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    <title>Debts to the Dead — Parapraxis</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-14T06:10:00+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/08/opinion/ai-google-gemini-search-questions.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Problem With Google’s A.I. Overview - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-10T04:46:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/08/opinion/ai-google-gemini-search-questions.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["More than 60 percent of Google searches in the United States now end without the user clicking on a link. We type a question, read an artificial intelligence-generated summary of the results and leave with our answer.

Google is hardly alone. Claude, ChatGPT and upstart competitors like Perplexity do roughly the same thing: They take a question and swiftly return an answer, compressing what used to be a meandering journey through the internet into an immediate arrival at your destination. The explorative phase of searches — clicking through links, stumbling onto unexpected pages, following a reference that leads to somewhere unplanned — is disappearing.

For anyone who publishes on the internet, this is a troubling development, since it lowers website traffic and makes it hard to protect and profit from your intellectual property. But you might think it is good news for internet users. Could there be anything wrong with getting a reliable answer more quickly?

There is. By shortening the time between asking a question and getting an answer, these tools are actually undermining curiosity — and paradoxically threatening our ability to understand the world.

I used to work at Google, about a decade ago. When I was there, we often measured the value of internet content based on factors that indicated user engagement, like clicks and scroll depth. The metric Google seemed to reward — people exploring — is precisely what its A.I. products are now designed to eliminate.

I left Google to study neuroscience, and what I found in the research literature helps explain why the A.I. summary poses a danger to learning. Curiosity, it turns out, is not just an individual’s desire to find out discrete facts; it’s also a feature of our biology designed to help us learn more broadly. And it requires a specific condition: a gap between what you want to know and what you find out.

Researchers have found that people in a state of curiosity, while waiting for an answer to an intriguing question, remember unrelated information they encounter during that time far better than they otherwise would. In that same study, the researchers also placed those people in brain scanners. They found that waiting for an answer activates reward circuits in the brain and readies the hippocampus to help form new memories. Similar findings have been reported by other researchers in studies involving infants, older children and adults.

In short, curiosity puts the entire brain into a mode of heightened receptivity — not just for the specific thing you want to know, but also for everything around it. Curiosity opens a window, and while the window is open, learning deepens across the board.

But the window stays open only as long as the question remains unanswered. When an A.I. answers your search query in three seconds, the window closes before curiosity can deepen. You got what you came for, but you also lost what would have turned curiosity into learning: the adjacent article you might have read, the resulting tangent you might have followed, the connection between two ideas with no obvious relationship.

Researchers call this incidental learning, and it’s the mechanism behind many serendipitous discoveries. Scientific breakthroughs, artistic leaps, technological innovation — these rarely emerge from efficient retrieval of known information. They emerge from periods of undirected exploration, when people follow questions further than they need to and find things they weren’t expecting. When the physicists Arno Penzias and Robert Wilson detected a persistent hiss in their radio antenna in 1964, they could have written it off as equipment noise; instead, they kept asking what it might be, and they ended up discovering the radiation left over from the Big Bang.

Our technology is increasingly treating the territory between the query and the answer as dead space to be eliminated, when that territory is where most of the learning actually happens. The danger is not that people will stop asking questions. It is that questions will become endpoints. The loss is not serious in any single case. But fewer detours and fewer unexpected discoveries will have a cumulative effect. Over time, people trained this way become better at extracting ready-made conclusions than building connections of their own.

To be sure, nobody is forced to use these tools. People can still browse and wander, still follow a chain of links into unfamiliar territory. But the default architecture of our digital platforms will make this less likely.

Unlike other social costs of technological design — for instance, the addictive behaviors fostered by the infinite scroll on social media feeds — the loss of open-ended curiosity is not going to spur a class-action lawsuit against tech companies or inspire regulators to intervene. A.I. companies that want to do right by their users will have to take action themselves. Instead of burying sources behind paraphrases and replacing 10 links with one summary, they could make different design choices. They could keep sources more visible. They could show competing explanations, instead of compressing them into one smooth paragraph. They could offer alternative search modes that reward exploration over speed.

I hope my former colleagues at Google and the engineers building similar tools elsewhere take these suggestions to heart, and that the industry develops best practices that protect curiosity rather than treating it as an afterthought. The space between a question and an answer has value, and that value should not be engineered away.

The most important discoveries are often not the ones we set out to make. If we build a world that delivers only what is asked for, we will lose the capacity to discover what we didn’t know to ask."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anne-laurelecunff curiosity ai artificialintelligence psychology neuroscience learning howwelearn search inquiry google openai anthropic chatgpt gemini claude</dc:subject>
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    <title>The End of Reading Is Here - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T05:52:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/08/reading-crisis-postliterate-age/687618/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Optimists once believed that universal literacy was inevitable. Now it seems that the age of reading might be a short anomaly in human history."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://psyche.co/ideas/does-modernisation-erase-cultural-difference-or-amplify-it">
    <title>Does modernisation erase cultural difference – or amplify it? | Psyche Ideas</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-08T20:44:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psyche.co/ideas/does-modernisation-erase-cultural-difference-or-amplify-it</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We understandably fear the flattening effect of modernity. But global data from China to Peru tells a hopeful story"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lithub.com/on-joan-didion-and-the-art-of-looking-back/">
    <title>Literary Hub » On Joan Didion and the Art of Looking Back</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T12:33:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lithub.com/on-joan-didion-and-the-art-of-looking-back/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Maggie McKinley Rereads One of America’s Great Nostalgists"

...

"In Thomas Wolfe’s posthumously published novel You Can’t Go Home Again (1940), protagonist George Webber finds himself in Germany amid the rise of Nazism in the 1930s and “face to face with something old and genuinely evil in the spirit of man.” Upon his return to America, Webber acknowledges that the darkness he has witnessed is not confined to Germany but is everywhere around him, a realization that “shook his inner world to its foundations.” Disillusioned, Webber reflects on the inability to return to a previous worldview, a previous self, or a previous innocence, though his realization remains tinged with longing:

<blockquote>You can’t go back home to your family, back home to your childhood, back home to romantic love, back home to a young man’s dreams of glory and fame, back home to exile, to escape to Europe and some foreign land, back home to lyricism, to singing just for singing’s sake, back home to aestheticism, to one’s youthful idea of “the artist” and the all-sufficiency of “art” and “beauty” and “love” . . . away from all the strife and conflict of the world . . . back home to someone who can help you, save you, ease you, ease the burden for you, back home to the old forms and systems of things which once seemed everlasting but which are changing all the time—back home to the escapes of Time and Memory.</blockquote>

Webber’s unsettling revelations do not end in defeatism, however; rather, he is inspired toward “a definite sense of new direction.” While he possesses a keen awareness of the corruption that surrounds him, he also exhibits a distinct optimism for the future, particularly the future of America, which he believes still has the capacity to conquer evil, and in the end he insists that “this glorious assurance is not only our living hope, but our dream to be accomplished.” Webber’s conception of the future is thus one that simultaneously encompasses and rejects a nostalgic view of the past, as his forward-looking vision is shaped by a longing for the return of a past moment that collides with the realization of its impossibility.

Of course, Wolfe is not the only American writer to contend with a nostalgic impulse that is deeply connected to experiences of chaos and change. As social, industrial, and technological shifts continued to inform art, politics, and commerce over the course of the twentieth century, writers ranging from F. Scott Fitzgerald to Toni Morrison also examined the allure of looking back, of yearning for a purportedly more stable past. Yet I would argue that there are few contemporary American writers who examine the complexity of nostalgia with more depth, breadth, curiosity, and prescience than Joan Didion. Like Wolfe before her, Didion acknowledges the multitude of ways we might define “home,” and recognizes the inevitable pull of nostalgia for a particular time, place, aesthetic, hope, ideology, or feeling even as she, too, harbors an increasing mistrust of past narratives that “once seemed everlasting.”

Yet Didion takes these ideas much further than Wolfe—and further than most writers, for that matter. Her engagement with nostalgia is not confined to a single character, publication, or era, but defines her fiction and nonfiction across decades, informing her discussions of politics, gender, rhetoric, media, and much more. Her nostalgia also becomes increasingly future-oriented, in a way that is more cautious than that of a character like George Webber, but which nevertheless undermines assessments of her worldview as nihilistic or fatalistic, and complicates common understandings of nostalgia as a purely conservative impulse."

...

"Indeed, nostalgia is at the center of nearly everything she wrote, and I argue that by investigating the various ways she engages with and defines the concept in both fiction and nonfiction, we can better understand the contradictory terms that have come to define Didion’s writing and literary persona: fatalistic and hopeful, fragile and strong, detached and connected, feminist icon and antifeminist, humble and haughty, conservative and liberal. Reading Didion’s work through the lens of nostalgia theory allows us to better understand the source of these tensions, and to reevaluate her views on American history, regional identity, hubris and imperialism, gender, political theater, the counterculture, national rhetoric, grief and loss, and more."

...

"While Didion’s cultural observations are often filtered through a personal experience of nostalgia, more often the latter functions as a critical lens that she discerningly turns onto twentieth-century American culture. At the same time, nostalgia theory becomes a tool we might turn back onto Didion’s work, useful in probing not only her own enigmatic ideas but also the ways modern American history has been narrativized, and how that impacts our cultural and political discussions in the present moment.

An interrogation of nostalgia is also, I would argue, part of her own truth-seeking project as a New Journalist, and her exploration of the allure and menace of nostalgia takes on new dimensions as she directs her gaze outward. Indeed, the nature of New Journalism as a genre allows Didion to demonstrate an acute awareness of her own narrative construction; she draws attention to the fact that her cultural criticism might be tinged with nostalgia and then proceeds to critique this tendency in herself."

...

"In both fiction and nonfiction, she documents the ways that America has used nostalgia to “pernicious” effect on a political and imperial level, a factor that continues to shape our national mythos (Where I Was From). As a nearly ubiquitous presence, nostalgia becomes a recurring theme, a character trait, a narrative perspective, a subject of her criticism, and a critical device in her work. Didion’s work emphasizes that while nostalgia can be paralyzing and foster stagnation when wielded at the institutional level and as an unquestioned worldview, political tactic, or marketing technique, it is also a natural inclination, one that allows us to make sense of our place in the world at any given moment, and can be a tool for uncovering personal truths and identifying cultural and national myths."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer">
    <title>Academia: The Answers We Don't Offer - by Timothy Burke</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T12:22:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m interested in the emerging academic consensus that remote work, like the Covid-19 lockdowns that pushed it forward as an option, has some hidden social and psychological costs.

At least for me, this kind of finding is where a fair number of people who used lawn signs to declare that we should all “trust the science” quietly pack away those signs and forego that guidance. It seems evident now that we should all have been much more worried about the economic aftershocks of small business failures and the political consequences that might follow from that and that we should have worried a lot more about the psychological and social fallout of manorial isolation in residential spaces inhabited by families, close friends, or roommates only.

The failure to publicly map those considerations in to a balanced technical or scientific evaluation of policies has badly wounded public health institutions around the world, but particularly in the United States. RJK Jr. I think would have never even gotten within sniffing distance of any form of political power but for this kind of miscalculation.

A recent NYT op-ed by two economists, Emma Harrington and Natalia Emanuel, argues that they’ve gone from being strong advocates of remote work as an option for many white-collar workers to seeing a need to sharply restrict its prevalence. I think their reasoning is sound, shaped by data showing a sharp rise in psychological precarity and seeing a broader span of evidence that people are feeling socially isolated in ways that may be exacerbating forms of partisan alienation, general anomie, and collective despair.

The diagnosis seems right to me but I wonder about the therapy. Harrington and Emanuel’s previous enthusiasm for remote work was based on the fact that many people say they prefer it to being in the office. That at least requires a lot of attention before anybody embraces making everybody come back to the same workplace. What is it that people don’t like to the point that they might cling to remote work even if they might recognize some of its negative effects?

The easiest issue to grasp, particularly (I would hope) for economists, is that for many people remote work is in net terms more affordable. It not only eliminates the costs (and tensions) of a daily commute, it also frees people to live in a wider variety of places. Which touches on some of the points about affordability and housing that came up in my last newsletter—if you can live in a cheaper area that you also like which is hours or more from where your company or organization is headquartered, you’ve solved a major problem that mainstream policy and the existing economy are otherwise unresponsive towards. There are other affordances in many cases. Child care, at least for kids who are school age, often becomes both cheaper and easier if both parents are able to work remotely. Meals are often cheaper, especially for people who have substantial dietary restrictions.

I think another NYT op-ed, by Adam Grant and Marissa Shandell, got at far more profound issues with the centralized workplace as an alternative to remote work. There’s a recent problem that many organizations downsized or deferred maintenance during the pandemic so that returning workers find themselves crowded together in buildings that are physically more uncomfortable or unpleasant to be in, dealing with employers who refuse to recognize that they are dumping all those former costs back on their employees in an era of stagnant compensation. That’s a smaller subset of what Grant and Shandell focus on, which is that many middle managers and office bosses want everybody back because its their jobs on the line if it turns out that everybody can produce as much or more as before remotely without a boss constantly coming by their cubicle to hassle them. The need to boss people, as Grant and Shandell see it, is not just self-protective of the status and position of managers but is a psychological need for the kind of person who typically becomes a manager, that many people in these positions are motivated by narcissism and other “dark triad” drives, about the “ego, power and drives” of American bosses.

That’s certainly how many white-collar workers almost legendarily experience being supervised, remotely or otherwise, and that experience is a hundred times worse when it’s about someone physically proximate to you. What a lot of people discovered is that remote work made that experience more bearable. But I think you can extend beyond what Grant and Shandell see in the data.

What I think a lot of Americans have come to feel with new intensity is that hell is other people. Bosses are the worst part of that, but there’s also the co-workers who steal lunches, talk loudly all the time, tell creepy stories, ogle and harass, take credit for work they didn’t do, backstab peers in pursuit of advancement, stick their nose into business that isn’t theirs, or just generally rub the wrong way through no particular fault of their own. Work is the place where you’re with people you never chose to be with, pursuing ends that at least some folks might feel diffident towards, but also shot through with existential risks to your prosperity and well-being. In the United States, most people are a few months of paychecks away from losing their homes or apartments and have their healthcare directly tied to ongoing employment.

I think white-collar workers came alive during the pandemic to the fact that not only is the sociality of work not the sociality they crave, but that all other kinds of sociality that were once tied to a protected block of time we called “leisure” or “private life” have been badly eroded over the last three decades.

Harrington and Emanuel mention Robert Putnam’s famous work Bowling Alone as a path-breaking and early recognition of this loss of civic life. Given that, it’s kind of heart-breaking that we have come to a point where the path ahead gets articulated as “come back to a shared workplace in order to have some kind of shared social reality” or “stay remote and at least avoid the social and psychological harms that many associate with office labor”.

Casting back to my essay from last week on my frustrations with the epistemological shortcomings of conventional social science, this is another one of the shortcomings of the kind of social science that tries to inform institutional and governmental policy. This kind of work always confines itself to what is imagined as being possible within the contemporary moment, no matter how cramped the space of the possible might be as it is understood by the people making the policies and holding the purse-strings. Hardly anyone in this kind of intellectual space finishes their analysis by calling for a social movement, for political and social organizing, for change from the ground up.

Because if the diagnosis is “many of us are suffering psychologically in the isolation of remote work and many of us are losing basic emotional and relational skills to the general detriment of our society”, then surely there are other imaginable therapies besides “look to the workplace to provide what you’re losing, regardless of how precarious, unpleasant and costly life in the workplace might be.” Putnam’s therapeutic suggestions in Bowling Alone are the weakest part of the book, but even from the title alone, he showed that he understood that what we really need is time for ourselves together that is not about work—that is about play, that is about worship, that is about expression, that is about family, that is about joy, that is about ideas and dreams of what could be.

Workplaces have occasionally pretended that they could contain all of that social interaction—often when they self-congratulatorily anoint themselves as “communities”—but the last two decades have stripped most of that pretense away. The foosball tables and well-appointed cafeterias have disappeared even from Silicon Valley, the mock tolerance for open conversation and undirected exploration has been withdrawn.

There’s a problem that not even revived bowling leagues or quizzo teams could solve. Putnam and his enthusiasts at least help us think about something better than “get back to the office, everybody”, but at the core of Putnam’s thought is the idea that we make community best when we are forced to make connections with people we haven’t chosen and wouldn’t prefer to be around. Behind that thought lurks two decades of mainstream sociological narratives in books like Bill Bishop’s The Big Sort: that Americans are suffering from spending too much time with people who are too much like themselves. This is the sort of advice that conventionalized thinkers, usually self-satisfied centrists who write op-eds in major American newspapers, love to give and love to stage. “Talk to people with different views than your own! Reach across partisan divides! Learn to appreciate viewpoint diversity!”

It’s not that they are wrong, either morally or practically. We aren’t mixing enough socially, we are living in more and more bounded kinds of enclaves, our socioeconomic boundaries are hardening as our inequality deepens, we are becoming not only socially inept but also almost unintelligible across certain kinds of everyday epistemological orientations. The problem with Putnamesque ideas about maintaining a healthy sociality that is not confined to work is usually that the person calling for that mixing is themselves not particularly adept at doing so, and often has an incredibly banal understanding of the actually-existing pluralism of social difference in America. The Putnamesque centrist knows what we ought to do, has excessive confidence that they are doing it, but doesn’t really grasp what it would actually entail.

And that’s where I think conventional left appreciations of diversity also run into issues. We tend to think that a sociality that put us into contact with the widest variety of lived experiences, of national and religious and ethnic backgrounds, of temperaments and outlooks, would be the sociality beyond work and beyond the safe civics of Putnam that we all really need and want.

We don’t have a vocabulary for recognizing that the interpersonal, emotional and psychological friction many of us experience at work would exist even in a sociality that was ideally pluralistic. That what remote work and manorial isolation during the pandemic showed some of the people who experienced the strongest forms of that isolation is that it is a pleasure to not have to deal with many people whether that’s in public spaces, in civic life or at work.

Simply being with people who mirror your cultural preferences and even your emotional bent is not a relief. The narcissism of small differences is able to make those social worlds just as painful as many others. What I think no social scientist—or perhaps any other kind or flavor of thinker—is presently speaking to is how do we find people who are different to us whose difference we find enlightening, productive, pleasant, generative, enticing, or transformative?

