ms. Helfand calls for a deeper embrace of personal vigilance: “Design may provide the map,” she writes, “but the moral compass that guides our personal choices resides permanently within us all.”

Can we reset that moral compass? Maybe we can start by not being a bunch of hacks."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://psmag.com/the-privatization-of-childhood-play-956b02c154d3#.79gyvd1sp">
    <title>The Privatization of Childhood Play — Pacific Standard</title>
    <dc:date>2016-05-13T04:32:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psmag.com/the-privatization-of-childhood-play-956b02c154d3#.79gyvd1sp</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With playdates replacing free childhood play, it’s upper-class families who set the social norms — and working-class families who pay the price.

Kids used to play outside more. They would hopscotch through the streets, assembling games of stickball and breaking glass soda bottles for fun. Parents would tell their children to be home for dinner and then forget about them until dark.

That golden age of unstructured play was real — scholars place it in the second quarter of the 20th century — but the children who lived it are now senior citizens. If you’re currently alive, you probably played less than your parents did. Between 1981 and 1997, for example, six- to eight-year-olds lost 25 percent of their play time. We aren’t romanticizing some fictional American idyll — kids really are playing less today, even if you include video games. And for some kids, even play is now a regimented and supervised activity.

We live in an era of the playdate, when aspirational parenting means being your child’s agent and chauffeur. The idea of kids so busy they need adult secretaries to pencil in time with their friends is both silly and real. Take New York mom Tamara Mose: Her son and daughter’s weekly schedule includes piano, Kumon (a chic approach to private tutoring), taekwondo, regular tutoring, dance, and soccer. She’s lucky if she has time for a playdate.

Mose is a professor of sociology at Brooklyn College, and when one playdate connection turned into an invitation to deliver a talk about her first book, she became more interested in the repercussions of the phenomenon. Were other parents using playdates for professional networking? “I started noticing that I was gaining some kind of benefit through the playdate experience,” Mose tells me, “and I thought, ‘I wonder if this is a thing.’” The result is The Playdate: Parents, Children and the New Expectations of Play, a book-length study of playdate dynamics in New York City.

According to Mose, the biggest difference between simple play and an official playdate is that playdates are work. Playdates aren’t just scheduled, they’re prepared. They have expenses, and they can succeed or fail. A parent who serves the wrong kind of crunchy cheese snack could be jeopardizing their family’s place in the social hierarchy. Kids play, adults — or, more accurately, moms — make playdates.

The question at the heart of The Playdate is why do moms bother? The dates that Mose describes are labor-intensive and anxiety-ridden. A Pew analysis of time-use surveys found that average weekly hours of work for mothers increased slightly between 1965 and 2011 as a significant decrease in unpaid housework was offset by increases in waged work and childcare. Weekly maternal childcare hours increased from 10.2 to 13.5.

So what purposes, exactly, do playdates serve?

One explanation for the emergence of supervised play is that American parents got more serious about protecting their kids from harm. An evolutionary psychologist might point to declining birth rates and a historic shortage of back-up children. Death by unintentional injury for kids under 15 has fallen by more than half since the early 1970s; maybe the golden age of play was really a plague of parental negligence. Maybe playdates save little lives.

There might be some truth to the safety justification for playdates, but not much. Sociologist Annette Lareau coined the term “concerted cultivation” for the kind of parenting that involves a full schedule and constant oversight. Lareau contrasted concerted cultivation with the “natural growth” style, and found that both were class-linked, with upper- and upper-middle-class moms practicing the former, and working-class and poor moms the latter. It’s a pattern that Mose found in her research as well, with rich white moms setting the playdate standard. If concerted cultivation and playdate parenting were responsible for the drop in child-killing accidents, we would see a class division in the data.

In fact, childhood injury mortality has declined (in absolute terms) more in high-poverty counties than in low ones. Kid safety has more to do with general crime rates (child victimization is down across the board, from homicides to kidnappings to sexual assault) and with seatbelt-buckling than with helicopter parenting. “There’s never been a safer time to be a kid in America,” the Washington Post’s stats-based Wonkblog declared, and as automated cars replace human drivers things will only get safer.

Playdates, like other elements of the concerted-cultivation mode of parenting, are about a different kind of security. “Given the precarity of work in general — people are not working for companies for 20 or 30 years the way they used to — there’s this threat that the economy could crumble at any moment,” Mose says. “So what you find is there’s this learned fear that parents have for their children, because we don’t know what the economic situation is going to look like down the road.” Managing a child’s play schedule ensures they don’t pick up any bad influences that will steer them from the path to college and success on the job market.

Like royal marriages, concerted parents set up playdates that are socially advantageous, for the parents themselves and for their children’s imagined futures. “Parents are unsure of what is happening in terms of their children’s future, and we want [children] to be prepared, so we over-prepare them,” Mose says. “What we do in the playdate is create a play that is mediated at every level. And when it’s mediated at every level, parents think that they can determine which direction they’re leading their child, and maybe that offers them some type of security.”

As a social phenomenon, playdates are something like private schools. Wealthier parents remove their kids from public and sequester them somewhere with a guest list and a cover charge. Mose uses the term “enclosure” — when a public or common resource is fenced and privatized. Brooklyn developers brag about the borough’s diversity, but the parents Mose interviewed were using playdates to shield their kids from people who weren’t like them. The app MomCo even lets moms (a selfie is required for “gender verification”) search for suitable matches from their smartphones.

When wealthier people don’t use a public resource, it tends to degrade. Not because the rich hold things together, but because the government cares less about people who aren’t rich. This goes for the literal paving on streets, but also the symbolic space for unstructured childhood play. In 2014, South Carolina mother Debra Harrell was jailed for leaving her nine-year-old daughter in a park while she worked at a nearby McDonald’s. A Reason poll commissioned afterward found that average Americans don’t think kids should be allowed to do anything more independent than play in the front yard until they’re 12 years old. Natural growth parenting has been stigmatized and even criminalized.

Upper-class parenting practices that require a surplus of time, money, and private space set the standard for comparison. As a black mother routinely engaged in interracial playdates, Mose describes the pressure to make sure her children play the right way: “I always wanted to present as a decent black family because I know of the stereotypes out there about black families and black children,” she says. “So I always wanted to make sure my home was clean, I always wanted to make sure that appropriate food was being offered, and appropriate meaning organic or fruits and vegetables, not junky food or anything like that.” With professional connections and social prestige up for grabs, a playdate is not a game.

But, as Mose reminds me, there are also higher stakes. “We are reproducing inequality today through the enclosure of a playdate,” she says. “Through the privatization of play, we are reproducing inequality in our children.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>children play society playdates parenting malcolmharris 2016 inequality history tamaramose race class us networking diversity publicgood publicresources publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.insidehighered.com/blogs/just-visiting/when-they-promise-netflix-education-cover-your-wallet">
    <title>When They Promise the Netflix for Education, Cover Your Wallet | Just Visiting</title>
    <dc:date>2016-02-15T01:26:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.insidehighered.com/blogs/just-visiting/when-they-promise-netflix-education-cover-your-wallet</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["According to education consultant Michael Horn,[1] college has a lot in common with “your cable TV package.”

Horn says, “You really want just the accounting degree and you also get the football team alongside it. You’re paying for things that you will never ever use. It’s not tailored to actual needs.”

Horn (and his disruptor ilk) maintain that education needs to be “Netflixed.”

Do we really need to run through these arguments again and point out that education is not merely a content delivery system? Did the great MOOC hype collapse not already expose this fiction?

We already have things that are the educational equivalent of Netflix. I call them libraries, and guess what? They’re even better than Netflix because rather than relying solely on algorithms, they come stocked with trained professionals who will help you fulfill your content needs.

But never mind, because like all things, education must be disrupted. I just wish for once, the disruptors spoke to actual, you know, students before engaging in their disruptory ways.

Someone who thinks that football is not important to college choice must not be aware of student attitudes at places like Alabama, Clemson, or University of Michigan, where you will find many non-athlete students who indeed chose the school because of the football team.

But remember that Horn is not an educator. These people are never educators. He comes out of the Clayton Christensen Institute for Disruptive Innovation Boogaloo. He is now a principal in something called Entangled Solutions, a higher ed consultancy that uses their “startup connections to bring cutting edge technology to the academic world.”

Interestingly, the principals at Entangled Solutions with their “let them eat competency” attitudes have degrees from U. Chicago, Yale, Harvard MBA, CalTech, and Wharton.[2]

Their enemy is accreditation, and so Horn and others have formed a “task force” to challenge the control accreditors have over which institutions get access to federal grant and loan money. If they are successful, they will “open the door for the Airbnbs and Ubers of higher education.”

Do you join me in wondering how the introduction of rent-seeking entities into higher education could possibly benefit the broader public?

I don’t doubt these people deep down mean well, and sincerely believe their own B.S., but let’s not lose sight of the fact that it is B.S., and these companies are indeed on the grift. If their ideas were so good, they wouldn’t need to attach themselves to the public teat to fund them.

Indeed, programming bootcamps have managed to thrive in the marketplace, with the chief strategy officer at Reactor Core, the parent of the successful Hack Reactor camps telling the Washington Post that seeking accreditation, “Seemed like a lot of overhead and no real benefit for the students.”

Hack Reactor and the bootcamps like it are filling an underserved niche and bringing benefit to their customers and the industries they serve. For now. It seems inevitable that this sector too will overshoot the mark of demand and some providers will fall by the wayside, as they should in a free and open market.

Not satisfied with nibbling at the underserved edges, the higher ed disruptor crowd flat doesn’t like how college works, not in terms of education, but as a marketplace, and want to take their own shot at the problem. They don’t want to compete with legacy institutions so much as wreck them so they can rise in their place.
It’s unfortunate then, that our futuristic saviors seem to know so little about actual human beings.

It’s true, many fewer people would be interested in a four-year college experience if it didn’t come bundled with a degree. And yet, when you talk to students they will name dozens of other reasons they are glad to be in college: to grow as a person, to figure out what they want to do, to make friends and connections, to learn, to have fun, and yes, to go to football games.

College is like life, something to be lived, experienced, and we can't really predict or quantify the outcomes.

If you talk to students (and I do) and ask them if they want or would benefit from an “unbundled” education, you will find very few who answer in the affirmative.
My students are somewhere between befuddled by (Why would anyone want that?) and terrified of (I would fail, hard) such a future.

I teach a very traditional cohort of students, and the traditional college and university structure doesn’t make sense for everyone pursuing post-secondary education. There is indeed a role for competency-based education serving industries where discrete, demonstrable skills are necessary.

Though, I remember a time when the business themselves provided this service and called it “training,” but never mind.

And I am not one to deny the very real problems institutions face. The cost of college to students is a crisis. Of course the cause of this crisis is the disinvestment of public money in education, a fact the disruptor crowd almost always ignores because to acknowledge it would mean casting doubt over the necessity for disruption.

They see public disinvestment as a fixed state of being, as opposed to a reversible policy choice.

The idea that we’ll technology our way out of this is a fantasy. Entangled Solutions should know this better than anyone, as one of its other principals, Paul Freedman, had his first educational venture, Altius Education, which was supposed to help people move from associates degrees to four-year colleges, go splat after underperforming, and attracting a Justice Department investigation.[3]

But the disruptors continue to push a narrative of broken institutions, failing students, and too much of the policy-making public is willing to accept that story.

I have a counter-narrative, the oldest one in the book: History repeats itself.

Just as the worst actors of the for-profit industry slink off the stage, followed by lawsuits and government fines, we see our techno-solutionists stepping into the breach, claiming that higher education is “over-regulated.”
Tell that to the former customers of Corinthian Colleges.[4]
Different players, same game. Let’s not be fooled."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://edutechnicalities.com/articles/youre-not-an-asshole-mark-zuckerberg-youre-just-wrong/">
    <title>You’re Not an Asshole, Mark Zuckerberg. You’re Just Wrong. |</title>
    <dc:date>2015-12-24T00:28:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://edutechnicalities.com/articles/youre-not-an-asshole-mark-zuckerberg-youre-just-wrong/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why is it problematic when a businessman pledges to donate 99% of his personal shares in company stock (valued close to $45 billion) to philanthropy?

The popular argument against Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s display of altruism is that it is not a charitable donation; by the letter of the law he is funding a LLC, Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, rather than a 501(c)(3).  This means the activities *for the public good* will include private investment and policy debates, activities not allowed under the legal jurisdiction of non-profit status.  This has been called philanthrocapitalism, tax-efficient generosity that allows the richest Americans greater latitude in which to use their finances for ideological purposes.

The argument for such legal maneuvering of philanthropic endeavors is pragmatic; there is longstanding, government-rewarded benefit in establishing a for-profit mechanism within a donation initiative.  These benefits are usually addressed as opportunities to react to changing landscapes and partnership needs working between organizations and governments, which under charitable trusts is not as nimble as it is for an organization unencumbered by tax-exempt status.  Whereas there is a gravitas toward the Annenberg Foundation or the Hewlett Foundation as patriarchs of domestic and international philanthropic efforts, part of their infrastructure is an inability to pivot their strategy.  Chan Zuckerberg Initiative will not find its aims beholden to a singular mission; this makes them different from groups such as Riordan Foundation funding SMART Boards as evidence of scholastic merit despite ample evidence to the contrary.  They can adapt, change, innovate.

I trust Mark Zuckerberg’s purpose for this movement is principled more than it is pragmatic.  I find the LLC vs 501(c)(3) argument a straw man one as well; there are many ways he can use the money, many ways he can use the money in what we call a charitable fashion. The LLC in and of itself is not evidence of nefarious plans, nor is announcing a donation of 99% of his wealth to bettering the public good.