I am sure that you are more likely to uncover how to do that in a bowling league than a cubicle farm. I am also sure that discovering that art has something to do with the variety of opportunities you are given to be in the presence of real people in materially real circumstances, that it is something you don’t learn via a prescribed path or single technique but in terms of putting enough small bets onto a lot of tables. That requires, at a minimum, time that is clawed back from work, but it also requires a vast regeneration of third spaces in a society almost completely enclosed by the private world of the family and the deformed anti-public created by neoliberalism. We need community centers and parks and libraries and block parties and new civic rituals, we need loitering and hanging out, we need time that has no purpose but to be where other people are and purposes that have no justification other than making social worlds. We need buildings with shared kitchens for all residents, we need free adult education in underused offices. You name it—but what we don’t need is the only thing that a certain kind of social analysis allows itself to envision in facing a looming problem, which is to settle work as the only thing which can define our social belonging."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://compassliveart.org.uk/walk-me-there-a-round-up/">
    <title>Walk Me There - A Round Up - Compass Live Art / Compass Festival</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-29T03:37:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://compassliveart.org.uk/walk-me-there-a-round-up/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over Alisa’s residency period in August, she went on one-to-one walks, hosted two group “walkshops” and created some beautiful memories with people living in Leeds: Anastasiia Abramchuk, Madda Moretti, Tatiana, Yuma, Haval, Maja Novak, coni, Mishka and Dasha."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alisaoleva walking situationist psychology walkshops place place-basedlearning art ephermal ephemerality ursulaleguin ursulakleguin leeds cities urban psychogeography</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://time.com/article/2026/03/12/otrovert-new-personality-type/">
    <title>Are You an Otrovert? What to Know About the New Personality Type</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T22:40:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://time.com/article/2026/03/12/otrovert-new-personality-type/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://lsa.umich.edu/psych/news-events/all-news/faculty-news/are-you-an-otrovert--what-to-know-about-the-new-personality-type.html ]

"Perhaps you've never wanted to join an intramural basketball league. Maybe you don't identify with a political party or religion. There's a new personality type that might speak to those who don't feel the need to belong to groups: otroverts.

Dr. Rami Kaminski, a psychiatrist in New York City, developed the idea of the otrovert after he spent years observing patients who seemed to share a similar set of traits. He coined the term—otro, coming from the Latin root for “other,” and vert, the Latin verb for “turn toward”—in his 2025 book The Gift of Not Belonging: How Outsiders Thrive in a World of Joiners.

Otroverts are people who embody the quality of not wanting to belong to a group, says Kaminski, who identifies as an otrovert. They’re not social outcasts, though. “Unlike those with relational disorders, otroverts are empathetic and friendly, yet struggle to truly belong in social groups, despite no apparent behavioral distinctions from well-adjusted individuals,” Kaminski writes in his book.

Kaminski says otroverts exist outside of the “extrovert-introvert spectrum.” Instead, otroverts—who often appear extroverted, Kaminski says—are defined by a feeling of otherness. They are often warm, friendly, and well-liked people, he says; they simply struggle to feel comfortable in group settings, even though others would probably not be able to tell.

Are you an otrovert?

Kaminski has developed a free online test that can help you find out. Just keep in mind that otroversion is not a diagnosis, and personality types are squishy and often overlap. Here are the hallmark traits of otroversion that Kaminski identifies:

• They’re not communal. Otroverts aren’t typically “joiners”—they usually don’t join sororities or fraternities, organized religion, social groups, political parties, or intramural sports leagues. They’d prefer to get coffee with a friend, say, than attend a book club.

• They’re observers. Although they can easily chat with people at parties or events, otroverts often report feeling more like observers than participants.

• They don’t conform. Otroverts like to stand out; they’re often not interested in pop culture or the latest trends. They like what they like, and they don’t care about others’ opinions of them.

• They’re independent thinkers. Otroverts tend to have strong opinions and convictions—they can’t be easily swayed by others.

• They enjoy deep personal connections. At a work holiday party, for instance, an otrovert might rather have a deep, meaningful conversation than engage in small talk about the weather.

• They prefer solo work. Otroverts would rather be self-employed or work independently than on a team.

The messiness of personality

Although many people might identify with this new category—or another one—“it’s pretty clear at this point, just empirically, that there’s no such thing as ‘personality types,’” says Colin DeYoung, a professor of psychology and director of the DeYoung Personality Lab at the University of Minnesota. “There aren’t clear categories of people; what there are are dimensions that people continually fall along.”

These dimensions, called the Big Five personality traits, include things like extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, openness, and neuroticism. Although they’re important, these dimensions don’t capture every last aspect of personality, says Aidan Wright, a professor of psychology and psychiatry at the University of Michigan whose work centers on personality.

Wright says it’s unlikely that otroversion is a brand-new personality type that’s just been discovered; instead, otroverts probably embody a particular configuration of traits from the broader personality landscape. “Do these people exist? Yes, absolutely,” Wright says. “Are they a special type that is different in the same way we think about the difference between a cat and a dog? I would say almost certainly not.”

Yet identifying with a set of personality traits can be valuable. Whether it’s the Big Five metric, the Myers-Briggs Types Indicator, or the Enneagram system, people are often drawn to the idea of having a specific personality type. “It organizes your thinking, and it gives you something that explains how and who you are,” Wright says.

DeYoung agrees. “I think the human mind naturally gravitates toward these kinds of categorical distinctions,” he says. “And it’s useful for the purposes of finding other people who are similar to you or understanding other people.”

No matter how you exist in the world—as an extrovert, introvert, otrovert, or some other vert that has yet to be named—it’s crucial not to go it alone. “It’s so important for us to connect to each other and to have meaningful relationships,” says Thea Gallagher, a clinical psychologist and associate professor at NYU Langone Health. Research shows that “we need two to three social relationships where we feel seen and understood. Make sure you’re doing that—wherever you fall in these categories.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/404046247_OTROVERSION_RETHINKING_SOCIAL_ENGAGEMENT_BEYOND_THE_INTROVERT-EXTROVERT_DICHOTOMY">
    <title>(PDF) OTROVERSION: RETHINKING SOCIAL ENGAGEMENT BEYOND THE INTROVERT–EXTROVERT DICHOTOMY</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T09:25:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.researchgate.net/publication/404046247_OTROVERSION_RETHINKING_SOCIAL_ENGAGEMENT_BEYOND_THE_INTROVERT-EXTROVERT_DICHOTOMY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Personality research has traditionally explained patterns of social behaviour through the binary framework of introversion and extraversion, later expanded by the notion of ambiversion. Yet these classifications do not adequately capture individuals who participate effectively in social environments while maintaining a deliberate psychological distance from group identity. This paper introduces and elaborates on the concept of the “otrovert,” derived from the Spanish word otro, meaning “other,” to describe individuals who engage with social groups but do not rely on collective belonging for their sense of identity or validation. Through a conceptual and interdisciplinary analysis, the study examines how otroversion may represent a distinctive orientation toward social participation characterised by reflective autonomy, selective engagement, and intellectual independence. Drawing upon scholarship from personality psychology, emotional intelligence research, organisational behaviour, and educational theory, the paper situates the concept within broader discussions of cognitive diversity and social participation. It further contextualises the idea historically by demonstrating how both global and Indian intellectual traditions have long recognised the contributions of individuals who remained intellectually independent while engaging constructively with society. By examining implications for classrooms, workplaces, and collaborative environments, the study argues that recognising otrovert tendencies can help institutions better value reflective contributors whose insights often emerge from observation, analysis, and selective participation. While acknowledging that otroversion remains a conceptual construct requiring empirical validation, the paper proposes it as a useful interpretive framework for understanding forms of social engagement that fall outside conventional personality typologies. Recognising such orientations can contribute to more inclusive educational practices, more balanced organisational cultures, and a broader appreciation of cognitive diversity in contemporary society."]]></description>
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    <title>The Otherness Institute | Take the test - The Otherness Institute</title>
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    <link>https://www.othernessinstitute.com/the-otherness-scale/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otrovert">
    <title>Otrovert - Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T09:21:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otrovert</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Otrovert[needs English IPA] is a neologism coined by New York psychiatrist Rami Kaminski for a proposed personality style described in popular media as involving a persistent sense of being an outsider in group settings, even when the person is socially included, and a preference for selective, one-to-one connections over group affiliation.[1][2]

Origin

Kaminski introduced the term in his 2025 book, The Gift of Not Belonging,[3] and it appears in his writing about belonging, social identity, and what he described as "otherness".[4] The term comes from the Spanish word otro, meaning “other". Media accounts have linked the term to the established introversion and extraversion framework, while presenting it as focused more on group identity and affiliation than on sociability alone.[5][1]

Description

An otrovert is someone who feels like an eternal outsider in groups, even when they are friendly and socially capable.[6] Media descriptions of "otroverts" commonly emphasize emotional independence from groups, original thinking, low interest in joining or in adopting group rituals,[7][8] and a tendency to seek depth in a small number of relationships rather than broad group belonging.[2][9][10][11][12]

Reception

Since the release of Kaminski's book, the term has circulated internationally in lifestyle, health and psychology news coverage and commentary.[13][14][15][1] Commentators described it as a concept that broadens our understanding of personality types and ways of being human[16] and suggests that otroversion is the personality trait that defies groupthink, breaking the introvert/extrovert binary.[17] Some commentators and psychologists quoted in the media have described otroversion as a recent hypothesis rather than an established category in academic personality psychology.[2][18]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lsa.umich.edu/psych/news-events/all-news/faculty-news/are-you-an-otrovert--what-to-know-about-the-new-personality-type.html">
    <title>Are You an Otrovert? What to Know About the New Personality Type | U-M LSA Department of Psychology</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T09:21:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lsa.umich.edu/psych/news-events/all-news/faculty-news/are-you-an-otrovert--what-to-know-about-the-new-personality-type.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[full text here:
https://time.com/article/2026/03/12/otrovert-new-personality-type/ ]

"Perhaps you've never wanted to join an intramural basketball league. Maybe you don't identify with a political party or religion. There's a new personality type that might speak to those who don't feel the need to belong to groups: otroverts.

Dr. Rami Kaminski, a psychiatrist in New York City, developed the idea of the otrovert after he spent years observing patients who seemed to share a similar set of traits. He coined the term—otro, coming from the Latin root for “other,” and vert, the Latin verb for “turn toward”—in his 2025 book The Gift of Not Belonging: How Outsiders Thrive in a World of Joiners.

Otroverts are people who embody the quality of not wanting to belong to a group, says Kaminski, who identifies as an otrovert. They’re not social outcasts, though. “Unlike those with relational disorders, otroverts are empathetic and friendly, yet struggle to truly belong in social groups, despite no apparent behavioral distinctions from well-adjusted individuals,” Kaminski writes in his book.

Kaminski says otroverts exist outside of the “extrovert-introvert spectrum.” Instead, otroverts—who often appear extroverted, Kaminski says—are defined by a feeling of otherness. They are often warm, friendly, and well-liked people, he says; they simply struggle to feel comfortable in group settings, even though others would probably not be able to tell.

Are you an otrovert?

Kaminski has developed a free online test that can help you find out. Just keep in mind that otroversion is not a diagnosis, and personality types are squishy and often overlap. Here are the hallmark traits of otroversion that Kaminski identifies:

• They’re not communal. Otroverts aren’t typically “joiners”—they usually don’t join sororities or fraternities, organized religion, social groups, political parties, or intramural sports leagues. They’d prefer to get coffee with a friend, say, than attend a book club.

• They’re observers. Although they can easily chat with people at parties or events, otroverts often report feeling more like observers than participants.

• They don’t conform. Otroverts like to stand out; they’re often not interested in pop culture or the latest trends. They like what they like, and they don’t care about others’ opinions of them.

• They’re independent thinkers. Otroverts tend to have strong opinions and convictions—they can’t be easily swayed by others.

• They enjoy deep personal connections. At a work holiday party, for instance, an otrovert might rather have a deep, meaningful conversation than engage in small talk about the weather.

• They prefer solo work. Otroverts would rather be self-employed or work independently than on a team.

The messiness of personality

Although many people might identify with this new category—or another one—“it’s pretty clear at this point, just empirically, that there’s no such thing as ‘personality types,’” says Colin DeYoung, a professor of psychology and director of the DeYoung Personality Lab at the University of Minnesota. “There aren’t clear categories of people; what there are are dimensions that people continually fall along.”

These dimensions, called the Big Five personality traits, include things like extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, openness, and neuroticism. Although they’re important, these dimensions don’t capture every last aspect of personality, says Aidan Wright, a professor of psychology and psychiatry at the University of Michigan whose work centers on personality.

Wright says it’s unlikely that otroversion is a brand-new personality type that’s just been discovered; instead, otroverts probably embody a particular configuration of traits from the broader personality landscape. “Do these people exist? Yes, absolutely,” Wright says. “Are they a special type that is different in the same way we think about the difference between a cat and a dog? I would say almost certainly not.”

Yet identifying with a set of personality traits can be valuable. Whether it’s the Big Five metric, the Myers-Briggs Types Indicator, or the Enneagram system, people are often drawn to the idea of having a specific personality type. “It organizes your thinking, and it gives you something that explains how and who you are,” Wright says.

DeYoung agrees. “I think the human mind naturally gravitates toward these kinds of categorical distinctions,” he says. “And it’s useful for the purposes of finding other people who are similar to you or understanding other people.”

No matter how you exist in the world—as an extrovert, introvert, otrovert, or some other vert that has yet to be named—it’s crucial not to go it alone. “It’s so important for us to connect to each other and to have meaningful relationships,” says Thea Gallagher, a clinical psychologist and associate professor at NYU Langone Health. Research shows that “we need two to three social relationships where we feel seen and understood. Make sure you’re doing that—wherever you fall in these categories.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.usatoday.com/story/life/health-wellness/2026/06/23/otrovert-personality-type-explained/90645422007/">
    <title>What is an otrovert? The new personality type, explained</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T09:17:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.usatoday.com/story/life/health-wellness/2026/06/23/otrovert-personality-type-explained/90645422007/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Don't feel like the terms "introvert" or "extrovert" exactly fit your personality? Do you always feel like an outsider, more broadly? You may align more with a newer label called an "otrovert."

“Otroversion is an emerging personality type characterized by relating to the world as an 'eternal outsider,'" Mary Odafe, licensed clinical psychologist and clinical science liaison at online platform Modern Health, told USA TODAY.

Coined by New York City psychiatrist Dr. Rami Kaminski, the term describes individuals who are ultra-independent social observers who exhibit empathy and enjoy deep individual connections but lack the ability or interest in belonging to social groups, Odafe, who holds a doctorate in clinical psychology, explained.

These social groups may include clubs, political parties, sports teams or associations, according to Kaminski's website "The Otherness Institute."

The term is making waves on social media, too. A clip of a podcast host describing the term has gained more that 1.5 million views on TikTok, while others are taking to the app to share how the term is resonating with them.

This differs from the personality types most people are familiar with, introverts and extroverts, which largely correspond with whether socializing leaves you drained or energized. Instead, otroverts have a "deep-rooted belief system that they do not identify with any specific group, ideology or 'hive mind,'" explained licensed professional counselor Michelle Smith.

Though otroverts can find it difficult to maintain friendships that demand frequent social engagement, that doesn't mean these individuals have no healthy or meaningful connections, Smith added.

"Otroverts tend to really value their deep one-on-one connections with others," she said.

The Otherness Institute adds they can be quite charming and funny when in a “comfortable zone" − just don't expect them to enjoy noisy or crowded places.

This type of "otherness" is not a cognitive or emotional disorder, according to The Otherness Institute, just a less common personality trait that should be celebrated, not "fixed."

"Otroverts are empathic and friendly, with no problem creating loving relationships. In fact, there is no obvious distinction from any well-adjusted individual," the website notes. "We want to help otroverts embrace their non-belonging rather than to 'teach' them how to belong."

While more research and documented evidence of this personality trait is important, those who identify with it "may find a sense of satisfaction in learning that they are alone, together," Odafe added."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-epistemological-graveyards">
    <title>Academia: Epistemological Graveyards We (Mostly) Whistle Past</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T11:56:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-epistemological-graveyards</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I read across a broad range of both qualitative and quantitative work in the social sciences, I really find myself epistemologically uneasy about the underlying conceptual weaknesses lurking underneath a wide variety of confident claims and supposedly established paradigms. Some of this unease extends even into more humanistic work, but I find there is at least some acknowledgement in that quadrant of academia of just how difficult a number of difficult problems are. (Except when humanists draw in social science to make empirical claims that then justify particular interpretations or readings…) Among the many reasons I dislike the bashing of humanistic or qualitative social sciences that appears in polemics like the recently released Vanderbilt report is that I don’t think quantitatively-based social sciences have any right to be as confident as they sometimes are about their own claims—in many cases, tautological models and datasets that conceal the limitations of their creation are used to make very broad claims that go well beyond what the data can bear. In other cases, those same models and techniques are used to make predictive claims that fail time and time again to hold up, which somehow never seems to perturb the confidence that goes with such claims.

For many of the kinds of epistemological maneuvers that I find questionable, I don’t know that there’s a better way to arrive at arguments, interpretations, or recommended interventions. What I’d prefer is considerably more intellectual and philosophical humility about claims along those lines, first among scholars but then radiating outward into political leadership, policy analysis, and even the way people apply expert claims to everyday life. So I am arguing less here about preferred methodologies and more about preferred affect, the “enactment” of social claims.

I’ll just name six kinds of metacognitive, metadisciplinary questions that I think are worked unsatisfyingly in a lot of social science, often because of methodological or disciplinary reductionism.

1. How do we know what people believe to be true or plausible about the world? Both as individuals and collectively.

We ask people to tell us what they believe in polls, in surveys, in interviews. We interpret texts, art, and performance made by people as a kind of artifactual tracing of inner beliefs. We look at data of recordable behavior in the world as “revealed belief” (which the believer may or may not be consciously aware of). We conduct laboratory experiments and use neuroscientific instruments to try and trace cognitive processes that correspond to belief, bias, inclination, common sense.