I have gone out of my way to not refer to the pledge of $45 billion as charity or philanthropy, however. While his intentions may be for the public good, they as misguided and harmful. Moreover, it is indicative of social and cultural erosion, showing a social structure where monetary success is not only more important than field-specific expertise but it purports the wealthy to an illusory status of Renaissance Men, their successes not narrow but holistic evidence to solve the problems of All Others.

John Cassidy’s critique in the New Yorker goes out of its way to steer clear of education debates, but Zuckerberg’s history as a donor to education reform is quite germane to the discussion.  In America, access to quality education is promoted as an inalienable right.  Education has long existed as a social structure, evidence to how our society views its purpose.  Efforts to improve student achievement are going to be bound in equity and access.  I struggle to think about student achievement conversations where we require charity or philanthropy in order for all citizens to have equal access to their inalienable right.  When Zuckerberg gave $100 million to Newark Public Schools, it was a strings-attached political donation, not charity.  Improving student achievement took a backseat to the politics of merit pay and consultancies for new bureaucratic management.  This is not surprising; historically, merit pay and administrative overhead do not improve student achievement.

What does improve student achievement?  The financial situation at home.  Caroline Hoxby of the Hoover Institution, a conservative think tank, notes the most efficacious way to improve the outcomes of the lowest income students is to put money in the pockets of their parents.  The United States as a society does not believe in direct wealth redistribution, however, so our distribution metrics are almost entirely geared toward education services.  Hoxby argues that the schools receiving these distributions are flawed and charter schools are the solution, which is where I disagree —  if family finances are the most compelling indicator of success, then the efforts at school are always going to be secondary, no matter how efficacious the school experience.

The past solutions and future reform thinking presented by Mark Zuckerberg does not involve income redistribution or even support services beyond school walls.  Most likely, Chan Zuckerberg Initiative will develop more structures and systems that can function independent of the educational infrastructure.  Mark Zuckerberg’s public statements on education reform support merit pay and personalized learning, contentious ideas considered discredited by many. The genesis of both beliefs are evident within the start-up culture that fostered Facebook, where meritocracy reigns supreme and *coding* can do as much for human equity as government.  In the world of Mark Zuckerberg, supporting these missions with wealth and political force is not only sensible but an obligatory service to the public good.

The libertarian dreamscape of start-up culture does not, however, fiat to the bureaucratic labyrinth of education.  Charter schools have not circumvented governmental obstacles, and early forays into technosolutionism have fallen flat.  If governance is inextricable from education (a notion supported from the Enlightenment to today), any effort to avoid its shadow is doomed.  To argue that education is not a public good could create space for the success of such efforts, but the purpose of philanthropy such as the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative is marketed as service to the public good.

The best provision for positively influencing the education system is to provide for it through established, research-solidified channels.  That means trusting the experts and using the leverage that comes with $45 billion to support multiple existing systems rather than building multiple new ones.  But the ethos of Silicon Valley is to fail fast and to Fail Better, which is fine for privately traded companies made up of wealthy employees but a terrible framework to put on a social superstructure that has promised since the Enlightenment to be humanity’s conduit for upward mobility and social justice. It is not in the public good for schools to fail fast and Fail Better.  In Silicon Valley it is okay for Udacity to fail with its SJSU roll-out or for Facebook to fail with its Newark Public Schools roll-out.  These are companies with venture capital to cushion the hiccups, and even if the failure led to the end of the company, society only loses an instance of software-as-a-service.  When the educational experience at SJSU turns out worse because of Udacity, or Newark Public Schools go through tremendous upheaval for no discernible benefit thanks to Facebook, our culture loses much more than the money it cost to put on the failed initiative.  No matter the talk of learning from mistakes or doing better, the system has yet again failed, and the structure in place to mitigate that failure and was circumvented is left to glue the pieces back together.  The students in these classrooms incubation labs have been failed to a significant degree, more so than any Fail Better rhetoric can fix.

The creation of Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, LLC, is a protection mechanism.  Most writing has focused on how it protects the financial portfolio of the Zuckerberg family, but the real protection is of their philanthropic legacy.  They can talk about the public good and act by pushing money and policy toward ideology and push-button solutions, apologizing when its results are not as intended and promising to do better with the rest of the billions.  The right decisions for the legacy of the philanthropist do not become the right policies for the philanthropy because they were borne of good intentions.  There is an inherent flawed logic to the idea that saving the world is a private enterprise."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.niemanlab.org/2015/12/news-isnt-for-the-billionaire-few/">
    <title>News isn’t for the billionaire few » Nieman Journalism Lab</title>
    <dc:date>2015-12-23T00:38:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.niemanlab.org/2015/12/news-isnt-for-the-billionaire-few/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Media should never be permitted to become a mere megaphone for the exclusive use of the rich to impose their views on the rest of us.”

…
            
"In August 2013, billionaire Amazon founder Jeff Bezos agreed to buy The Washington Post for $250 million. Last month, Bezos boasted of his paper’s having surpassed The New York Times in number of online viewers. The Post’s goal, he says, is to become “the new paper of record.”

Bezos is far from being the first zillionaire to attempt to control the press (¡Hola, Señor Hearst!), and he won’t be the last. But controlling media is not an appropriate ambition for a businessman to have in a democratic society. That one of the nation’s largest papers will have to think twice before reporting on the practices of one of its largest public companies (or, presumably, about that company’s competitors, or about e-commerce in general, or about any bee that may wander into the Bezos bonnet) is absurd. (The crickets that could be heard emanating from the Post in the wake of the New York Times exposé of Amazon’s office culture are highly suggestive of such a chilling effect.)

2015 saw an increase in meddling, unprincipled rich men’s attempts to buy influence through journalism. Last week, the largest paper in Nevada, the Las Vegas Review-Journal, was acquired by an unnamed owner who was later confirmed to be the family of billionaire Sheldon Adelson — and it appears he may have been using the paper’s reporters for his own purposes even before the ink was dry. Chinese e-commerce giant Alibaba is paying roughly $266 million for the South China Morning Post, thereby controlling the world’s principal source of English-language coverage of China, once owned by that other politically-inclined media magnate, Rupert Murdoch. There is talk that the highly opinionated billionaire Eli Broad may buy the ailing Los Angeles Times.

But Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg doesn’t have to buy a newspaper in order to control media read by hundreds of millions of people; when he and his wife welcomed a new baby daughter, Max, into their family last month, the billionaire wrote the baby a letter, complete with bullet points, pledging to give, at some point, nearly all of his $45 billion worth of Facebook stock to his own new philanthrocapitalist LLC. Last week, Zuckerberg announced his personal approval of Muslims on Facebook and his desire to “build a better world for all people.” #yay. I mean, doubtless, that is a skosh better than announcing his personal opposition to Muslims, as the current frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination has been busy doing.

Facebook is already free to control, with zero transparency, exactly what news articles, videos, and other media appear on each and every one of the 1.55 billion individual timelines comprising its social media empire. Zuckerberg is not the leader of anything but a company, and it’s shocking that more journalists aren’t freaking out about this and other, similar power grabs under the Orwellian banner of “philanthrocapitalism.”