Much of this work for the sake of making concrete claims treats belief, ideas, common sense, and predisposition as singular and distinct. E.g., a person either believes in God or science or romantic love or a person does not. A person either believes in treating other people fairly or they believe in taking every advantage and looking out for #1. Whereas it is at least possible that what we call beliefs are usually a probabilistic fog of inclinations or orientations that collapse into something singular when we ask them to be communicated or when circumstances create a confined topography in which “belief” can be felt and articulated. Maybe we don’t really even “believe” what we testify to believing, or know some of the beliefs that guide our daily actions. In other disciplinary contexts like psychology where it may be well-understood that belief or bias are more like general orientations that do not necessarily exist in the mind as fixed propositions, interpretations get hazy when we have to explain why, when and how the probabilities collapse into decisions, actions, allegiances, or concrete motivations not in terms of models but in terms of visible actions in the world both by individuals and collectivities. If you think of people as having particular dispositions or orientations in terms of beliefs, why are they different? Those determinations tend to get punted to vague naturalistic attributions to evolution and environment that are truistic or axiomatic rather than empirical and demonstrable in any specific case.

Another problem that historians and anthropologists are more sensitive to: everything we think we know in social science about how people think and believe is highly skewed towards the last fifty years and towards European and American populations and individuals.

Put it all together and you might be standing on firmer ground, but even in mixed-methods research, something epistemologically important is always going to be left out of the resulting interpretation. Much of the time we don’t even get that close.

2. Relatedly, how do what people believe or think or hold as common sense actually influence what they do in the world? Both as individuals and at larger social scales?

Much of the time in both popular and academic interpretation, we handle these claims through hindsight. Something happens that has the concreteness that we see as an “action” and we try to locate its psychological, cognitive or ‘cultural’ priors. A person does something, a group or class of people act together, and we identify a precursor belief, idea or psychological disposition as the cause of what they did. When the action we’re talking about is individual, we often privilege attributions that are highly particular unless the individual in question belongs to a class or group that are associated with highly prevalent stereotypes. When the action we’re talking about is massified, we often invoke ideas about universal cognitive and psychological mechanisms that are asserted to exist in all people to some extent or another—utility maximization, sex drive, rational self-interest, the will to power, the Big Five personality traits, and so on. Or we point to physiological and environmental mechanisms that dictate action that are imagined to be largely independent of conscious thought: fight-or-flight, addiction, trauma, bias.

Problems: Issues carry over from the problems of determining what people believe or think. Moreover, “action” has the same kind of problem—often actions bleed into one another, are complicatedly indeterminate, or only becomes “actions” when they produce reactions. If I wave my hands wildly after writing this sentence and no one sees me do that, have I acted?

We either think about “agentive” actions that presume a more or less liberal subjectivity, an “I” that is conscious and self-aware and chooses to do something, or we think of unconscious and unwilled actions that we tend to think of as everyday, repeated, structural. But “agentive” actions are often a convention of narrative, a post-facto isolation of a “decisive moment” from everything else that individuals, groups and crowds did within a constrained time period. They also need visibility to count as actions—a purely internal resolve, experienced as an action phenomenologically, is only called action when it expresses into something that can be seen in the world. Individuals often say that they decided at a particular time to change or to do something but that the first opportunity to act on that was days or weeks later. We often want the moment of the action to refer to a mental ‘cause’ that is temporally local to that moment, and that might not be so. We don’t have reliable ways of proving that various allegedly universal mechanisms actually exist cognitively, or actually cause behavior: most of them are both pattern-recognizing and pattern-creating, e.g., they lead us to filter the complexity and chaos of empirically documentable actions into the patterns that domestic those actions into interpretations. We don’t have fully reliable ways to account for how experiences of conscious thought interact with actions attributed to embodied or unconscious causes. Psychological modellings of the relation between thought and action are notoriously bad at predicting what trends will emerge in behavior in the near-term future.

The problem of making big claims from modern and Western data is also just as acute here.

3. How do decisions actually emerge out of institutional and governmental leaderships?

This is a sub-question of #2 but it points at something that especially frustrates me about certain branches of social science. It is really striking at times how little some fields of scholarship pay empirical attention to the real processes of how states or institutions gather and transmit information from the wider world into their specific infrastructures, how or whether that information is translated and transmitted from the people who gather it up and down various hierarchies or networks, whether that information actually is put to use in shaping decisions, and for that matter, whether decisions are in a formal sense actually consciously or deliberately taken—at least some studies of institutional processes suggest to me that a fair amount of the time, “decisions” are, like “actions”, a post-facto story told about more implicit, tacit and assumed activities that come to look like decisions the more they are narrated as such.

The presumption that more information—or the suppression of information—correlates to or causes something like institutional effectiveness or success is so profound in some fields of social science and yet is frequently based on little to nothing in terms of data or evidence. There are specific micro-contexts where better information produces “winning outcomes” but in more complex structures it is neither clear that better information produces power or that power always is synonymous with effectiveness and success. (e.g., sometimes maximizing power produces reactions or instabilities which very immediately threaten the maintenance of power.)

4. What aggregates of people are meaningful when it comes to talking about thoughts, feelings and actions? How do groups and collectivities structure thought and action?

Are social classes and collectivities “real” cognitively or in everyday practice? How persistently present are they in how we think, how we identify, how we act, how we represent?

Most social scientists understand our definitions of groups to be models or approximations but we often come to treat them as empirically real and in so doing often effect change in the subjects we’re seeking to describe. E.g., efforts to define “middle-class” as a politically central identity in American life after 1945 led to many Americans saying that they believed they were middle-class even when data-driven definitions of socioeconomic class suggested otherwise. Talking about “adolescents” as a distinctive group in social science seems to have created adolescence as a group experience, or at least reified a much more inchoate understanding. So this at least a good question to think about what social science does not always think about, which is how social science about a particular subject can shape—accidentally or intentionally—what it is trying to study.

That said, we do think about this point sometimes, and generally there is a lot of work that’s been done on how ideas about groups shape the social reality of groups and how or when groups do seem to meaningfully coordinate actions of individuals who may be isolated spatially and even temporally from one another. But all of this work lives alongside a much more debased language, both scholarly and popular, that relies on groups that are either debatably real or that have extremely weak effects on most of their supposed members.

5. What is actually happening in unmeasured economies, political systems, and sociocultural domains?

So much social science goes to where the data is and forgets what we often tell ourselves, that what we want to know has to lie in data we don’t have. As the commonplace example notes, it’s the planes that got shot down that you want to examine in order to understand how to improve rates of survival.

Sometimes social scientists at least recognize the scale of what we don’t know. In studies of Africa, at least some economists and political scientists recognize that official data compiled on formal economies tells you very little about the actual value and labor circulating in a given national economy, for example. But the list of what we don’t know about the contemporary world is vast and sometimes plainly dwarfs the causal significance of what we have good data about. Social scientists write about military coups, for example, but we know extremely little about the internal nature of most such coups, just as we know relatively little about how some authoritarian governments operate internally or how many privately-held corporations work. Several major exposes like the Panama Papers suggest the scale of capital moving around the world that is unmeasured and untaxed by any government, but social scientists largely prefer to treat what we can see and document as more important. Our understanding of many illegal activities comes through law enforcement agencies, which are hardly reliable sources of data in multiple ways. And so on. Social scientists have fierce arguments about proxy models that aim to create data that doesn’t exist by design or to correct data that is meant to be disinformation and then we often forget the underlying epistemologies involved in making those proxies and the numerous other kinds of consequential information that we don’t even approximate.

6. Why does change happen? Where do new thoughts, new behaviors, new group concepts, new institutional infrastructures, etc., come from?


Historians think they have a handle on this question, but because they do, they also know it’s a theoretical and philosophical minefield. E.g., we do not have a fixed disciplinary position on the underlying engines of change, but instead have to engage it empirically every single time we study what seems like an example of change over time in the past.

We’re not even sure often that there was change: one historian’s revolutionary break will be rendered as continuity by another historian. One historian’s dogged insistence that serfs and peasants are approximately the same kind of servile social formation in relation to agricultural production separated by minor contextual details will be aggressively countered by another historian who insists that there aren’t even “serfs” or “peasants” as comparative social groupings within particular time periods but only many non-comparable forms of social organization of agriculture in different times and places.

    But at least historians and anthropologists know that change is something to think and argue about. I often feel that other social sciences, especially psychology and economics, have extremely attenuated ways to account for or even recognize change to the point of making some of their work implicitly inaccurate because of that presentism."]]></description>
<dc:subject>timothyburke socialscience socialsciences humility history anthropology economics psychology change revolution panamapapers notknowing data politics culture society sociology experience collectives class everyday information academia highered highereducation institutions governance government decisionmaking behavior human humans hindsight cognition personality trauma addiction bias epistemology phenomenology howwethink thinking collectivity collectivities collectivism neuroscience belief beliefs metacognition inclination polemics datasets confidence policy analysis socialclaims danieldiermeier</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SPQNPJ0CEPo">
    <title>AI Was Never About Helping You | Cory Doctorow - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T06:40:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SPQNPJ0CEPo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cory Doctorow has a refrain: “The most important thing about a gadget isn’t what it does; it’s who it does it for and what it does it to.” In this episode of “Galaxy Brain,” he sits down with Charlie Warzel to talk about the AI boom, making the case that the hype, vision, and dreams of endless growth are unsustainable. Doctorow expands on his viral “enshittification” thesis: a critique of AI based around power and whether we are using AI tools or being used by them.

This episode of "Galaxy Brain" was produced by Renee Klahr and engineered by Miguel Carrascal. Our theme is by Rob Smierciak. Hadley Robinson is our senior supervising producer. Claudine Ebeid is the executive producer of Atlantic audio, and Andrea Valdez is our managing editor.

Get more from your favorite Atlantic voices when you subscribe. You’ll enjoy unlimited access to Pulitzer-winning journalism, from clear-eyed analysis and insight on breaking news to fascinating explorations of our world. Atlantic subscribers also get access to exclusive subscriber audio in Apple Podcasts. Subscribe today at https://accounts.theatlantic.com/prod...

00:00 Intro
03:21 Interview with Cory Doctorow
06:03 What Is a Reverse Centaur?
09:21 Why the AI Bubble Is Bigger
13:49 Boss Psychology and Power
18:10 Is AI Actually Profitable?
22:14 Air Canada and the AI Accountability Sink
29:29 Puncturing the AI Bubble
35:46 Material Limits to AI Hype
39:54 AI, Oligarchy, and Democracy
43:20 Closing Thoughts and Credits"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/ward-graham-michel-de-certeau-wounded-walker">
    <title>The Wounded Walker | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T21:14:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/ward-graham-michel-de-certeau-wounded-walker</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Michel de Certeau’s search for the murmuring of the mystical in secular society"

...

"The Czech poet and painter Josef Čapek, who was killed in Bergen-Belsen in 1945, described himself as a limping pilgrim “hobbling through the Gateway to Eternity.” Certeau—and Fern in Nomadland—could be described the same way. In his biography of Certeau, Françoise Dosse calls him “le marcheur blessé,” “the wounded walker.” 

Part of Certeau’s attraction to the Society of Jesus was that he wanted to be a missionary. He did travel widely, but his real wayfaring ended up being internal—an inner movement that could not be stilled or staunched. For Certeau, the transience of desire, including his own, cannot be pinned down but only attested to. We can only trace it in and through its various inscriptions and behaviors. The city may be mapped and its entrances and exits prescribed, but it can be walked in a million different ways. In his numerous and multifaceted investigations, Certeau traces the murmuring of a desire that no secularism can conceal or abrogate. This is the spiritual vision in his work that roamed and transgressed across anthropology, theology, history, sociology, psychoanalysis, ethnography, and what is now known as cultural studies.  

One can understand why Catholic theologians have paid him little attention. Though he wrote about the Church, the Eucharist, and even Christ, he had little interest in dogmatics, philosophical theology, moral theology, or ecclesiology. And his writing style can be forbidding, as we have seen. But beyond its eclecticism and difficulty, Certeau’s work may have been avoided by theologians because of a critical question it raises: To what extent are their theologies themselves “sociocultural productions” reacting to, rather than excavating, secularism? Certeau wants to ask of theology not whether its critique of secularism is right or wrong, but what fears and desires it is itself expressing.

Certeau invented interdisciplinary study before it was fashionable or even had a name. He recognized that the truly big questions—like what makes a belief believable or why one would believe anything—cannot be answered by any one intellectual discipline, including theology, with its siloed modes of inquiry and strictly policed faculty boundaries. And yet such questions tap into the very roots of any religious faith. Certeau was likely not surprised at theologians’ neglect of his work. He would have known from his reading of the mystics that the Church is always wary of lived experience and religious enthusiasm uncontainable by its boundaries."]]></description>
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    <title>Recovered Memories Aren't Real - Freddie deBoer</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T08:13:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/recovered-memories-arent-real</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["non-falsifiability and life-altering accusations are a bad match"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/reflections-on-the-machine/">
    <title>Reflections on the Machine  - The Ideas Letter</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-11T23:07:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/reflections-on-the-machine/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As our culture pivots away from Enlightenment objectivity and rationality—think post-truth, the spread of conspiracy theories—and as the world becomes ever more chaotic, the thirst for sense-making is palpable. Our chatbots stand ready 24/7 to quench it. Flowing through these individual queries is a collective desire for a techno-future that is clean, smooth, relentlessly optimizing, and most importantly, abundant: one that promises to improve individual lives and ease social and political tensions. AI is the technology of our era, and Large Language Models (LLMs) in particular bring things into focus. Since we use language to connect with one another and to construct the world itself, any investigation into these models necessarily becomes an exploration of our own predicaments. In Issue 66, we lift the hood to peer into the inner working of the machine—and of our own: what we turn to the machine for, and whether we think it can deliver.

Sascha Altman DuBrul [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-machine-will-never-say-im-losing-you/ ] knows what it’s like to make meaning out of experiences that are deemed meaningless by others. A long-time organizer in the mad movement, and a therapist himself, DuBrul takes on an often-misunderstood phenomenon: AI psychosis. Mental health systems in the real world can be brutal and pathologizing. In contrast, interactions with the machine can seem frictionless. DuBrul asks whether this frictionless communication is truly helpful for people navigating alternate consciousness. If an LLM can bring one closer to self-knowledge, it must incorporate the insights of those who learned how to make sense of their extreme experiences.

While DuBrul dreams of locally designed, locally run AI systems, tech policy analyst Kendra Schaefer [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-state-as-api/ ] examines the case of China in data centralization. Faced with three challenges—the spread of COVID 19, a low-trust business environment, and youth internet addiction—the Chinese state is becoming the API layer, standardizing how data is requested, processed, and delivered. When public health emergencies and development needs are paramount, the state plays a role upstream. In this new digital structure, concerns about censorship—the government interfering with information flows downstream—almost seems quaint.

Pope Leo, in his latest encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, calls for “a shared discernment process” on the technological transformation of today. The Holy See may not buy that there is a “soul” inside our beloved chatbot that we can cultivate (or discipline), but to instill values in the machine, interpretability becomes the stand-in mechanism. It is both a cornerstone for the AI safety and alignment industry, and the holy grail for any frontier lab that wants to be—or at least to be seen as—a reputable and moral player. Leif Weatherby, Tyler Shoemaker, and Ben Recht [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/reify-this/ ] present a case against interpretability, and argue that meaning-making is a collective effort, and one that is necessarily filled with human irrationality – which makes it a matter of politics, not optimization.

If Western commentators are struggling to understand China’s optimism toward AI, they should turn to tech writer Selina Xu. [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-peoples-republic-of-techno-optimists/ ] Here she considers how the “Century of Humiliation” – and more recent US containment through semiconductor export control – weigh on the psyche of the nation. While the Chinese people seem content with the state setting the vision for the future and acting as a counterweight to business interests, Xu argues that it is their aspirations, demands, and material interests shape Sinofuturism.

Pier Paolo Pasolini’s notorious last work, Salò, or the 120 Days of Sodom, is perhaps one of the most violent in the history of films. Yet it is not the shock value of those scenes that matters; rather, Pasolini led his audience into the film, having to face themselves in their most despicable state, living under fascism. Artist-scholar Xiaowei R. Wang [https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/content-violation/ ] compares the experience of watching Salò to living in the totality of digital capitalism, pondering our own roles in it – the desire for tidiness, for things to make sense, for ourselves to be in control – as part of the creation of fascism.

The Louisville band Rachel’s had an amazing track called “M.Daguerre” [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uzu7wdJ-dnY&list=RDUzu7wdJ-dnY&start_radio=1 ] on their 1995 album Handwriting. Its genre is difficult to define – perhaps a blend of indie rock, quasi-jazz, classical music, and the occasional noise – and its structure unpredictable. Starting off as a dark Gogol-style comic fantasy, the piece veers midway into serious gracefulness. The man for whom this song was named—French painter and printmaker Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre—is best known for altering the history of visual representation by inventing photography. I often think that our uncertainty regarding AI is analogous to the emergence of early photography. It had to defy the dominance of painting to become a new medium for artistic expression in its own right, while also developing into a tool for science, documenting and changing material reality. The technology could not determine its own meaning; society did. AI may demand the same of us.

—LuHan Gabel, associate director at the Open Society Foundations"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/xia-jia-the-ai-story-is-not-done/">
    <title>Xia Jia: The AI Story Is Not Done | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-11T23:04:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/xia-jia-the-ai-story-is-not-done/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On writing, rupture, and the limits of human and artificial intelligence in a broken world."]]></description>
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    <title>How needing others became a source of shame for Americans | Psyche Ideas</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-11T22:19:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psyche.co/ideas/how-needing-others-became-a-source-of-shame-for-americans</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/04/us/social-media-schools.html">
    <title>‘Teachers Are Going to Hate It’: How Social Media Apps Hooked Teens at School - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-05T05:37:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/04/us/social-media-schools.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Internal documents show how tech giants grabbed children’s attention throughout the day, a strategy that schools say has undermined education."

[archived:
https://archive.is/ijKtV ]

"Snapchat sent phone alerts to adolescents during school hours, urging them to share what was going on in their classrooms.

Meta paid “teen ambassadors” to promote Instagram and hand out swag to their friends at school.

TikTok gave the National PTA millions of dollars, in part to throw school events about online safety and provide favorable comments to journalists.

Again and again, the world’s leading social media companies have targeted students, even as complaints have mounted that they are hurting teenagers’ mental health and academic performance, according to a New York Times review of internal documents that lay bare for the first time these tactics to hook young users.

The documents emerged from lawsuits filed by more than 1,400 school districts against Meta, Snap, TikTok and YouTube amid a rising backlash against social media, with parent movements and best-selling books blaming the platforms for loneliness, bullying, eating disorders and sexual exploitation.

The outcry, long focused on social media’s harm to mental health, has now shifted to its upending of the classroom. Many school districts are banning smartphones, and some are re-evaluating their reliance on devices like Chromebooks, the inexpensive laptops made by YouTube’s parent company, Google.

The companies’ push to keep children glued to their screens has overshadowed concerns from parents, teachers and even their own trust and safety teams about interfering with school, according to the documents and interviews with dozens of parents, teachers and former tech company employees.

TikTok’s leaders decided not to disable notifications during school hours, rejecting a change that its safety teams had pushed for years. A Snapchat strategy document referred to classroom phone use as “under the desk” time. Google managers knew YouTube was recommending videos to students during the school day that had nothing to do with their lessons.

The school districts contend that the apps’ addictive designs made teachers’ jobs more difficult. “It is so constantly tempting to these kids to be on a platform that promises endless, infinite, varied entertainment rather than actually focusing on what they should be at school to do,” said Previn Warren, one of the lead lawyers for the schools.

The companies argue that the Covid pandemic and other factors have harmed adolescents’ mental health, and that parents, schools and cellphone makers bear responsibility for children’s phone habits. They also say that they have made their platforms safer with parental-control features and account restrictions for minors.

All four companies recently settled with Breathitt County Schools, a small district in rural Kentucky that served as a test case for the litigation nationwide. The district, which has about 1,500 students, had sought $3 million in damages and about $60 million that it had planned to put toward a long-term education and mental health plan. The companies agreed to pay Breathitt $27 million: $9 million from Meta, $8 million each from Snap and TikTok and $2 million from Google, according to documents released on Friday and first reported by Bloomberg.

While it’s hard to say how the ongoing litigation might ultimately affect classrooms, it poses a substantial financial risk to the companies, possibly costing billions of dollars, said Alexandra Lahav, a civil litigation professor at Cornell Law School. She noted that the companies were also facing a barrage of claims from families and state attorneys general.

Breathitt was the first of six so-called bellwether cases, whose outcomes are likely to guide the rest. The next plaintiff in line for trial, Tucson Unified School District in Arizona, which has about 40,000 students, is seeking more than $1 billion.

“These are massive, massive lawsuits,” Ms. Lahav said.

Winning with Teens

In the early days of social media, before the industry came under angry public scrutiny, some company leaders were candid about their pursuit of teenagers — a key demographic that they knew could drive the next hit app and yield lifelong users.

In 2012, a few months after the launch of Snapchat, its co-founder Evan Spiegel, then 21, wrote a blog post about feedback he had heard from some of the app’s early users.

“We were thrilled to hear that most of them were high school students who were using Snapchat as a new way to pass notes in class,” Mr. Spiegel wrote, indicating that “peaks of activity” occurred during school hours.

Meta also tried to promote its brand in schools, desperate to keep young users from leaving its flagship apps, Facebook and Instagram, for competitors.

“Winning schools is the way to win with teens,” read an internal document from 2018.
Beginning that year, the company recruited teen ambassadors to “act as our plug at local high schools within five key markets.” The students received branded gear to share, and they earned $45 gift cards for completing monthly challenges, such as posting Instagram video chats with friends.

Leia Immanuel, a former teen ambassador who is now an artist in New York City, said her Instagram followers supported her when she was bullied at school. But she now feels conflicted about the role she played in encouraging other young people to use the platform.

“In recent years I have been rethinking it,” she said. She still feels addicted to posting online and believes it is unhealthy. “I didn’t understand that at 14.”

Meta said its outreach efforts at schools, including the ambassadors program, had largely focused on promoting kindness and soliciting feedback on new products.

“We proudly work with parents, schools, safety organizations and teens themselves to inform safety features,” said Liza Crenshaw, a spokeswoman for Meta. She added that some of the documents produced in the lawsuit represented the ideas of individuals, not the company.

Google employees cited classrooms as a source of long-term customers. A 2020 slide deck said that “investing in schools helps onboard kids into Google’s ecosystem.”

With its Chromebook laptops and software tailored for schools, Google has come to dominate the education technology market over the past 15 years. That business boomed during the pandemic, as many districts provided students with their own devices for remote learning. The majority of U.S. schools now use Google products to teach.

Members of the company’s education department were often excited about products they thought could improve learning, such as affordable laptops and educational YouTube videos, according to court documents and interviews. They worked alongside product managers, however, who were focused on a different upside: increasing YouTube’s viewership.

In one 2015 memo, YouTube employees noted that Saturdays drew 80 million hours’ more watch time than Thursdays, and that “increasing usage in schools M-F could decrease this gap!”

It was clear even back then that YouTube was proving problematic for schools, according to documents first reported by The Wall Street Journal. The company’s education team repeatedly complained that the algorithm often led children into a spiral of unrelated content.

One slide presentation illustrated how this could happen. If someone began a YouTube session with a query about linear equations, the platform would first offer a learning video, the presentation showed. But after that, the algorithm would recommend a Will Ferrell comedy video.

A Google spokesman said the documents were outdated. In 2022, the company released a tool that allows teachers to remove ads and recommendations on videos they assign students to watch, said the spokesman, José Castañeda. He also said that YouTube could be blocked, and that browsing on the site had been turned off by default on school Chromebooks for a decade.

But teachers and parents said that even when YouTube and other sites were blocked, students used internet proxies and other workarounds. And schools often allowed YouTube browsing so children could do research, which Google said highlighted its educational value but which made policing its use more difficult.

Joanna Houston, the mother of a sixth grader in Richmond Hill, Ga., said her son had watched more than 1,500 noneducational YouTube videos on his Chromebook during school between August and January.

She was concerned that her son’s school had embraced Chromebooks and YouTube, but she blamed Google for marketing to schools and making it so easy to mindlessly consume its content.

“It’s this whole ecosystem that ultimately benefits this company, and I don’t think it very much benefits students,” she said.

‘The #1 Cause of Drama’

The companies heard complaints not only from parents and teachers but from their own internal trust and safety teams.

At a conference on student safety in 2023, Snap representatives met with education officials from across the United States. According to internal emails, school administrators there raised alarms about their experiences with Snapchat — including children as young as 9 sending nude pictures.

A superintendent from Alabama told the executives that he had warned about the app in a newsletter to parents, which he shared with them. “Snapchat is the #1 cause of drama in school aged children,” it said, citing bullying and inappropriate images. “If YOU want to protect your child, make them delete it.”

That same year, a Snap employee pushed back against a new feature that sent high school students phone notifications during the day. The alerts urged the adolescents to share what was in their backpack or what their class was up to.

The employee said that children should be able to opt out of the notifications to “avoid legal risks around dark patterns” — a term referring to manipulative design features. The suggestion was not taken.

A Snap spokeswoman said that the company was pleased to have resolved the Breathitt lawsuit amicably and that many of the documents showed the company was listening to feedback.

“We do not target schools,” said Monique Bellamy, the spokeswoman, adding that Snapchat is simply popular among teenagers. “We care deeply about the safety and well-being of all Snapchatters, and our teams have worked for years to raise the bar on safety.”

At TikTok, some employees warned that frequent interruptions in the classroom would lead to a backlash.

“Teachers are going to hate it,” an employee wrote in 2022 to an internal group focused on child safety, referring to a new feature prodding users to post within the next three minutes. “Kids already have smartphone addiction in class.”

In response, a manager said the team’s job was to support as well as challenge the business. Competitors, she said, were doing the same thing.

“If we assume teens are going to do this anyway, we’d rather them be here on TikTok,” she wrote. The company removed the feature in 2023.

That same year, TikTok considered turning off notifications altogether for minors during school hours, but the plan was scrapped. Internal documents about the feature noted it would reduce the number of daily active users and would be difficult for the company to administer because of the variety of school schedules.

TikTok declined to comment on the internal documents about app features that affected children in school. A spokeswoman said the app had dozens of privacy and safety settings, including parental controls.

PTA ‘Propaganda’

Leading technology companies have long partnered with parent-teacher associations to burnish their reputations and promote internet safety. But the new documents show how the National PTA, a nonprofit that represents some 22,000 local chapters, actively solicited such contracts.

In a 2024 email pitching its services to Snap, the National PTA promised it could “help with sentiment” and create “more understanding and comfort” among parents. (Snap ultimately declined to offer funding.)

Exactly how much the National PTA has received from social media companies remains secret, but some details emerged in the documents. In 2024, a National PTA official told Snap executives that companies generally paid the organization $250,000 to $500,000 a year, and that a handful gave millions of dollars a year.

“Parents, students and school communities rely on PTA to help them navigate the challenges of a changing world,” said Heidi May Wilson, a spokeswoman for the National PTA, in a statement responding to questions about the lawsuit documents. “That includes technology and social media, which are now central parts of children’s lives.”

TikTok signed the first of several contracts with the group in 2019, just as the app’s thriving business in America was coming under fire. Prominent lawmakers like Senator Marco Rubio had accused its Chinese parent company, ByteDance, of censorship, painting it as a propaganda tool of the Chinese Communist Party.

The deal with the National PTA aimed to “positively raise ByteDance’s profile among parents,” according to a PTA slide deck for the company that was quoted in a plaintiff brief.

In November 2019, a National PTA employee asked its new sponsor where it should host an internet safety event. In emails, TikTok employees discussed that the ideal schools would be in “major market media centers” and “sensitive political districts.”

Tampa, which was represented by Mr. Rubio and had the most populous TV viewing area in Florida, met both criteria. The National PTA gave a county chapter $1,000 to put on the event at Buchanan Middle School.

In addition to about 75 parents and children, local TV reporters showed up to the cafeteria event in February 2020. Surrounded by balloons with TikTok’s logo, parents talked about screen-time rules, and a panel of students answered questions. A local influencer said that TikTok had helped her build a career traveling the world.

While many parents appreciated that the event helped them talk about social media with their children, the influencer’s presence felt like “propaganda,” said Damaris Allen, who was then the chapter president. “I just remember being very, very annoyed.”

Later that year, TikTok gave the National PTA $2 million for support during the pandemic. It paid another $3 million in 2024 for the group to promote the company’s youth safety efforts, including providing “positive” quotes to news outlets. The TikTok spokeswoman said the company was proud to fund the organization.

In December of last year, a publication in northeast Ohio covered a TikTok-sponsored event about online safety. A National PTA representative told the outlet: “It was important for the youth to illustrate how they use platforms and how they use TikTok for good.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/building-strange-oases">
    <title>Building Strange Oases - Beautiful Eccentrics</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-05T05:34:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/building-strange-oases</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What we often call creativity, innovation, research, or artistic practice may be understood as socially sanctioned forms of play. The adult does not stop playing; the adult learns to disguise play under other names.

This realization has important implications for participatory art. Too often, participatory projects assume that they must teach participants something entirely new. But perhaps the task is subtler. Perhaps the role of participatory art is not to introduce play into people’s lives but to reveal forms of play that are already present there.

In this sense, participatory art resembles the Platonic concept of anamnesis: the idea that learning is not the acquisition of new knowledge but the recollection of something we already possess. The teacher does not deposit knowledge into the student. Rather, the teacher creates the conditions through which the student recognizes something that was already latent within them.

The same may be true of participation. A successful participatory artwork does not force people into unfamiliar territory. It helps them become conscious of capacities they already exercise every day: imagining alternatives, inhabiting different perspectives, negotiating rules, collaborating with others, and navigating uncertainty. The artwork becomes a mirror in which participants encounter forms of knowledge they already possess but rarely have the opportunity to see.

I sometimes wonder whether the growing interest in participation, interactivity, social practice, and collaborative forms of art reflects a broader condition of contemporary life. We spend much of our time being evaluated, measured, categorized, and asked to justify our actions through tangible outcomes. Under such conditions, spaces in which exploration can occur without immediate consequence become increasingly rare.

What artists often create, consciously or unconsciously, are temporary refuges from these pressures. Not escapes from reality, but suspensions of some of reality’s demands. Spaces in which people can momentarily set aside the need to be correct, efficient, productive, or certain.

The most successful participatory works are rarely those that ask people to do something entirely unfamiliar. Rather, they offer recognizable frameworks—stores, libraries, classrooms, games, celebrations, performances, archives, playgrounds. We know how to inhabit these forms. The artist’s task is not to invent a world from nothing but to subtly reorganize a familiar one.

Play grants us permission. Permission to imagine alternatives. Permission to experiment without certainty. Permission to occupy different roles. Permission to ask “what if?” Permission, for a moment, to stop performing adulthood and to engage with the world through curiosity rather than obligation.

In this sense, the artistic oasis is not a place where we become children again. It is a place where we remember capacities that adulthood has taught us to conceal.

That, I believe, is the deepest promise of participatory art. Not that it teaches us something we did not know, but that it helps us recognize something we have known all along.

Perhaps that is why Pessoa’s garden continues to resonate. It was never simply a place from childhood. It was a reminder that somewhere within ordinary life there remains a territory governed by different rules. We enter it briefly, and then return. But for a moment, play is its master."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://interconnected.org/home/2026/05/30/fedex">
    <title>How global logistics got me over my fear of personal agents (Interconnected)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-02T00:57:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://interconnected.org/home/2026/05/30/fedex</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let me tell you my theory about AI psychosis.

A lot of people keep a lot of notes.

I keep a lot of notes too, that’s how I write this blog, and in particular I like the serendipity of running across old ideas in my own notes – that’s common for other people too (2021).

We used to call it having an outboard brain and it’s true, I think for a certain kind of person, your notes become part of your extended cognition, and you “know something” whether that knowledge is within your skull or within your notes, same same, it’s just a matter of look-up latency.

My theory is that allowing something else to write into your notes does something bad to your psyche.

I had a glimpse of this: a few years ago I asked ChatGPT to write a blog post in my style. (This was before chat could browse the web; my blog is well represented in the training data.)

It was pretty good so I pasted it into my notes as a record (but never posted it of course). I got scared off using ChatGPT to help with my blog pretty early when I was talking through an editing decision and it came up with a turn of phrase that was so perfect and so unique that I couldn’t resist it. But it didn’t represent any thinking that I had done to arrive at it, this perfect metaphor, so it wouldn’t bear my weight when I leant on it. Those two experiences terrified me.

Anyway so recently I was browsing my drafts folder and I ran across the bottom half of this fake blog post without noticing the context at the top, and it was like when the elevator drops faster than you’re expecting because I read these words but they didn’t feel buttressed with even a glimmer of memory in my head, so I was gaslighting myself – had I really written that note? I mean there it is, it sounds like me, but I can’t think around those words.

The feeling of not being able to trust the permanence and integrity of the physical world around you is one thing.

Not being able to trust what’s going on in your own mind is another.

Am I the same person as I was yesterday?

So unnerving.

***

All of which to say is that, for me, my personal theory is that AI psychosis comes from undermining your intrinsic faith in the workings of your own self.

And that comes from allowing an LLM that speaks in your voice to potentially write into your notes which, for a certain kind of person, is part of cognition itself. The AI doesn’t doesn’t need to actually change your notes, the potential is enough.

***

So I have this fear of risking my own psychic integrity, which has so far kept me away from allowing a personal agent to run on my own machine – I love automation but at a healthy arm’s length…"]]></description>
<dc:subject>ai aipsychosis artificialintelligence claude writing howwewrite notes notetaking integrity psychology 2026</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7c7384d0c85b/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/12/opinion/decision-making-herbert-simon.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Nobel-Winning Psychologist Who Believed He Found the Secret to Happiness - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-29T06:35:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/12/opinion/decision-making-herbert-simon.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.is/lQzJA

via:
https://kottke.org/26/05/0049030-searching-for-the-absolut ]

"If in making decisions you are often guided by a search for the best, you are going about decision making all wrong — and you’re also probably less happy for it.

In an age of information and choice abundance, we assume we can find the best of everything if we look long and hard enough. Psychologists call that tendency maximizing.

But searching for the best is the wrong goal. That is because searching is itself a cost, and most people forget to account for it. If you did, you would see that the optimal strategy isn’t optimizing at all.

There’s a better way to make decisions. To understand it, you should know about Herbert Simon, a pioneer of artificial intelligence and cognitive psychology, as well as a Nobel laureate in economics.

Mr. Simon demonstrated that for most decisions, humans can’t really evaluate the options available — there are too many, our information about them is incomplete and our minds aren’t built to weigh them all — and so we rely on mental shortcuts. He coined the term “satisficing” — a portmanteau of satisfy and suffice — to describe how we consider a limited set of options, then choose one that is good enough and move on to live our lives.

When Mr. Simon faced a decision, he considered a few alternatives, sometimes asked for advice, chose and moved on. He didn’t agonize, and he didn’t second-guess. “The best is enemy of the good” was the mantra he lived by.

Mr. Simon was, as he put it, an “incorrigible satisficer.” His eldest daughter, Katherine, recalled that he wore one brand of socks to avoid selecting color or style each morning, and he owned exactly one black beret at a time, made at a particular haberdashery in Europe.

According to Katherine, he said that one needed only three sets of clothes: “one on one’s body, one in the wash and one in the closet ready to wear.” He always ate the same breakfast — oatmeal, half a grapefruit, black coffee — and lived in the same house for 46 years.

“My father simplified his life in terms of his daily habits,” Katherine wrote, “thus eliminating the need to make little decisions about everything.” By taking the small decisions off his plate, that simplification freed his attention for the people and work that actually mattered to him.

The mathematician John Allen Paulos illustrated the same principle with a thought experiment in his 1988 book “Innumeracy”: How should you choose your final romantic partner? First, he argued, you should estimate the number of people you might plausibly date in your lifetime. Then date roughly the first third with no intention of committing. Use that time purely to calibrate what you liked, what you didn’t like and what you might be missing.

After that, commit to the very next person you like better than everyone you’ve already dated. Mr. Paulos was illustrating a well-known result in probability, which shows that this rule gives you the best chance of ending up with the best partner in the whole sequence. Keep pushing past that point, and you’re more likely to end up with a worse match or no one at all. The core insight — that the path to the best outcome runs directly through the willingness to stop searching long before you’ve exhausted the options — extends far beyond dating.

Psychologists who followed up on Mr. Simon’s work have shown that his personal philosophy was both efficient and wise. Shortly after Mr. Simon’s death in 2001, a team of researchers created a maximization scale to measure where a person falls on the spectrum between maximizer and satisficer. They found that it’s usually bad to be a maximizer.