You know what is good for all people? Paying, as the rest of us democratically-inclined citizens are happy to do, a fair share of your personal wealth into all the people’s public coffers, where it can be spent by their fairly elected representatives on the common good, rather than keeping it locked up in untaxable stocks and mystery foundations, to be spent where you personally will decide what is good for them.

Media should never be permitted to become a mere megaphone for the exclusive use of the rich to impose their views on the rest of us. With any luck, this is the year our profession wakes up to this dangerous state of affairs and takes steps to protect the interests of a free and independent press."]]></description>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:commongood"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:publicgoods"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://deborahmeier.com/2015/11/20/democracy-and-the-common-good/">
    <title>Democracy and the common good | Deborah Meier on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2015-11-28T00:42:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://deborahmeier.com/2015/11/20/democracy-and-the-common-good/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I am taking note of all the ways we are privatizing our society and abandoning our belief in democracy,  the “common good”, the public space, call it what you will. The New York Times (Nov 2nd) had a front page headline on the “Privatization of the Justice System.” We have always known it helps sway the judge and jury if you are rich, have top lawyers, etc. But this is about the many areas in which people often unwittingly agree to give up their right to ever see a judge and jury if they have a grievance, but are forced to use private arbitrators and cannot sign on to any class-action suit.

The more egalitarian our definition of citizenship the more concern there is by some about the “idea” of one person, one vote.  Too many of the choices the privatizers are now suggesting open up more possibilities for some than others.  The choice of going to a private school with a voucher is not actually a choice if you haven’t the means to pay the difference or aren’t “chosen.” Yes, you have a choice of cars to buy…but. The data I have read about the number of poor people who do not have the choice of a lawyer to represent their interests. No surprise: some choices cost a lot ore than others.

The idea of democracy comes out of an idea of the “common good”—a way to hold rulers accountable to all. However who belonged to that “all” was not everyone.  Sometimes it was, in fact, a very small proportion of the entire population.  But it assumed that among those who had full citizenship there was good reason to have considerable trust. It assumed that most citizens had their peers interest at heart, even if they interpreted it differently. It assumed free speech, free assembly, and mutual respect— win some, lose some. It was an answer to royal inherited power—instead “the people” had the power.  When we expanded full citizenship to include men without property, women, former slaves, etc. it naturally become harder to identity what our “common interests” were.  Some “wins” seemed too dangerous to those with more power to let free choice play itself out. It was not obvious to some parents, for example, that “their” precious child was of equal interest to those who determined school policy.

That is what we are struggling with these days in school “reform”—and it will not be easily solved in a society that holds private space as more precious than public space, especially when some have a lot more private space than others have, in the order of thousands of times more."]]></description>
<dc:subject>deborahmeier 2015 society democracy commongood public publicspace publicgood citizenship civics commoninterests individualism privatization capitalism publicgoods</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:8d2f82482cef/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://ed.stanford.edu/news/high-income-americans-are-more-segregated-ever">
    <title>High-income Americans are more segregated than ever | Stanford Graduate School of Education</title>
    <dc:date>2015-09-14T04:55:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ed.stanford.edu/news/high-income-americans-are-more-segregated-ever</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“If advantaged families do not share social environments and public institutions with low‐income families, they may be less likely to support investment in these shared resources. Such a shift in collective commitment to the public good may have far‐reaching consequences for social inequality,” said Reardon."]]></description>
<dc:subject>inequality seanreardon kendrabischoff segregation 2015 us civics socialgood publicgood incomeinequality publicgoods</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b09aece46596/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2015"/>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/we-dont-trust-drinking-fountains-anymore-and-thats-bad-for-our-health/2015/07/02/24eca9bc-15f0-11e5-9ddc-e3353542100c_story.html?hpid=z2">
    <title>We don’t trust drinking fountains anymore, and that’s bad for our health - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2015-07-15T06:15:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/we-dont-trust-drinking-fountains-anymore-and-thats-bad-for-our-health/2015/07/02/24eca9bc-15f0-11e5-9ddc-e3353542100c_story.html?hpid=z2</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Fountains were once a revered feature of urban life, a celebration of the tremendous technological and political capital it takes to provide clean drinking water to a community. Today, they’re in crisis. Though no one tracks the number of public fountains nationally, researchers say they’re fading from America’s parks, schools and stadiums. “Water fountains have been disappearing from public spaces throughout the country over the last few decades,” lamented Nancy Stoner, an administrator in the Environmental Protection Agency’s water office. Water scholar Peter Gleick writes that they’ve become “an anachronism, or even a liability.” Jim Salzman, author of “Drinking Water: A History,” says they’re “going the way of pay phones.”

Even the International Plumbing Code, followed by builders in most American cities, has signaled that the fountain is out of style. In the 2015 edition of the manual, which lays out recommendations on matters such as the number of bathrooms an office should have and how pipes should work, authors slashed the number of required fountains for each building by half.

This loss isn’t a result of some major technological disruption. While U.S. consumption of bottled water quadrupled between 1993 and 2012 (reaching 9.67 billion gallons annually), that’s more a symptom than a cause. What’s changed in the past two decades is our attitude toward public space, government and water itself. “Most people over the age of 40 have really positive stories of drinking fountains as kids,” says Scott Francisco, who helped organize the Union Square event with Pilot Projects, an urban design company. The sense today, though, is that “they’re dangerous, they’re not maintained and they’re dirty.”

In short, we don’t trust public fountains anymore. And it’s making us poorer, less healthy and less green."

…

"The disappearance of water fountains has hurt public health. Centers for Disease Control researcher Stephen Onufrak has found that the less young people trust water fountains, the more sugary beverages they drink. Studies have found that kids who consume sugary drinks regularly are 60 percent more likely to be obese, and adults who do so are 26 percent more likely to develop Type 2 diabetes.

The reliance on bottled water rather than fountains also has serious environmental effects. According to the Earth Policy Institute, it takes about 1.5 million barrels of oil to create the 50 billion plastic water bottles Americans use each year. (That’s enough oil to fuel 100,000 cars for a year.) Less than a quarter of those bottles are recycled. And these statistics don’t even account for the fuel used in transporting the water around the country and the world.

Bottled water is also expensive. Drinking eight glasses of tap water a day costs about 49 cents a year. If you got that hydration exclusively from bottles, you’d pay about $1,400, or 2,900 times more. If you’re living at the poverty line, that’s 10 percent of your income.

The transition away from fountains has also made it harder to access water in public. For example, in 2007, the University of Central Florida built a 45,000-seat stadium with no fountains. The university claimed they were too expensive to install and maintain. Selling bottled water at $3 a bottle, meanwhile, would generate profits. But at the opening game, with temperatures reaching near 100 degrees, vendors ran out of water. Some 60 attendees were treated for heat-related issues; 18 were hospitalized for heat exhaustion. The university eventually installed 50 fountains.