Maximizers tend to be less satisfied with their decisions and their lives. They are typically less happy, more prone to regret and more likely to compare themselves endlessly with others. Satisficers don’t necessarily have low standards. Their standard is “good enough for me” rather than “the best out there,” and that makes it possible to feel satisfied with their choices, instead of haunted by the ones they didn’t make.

The psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, who first used the term “flow” to describe states of complete absorption in an activity, put it well. By making up one’s mind to invest in a choice, regardless of more attractive options that may come along later, “a great deal of energy gets freed up for living, instead of being spent on wondering about how to live.”

This is critical today because chronic maximizing has never been easier. In 2006 an economist calculated that the consumer options available to citizens of modern economies exceeded those of preindustrial societies roughly by a factor of 100 million. That is an almost incomprehensible multiplication of choice, and it extends well beyond consumer goods into questions of who to be, how to live, where to work and whom to love.

Social media has intensified the problem by functioning as an infinite comparison engine. When you can see a curated highlight reel of everyone else’s career, relationship, home and vacation, the very concept of “good enough” begins to feel like settling.

The pull to keep searching for something better has poisoned even the most mundane moments. Research shows that giving viewers many videos to flip between makes them more bored than if they focus on just one. One way to interpret the findings is that the mere notion that something better might be out there spoils the moment.

Studies in the United States and China show that since about 2010, young people have reported becoming increasingly bored. Dating apps have offered a version of Mr. Paulos’s thought experiment, with users forever wondering what might be beyond that next swipe — maximizing in its purest form.

And now artificial intelligence promises to help us optimize everything: our schedules, our diets, our wardrobes, our creative output. If Mr. Simon was right, the hidden danger of these tools is that they will expand the menu of options and comparisons even further.

The Japanese novelist Haruki Murakami captured the maximizer’s tragedy in a short story. A lonely boy and girl meet on a street corner and intuitively recognize that they are the perfect match for each other. It’s a miracle. They hold hands and talk for hours. But then a sliver of doubt creeps in: “Was it really all right for one’s dreams to come true so easily?” They decide on a test. If they truly are perfect for each other, they can part and will inevitably meet again. Then they’ll know for sure. The boy walks off to the west, and the girl to the east. They really were perfect for each other. Years later, they pass in the street, but their memories have faded. They never meet again.

Mr. Simon would not have been surprised they never met again. Whether you’re searching for a dishwasher or a date, set a good-enough standard. Stop when it’s met. Save your cognitive resources for things that matter."

[via:]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 davidepstein psychology herbertsimon decisionmaking johnasllenpaulos innumeracy probability optimization socialmedia us china maximization maximizing harukimurakami goodenough whatmatters sufficiency options satisfaction voluntarysimplicity mihalycsikszentmihalyi flow cognitiveload comparison cognition ai artificialintelligence choices decisionsm life living howwelive cv boredom datingapps lothing uniform</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://tomstafford.substack.com/p/the-better-algorithms-of-our-nature">
    <title>The better algorithms of our nature - by Tom Stafford</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-26T22:26:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://tomstafford.substack.com/p/the-better-algorithms-of-our-nature</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A lot happened in 2016. It would be easy to imagine that the entire reason for this change was the election of Donald Trump as president, and to stop looking for other causes, but something else also happened which I think we should at least consider, and that other thing says something important about how social media and human psychology interact.

In March 2016 Twitter completed their transition to the algorithmic feed, meaning that it was the default for all users to have their timeline populated by what Twitter thought they would want to see, rather than a chronological feed of posts from people they had decided to follow.

The algorithmic feed is now almost ubiquitous on social media. Exactly how these work for each platform is usually a guarded secret, but in general the major platforms use some form of engagement algorithm - meaning they try and predict what you will like, comment on, or even simply dwell on for longer than average. To do this they look at what you’ve liked, commented on, or dwelled on previously, as well as considering what people similar to you have engaged with.

Engagement algorithms have a nasty symbiosis with our human tendency to respond to threats. We’re already primed to pay attention to bad news, to pick up on other people’s emotions and respond in kind when people direct anger at us. Engagement algorithms give extra power to this negativity, since both hating something and loving it can equally look like strong engagement.

Crudely defined, engagement algorithms encourage expressing anger and the general polarisation of online discussion. Think of it this way. If there are posts along a spectrum of positions on an issue, say from left to right, posts all along the spectrum are likely to be liked by the different people who also align in their preferences from left to right.

All things being equal, you’d think this would mean the posts in the center had the most chance of attracting engagement, being able to recruit support from both sides. Sadly, we all know that modest takes are less fun to make, and extreme views are easier to articulate. Engagement algorithms which don’t distinguish a comment which says a post is completely right from a comment saying a post is completely wrong add to the advantage of the extreme ends of a spectrum. Viewed through the lens of an engagement metric, extreme contents get to count both its lovers and its haters towards their success."]]></description>
<dc:subject>tomstafford timhartford algorithms 2016 socialmedia twitter internet online socialinteraction socialnetworks ai artificialintelligence politics society donaldtrump psychology fear anger negativity policy climatechange guns guncontrol democracy climate globalwarming engagement mastodon fediverse</dc:subject>
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    <title>The power imbalance between parent and child leaves a trace | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-22T10:35:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/the-power-imbalance-between-parent-and-child-leaves-a-trace</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Nobody quite recovers from being a child: the asymmetry of power between parents and children always leaves a trace"]]></description>
<dc:subject>children childhood parenting 2026 power tomwoolridge adamphillips adolescence families psychiatry psychology psychotherapy symmetry childism elisabethyoung-bruehl unschooling deschooling control dominance love dependence agression frustration authority imbalance behavior emotions experience disobedience dependency devotion fear intimacy relationships vulnerability bigness smallness small responsibility</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLdQsPIV5nH-xUuF8y3LlyxNH5Degou-jn">
    <title>Nuestra Locura - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-21T05:22:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLdQsPIV5nH-xUuF8y3LlyxNH5Degou-jn</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Llega a #UChileTV una nueva serie que invita a mirar los malestares de nuestro tiempo desde otro lugar.

“Nuestra Locura”, conducida por la psicoanalista y escritora Constanza Michelson, propone una conversación profunda como la ansiedad, el insomnio, la ira y las preguntas que atraviesan nuestra época, sin recetas ni respuestas fáciles.

Una serie documental que saca el diván a la calle y abre la discusión sobre salud mental desde la cultura, la filosofía y la experiencia cotidiana. Financiado por el Fondo de Fomento Audiovisual, Convocatoria 2024 del Ministerio de las Culturas, las Artes y el Patrimonio."]]></description>
<dc:subject>child mentalhealth psychology society insomnia anxiety attention boredom melancholy anger repair freedom constanzamichelson rage violence philosophy culture psychoanalysys</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconversation.com/how-studying-friendship-has-changed-the-way-i-understand-my-own-loneliness-281767">
    <title>How studying friendship has changed the way I understand my own loneliness</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-20T06:20:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconversation.com/how-studying-friendship-has-changed-the-way-i-understand-my-own-loneliness-281767</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>marie-elisabethleipihl 2026 friendship loneliness society connection suburbia suburbs relationships priorities well-being wellbeing happiness kinship bettyfriedan socialstructures midlife willardhartup nantevens psychology robertputnam bowlingalone collectivism life living cities urban urbanism architecture sophielewis care caring liberation feminism institutions marriage familyabolition families meaning meaningmaking joy édouardlouis didiereribon geoffreydelagasnerie culture convention thomaskorshaard viriginiawoolf selmalagerlöf literature aristotle adulthood</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theamericanvandal.substack.com/p/afteropenai?triedRedirect=true">
    <title>After OpenAI (Vandal Live at Wake Forest Humanities Institute)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-14T04:33:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theamericanvandal.substack.com/p/afteropenai?triedRedirect=true</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Apple Podcasts | Spotify

As part of the Spring Symposium at the Wake Forest Humanities Institute, Matt Seybold discusses the present and future of AI speculation, including an extended discussion with Wake Forest faculty, many who were part of WFHI’s Interdisciplinary Faculty Seminar on Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence.

Cast (in order of appearance): Jennifer Greiman, Matt Seybold, Derek Lee, Michaela Appeltova, Nisrine Rahal, Barry Trachtenberg, Jeff Bills-Solomon, Dean Franco, Amanda Gengler

Featured Guests

Jennifer Greiman is Professor of English at Wake Forest University and Director of The Humanities Institute there.

Matt Seybold is Associate Professor of American Literature & Mark Twain Studies at Elmira College, as well as resident scholar at the Center For Mark Twain Studies and executive producer of The American Vandal Podcast.

Episode Bibliography

Emily Bender & Alex Hanna, The AI Con (HarperCollins, 2025)

Emily Bender, Timnit Gebru, et al. “On The Dangers of Stochastic Parrots: Can Language Models Be Too Big?” FAccT 2021

Tressie McMillan Cottom, “The Tech Fantasy That Powers AI is Running on Fumes” The New York Times (April 29, 2025)

Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (U California Press, 1984)

Virginia Dignum, The AI Paradox: How To Make Sense of a Complex Future (Princeton UP, 2026)

Ronan Farrow & Andrew Marantz, “Moment of Truth” The New Yorker (April 13, 2026)

Karen Hao, Empire of AI: Dreams & Nigthmares in Sam Altman’s Open AI (Penguin Random House, 2026)

Andy Hines, Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism & The University (U Chicago Press, 2022)

E. D. Hirsch, Cultural Literacy (Houghton Mifflin, 1987)

Tyler Johnston, “The reporters at this new site are AI bots. OpenAI’s Super PAC appears to be funding it.” Model Republic (April 24, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Grok is an Epistemic Weapon” Tech Policy Press (January 13, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Texpocalypse Now: AI and The New Political Economy of Writing” PennAI (April 17, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum & Rita Raley, “AI & The University as a Service” PMLA (May 2024)

Christopher Newfield, Unmaking The Public University (Harvard UP, 2011)

Britt S. Paris, Radical Infrastructure: Imagining The Internet From The Ground Up (U. California, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, The Global Casino: How Wall Street Gambles with People & The Planet (Verso, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “The Next Crisis is Coming” Politics Joe (April 1, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “Is the next financial crisis only a matter of time?” De Balie (February 16, 2026)

Daniel Roher & Charlie Tyrell, The AI Doc, or How I Became An Apocaloptimist (2026)

Matt Seybold, “Against Technofeudal Education” The American Vandal (June 10, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “The Technofeudal Text” The American Vandal (August 25, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “Mamdani Win Could Be The First Step Towards Seizing The Means of Knowledge Production” The American Vandal (November 5, 2025)

Matt Seybold & Eric Hayot, “The ‘Crisis In The Humanities’ Is Over. That’s Not a Good Thing.” Chronicle Of Higher Education (December 29, 2025)

Matt Seybold & John Warner, “The Technology That’s Taking Your Freedom” Academic Freedom On The Line (February 3, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “The Secret History of Canvas LMS, Corporate Raiders, & The Chatbot Bubble” The American Vandal (March 24, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “HBCUs & The Philanthrocapitalist Swindle” The American Vandal (February 4, 2025)

Jacob Silverman, “The Death of an AI Whistleblower” The Nation (May 2026)

Nick Srnicek, Silicon Empires: The Fight For The Future of AI (Polity, 2026)

Ben Tarnoff, “Frankenstein’s Regret” The Nation (May 2026)

Wake Forest Humanities Institute, “Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence” (May 2026)

McKenzie Wark, Capital Is Dead: Is This Something Worse? (Verso, 2019)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.oaklandreviewofbooks.org/picky-book-review/">
    <title>Pickiness tastes like trauma</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-12T04:15:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.oaklandreviewofbooks.org/picky-book-review/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How American children became the fussiest eaters in history (and why they need to check their not-dying privilege)."]]></description>
<dc:subject>amybrown children parenting diet food pickiness trauma helenzoeveit industrialization taste senses emotions psychology johnharveykellog kellog's maha sylvestergraham history society</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconversation.com/denmarks-hands-off-approach-to-parenting-could-offer-a-blueprint-for-raising-more-resilient-self-reliant-kids-281485">
    <title>Denmark’s ‘hands-off’ approach to parenting could offer a blueprint for raising more resilient, self-reliant kids</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T20:04:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconversation.com/denmarks-hands-off-approach-to-parenting-could-offer-a-blueprint-for-raising-more-resilient-self-reliant-kids-281485</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Much has been written about Denmark’s consistently high scores in global happiness rankings, so it might not come as a surprise that Denmark is also rated the best place to raise children, according to U.S. News and World Report. The small Scandinavian nation also scores near the top for child well-being, a measure of physical health, mental health, education and social relationships.

Government policies like generous parental leave, robust public investment in education and universal healthcare have certainly played a role in these rankings. Danes also score high on social trust, with 74% of Danes agreeing that most people can be trusted, whereas only 37% of Americans say the same.

But another factor could be contributing to Danish children’s well-being: They’re often encouraged to take part in risky, unstructured play.

This might seem at odds with a parent’s desire to do what they can to keep their kids safe. But as a native of Denmark and a psychologist, I’ve explored how the country’s hands-off parenting style may be one key to raising more resilient, self-reliant kids.

The benefits of unstructured play

Danes have two words for the English word “play.” There’s “leg,” which refers to unstructured play; and “spille,” which is used for games or activities with pre-established rules, such as playing soccer, chess or the violin.

Each type of play has benefits. But studies have shown that unstructured, spontaneous play requires more compromise and creativity, since kids have the freedom to change or make up the rules. Children learn to take turns and work through problems – skills that are harder to develop when adults step in or when the rules are predetermined.

Then there’s risky play, a form of unstructured play that involves exciting activities with a possibility of physical injury. On a playground, this might mean climbing tall towers, going headfirst down a slide or roughhousing. Off the playground it might involve building a fire, swimming, biking or using tools like saws, hammers and knives.

Norwegian early childhood education researcher Ellen Beate Hansen Sandseter pioneered the study of risky play. She’s explored its evolutionary functions – specifically, how it helps children become competent, independent adults. Other researchers have shown that risky play boosts mental health by teaching children to be more resilient and manage their emotions.
Positive risks vs. negative ones

When it comes to risky play, it’s useful to distinguish between positive risks and negative ones.

On a playground, a positive risk is a challenge that a child can recognize and decide to take. They can weigh if they want to try a zip line, or determine when they’ve reached their limit while ascending a climbing net for the first time. The goal is for the child to explore boundaries and learn to manage emotions like fear and anxiety. Sure, there’s the risk of scrapes and bumps. But success can breed more self-confidence.

A negative risk, on the other hand, is a danger that the child does not have the experience or knowledge to foresee. Using playground equipment that has rotted wood, wielding a tool like a drill without proper instruction or swimming in rapids could lead to serious accidents without any learning benefits.

Many playgrounds in Denmark are designed to encourage positive risks. The country has become known for its junk playgrounds, the first of which was created during World War II. These are play areas built with discarded tires, boards and ropes instead of fixed equipment. Kids are often given access to tools so they can build structures and remake the space on their own terms.
Black and white photo of boy kneeling in a ditch and using a hammer.

The point ultimately isn’t to put kids in harm’s way. It’s to let them explore on their own, test their limits and try new things.
The competent child

Of course, no parent wants to see their child get injured. But research suggests that Danish parents and American parents have distinct perceptions of risk – and different thresholds for what they consider dangerous.

One study compared U.S. and Danish mothers’ reactions to pictures showing a child engaged in 30 different types of play, such as sledding, biking, using a saw to cut wood and climbing a tall tree. It found that Danish mothers, on average, were more likely to say that they would be comfortable with their own child in these situations. In subsequent interviews, Danish mothers were also more likely to talk about practicing risky activities with their kids, such as how to use tools. (One described how she showed her 5-year-old to use an axe to chop wood.)

In fact, Danish daycares often teach children how to use a sharp knife, with some handing out knife diplomas once children have learned the skill. Learning how to ride a bike, meanwhile, can be practiced on what are known as “traffic playgrounds,” which have child-sized streets, bike lanes, traffic lights and signs.

This difference in risk tolerance could stem from differences in parenting approaches. Danish parents see their children as innately competent, meaning they trust their ability to navigate risks and challenges. Adults, in turn, try to create environments for these natural competencies to flourish; they work to encourage cooperation instead of using control.

In contrast, American parents are more likely to see kids as vulnerable and in need of protection. Mental health is a major concern, with 40% of American parents extremely or very worried that their child will suffer from anxiety or depression at some point, according to a 2023 Pew Research Survey. Somewhat ironically, kids who have less independence are more likely to have mental health challenges.

Letting kids take the lead can work well, but sometimes they can’t see or anticipate certain risks.

Danish youth, for example, drink more alcohol than their European peers. A recent survey showed that almost 7 out of 10 Danish ninth grade students had consumed alcohol in the last month, and 1 out of 3 had been drunk in the past month. One study found that Danish parents who are stricter about alcohol consumption are less likely to have teens who frequently drink. Danish culture, overall, has a very permissive attitude toward drinking alcohol, so those parents are few and far between.

Furthermore, Danish 10-year-olds have among the highest rate of smartphone ownership in the world, even as studies have shown that smartphone ownership among children is associated with higher rates of depression, stress and anxiety, as well as less sleep.

But these statistics don’t relate to risky play, which even emergency physicians and nurses champion. Instead, they show how permissive parenting styles can sometimes have negative effects.

The benefits of risky play – like learning to tolerate failure, distress and uncertainty – aren’t just important parts of being a kid. They’re important parts of being human."]]></description>
<dc:subject>denmark parenting children freedom autonomy unschooling 2026 resilience self-reliance childhood psychology permissiveness play spontaneity playgrounds informallearning informal howwlearn learning deschooling</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/news/fault-lines/will-ai-make-college-obsolete">
    <title>Will A.I. Make College Obsolete? | The New Yorker</title>
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    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/news/fault-lines/will-ai-make-college-obsolete</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Americans already distrust institutions, including academia. More and more people may decide that its stamp of approval isn’t worth the cost."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/two-views-of-iain-mcgilchrist/">
    <title>two views of Iain McGilchrist – The Homebound Symphony</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-06T05:24:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/two-views-of-iain-mcgilchrist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Andrew Louth [https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/beyond-our-delusions-on-iain-mcgilchrists-the-matter-with-things/ ]:

<blockquote>Although McGilchrist is clearly arguing a case (a case that he feels needs to be accepted, if there is to be any future), his mind is profoundly capacious, capable of entertaining ideas coming from elsewhere than he is coming from. The case he is making, however, is not unheard of: it coincides with all-too-common laments about modernity, pointing to the reign of quantity, the rise of individualism, the abandonment of tradition — opinions easily dismissed by those who pride themselves on the achievements of modernity. Perhaps it is to these “cultured despisers” that McGilchrist’s case is directed — a LH case against the hegemony of the LH.