There is some good news. Some cities are slowly bringing back — or at least increasing maintenance of — water fountains. In 2013, Los Angeles put together a comprehensive plan to upgrade and restore public water fountains. In 2008, Minneapolis spent $500,000 on 10 new fountains designed by local artists. In Washington, the nonprofit group TapIt promotes access to tap water by pushing businesses to provide free water-bottle-refilling stations. Other cities, including New York, Seattle and San Francisco, have taken steps to stop using bottled water in government buildings.

Evelyn Wendel launched WeTap, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit dedicated to public water promotion, after noticing that the fountains at the park where her kids played were frequently broken or dirty. “We can make improvements by teaching how valuable our municipal water is and making it available in schools and parks,” she says. “It’s a measurement of the success of humanity when you have free water for the community.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>ater drinkingfountains us 2015 health sustainability public publicgood bottledwater publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.psmag.com/nature-and-technology/chuck-johnson-is-a-massive-baby-who-doesnt-know-how-to-read-service-agreements">
    <title>No, You Don’t Have Free Speech Online - Pacific Standard</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-12T06:39:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.psmag.com/nature-and-technology/chuck-johnson-is-a-massive-baby-who-doesnt-know-how-to-read-service-agreements</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Sunlight Foundation’s “Politwoops” was one of the best things Twitter had going for it. The project scraped and archived Tweets posted by politicians who later deleted them, contending that these messages weren’t just in the public realm but were in the public interest (as statements made by elected officials). Despite running afoul of Twitter’s terms of service, the project ran for years until the social media company finally killed it last week.

Just a few weeks prior, right-wing blogger Chuck Johnson was booted from Twitter after months of sustained threats and harassment. While Johnson cried “free speech!,” Sunlight’s analysis was far more savvy.

“Our shared conversations are increasingly taking place in privately owned and managed walled gardens, which means that the politics that occur in such conversations are subject to private rules.”

“Twitter’s decision to pull the plug on Politwoops is a reminder of how the Internet isn’t truly a public square,” Sunlight Foundation president Christopher Gates wrote. “Our shared conversations are increasingly taking place in privately owned and managed walled gardens, which means that the politics that occur in such conversations are subject to private rules.”

[embedded tweet]

Despite the apparent obviousness of this, the “free speech” argument persists. So why won’t this die? Why won’t users on Twitter, Facebook, and other private platforms see that they’re hanging out in a business, not in a public square? Why don’t they want to?

When Facebook, Google, and others claimed to be free speech advocates after the Charlie Hebdo massacre in Paris, their motivations were clear: It’s vital to their business models that we feel free, so that we give up as much personal data as possible. The survival of the social Web is predicated on ad sales organized around compiled user information, not on witty commentary. Twitter is an interesting place to talk about the news and receive rape threats between sponsored Gap ads, but it’s also a private place: It is only accountable to us insofar as we are its customers, and it doesn’t want (too many of) us to leave.

It’s vital to their business models that we feel free, so that we give up as much personal data as possible.

Did Twitter ban Chuck Johnson to better protect its other users? Maybe. Did Twitter ban Chuck Johnson because it was better for business than not banning Chuck Johnson? Definitely. When Twitter banned Sunlight’s Politwoops, it was also protecting a portion of its user base—one with more institutional power than Johnson’s victims.

We all seem to want it both ways. On one hand, we expect these walled gardens to protect us from invasive government spy programs, and we’re outraged when they don’t. On another, we expect them to act as a public utility, an arm of government, protecting our constitutional rights. But Twitter can ban whoever it wants. Twitter has no responsibility to free speech.

The libertarian spirit and ideology that founded and fostered the Internet is, in many ways, the same one that gave rise to its rapid commercialization. Private, user-friendly platforms are eating the open Internet—they’ve become synonymous with it, and, in some cases, even transcended it. They can be tremendous tools, but, as long as a bulk of our interpersonal communications are mediated by these businesses, our speech won’t be free. Laws protect platforms’ right to host or not to host our speech, whatever our speech may be. Ultimately, we’ve traded connectivity and convenience for the original populist promise of the Internet.

Now that we’ve entrusted our social contract to Twitter and Facebook, we are left without much recourse. We can complain. We can tell Twitter it is doing the wrong thing. We do this a lot. Maybe it will listen. But ultimately it’ll do the best thing for business. Enforcement in the walled gardens is capricious, but mostly it is capitalist.

Even libertarian Chuck Johnson doesn’t want to accept this. The “free speech” claims persist. And so I’ve started to read them less as a demand, and more as a dream. If Johnson and his supporters want Twitter to uphold “freedom of speech,” they should support turning it into an actual public utility—after all, we’re doing much to subsidize the industry as it is. I’d happily be a member of a nationalized Facebook, even if Chuck Johnson is there too."

[via: https://twitter.com/doingitwrong/status/609125305899425792

in response to my tweeting: “all social media tech converging on multi-media messaging (1to1, group, broadcast) aspiring to be *the* monopoly, resisting interoperability. time to declare social media as a utility (like phone lines), set standards, remove the data/phone distinction from mobile connections? This is surely not a novel idea, so any pointers to writing about this?” ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>internet facebooks walledgardens internetasutiity freespeech proprietaryspaces publicspace commons web online twitter commercialization publicgood 2015 susiecagle freedomofspeech publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/24/nyregion/denying-new-york-libraries-the-fuel-they-need.html">
    <title>Denying New York Libraries the Fuel They Need - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2015-04-24T20:03:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/24/nyregion/denying-new-york-libraries-the-fuel-they-need.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Suppose you guess where people spend at least some of their time in the city.

For instance, what attractions draw the most visitors?

A. Major museums, like the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Museum of Modern Art, American Museum of Natural History, Brooklyn Museum or Museum of the City of New York.

B. Libraries, including the neighborhood branches and research centers.

C. Performing arts, like those at Lincoln Center, Carnegie Hall, City Center and Snug Harbor.

D. Sports teams like the Yankees, Mets, Knicks, Nets, Rangers, Jets and Giants.

E. Natural-world attractions: the botanical gardens, Wave Hill, the zoos and aquariums.

Lots of people buy tickets for sports, even if they don’t always show up. Last year, the Yankees listed attendance as 3.4 million; the Mets, 2.14 million. At Madison Square Garden and the Barclays Center, the two basketball teams and the Rangers hockey team brought in a total of 2.2 million. The two professional football teams in northern New Jersey drew 1.3 million.

Those hefty numbers add up to about nine million. How about attendance at museums, live performances and zoos? “Approximately 21 million New Yorkers and other visitors attended the 33 city-owned museums, performing arts centers, botanical gardens, zoos and historical sites,” the mayor’s office reported in September.

But wait.

The city’s libraries — the fusty old buildings, and a few spiffier modern ones, planted in all five boroughs — had 37 million visitors in the last fiscal year, said Angela Montefinise, a spokeswoman for the New York Public Library, which runs branches and research centers in Manhattan and the Bronx and on Staten Island. The Brooklyn Public Library and the Queens Library have their own extensive systems.

So the city’s libraries have more users than major professional sports, performing arts, museums, gardens and zoos — combined.

No one who has set foot in the libraries — crowded at all hours with adults learning languages, using computers, borrowing books, hunting for jobs, and schoolchildren researching projects or discovering stories — can mistake them for anything other than power plants of intellect and opportunity. They are distributed without regard to wealth.

Over the last decade, they have not gotten anywhere near the kind of capital funding enjoyed by sports teams.

From the 2006 fiscal year through 2014, the city budgeted at least $464 million to build new baseball stadiums for the Yankees and the Mets, and $156 million for the Barclays Center. That’s $620 million for just those three sports arenas — a sum more than one-third greater than the $453 million that the city committed for capital improvements to the its 206 branch libraries and four research centers, which serve roughly seven times as many people a year as attend baseball games. (The budget figures were provided by the city’s Independent Budget Office; the teams are getting an additional $680 million in subsidies spread over 40 years.)

For decades, the libraries have served a single function in the city budget process: hostages. Mayors say they have to cut library hours to make the financial books balance. The City Council rises up in outrage. During the negotiations, hours are ultimately restored, usually swapped for something else that the mayor actually wants.

Despite these annual rescues, library hours in New York “trail behind cities throughout the nation,” according to a study by David Giles published this month by the Center for an Urban Future."]]></description>
<dc:subject>nyc libraries nypl learning funding books education 2015 publicgood publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.democracyjournal.org/36/are-we-still-making-citizens.php?page=all">
    <title>Leon Botstein for Democracy Journal: Are We Still Making Citizens?</title>
    <dc:date>2015-04-10T06:24:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.democracyjournal.org/36/are-we-still-making-citizens.php?page=all</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: http://willrichardson.com/post/115896934920/on-secret-keeping-and-forgetting ]

"Democracy requires a commitment to the public good. But for a long time now, our citizens have been taught to see themselves as only private actors."

…

"What the European émigrés discovered was a reality that partially resembled these principles. They saw from the outside, as it were, how vital the connection is between how we structure our schools and our capacity to maintain a functioning pluralist democracy. John Dewey, America’s greatest thinker on education since Mann, guided the ideology of public education. For Dewey, the justification for the proper pedagogy was not primarily political; his conception of teaching and learning derived largely from an epistemological conceit within Pragmatism. But for the European émigrés, the contrast between the school systems from which they came and the school system in the country in which they arrived—the virtue and attraction of American educational practice—was significant in terms of its political consequences.

In those years, the defining factor in the American system was the idea of a single, unitary public school system in which everybody enrolled. All citizens went to the same sort of schools through to the end of secondary school. Private schools were an elite phenomenon and relatively insignificant. Most European public systems, by contrast, were intentionally segregated by ability, creating distinct groups beginning at age 11. The state, using examinations, divided the school population into varying categories, each of which maintained a different track. The majority of citizens never completed school beyond elementary school. Some percentage went on to vocational schooling. A very small segment of the population went, as adolescents, either to a humanistic academic high school (Gymnasium) or to a less prestigious practical and science-oriented high school (Realschule) and received a secondary-school diploma. A Matura or Abitur, the diploma from these two types of secondary schools, permitted an elite student to enroll in the university.

Consequently, the unitary public school system that kept all children together until college and that built citizens of character, devoted to democratic values, was viewed by the émigré generation as a marvel. American education appeared to fit the idea that the nation and democracy were tied to a homogeneity of rights, and that diverse constituencies could not only obtain equal legal status but through education achieve the means to realize it in economic and social terms. Citizenship via a nominally nondiscriminatory and standard process accessible to all irrespective of birth, religion, ethnicity, or even language was unheard of in Europe, but it—and the concrete advantages education added—seemed possible in America.

Higher education was no less eye-opening. Undergraduates delayed specialization and studied more than one subject. They were, from the start, asked to do far more writing that called for the expression of their own arguments and judgments. What was equally shocking to a European was the way in which the American university system seemed immensely flexible and open to new ideas. There was not a rigid hierarchy with one professor running each “faculty.” Young scholars did not have to wait for their elders to retire or die. The university was able to create new fields and new positions. Not only was there less hierarchy and formality, but in graduate education there was even less deference to authority than in the public school system. The dissenter, rebel, and ambitious entrepreneur were prized more than in Europe. In terms of graduate education and academic career advancement, American university practice still stands in contrast to that of Europe.

That was the good news. The bad news was that the academic standards by which the American common school system operated seemed horrifically low. The price paid by the democratic culture of the American school system, the émigré observers concluded, was the low level of shared culture achieved at the end of secondary public education. Freshmen could not read or write properly, and they possessed little understanding of literature, art, philosophy, or history. The thinly veiled (at best) snobbery of the mid-century émigré scholars simply exploded when their members (such as Werner Jaeger, Leo Strauss, and Kurt Wolff) came to teach American college students."

…

"I distrust private languages and the tendency to rely on one’s personal narrative as the basis for talking about politics and, in particular, education, understood as a political good. The personal narrative is always contingent on those outside of it. What a child has to learn in school is not only to formulate a personal narrative but also to set it aside; children need to listen, to observe others, and thereby to distinguish their personal narrative from those of others as each individual constructs a role as a citizen. However, the two imperatives—personal growth and citizenship—don’t appear naturally to overlap. A child needs to learn things that allow him or her to function in a democratic context, to learn to consciously ignore personal self-interest and contemplate the public good. What a common public school ought to teach, therefore, is the capacity for disagreement, contest, and compromise. But if I think public goods are irrelevant, that we can do without government, I automatically subscribe to a kind of illusion of individualism against which criticism is hard, since the point of having a discussion or debate—the creation of the public space of a shared participatory politics—is rejected."

…

"The project of public education is fundamental to the notion of public goods in America. The restoration of public education seems a precondition for making the public sphere operate properly. Education must be about something more than personal happiness and benefit, economically defined; it has to map out the idea that there is more to the public good than the belief that through some free-market-style calculus of aggregate self-interests, the greatest good for the greatest number will emerge. In other words, public education is about educating the future citizen to consider a common ground in politics that can and will secure a more rewarding notion of personal security and tranquility for all.

But in the context of today’s disenchantment with the public sphere, what can a school-trained citizen do? Merely compete in the marketplace? Work for Google? What actually defines the public sphere today is not the government and Congress, but Google, Facebook, and Amazon. Conspiracy theorists when I was young pointed to the presence of socialists and communists who were said to undermine our system of values. Fear seemed reasonable in the Cold War and under the threat of nuclear war. The line between fear and paranoia was thin indeed. Fear was plausible.

But the people who frighten me and undermine the public sphere today are not terrorists and ideologues interested in overthrowing the government; they are not even those who work for the U.S. government within the NSA or the CIA. Rather, I’m afraid of the very large corporate giants that control our access to information, regulate our private lives by providing social networks—a platform for deceptive intimacy—and monitor every move we make in life and preserve a record of every message, thereby rendering secret-keeping and forgetting—two essential human experiences—impossible."