Whether that is so or not, this book is almost unique in combining extensive scientific expertise with learning characteristic of the humanities, a sensitivity to language, and an appeal to poetry as the ultimate language of truth. McGilchrist sounds like someone who knows of what he speaks. RH, he tells us, is disposed to pessimism, but this book gives grounds for at least a cautious optimism, amounting to “good thoughts in bad times.”</blockquote>

Rowan Williams:

<blockquote>And so, unsurprisingly, the second volume of The Matter with Things leads us into considerations about “the sacred.” The chapter on this subject is as long as a short book in itself. It is both the natural conclusion to the argument up to this point and a springboard for further refinement of the themes of the whole project. McGilchrist has no difficulty in seeing off the high-school-debating-society arguments of fashionable atheists (and has some pertinent things to say about the imagined tension between science and religion in another appendix). He quotes with malicious relish from one or two famous names in this field, to demonstrate the intolerant and philosophically crude way in which some polemicists have foreclosed the question of what counts as knowledge or as truthful speech, and draws extensively on the traditions of “negative” theology in the Christian tradition (Meister Eckhart, Nicholas of Cusa), as well as ideas from Taoist and Buddhist cosmology, Indigenous American lore, some strands of Jewish Kabbala, and (not least) William Blake.

Whitehead is an important presence in this section of the book, chiefly because of his conviction that “process” is a fundamental category for thinking not only about the finite but also about the infinite; there is an argument for the relation between God and creation being seen as a sort of feedback loop, through which the divine is “enhanced” in some way. McGilchrist also distances himself both from the classical Christian argument about evil as “privation” (that is, as something that has no inherent substantiality but is simply the negation or erosion of what is desired as good) and from the Buddhist affirmation of nonduality (which he sees as compromising the reality of moral choice). He holds back from any identification with a particular religious tradition but is skeptical of the assimilation of spirituality to generalized well-being that seems to pervade so much contemporary talk about religiousness.

Ultimately, as he says in a forceful and eloquent epilogue, we either acknowledge God or we invent a God for ourselves. If we invent a God for ourselves, we are bound to invent that God out of ourselves, out of our own psychic resources, and so sacralize our own ambitions and anxieties, projecting on to the universe our passion for analysis of and control over every aspect of what surrounds us. This is the idolatry that is literally killing us as a species. That is why it is so urgent to rethink how we understand thinking.</blockquote>"]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewlouth iainmcgilchrist 2023 philosophy alanjacobs rowanwilliams psychology neuroscience</dc:subject>
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    <title>Beyond Our Delusions: On Iain McGilchrist’s “The Matter with Things” | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-06T05:21:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/beyond-our-delusions-on-iain-mcgilchrists-the-matter-with-things/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Andrew Louth reviews Iain McGilchrist’s “The Matter With Things: Our Brains, Our Delusions, and the Unmaking of the World.”"

[via:
https://blog.ayjay.org/two-views-of-iain-mcgilchrist/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>A Brain of Two Minds: On Iain McGilchrist’s “The Matter with Things” | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-06T05:20:56+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://blog.ayjay.org/two-views-of-iain-mcgilchrist/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>Iain McGilchrist: Re-enchanting the Brain's Hemispheres — The Beautiful Truth</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-05T18:00:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebeautifultruth.org/life/psychology/iain-mcgilchrist-brains-hemispheres/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Can we re-enchant our view of the world by re-engaging a ‘right hemispheric’ view of life, love and faith?"

[via Mo Bitar:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h9dgeM_KuB8 ]]]></description>
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    <title>I make good money. Why do I still feel like this?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-03T19:49:50+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/05/billionaire-consequence-free-reality/686588/">
    <title>What I Learned About Billionaires at Jeff Bezos’s Private Retreat - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-26T07:05:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/05/billionaire-consequence-free-reality/686588/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[For the richest men on Earth, everything is free and nothing matters.]]></description>
<dc:subject>noahhwley billionaires 2026 morality wealth money business power inequality psychology society jeffbezos</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.damagemag.com/p/alienated-leisure">
    <title>Alienated Leisure - by Damage Magazine and Adam Smith</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-26T00:46:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.damagemag.com/p/alienated-leisure</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Only by redefining leisure as no more than the absence of alienated labor has it been possible to so alienate us from our leisure that even our free time now becomes one more form of alienation."

...

"Karl Marx did not care to speculate in much detail about what comes after capitalism. That stray remark in The German Ideology, about how in the future it would be possible “to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind,” has excited a thousand fancies, but it has invited as much scorn from critics who take the passage as a telling example of utopian naivete. Marxism, they say, fails to take human nature seriously. It is supposed to enable production without alienation; without having to incentivize (or force) workers to do what they do not necessarily “have a mind” to do. But this is impossible: workers will not produce unless they are incentivized, because no one “has a mind” to work. They must be given a mind to do what is necessary. Every actual communist regime has discovered this truth, to the dismay of citizens who soon find that they will hunt or fish or rear cattle as the state requires, and will certainly not do any criticizing after dinner, assuming they get any. Better the capitalist way, in which the directives are issued by the free market, and are therefore no directives at all, since the market makes us free.

So say the critics. It’s interesting to observe that under the actual capitalist regimes of the present day we are taught to envision the future of work as an expanded and upgraded gig economy of endlessly varied options, in which everybody will be freed from alienating work by platforms and AI agents to change careers as whim and chance provide, and granted our independence from the stifling corporate and factory environments of yesteryear, with all their nasty pensions and benefits. In the hands of a skilled propagandist, or an undergraduate marketing major, it can almost sound like we are all going to start hunting in the morning and criticizing after dinner and fishing and cattle-rearing throughout the day. Although hunting is problematic, as is rearing cattle, since their meat makes us fat and their farts cause global warming. I don’t know about fishing. Maybe we should make it the subject of our next after-dinner struggle session.

Interesting, yes, but only one among many examples of capitalism’s admirable talent for marketing itself as the end of capitalism, of a piece with Lululemon selling resistance in the form of luxury yoga pants. Nothing new to see here. But there may be something new to see, or at least a fresh way to see something old, if we reflect on Marx’s idyll more obliquely, from the perspective of a resident of the twenty-first century whose most conscious experience of alienation may not come primarily from the way she is “minded” (by other people) to labor, but from what she is minded by others to do when she is supposedly not laboring.

In Marx’s image, hunting and fishing and farming and criticizing are all forms of labor that have been transformed into forms of leisure because they have finally been disalienated. They are not weekend entertainments; they are creative and indeed productive activities, even if the kind of life marked by these activities is made possible only because the problem of the “general production” and distribution of necessities has been solved. A just political economy for Marx is not one in which you don’t work; it is one in which work is self-consciously “chosen” and the artificial distinction between work and leisure is relaxed. That distinction is convenient for capitalists who need carrots and sticks to keep people in line (you work for money that pays for your entertainments; you work for the weekends; you work so you don’t have to work), and who have by means of that system smashed the feudal order and vastly increased our capacity for production. But it is not convenient for human beings, who naturally want to work, and are therefore equally unhappy when they have no work to do and when the work they have to do is unleisured because it is not done for its own sake, as we “have a mind” to do it. Marx looks forward, not merely to a world without bad work, but to a world with good work in abundance. Which is to say: he looks forward to a world of leisure properly understood.

How disappointing then to consider that our understanding of leisure has only deteriorated as some of our least immiserated workers have labored hard to ensure the nearly universal distribution of quasi-magical technologies that are supposed to reduce drudgery and increase productivity and generally accelerate the arrival of a work-free utopia. Let us forget, for a moment, the obvious facts that drudgery has increased in what seems like direct proportion to the number of tasks our devices enable us to perform simultaneously, and that productivity seems to have decreased in similarly direct proportion to the number of people who have been convinced that multi-tasking is a thing. Even if so-called artificial “intelligence” really does deliver a world without alienated labor, by delivering a world without any labor at all, it is already adding here and now another layer to the same world of frantic boredom built on the back of the smartphone and the social media platform. And to the extent that we actually do have less bad work to do (which for some people in some ways is true), we all are spending more and more of our “free” time working (scrolling, swiping, producing this eerie new commodity called “attention”) onscreen, entertaining ourselves by making other people richer and ourselves less free. Perhaps one reason it is easier than ever to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism is that the most valuable corporations in history have managed to supplement and maybe even replace the false distinction between work and leisure with a new form of “leisure” which is actually a new kind of alienated work, and is therefore what we might call “alienated leisure.”

Alienated leisure is as good a term as any for the peculiar experience of living in the “attention economy.” Indeed, it is a better term than most, because it is not swaddled in the kind of therapeutic claptrap that invariably, in the service of mental health, leads to calls for more mental health care, as if the problem were in your head (sorry, in your brain: it’s certainly never your fault!) and not in the heads of the mercenary psychologists who deliberately addicted you to short-form videos. Nor is the term saddled by moralistic concerns about distraction and dissipation, as if it really were just your fault, when of course it is not, even if you can and should avoid succumbing to distraction and dissipation. “Alienated leisure” puts the focus where it belongs: on a material system that has spiritual effects, one of which is a diminishing capacity to be sufficiently offended by what is happening to our ability to choose what we do with the “eight hours for what we will” sought by the old labor movements, before the colonization of those hours by the builders of some particularly shiny new “labor-saving devices” that have saved very few laborers from their traditional fate.

Consider what alienated labor is, for Marx: it is labor marked by a series of forced separations. First, the laborer is separated from the product of her work, both in the simple sense that she does not own it, and in the more profound sense that it owns her, because others own it, and use it to dominate her life. Second, the laborer is separated from the activity of working, by being confined to the performance of one task in a series over which she has no creative control (as on an assembly line), a confinement that damages her physically or mentally or both, depending on the work in question. Third, the laborer is separated from other laborers, who are turned from companions into competitors and reduced to obstacles or tools in the service of her own private ends. Finally, the laborer is separated from her human nature, which—it must be emphasized—wants to labor, and for that reason hates to be alienated from her labor by those who profit by doing so.

The parallel to leisure in the attention economy is easy to see. The product of our most determinedly “unproductive” hours (for Gen Z, over 6 hours of captured attention per day) is used to generate massive profits that we do not share, and to enable pervasive surveillance. The activity of scrolling (or clicking, or whatever) is intensely piecemeal, by design: we are algorithmically sorted with godlike efficiency into various silos and echo chambers that cut us off from any context that might salvage our act of attention from the constant fragmentation (cat video follows live beheading follows stock tips) that has been quite helpfully characterized as a form of “human fracking.” It goes without saying that we are unprecedentedly isolated from all the other people with whom we are supposedly more “connected” than ever before in human history. And, most importantly, we are increasingly cut off from our natural desire to spend our “free” time doing something that is free—something that is active and creative, something that strives for coherence and depth, something that involves not “connection” (that is what machines do) but honest-to-god relationships.

Unlike most on the “Left” today, Marx certainly thinks there is such a thing as human nature (what else would our material circumstances be alienating us from?). Marx’s conviction that humans naturally want to work, and that when their work is self-directed it is less distinguishable from leisure (and conversely that true leisure takes work; Homer Simpson drooling at the TV is most certainly not at leisure) will only become more important and more subversive if capitalism in the twenty-first century keeps its promises to automate vast swaths of alienated labor while opening up vast new territories of alienated leisure to those lacking the special “reality privileges” apparently enjoyed by Marc Andreessen. False consciousness is a thing, but in some ways it is easier to become and remain aware of your alienation when what is alienating is a job you feel forced by necessity to take (especially if it is a poorly-paid shit job, or even a highly paid bullshit job, in David Graeber’s sense). It is harder to stay alert to the fact that you actually hate your phone, since after all you keep scrolling on it, and nobody is “incentivizing” you to do it by paying you for your time. How can it be alienating if it’s freely chosen? Is not that the definition of leisure itself: free time spent on “what we will”?

So we have been made to think. Only by redefining leisure as no more than the absence of alienated labor has it been possible to so alienate us from our leisure that even our free time now becomes one more form of alienation, refined within an inch of its life, sliced and diced and parceled out into profit-generating chunks of captured attention. And now, it is with some horror that we realize—if we can—that even if we are quick to nod our heads in agreement, we are less and less capable of viscerally feeling the attraction of Marx’s quaint vision of leisure as hunting and fishing and cattle-rearing and criticizing, not only because all of those activities strike us as far too much work, but because all of them require the sort of slow and luxurious attention that is itself no longer for us a simple pleasure but an offputting slog. The insidious triumph of digital capitalism is to have turned attention into something we literally pay to others. And what they give us in exchange is nothing less than a steadily diminishing capacity to enjoy ourselves without making them rich."]]></description>
<dc:subject>leisure alienation freetime labor karlmarx artleisure leisurearts 2026 capitalism humannature ai artificialintelligence attentioneconomy psychology production productivity relationships connection coherence depth marcandreessen davidgraeber bullshitjobs hunting fishing criticism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://mcrawford.substack.com/p/great-art-is-a-moral-accomplishment">
    <title>Great art is a moral accomplishment. It mirrors the struggle to see clearly in everyday life.</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-17T07:00:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mcrawford.substack.com/p/great-art-is-a-moral-accomplishment</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Iris Murdoch on Art, Attention and the Metaphysics of the Good"

...

"Iris Murdoch is best known as a writer of novels. She wrote twenty-six of them, recurring often to the question of human freedom versus the many varieties of determinism. One of the novels, The Sea, The Sea, won the Booker Prize in 1978. She was also a formidable student of philosophy, and taught the subject at Oxford for many years.

Philosophy at Oxford had departed from the long tradition of reflection about ultimate things. In the 2022 book Metaphysical Animals, Clare Mac Cumhaill and Rachael Wiseman write that before World War I, the Oxford philosophers took themselves to be engaged in a bold undertaking:

<blockquote>to kill off the subject formerly known as ‘philosophy’ and to replace it with a new set of logical, analytic and scientific methods known as logical positivism. Speculative metaphysical enquiry—the pursuit of knowledge of human nature, morality, God, reality, truth and beauty—was to give way to clarification and linguistic analysis in the service of science. The only questions permitted were those that could be answered by empirical methods.</blockquote>

From the vantage of the present, it is fair to say that they were successful in this, insofar as philosophy was replaced with... whatever we should call that enterprise that takes place in philosophy departments today, in cognitive science, and in all those allied disciplines that name themselves with a “neuro-” prefix. Viewed from the outside, the aspirations of the analytical school look like nothing so much as an elaborate system for evading big questions.

We are aided in identifying them as such by a counter-movement of thought that began after World War II, led by Iris Murdoch, Elizabeth Anscombe, and Philippa Foot. They inaugurated what would become a dissident strand within academic philosophy. Unlike the existentialists, who likewise rejected the positivist edifice, the Oxford dissidents were more frontally engaged with the analytical turn and sought to identify what had gone wrong in it. That they were women is probably significant. That they were writing after the most shattering events of the twentieth century is also surely significant, as Cumhaill and Wiseman note. When the first of the two great wars ended, the logicians and linguistic analysts picked up right where they had left off, as though nothing significant had occurred that might bear on their undertaking. Iris Murdoch and her circle, by contrast, saw the necessity of returning to the biggest questions. Their moment resembles ours, in that respect, and Murdoch’s essays are a treasure to be recovered.

Murdoch’s Moral Phenomenology

In one of those essays, “The Idea of Perfection,” what is at stake is the question of how we ought to picture the human being. This is consequential because, as she says in another essay, man is the creature who makes a picture of himself and then comes to resemble that picture. Bad philosophy may fail as a realistic description of the how things are, but such descriptions can be fertile. They are disseminated and taken up, receding as objects of scrutiny but inflecting our patterns of thinking and feeling.

Analytical philosophy of mind has a hard time dealing with the fact that we are moral beings. That is, we have an “evaluative outlook” (I use the phrase of philosopher Talbot Brewer). The things we perceive “show up” for us in a neutral palette sometimes, but often they do so in vivid colors such as lame, charming, inane, subtle, funny, pathetic,winsome, desperate, inspiring, vulgar, overwrought, sly, generous, elegant and so on. These are not neutral descriptive words; they carry a judgment. Also, they are not obtusely binary, such as “good” and “bad,” but more directly tied-on to human situations, more affectively pungent, the kind of words you would need if (like a novelist) you were to undertake something like “moral phenomenology.” Which, come to think of it, is perhaps a good description of Murdoch’s philosophical oeuvre.

Our evaluative outlook—our sense of where value lies, what it looks like, our ability to detect new flavors of it—can change, and typically this change has a direction to it, such that we can call it progress. When a life goes well, our judgments become deeper and more discerning. It would sting to learn that that someone you respect regards you as complacent and self-satisfied, incapable of being arrested by the new in a way that induces an evaluative shift.

The idea of progress in moral perception, indeed the very concept of moral perception, is unintelligible if we dogmatically insist that “value judgments” are merely subjective. That is, if we suppose that when we call something good, this means nothing more than “I prefer this.” Yet such an ethically denuded ontology—there really isn’t anything value-laden out there to perceive—must be insisted upon if philosophy of mind is to claim jurisdiction over the question of how the mind perceives, and insist that it can do so with the logical and conceptual rigor it prides itself on. Such rigor, it is thought, requires abstaining from the fuzzy domain of value judgments. Features of the moral life that are clearly entangled with our “cognitive” capacities (such as perception) must be quarantined, in order to maintain a notion of cognition that is narrow enough to be amenable to analytical methods.

What philosophy of mind needs, then, is an ally in the sphere of ethics that will agree to a clear demarcation between their respective turfs. This demarcation is accomplished if “the good,” understood as the generic of evaluative terms, has no ontological status of its own. Such a tacit agreement established the intellectual cartel that has set the terms of modern life. Mind the gap and you will be in good standing, metaphysically.

Of course, this gap between Is and Ought long predates the rise of today’s narrow academic disciplines. David Hume pointed the way in the eighteenth century. A couple of centuries down that road, the result is a crippling lack of self-awareness in those human sciences that aspire to analytical rigor, driven by a kind of physics-envy. Murdoch writes that philosophy of mind has “been imposing upon us particular value judgments in the guise of a theory of human nature” without knowing that it does so. For its part, “modern ethics tends to constitute a sort of Newspeak which makes certain values non-expressible.”

The Central Place of Love

Among the facts that have been forgotten or theorized away is the fact that “love is a central concept of morals.” Contemporary philosophers “constantly talk of freedom” but “they rarely talk of love” (299-300). This inarticulacy about love matters. If we don’t have an adequate vocabulary and conceptual repertoire for some phenomenon, we are unable to use language to elaborate our experience. The experience itself becomes harder to fix in the mind, less available to us.

Murdoch’s positive project is arrestingly unconventional. She argues for the central place of love, not just in interpersonal ethics where one might expect to find a discussion of love, but as an epistemic principle. Loving is at the root of our capacity to apprehend the world in its true colors. And this, in turn, is due to an ontological fact concerning the status of “the good.”

Murdoch declares herself a Platonist. The good is real, not a projection of our subjective consciousness onto things we happen to value. The good makes a demand on us, and to respond to this demand adequately is to see things clearly. True perception is thus a moral accomplishment. As we shall see, some of her most compelling arguments demonstrate this in the context of distinguishing great art from ordinary, bad art.

Before spelling these things out, Murdoch needs to clear away a lot of underbrush. (Numbers in parentheses are page numbers in the collection Existentialists and Mystics. I will be referring to three of the essays: “The Idea of Perfection,” “On ‘God’ and ‘Good’,” and “On the Sovereignty of Good Over Other Concepts.”)

At issue in the Oxford scene was, again, the question of whether “goodness” is a real constituent of the world, something out there. To suppose that it is, was declared to be an instance of “the naturalist fallacy.” The sophisticated position was that “Good is indefinable because judgments of value depend on the will and choice of the individual.” “Goodness is not an object of insight or knowledge, it is a function of the will.” “Good must be thought of, not as part of the world, but as a movable label affixed to the world; for only so can the agent be pictured as responsible and free” (301).

Tacitly, according to this position, if there were a substantial Good independent of our will, it would threaten the “freedom” that, as Murdoch noted, is the constant preoccupation of modern thought. That is because such a Good would compel us in certain directions rather than others. It would be perverse to choose something bad, after all. It would be irrational. So both our freedom and the sovereignty of our reason were taken to depend on there not being a Good that transcends us and is independent of us. Evidently, thereis a sense of threat to the self that underlies the appeal of moral subjectivism.

This anxiety rests on the modern understanding of what reason is—and of what freedom is. Both notions are narrow, when viewed against the larger sweep of the human tradition. Here, reason always means something public, in the sense that, if something is available to reason, it should be available to all. If it isn’t, it is probably some private, irrational delusion. Meanwhile, freedom is understood as a characteristic of the individual will, revealed in a moment of choice. For this choice to be truly free, it must be entirely my own, a pure eruption of the will that is unconditioned by anything outside the will. True choices are necessarily ungrounded. If you are compelled toward some choice by your reasoning about the situation, it isn’t really an act of your own will. Any person similarly situated, thinking clearly, would choose the same. So the human being is a combined thing: an impersonal rational thinker, whose reasoning cannot escape a publicly observable machinery of logical necessity and shared facts, plus a personal will that leaps around according to no logic at all, until in the moment of choice and action a man inserts himself into the machinery of public reason. It is a picture that combines total freedom and determinism. Murdoch thinks it is mistaken on both sides.

Reason, in this system, must be neutral and objective, carefully abstaining from value judgments. This is what allows us to think of reason and will as separable faculties of the person, corresponding to the distinction between facts and values. “If the will is to be totally free, the world it moves in must be devoid of normative characteristics, so that morality can reside entirely in the pointer of pure choice” (333).

Murdoch names this set of mutually supporting doctrines “behaviorist-existentialist.” Behaviorist because the operation of reason can be detected only by publicly observable actions, and this standard of detection gets imported back into the thing itself: Reason is the sort of thing that issues in actions, as opposed to private revery. To existentialists, on the other side of this intellectual arrangement, freedom means freedom to choose in a pure act of will. There is a hint of mischief in Murdoch’s pointing out that these positions are allied, if we consider them personified. Behaviorists and existentialists wear different costumes (on one side, sensible shoes; on the other, berets) and are sure to detest one another. Yet the determinists and the freedomists need one another, locked as they are in common mistake.

In a subsequent essay titled “On ‘God’ and ‘Good’,” Murdoch makes a related point. In current moral philosophy, the moral agent is “pictured as an isolated principle of will” beside “a lump of being which has been handed over to other disciplines, such as psychology or sociology. On the one hand a Luciferian philosophy of adventures of the will, and on the other natural science. Moral philosophy, and indeed morals, are thus undefended against an irresponsible and undirected self-assertion which goes easily hand in hand with some brand of pseudo-scientific determinism” (338). Given this easy rapport between pseudo-scientific determinism and Luciferian freedomism, it becomes easier to understand why, for example, the 2023 book Determined, by the Stanford neuro-sage Robert Sapolsky, would reach the bestseller list in a society where “liberation” provides the standard of progress.

The Formative Role of Attention

As a corrective to the prevailing view, Murdoch emphasizes the role of attention in shaping the world that is actually present to our consciousness. This is happening all the time. By the time a moment of choice arrives, we are already inhabiting a world shaped (for us) by our habits of attention, in the course of which specific currents of its value-laden nature stand forth. Our established habits of seeing will largely set our response. This is a retrospective view of how we became the kind of person who is likely to respond in such-and-such a way.

Looking forward, we are for the most part free to allocate our attention. The question of what to attend to is the question of what to value. The morally relevant “choosing” in some episode happens, then, not in a clap of the will at a dramatic moment of decision but in a piecemeal and cumulative way that is continuous, and has already happened by the time the choice must be made. This does not mean we are not free. But Murdoch’s account does highlight a fact that is weirdly absent from the prevailing view: the existence of moral effort. In large part, such effort consists of the struggle to control one’s attention.

And this is indeed effortful. “Of course psychic energy flows, and more easily flows, into building up convincingly coherent but false pictures of the world... Attention is the effort to counteract such states of illusion” (329). Basically, you have to get out of your own head to see things clearly. She calls such effort “unselfing”.

In “On ‘God’ and ‘Good’,” Murdoch says she is not a Freudian, but she shares Freud’s view that our psychic energies are not simply available to us to direct in a deliberate way; there is a roiling layer of the unconscious and the semi-conscious urging us along at every turn. And the consistent tendency of these psychic energies is selfish. It is a tendency shaped and hardened into particular channels by our own biography. Murdoch writes, “Moral change and moral achievement are slow; we are not free in the sense of being able suddenly to alter what we can see and ergo what we desire and are compelled by...” (331). Unselfing may be accomplished through self-criticism, but such a negative effort of ego-asceticism has its limits.

But to love is to be drawn out of our self-centered patterns toward some positive object that is other than oneself. Love thus has the same outward-pulling tendency as attention. And reciprocally, to attend to something fully is, in a sense, to love it.

Murdoch’s suggestion here is a bit obscure. May not my accomplishment of clear vision, through a patient and just attention, reveal something that is rightly to be hated? How then are we to suppose there is a natural kinship between love and attention? I believe her position becomes tenable if we provide a premise that is a bit elusive, appearing only fleetingly, in her own account: The good, which is lovable, is somehow fundamental, ontologically. If that is the case, attention that penetrates to this fundamental layer will reveal something lovable, even in the hateful. I will return to this question at the end.

Relieving the Burden of Choice Through Obedience to Reality

Murdoch provides philosophical ground for making sense of “the paradox of choice” (a term coined by Barry Schwartz and taken up in recent psychology). Psychologists find that a proliferation of choices makes people less satisfied with whatever choice they end up making. This is not surprising, if the crazy proliferation of choices under consumer capitalism is the public correlate of the bad philosophy Murdoch has identified: our identification of freedom with the ungrounded leaping about of the will. A false picture of the human situation can make people unhappy, in ways detectable by empirical psychology.

Murdoch writes, “If I attend properly I will have no choices and this is the ultimate condition to be aimed at.” This is the reverse of the behaviorist-existentialist prescription, which is that we should seek to increase our freedom by “conceptualizing as many different possibilities of action as possible.”

<blockquote>The ideal situation, on the contrary, is rather to be represented as a kind of ‘necessity’. This is something of which saints speak and which any artist will readily understand. The idea of a patient, loving regard, directed upon a person, a thing, a situation, presents the will not not as unimpeded movement but as something very much more like ‘obedience’. (331)

Will and reason then are not entirely separate faculties in the moral agent....As moral agents we have to try to see justly, to overcome prejudice, to avoid temptation, to control and curb imagination, to direct reflection. (332)</blockquote>

Great Art Is a Moral-Cognitive Accomplishment

“One of the great merits of the moral psychology which I am proposing is that it does not contrast art and morals, but shows them to be two aspects of a single struggle.” The existentialist-behaviorist view is tacit in what she calls “the familiar Kantian-Bloomsbury slogan” of “art for arts sake.” Murdoch finds such a view of art “intolerable.”

<blockquote>Goodness and beauty are not to be contrasted, but are largely part of the same structure. Plato, who tells us that beauty is the only spiritual thing which we love immediately by nature, treats the beautiful as the introductory section of the good. So that aesthetic situations are not so much analogies of morals as cases of morals. (332)</blockquote>

For the most part, contemporary theorists of art have banished the term “beauty” even from the domain of art. Perhaps that is because beauty points toward goodness in just the way Plato suggested, and intimations of such a connection must be suppressed if one is to remain metaphysically respectable. But what if respectability is here purchased at the cost of metaphysical cowardice?

The existentialist picture of choice is connected to a crypto-democratic view of art that can’t distinguish great art from the ordinary productions of ordinary artists, which exhibit the same distortions as our everyday consciousness.

<blockquote>Art presents the most comprehensible examples of the almost irresistible human tendency to seek consolation in fantasy and also of the effort to resist this and the vision of reality which comes with success. Success in fact is rare. Almost all art is a form of fantasy-consolation and few artists achieve the vision of the real. The talent of the artist can be readily, and is naturally, employed to produce a picture whose purpose is the consolation and aggrandisement of its author and the projection of his personal obsessions and wishes. To silence and expel self, to contemplate and delineate nature with a clear eye, is not easy and demands a moral discipline. A great artist is, in respect of his work, a good man, and, in the true sense, a free man. The consumer of art has an analogous task to its producer: to be disciplined enough to see as much reality in the work as the artist has succeeded in putting into it, and not to ‘use it as magic.’ The appreciation of beauty in art or nature is not only (for all its difficulties) the easiest available spiritual exercise; it is also a completely adequate entry into (and not just analogy of) the good life, since it is the checking of selfishness in the interest of seeing the real. Of course great artists are ‘personalities’ and have special styles; even Shakespeare occasionally, though very occasionally, reveals a personal obsession. But the greatest art is ‘impersonal’ because it shows us the world, our world and not another one, with a clarity which startles and delights us simply because we are not used to looking at the real world at all. (352)

    ...

    It is important too that great art teaches us how real things can be looked at and loved without being seized and used, without being appropriated into the greedy organism of the self. (353)

    ...

    If, still led by the clue of art, we ask further questions about the faculty which is supposed to relate us to what is real and thus bring us to what is good, the idea of compassion or love will be naturally suggested. It is not simply that suppression of self is required before accurate vision can be obtained. The great artist sees his objects (and this is true whether they are sad, absurd, repulsive or even evil) in a light of justice and mercy. The direction of attention is, contrary to nature, outward, away from self which reduces all to a false unity, towards the great surprising variety of the world, and the ability so to direct attention is love. (354)

    ...

    Good art “affords us a pure delight in the independent existence of what is excellent.” (370)

    ...

    “An understanding of any art involves a recognition of hierarchy and authority.... We surrender ourselves to [good art’s] authority with a love which is unpossessive and unselfish. (372)</blockquote>

I have reproduced these passages at length to show just how fertile is Murdoch’s use of art as a window onto the everyday challenges and aspirations that come with being the sort of creature who is attracted to what is excellent. This attraction is at the heart of our capacity for clarity (such as it is). In Platonic terms, the Good is that in light of which reality reveals itself, like the sun that illuminates the Earth.

Murdoch endorses this Platonic point while rejecting the existence of the Idea of the Good, if we mean that as “people used to think that God existed” (361). This statement occurs near the outset of the essay “On the Sovereignty of ‘Good’ Over Other Concepts.” Without fanfare, she takes it as a beginning point for her inquiry that human life has “no external point or telos” (364) and “there is no God” (365).

The Good/God Question

Here Murdoch becomes elusive and frustrating. I say that not as a believer who wishes to have a formidable secular thinker on side, but on grounds internal to her own thinking. Her entire argument through these three essays is teleological and makes frequent recourse to the idea of the transcendent as the necessary anchor for our aspiration to clarity. That aspiration is inseparable from our aspiration to excellence. The good, she says, is the “magnetic center of attraction” that provides direction and authority to our efforts. As a simple statement of psychological fact, this is recognizable and straightforward. Going deeper into any field of human endeavor reveals standards and degrees of excellence that were previously invisible to one as a novice. One’s standards get higher: there is little that is very good, and perhaps nothing that is perfect. Yet “the idea of perfection” produces “an increasing sense of direction” to any endeavor. “The idea of perfection moves, and possibly changes, us (as artist, worker, agent) because it inspires love in the part of us that is most worthy” (emphasis added). “The idea of perfection is also a natural producer of order. In its light we see that A, which superficially resembles B, is really better than B” (emphasis in original). And this occurs without us needing to have “the perfect” or “the good” pinned down. Indeed it can’t be pinned down. But this is not because the good is a mere projection of our preferences. It can’t be pinned down because the good “always lies beyond, and it is from this beyond that it exercises its authority” (emphasis in original). All of this from page 350.

Yet human life “has no external point or telos,” she says, bafflingly (364). It sometimes seems as though Murdoch is trying to re-invent the wheel while scrupulously abstaining from the use of a circle, and the result is flat contradiction. It will be said that her position has no contradiction it we take the good, and the idea of perfection, only as heuristics that carry some psychological utility. It is on such grounds that she entertains the efficaciousness of prayer and even sacraments. She is compelled to think about these practices by the rest of her argument. Let me briefly rehearse the steps by which she gets to a consideration of prayer.

Murdoch’s picture of the self is that of “an obscure system of energy out of which choices and visible acts will emerge at intervals in ways which are often unclear and often dependent on the state of the system in between moments of choice” (344). Hence the importance of training our attention, by way of forming “the system” and giving it a set, if you will. Given the naturally selfish tendencies of the system, and the limited efficacy of self-criticism and negative efforts of the will, it needs objects of love to pull it out of itself, the better to glimpse reality. The believer, she says, has an advantage in this. “The religious believer, especially if his God is conceived as a person, is in the fortunate position of being able to focus his thought upon something which is a source of energy” (345).

<blockquote>Prayer is properly not petition, but simply an attention to God which is a form of love. With it goes the idea of grace, of a supernatural assistance to human endeavor which overcomes empirical limitations of personality. What is this attention like, and can those who are not religious believers conceive of profiting by such an activity? (344)</blockquote>

Likewise, Murdoch sees the value of sacraments. “A sacrament provides an external visible place for an internal invisible act of the spirit” (356).

She quotes Wittgenstein with approval: “Not how the world is, but that it is, is the mystical.” This would seem to state an intuition that is perilously close to the idea that existence itself is a miracle.

Yet Murdoch labors valiantly to keep the God hypothesis at bay. The effort is worthwhile. Taking no shortcuts and availing herself not at all of the theological tradition, by her model she challenges the complacency of believers for whom received dogma may short-circuit the work of reflection by which religious experience (like experience altogether) is deepened. But at some point, her persistence in rejecting God, while invoking religious practices and relying on religious concepts, itself begins to look dogmatic. Or like a case of someone taking the principle of parsimony to the point of vacating her own logic. As Einstein said, “Everything should be made as simple as possible. And no simpler.”

Or perhaps hers is a case of intellectual scruples overdeveloped to the point of spiritual blockage, a prudish fear of flying. One wants to say to her, “My dear Iris. Live a little. Take a gamble.” One of the stock opinions of atheists is that belief in God is a consolation for the weak, who lack the courage to face a universe that does not care for human beings. But an inflection can occur in one’s perception (and it certainly feels like a case of seeing further, more clearly, in my own case) after which this looks not courageous but anxious and self-protective, in the way of a man whose dignity rests on making sure he is not duped. Or who wishes not to be in anyone’s debt and therefore refuses a gift for fear it will compromise him. This is ill-mannered.

As it happens, the occasion for my re-reading of these essays (I previously encountered them twenty years ago, as an atheist) was that my wife Marilyn and I hosted a Lent reading group devoted to them, for members of our parish. Toward the end of our sessions, Marilyn wondered if Murdoch’s theological inhibition may stem from a fear of being loved, because it entails being fully known.

Murdoch recognizes the psychological utility of an imagined “God” as an object of love. But what if this God really is other to the self, and loves us back? On Murdoch’s own account, it is in and through love that one perceives most fully. To be on the receiving end of this, to be fully known—even the number of hairs on one’s head—by a God that is the real source of Good is to take an existential risk that few modern thinkers can abide.

Yet such a hypothesis would make compelling a key intuition of Murdoch’s which, in her own treatment of it, remains mysterious. Namely, that a full and just attention – to anything at all – will reveal something to be loved. Even (as for St. Francis) the pus-filled wounds of the leper. This begins to make sense if the world and everything in it was made by an intelligence who acted out of love.