…

"So where does this bring us with regard to education? As a practitioner of education, I still hold to the idea that the most difficult and yet most vital thing to do is to construct and sustain a language of public conversation. And that language of public conversation will inevitably be different from our several private languages. We cannot expect it to be the same. The conversation on matters that affect us all has to take place in real space and time. School is one source of that essential opportunity.

One of the depressing aspects of our politics today is the extent to which our candidates think it is enough to be a personality and to rely on a private language in order to get elected. We are more interested in the personalities of our politicians, as if they were our neighbors or private friends, than we are in what they think. Today’s politicians cannot speak a comprehensible language of ideas in public conversation about public goods, the matters at stake in politics. We have lost the taste for a sustained debate about ideas.

To confront this lack of public discourse based on ideas—ideas bolstered by claims and evidence subject to open scrutiny—public education needs to work. It needs to create a community of very diverse citizens who are able to occupy a public space in which they can negotiate matters of shared concern, from foreign affairs to domestic policy, using a shared language. The Internet does not offer such a platform, nor does the virtual space or Facebook or any other social media.

I therefore think that we need to redouble the defense of a single system of public education to which our citizens have free access. We need to resist the privatization of schooling. That does not mean that every school should look alike. But since we will continue to be (I hope) an immigrant nation, we will have to champion a public school system if we are to reconcile increasing differences, inequalities of wealth, and class distinctions into a functioning, dynamic democracy made up of citizens.

I share the émigré generation’s quite romantic optimism for the potential of a democratic school system, one marked by excellence and equity. I think such a system is worth fighting for. There are lots of reasons to be optimistic. There is evidence that we can improve schools. A welcome first step would be to instill in the best of our current college students and future generations of graduates the value of public school teaching as a dignified, honorable, lifelong career."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://opendemocracy.net/ourbeeb/tony-ageh/bbc-licence-fee-and-digital-public-space">
    <title>The BBC, the licence fee and the digital public space | openDemocracy</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-06T21:37:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://opendemocracy.net/ourbeeb/tony-ageh/bbc-licence-fee-and-digital-public-space</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Controller of the BBC’s archive strategy maintains the institution’s fundamental role within the media ecology and argues that the Licence Fee should safeguard a new democratic digital public space."

…

"So what would the ‘Digital Public Space’ look like?

It should have all the original values of the ‘Analogue Public Space’, plus some amazing new features and services that were previously impossible or unimaginable:

1. It would ensure a guarantee of access to a protected allocation of internet bandwidth for every citizen, free at the point of use, at home and in key public places – conceptually similar to frequencies within the broadcast spectrum reserved for Public Service Broadcasting

2. The Digital Public Space will offer an ever growing digital library of digitised media and assets from our publicly funded organisations: our public service broadcasters, our museums, libraries and archives, our institutions of education and our public services.

3. The Digital Public Space will offer innovative products and services that allow people to access, contribute to and communicate with the public and cultural sectors

4. Users can be safe and secure to discover, use and share without fear of loss or theft or unintended exposure of their personal data and creative endeavours

5. The Digital Public Space works through unmetered consumption, free at the point, of use for every person, regardless of status or ability. The Digital Public Space will not require a broadband subscription. It will be available anywhere across the UK, at any time, to anyone.

6. And finally: the Digital Public Space cannot be taken away. 

To get there, perhaps we may need help from the source that created the BBC in the first place – an ambitious desire for there to be an infrastructure constantly developed in the public interest. The combination of Real Thought and Significant Engineering. In fact we already have that remit written into the BBC charter. The sixth public purpose for the BBC states:

(f) in promoting its other purposes, helping to deliver to the public the benefit of emerging communications technologies ...

I believe that to understand the BBC’s relevance in the 21st Century, we need to ask, not just “what is the BBC for?” but also “what is the Licence Fee for?” They are not the same thing but, inadvertently, we have allowed them to be seen as the same.

I think we should go back to first principles and consider the emerging needs of all Licence Fee Payers – not only those who actually pay the fee itself – and ensure that in the future each and every one of us has guaranteed access to the public sphere, control over their own data and identity and enduring services that they can trust and depend on.

We used to be broadcast beings. We are now internet beings. However with more and higher barriers to entry to the digital realm we must work hard to ensure that nobody is stripped of the ability to be a citizen of the future.

I believe that is, and has always been, the higher calling for both the BBC and the Licence Fee."

[See also: “A digital public space is Britain’s missing national institution | Technology | The Guardian” (Jemima Kiss)
http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/mar/05/digital-public-space-britain-missing-national-institution ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2015 tonyageh bbc uk digitalpublicspace digitalsocialism jemimakiss history television tv media publicgood publicspace licencefee web online internet publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.civicworkshop.city/">
    <title>Civic Workshop</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-15T19:40:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.civicworkshop.city/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A group of people producing and making new culture - looking at ways to reframe our everyday local experiences with an awareness of our collective social and political future."

…

"The Civic Bureau is now open and the live data from the Census can be seen here.

Census statistics have been the core of social architecture for thousands of years and it is the key tool that directs huge amounts of public funding in both the UK and India. Between 2001-11 the UK census directed the allocation of £1 trillion worth of government spending but the questions, methods and format has remained the same for many years.

The Government has started to explore how to update the census to make better use of technological advances and data expertise.

We want to explore how the census can build a steady accumulation of civic records that can facilitate a different relationship between citizens and the state. 

Our first experiment, the Civic Bureau begins at Somerset House, as part of the Civic Workshop residency. Over the coming months we will be inviting the public to take part. 

We are interested in how the census can make better use of civic technology and what the census would look like if done at a City level, built on the idea of the city as a public good. This raises questions about how people participate and how often, what kinds of information people want to give towards a "public good" and what would feel representative of their everyday lives.

We have partnered with a team at the ICRI Cities lab at University College London, and will be showcasing Sens-Us, an interactive Citizen Census, at Somerset House. Sens-Us will be based on the VoxBox technology, developed at UCL, which is an innovative way to gather opinions through a “tangible questionnaire” as opposed to filling out forms.

The Civic Bureau will be open from January 15th for one month."]]></description>
<dc:subject>openstudioproject lcproject civicworkshop cities urban urbanism publicgood culture culturemaking everyday local collectivism census uk publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/message/googles-slow-fade-with-librarians-fddda838a0b7">
    <title>Google’s slow fade with librarians — The Message — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-04T20:10:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/message/googles-slow-fade-with-librarians-fddda838a0b7</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Written in response to “Never trust a corporation to do a library’s job” [https://medium.com/message/never-trust-a-corporation-to-do-a-librarys-job-f58db4673351 ]"

…

"Time passed. The newsletter started to be written by someone with the job title Associate Marketing Manager, Librarian Outreach in March of 2007. Librarian Central also got a blog in 2007 which they updated like crazy all through the early part of the year. We Googled “limerence” and brushed up on the five love languages. We’d always been big into acts of service.

Then they said they were taking a break. A break? Just for the summer, they said, then didn’t update for a year. Maybe we should have taken a hint? But we were so sure that we were made for each other.

They made one additional post to the blog in 2008 , its last. It was written by someone whose job was Product Marketing Manager, without a clip art book or library in sight. In early 2009 the Librarian Central URL just started redirecting to the blogspot blog. OK, we can take a hint.

We were having our own doubts, of course. How could you not? The Google Books project seemed to be letting itself go. Things any librarian would notice: bad scans; faulty metadata; narrowing the scope of public domain; having machines do jobs that should be done (or at least overseen) by humans. They seemed to be restricting and worsening access to cultural content, not expanding and improving it. Maybe we were going in different directions?

The last issue of the Google Librarian Newsletter in April 2009 directed people to the Inside Google Books blog. We saw Jodi around there until 2010. That blog hasn’t been updated since August 2012. Its last post, by a Google Play Operations Specialist, directs readers to the general Google Search blog. We know when we are getting the runaround.

Sometime in 2014 between August and October, Google removed the Librarian Central blog entirely, took down all the posts and memory-holed it. Maybe it was because of the comment spam. You can still read the posts from the blog through the Internet Archive. Sure, the Archive is not as flashy, but they get the work done and they’re always there for you.

…

Google came back to the annual ALA Conference in June of 2012 claiming to be a First Time Exhibitor. They looked great, the years had been good to them. They were selling something of course… to libraries or really to anyone. We walked by a few times but they didn’t seem to recognize us.

But we still remember when they were there before. Librarians remember.

Don’t get me wrong, we’re doing pretty great on our own, better than ever really. We’ve gotten a bit more independent, not putting all of our eggs into any one basket, gotten better at establishing boundaries. Still not sure, after all that, how we got this all so wrong. Didn’t we both want the same thing? Maybe it really wasn’t us, it was them. Most days it’s hard to remember what we saw in Google. Why did we think we’d make good partners?"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>libraries archives google publicgood 2015 internet web online jessamynwest librarians persistence publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://op-talk.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/01/10/should-schools-teach-personality/">
    <title>Should Schools Teach Personality? - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2015-01-12T21:08:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://op-talk.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/01/10/should-schools-teach-personality/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The focus on character, however, has encountered criticism. The education writer and speaker Alfie Kohn, for instance, argues that grit isn’t always helpful. In a Washington Post essay adapted from his new book, “The Myth of the Spoiled Child: Challenging the Conventional Wisdom About Children and Parenting,” he writes that dogged persistence isn’t the best approach to every situation: “Even if you don’t crash and burn by staying the course, you may not fare nearly as well as if you had stopped, reassessed and tried something else.”

And, he said in an interview, an emphasis on children’s personalities could take attention away from problems with their schools. “Social psychologists for decades have identified a tendency to overestimate how important personality characteristics, motivation, individual values and the like tend to be relative to the importance of the structural characteristics of a situation,” he said. “We tend to think people just need to try harder, or have a better attitude,” but “this tends to miss the boat. What really matters is various aspects of the system itself.”

Truly improving education in America will require “asking about the environment in which kids are placed, what kids are being asked to learn, how they’re being taught, what voice they have, if any, in the experience,” he said. “Every time we focus on personality variables, we are distracted again from addressing the systemic questions that matter.”

And in an essay at The New Republic, Jeffrey Aaron Snyder, an educational studies professor at Carleton College, contends that as currently espoused by KIPP, “character-based education is untethered from any conception of morality.” And, he says in an interview, he questions the value of looking at character traits outside a larger moral framework: “What’s the importance of teaching grit if you’re not teaching it in the context of civic education, the public good, social responsibility?” Teaching it without such context “becomes kind of a looking-out-for-number-one-type approach to education.”

As an example of a better way, he points to a school he came across in his research whose students started a community garden during World War I (gardening is also part of the curriculum at some schools today). Planting, growing and distributing food taught many of the same traits that character-education programs  hope to instill, he said, “but it’s all richly integrated into a task that has genuine purpose and that makes the students think beyond themselves.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>education schools personality grit angeladuckworth annanorth arthurporopat kipp character teaching learning curriculum psychology motivationjeffreyaaronsnyder morality civics socialresponsibility publicgood obedience individualism conscientiousness diligence duty creativity curiosity schooling schooliness howweteach alfiekohn tomaschamorro-premuzic 2015 publicgoods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.dmytri.info/scratch-off-the-facebook-logo-and-youll-find-the-compuserv-logo-underneath/">
    <title>Scratch-off the Facebook logo, and you’ll find the CompuServ logo underneath. |</title>
    <dc:date>2015-01-08T01:07:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.dmytri.info/scratch-off-the-facebook-logo-and-youll-find-the-compuserv-logo-underneath/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The answer is quite simple. The early internet was not significantly capitalist funded. The change in application topology came along with commercialization, and this change is a consequence of the business models required by capitalist investors to capture profit. The business model of social media platforms is surveillance and behavioral control. The internet’s original protocols and architecture made surveillance and behavioral control more difficult. Once capital became the dominant source of financing it directed investment toward centralized platforms, which are better at providing such surveillance and control, the original platforms were starved of financing. The centralized platforms grew and the decentralized platforms submerged beneath the rising tides of the capitalist web.

This is nothing new. This was the same business model that capital devised for media in general, such as network television. The customer of network television is not the viewer, rather the viewer is the product, the “audience commodity.” The real customers are the advertisers and lobby groups wanting to control the audience.

Network Television didn’t provide the surveillance part, so advertisers needed to employ market research and ratings firms such as Nielson for that bit. This was a major advantage of social media. Richer data from better surveillance allowed for more effective behavioral control than ever before, using tracking, targeting, machine learning, behavioral retargeting, among many techniques made possible by the deep pool of data companies like Facebook and Google have available.

This is not a choice that capitalists made, this is the only way that profit-driven organizations can provide a public good like a communication platform. Capitalist investors must capture profit or lose their capital. If their platforms can not capture profit, they vanish. The obstacle to decentralized social media is not that it has not been invented, but the profit-motive itself. Thus to reverse this trajectory back towards decentralization, requires not so much technical initiative, but political struggle.

So long as we maintain the social choice to provision our communication systems according to the profit motive, we will only get communications platforms that allow for the capture of profit. Free, open systems, that neither surveil, nor control, nor exclude, will not be funded, as they do not provide the mechanisms required to capture profit. These platforms are financed for the purpose of watching people and pushing them to behave in ways that benefit the operators of the platform and their real customers, the advertisers, and the industrial and political lobbies. The platforms exists to shape society according to the interests of these advertisers and lobbies.

Platforms like Facebook are worth billions precisely because of their capacity for surveillance and control.

Like the struggle for other public goods, like education, child care, and health care, free communication platforms for the masses can only come from collective political struggle to achieve such platforms.

This is a political struggle, not a technical one."

[via: https://twitter.com/DrParnassus/status/552285634917040129 RTs by @furtherfield ]]]></description>
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