Suppose all is atoms, as the materialist says. That there should be such a thing as an atom is surely miracle enough: a nucleus, around which dance electrons that are particles and yet also waves, an ensemble of actuality that remains open to possibility. If substance itself is properly an object of wonder, gratitude and love, Murdoch‘s argument is completed."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aphyr.com/posts/411-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess">
    <title>The Future of Everything is Lies, I Guess</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-15T07:06:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aphyr.com/posts/411-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is a long article, so I'm breaking it up into a series of posts which will be released over the next few days. You can also read the full work as a PDF [https://aphyr.com/data/posts/411/the-future-of-everything-is-lies.pdf ] or EPUB [https://aphyr.com/data/posts/411/the-future-of-everything-is-lies.epub ]; these files will be updated as each section is released.

Introduction https://aphyr.com/posts/411-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess

Dynamics
https://aphyr.com/posts/412-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-dynamics

Culture
https://aphyr.com/posts/413-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-culture

Information Ecology
https://aphyr.com/posts/414-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-information-ecology

Annoyances
https://aphyr.com/posts/415-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-annoyances

Psychological Hazards
https://aphyr.com/posts/416-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-psychological-hazards

Safety
https://aphyr.com/posts/417-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-safety

Work
https://aphyr.com/posts/418-the-future-of-everything-is-lies-i-guess-work

New Roles for Humans


Where Do We Go From Here"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mcN1VTTIjQs">
    <title>Claude Mythos is Delusional - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-12T21:38:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mcN1VTTIjQs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Meet the new AI model with its own therapist. 

Sources: 

https://www.anthropic.com/glasswing 

https://techcrunch.com/2019/02/17/openai-text-generator-dangerous/ "]]></description>
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    <title>We finally know what ChatGPT is for - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-12T21:16:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TJEnNc5NjY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As an AI language model, I'm not able to-just kidding take off your pants. 

Sources: 

https://www.wsj.com/tech/ai/openai-adult-mode-chatgpt-f9e5fc1a

https://techcrunch.com/2025/10/27/openai-says-over-a-million-people-talk-to-chatgpt-about-suicide-weekly/

https://sfstandard.com/2025/11/04/sam-altman-steve-kerr-san-francisco-talk/

https://nypost.com/2025/11/08/us-news/openai-ceo-sam-altman-served-subpoena-onstage-during-san-francisco-talk/

https://openai.com/index/expert-council-on-well-being-and-ai/

https://x.com/sama/status/1978129344598827128

https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2026/03/chatgpt-may-soon-become-sexy-suicide-coach-openai-advisor-reportedly-warned/

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/26/technology/chatgpt-openai-suicide.html?partner=slack&smid=sl-share 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deaths_linked_to_chatbots

https://futurism.com/artificial-intelligence/chatgpt-suicide-openai-gpt4o

https://www.ainvest.com/news/openai-14-billion-2026-loss-burn-priced-2603/

https://www.engadget.com/ai/openais-adult-mode-reportedly-wont-generate-pornographic-audio-images-or-video-150744035.html

https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/anthropic-rejects-pentagons-ai-demands-00802554  "]]></description>
<dc:subject>mobitar 2026 ai artificialintelligence chatgpt samaltam opeanai mentalhealth policy technology safety pornography wellness psychology suicide aipsychosis anthropic llms</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://nautil.us/theres-no-homunculus-in-our-brain-who-guides-us-237709">
    <title>There’s No Homunculus In Our Brain Who Guides Us - Nautilus</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-11T05:49:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nautil.us/theres-no-homunculus-in-our-brain-who-guides-us-237709</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why the cognitive-map theory is misguided."

...

"In the early 1980s, the psychologist Harry Heft put a 16 mm camera in the back of a sports car and made a movie. It consisted of a continuous shot of a residential neighborhood in Granville, Ohio, where Heft was a professor at Denison University. It didn’t have a plot or actors, but it did have a simple narrative: The car started moving at 5 miles per hour and made nine turns from one street to another and then came to a stop after traveling just under a mile. Heft then edited the film into two different movies. One showed just the vistas along the route, the expansive layout of environmental features, such as a group of houses or trees seen from a distance. The second film showed the transitions of the route, the parts between each vista where the view is occluded by, say, a turn in the road or the crest of a hill. He asked the study’s participants to watch either of the films and then brought them in person to the start of the route. Who would be able to find their way to the end? Were vistas or transitions more important to the process of what he called wayfinding, a form of navigation based on the perception of temporally structured visual information?1

At the time, the dominant theory in psychology for how people find their way was the cognitive map, which posits that humans and many animals create representations of the environment in the brain that they use to navigate the world. These representations are thought to be “allocentric,” meaning they are independent of an individual’s “egocentric” point of view and show the spatial relationship of objects and landmarks to one other, allowing people to create novel shortcuts. Heft wasn’t sure what the results would be but he was sure that however the study’s participants found their way, they weren’t using cognitive maps. “I don’t think there is such a thing as a cognitive map,” Heft told me in 2017. “Cognitive maps are products of what we know of the layout of the environment. But they are not the basis of our knowledge.”

The cognitive-map theory has inspired decades of experiments and become a ubiquitous and widely used concept. Edward Tolman, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, introduced the concept in a famous 1948 paper “Cognitive Maps of Rats and Men.” Three decades later, the neuroscientist John O’Keefe tried to put an electrode in the amygdala of a rat but inserted it instead into the hippocampus, the bilateral brain region deep in the temporal lobe, critical to memory formation. O’Keefe’s instrument began recording the firing pattern of a single cell that strangely seemed to correspond to the rat’s physical location in space. For O’Keefe, these “place” cells were evidence that the hippocampus was the site of Tolman’s cognitive map.

But the cognitive map has also been called the theory that refuses to die. The idea that there is an innate geometric representation of the environment in our brains has dissenters in brain science, anthropology, and psychology. As the neuroscientist Richard Morris points out in The Hippocampus Book, maps are things that people look at to extract information. “Adopting this term for the neural activity of a region of the brain seems to carry with it the mental baggage that there must be some cryptic homunculus that is ‘looking at’ the map to do likewise,” he wrote.2 There is no mechanistic explanation of how humans extract information from this map but because the map is such an easily understood concept, it lives on as a “beguiling metaphor.”
WAYFARER: Anthropologist Tim Ingold dismisses the idea that our brains contain maps that orient us in the space around us. Rather, he attests, we are wayfarers whose knowledge of the world is “forged in movement.”Dmitry Molchanov / Shutterstock

Heft’s film experiment led to interesting results. People who only watched the film of the route’s vistas had the worst navigational accuracy. Those participants who viewed the film of transitions had the highest, greater than even those who viewed the movie of the entire route. Heft concluded that sequences of transitions are incredibly valuable for learning a route. But his subsequent experiments showed that time was also crucial for absorbing this information. If participants merely saw still images of the transitions, rather than watching the film moving through space, their ability to walk the route decreased. Heft began to see the process of wayfinding as a kind of reciprocal interaction between the perceiver and environmental structure, a continuous loop of perceiving and acting across time.

For Heft, the dominance of the cognitive-map theory has prevented a deeper understanding of human navigation. His own interest in the subject goes back to the 1970s when he read a book called The Senses Considered as Perceptual Systems. Written by the psychologist James Gibson, the book argued that humans could directly perceive the world through ecological information rather than assemble our sensory inputs into mental representations. The book was a revelation for Heft, who wrote to Gibson and asked if he could informally study under him at Cornell University. Gibson said yes. At the time, Gibson was working on a new book, The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception, in which he talked about wayfinding and how it consists of a sequence of transitions—the stretches of connected sequences over time—that connect vistas.

    Our ability to formulate cognitive maps arises from our constant exposure to actual maps, starting as kids.

The theory of wayfinding doesn’t negate the idea that most people can generate and use a mental map to get from A to B. Gibson believed that by following paths, the navigator can perceive the overall structure of the environment. But he thought that “it is not so much having a bird’s eye view of the terrain as it is being everywhere at once,” a somewhat mysterious concept that seems to indicate we can transport ourselves mentally to any starting point in the environment and create a novel route to where we want to go.3

But culture more than biology may explain how easily we can create map-like representations of space in our heads. Maps, Heft points out, are a cultural invention with a specific sociocultural history in Western traditions. He asks, “Is there something characteristic about Western cultural history that might have recently led to our taking Euclidean reasoning … as springing from our biological nature?” Heft points to the spread of coordinate mapping in the 14th century, inspired by the Greek mathematician Claudius Ptolemy’s Geographia, an atlas containing geographical coordinates for the Roman Empire and the world. This coincided with the invention of three-dimensional “Cartesian” space in the 17th century, the idea that space is not hierarchical (heaven, earth, hell) but can be divided into a stable, geometric planes. In the west, these two cultural developments led to an explosion in mapping, often in the service of exploration and colonization. And, it may also have conditioned people’s cognition in favor of allocentric representations of space.

“By merging these two lines of sociocultural history—map making and conceptions of space—our cultural tradition is provided with a very powerful way of thinking about environments for navigational purposes,” Heft wrote. “What results is an abstract framework that, among other things, makes it possible to adopt a point of view that is not normally attainable for a terrestrial organism, namely, a view of the earth’s surface as seen from ‘above,’ as if it were a cartographic map.”4

Today, our ability to formulate cognitive maps may have much to do with our constant exposure to actual maps starting as young children and throughout our daily lives. Just as maps are a navigational tool favored by our map-saturated culture, they have also become a conceptual model for understanding navigation and cognition, the reason why Tolman and so many others reached to the map metaphor for understanding how we find our way.

The cognitive-map theory prioritizes spatial knowledge whereas the idea of wayfinding emphasizes the temporal dimension of human experience. The anthropologist Tim Ingold, a professor of anthropology at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, has said that there is no such thing as the cognitive map. Ingold’s and others’ explanation for how people navigate has been called the “practical-mastery theory,” which posits that navigation is a process of memorizing routes encoded in temporally organized sequences. For this reason, Ingold and others often emphasize the metaphor of listening to a piece of music, humming a tune, or a performance for navigating. Additionally, Ingold argues that what he calls “wayfaring,” the movement of terrestrial beings through the world along paths of travel, knowing as they go rather than before they go, is the more apt description of navigating. The term “space” itself, says Ingold, fails to accurately capture the realities of life and human experience. Instead, he writes, we are organisms inhabiting environments whose knowledge of the world is “forged in movement.” It’s us that bring places into being, rather than places existing in the abstract and empty notion of “space.”5

    The dominance of the cognitive-map theory has prevented a deeper understanding of human navigation.

Some skeptics of the cognitive-map theory came not from psychology or anthropology but from neuroscience. Howard Eichenbaum, a professor at Boston University until his untimely death in 2017, was a neuroscientist who studied the hippocampus and its function recording events for episodic memory, the remembrance of events from the past.6 He argued that the hippocampus functioned more in concert with time than space. He saw navigation as a memory task, involving the recording of sequences and events in time rather than computing relationships in Euclidean space. His experiments looking at the activity of hippocampal cells led him to think these cells “mapped” other dimensions of human experience. “Spatial cognition need not be Euclidean or linear,” he told me before he passed. “In children, it is very non-linear, they leave out stuff, expand spaces, do crazy stuff.” According to him, the evidence pointed to the idea that the hippocampus wasn’t a specialized spatial structure but had the ability to organize things in a temporal dimension and also “social space” or “musical space.” “It’s constructing spaces and navigating spaces that are not geographic space,” he said. “And that to me proves the generality of the hippocampus. The more I can show you, the less tenable the hippocampus as cognitive-map theory becomes.”

As our understanding of human cognition and particularly the hippocampus broadens, perhaps we’ll need to reach for new, unexpected metaphors to understand how we move through the world. The scholar Ruth Dalton and her co-authors recently wrote in Frontiers in Psychology that wayfinding draws upon many types of cognitive functions, but that it is also a social activity that involves collaboration between people, people-as-cues, symbolic artifacts, and communication.7 In Dalton’s analysis of all the ways that people influence one another’s wayfinding processes, she found that “these contributions are extensive and intricate in nature, and that their oversight thus far has distorted our understanding of wayfinding processes.”

Reaching beyond the cognitive map metaphor opens up new possibilities and ways of thinking about our direct experience. The next time you need to get somewhere, ignore the metaphor of a map in your head. Perhaps you’ll notice the ways that memory, perception, community, imagination, language, reasoning, decision-making, and emotion work together to get to your destination or back home. Maybe you’ll find that wayfinding leads to deep attachments between you and the environment you inhabit.

M.R. O’Connor is the author of Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World, from which portions of this article are adapted. Her reporting has appeared in The New Yorker, The Washington Post, and UnDark, among others.

References

1. Heft, H. Way-finding as the perception of information over time. Population and Environment 6, 133–150 (1983); Heft, H. The role of environmental features in route-learning: Two exploratory studies of way-finding. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior 3, 172–185 (1979).

2. Andersen, P., Morris, R., Amaral, D., Bliss, T., & O’Keefe, J. (Eds.) The Hippocampus Book Oxford University Press (2007).

3. Heft H. The Ecological Approach to Navigation: A Gibsonian Perspective. In: Portugali J. (Ed.) The Construction of Cognitive Maps The GeoJournal Library, vol 32. Springer, Dordrecht (1996).

4. Heft, H. Environment, cognition, and culture: Reconsidering the cognitive map. Journal of Environmental Psychology 33, 14-25 (2013).

5. Ingold, T. Against space: place, movement, knowledge. In Kirby, P.W. (Ed.), Boundless Worlds: An Anthropological Approach to Movement Berghahn Books, Oxford, United Kingdom (2009).

6. Eichenbaum H. On the integration of space, time, and memory. Neuron 95, 1007–1018 (2017).

7. Dalton, R.C., Hölscher, C., & Montello, D.R. Wayfinding as a social activity. Frontiers in Psychology 10, 142 (2019).

8. Istomin, K.V. & Dwyer, M.J. Finding the way: A critical discussion of anthropological theories of human spatial orientation with reference to reindeer herders of Northeastern Europe and Western Siberia. Current Anthropology 50, 29-49 (2009)."]]></description>
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    <title>Why did childhood summers feel endless? | Popular Science</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-10T02:38:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.popsci.com/science/why-childhood-summers-felt-longer/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s not just nostalgia—your brain was actually experiencing time differently."]]></description>
<dc:subject>time childhood children 2026 psychology perception marcwittmann memory age aging</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/04/13/sam-altman-may-control-our-future-can-he-be-trusted">
    <title>Sam Altman May Control Our Future—Can He Be Trusted? | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-06T19:08:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/04/13/sam-altman-may-control-our-future-can-he-be-trusted</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["New interviews and closely guarded documents shed light on the persistent doubts about the head of OpenAI."

[via:

"Sam Altman is “unconstrained by truth.”
https://www.theverge.com/ai-artificial-intelligence/907421/sam-altman-is-unconstrained-by-truth

A long, and at times funny, report in The New Yorker on Altman’s will to power, people-pleasing, and alleged pattern of deceit, compiled from notes, memos, and more than 100 interviews. Altman’s reputation has given rise to grimmer rumors – hiring sex workers, the sexual pursuit of minors, even involvement in murder – that The New Yorker found no evidence for. Increasingly, the question is not whether computers are intelligent but whether OpenAI’s leadership is."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson">
    <title>Millennials Are Killing Capitalism: The Revolt Eclipses Whatever The World Has to Offer with Idris Robinson</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:20:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we are joined by Idris Robinson to unpack his book, The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer [https://massivebookshop.com/products/9781635902433?_pos=1&_sid=db620e222&_ss=r ], a searing meditation on race, revolt, civil war, and the psychic wreckage of American life.

Reflecting on the 2020 uprisings, Robinson challenges the myth of Black leadership, reframes racial violence through the lens of a “morbid libidinal economy,” and argues that revolution is as much a transformation of the human spirit as it is a political event. Drawing on the legacies of Black insurgency, Robinson interrogates liberalism, identity politics, and the hollowing out of American cities—while pondering on what it would take to make life human again in a society built to dehumanize. He argues that racial violence, especially spectacular acts of white supremacist brutality. cannot be adequately explained by frameworks like identity politics, intersectionality, or privilege theory. Instead, these acts emerge from repressed desires and psychic forces intrinsic to white supremacy. The 2020 uprisings, in this sense, exposed both emancipatory and repressive violence rooted in these deeper libidinal dynamics.

Robinson also reflects on his personal trajectory, from Occupy Wall Street through development as a theorist, where he grounds his meditation on revolt as humanizing forces. He argues that American capitalism produces profound isolation, psychic damage, and undead social beings, hollowed out by commodification. Uprisings momentarily restore humanity by breaking atomization and re‑creating collective meaning.
 
On strategy, Robinson challenges traditional socialist models of seizing the “means of production,” arguing instead that modern revolt must focus on logistics and infrastructure: transport hubs, electrical grids, supply chains, and urban circulation. He emphasizes blockades, control of space, and understanding the built environment as key to sustaining insurrection in a post‑industrial economy. We devote substantial attention to Robinson’s provocative argument that civil war is not a future possibility but a current condition in the United States. Drawing on classical theory, Black radical thought, and historical analogy, he frames civil war as the collision of public (political) and private (libidinal, racial, familial) spheres. While acknowledging its violence and trauma, Robinson argues that fracture and decentralization may paradoxically make revolutionary transformation more achievable, pointing to Reconstruction after the U.S. Civil War as the most emancipatory period in American history.

Idris Robinson is a philosopher from the New York hinterlands. For over a decade, he has written extensively on crisis and revolt. He is the author of The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer (MIT Press / Semiotext(e)) and Escritos desde la tierra baldía (Irrupción Ediciones). He is currently an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Texas State University, where he is completing a monograph-length study on the progression of Ludwig Wittgenstein’s philosophy. He is currently undergoing a legal battle with TSU after the school violated his constitutional rights by ending his contract after he gave an off-campus Pro-Palestine talk [https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine ]. 
 
If you like what we do and want to support our ability to have more conversations like this. Please consider becoming a Patron at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. You can do so for as little as a 1 Dollar a month. 
 
Links:

Order the book from Massive Bookshop
https://massivebookshop.com/pages/about-us

IdrisRobinson.me 
https://idrisrobinson.me/

About Idris Robinson's case against Texas State University
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine

Support Idris Robinson's Legal Fund
https://www.givesendgo.com/GKRFR "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/how-the-hypercuriosity-of-adhd-may-have-helped-humans-thrive">
    <title>How the hypercuriosity of ADHD may have helped humans thrive | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-30T20:58:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/how-the-hypercuriosity-of-adhd-may-have-helped-humans-thrive</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["ADHD isn’t merely a dysfunction. It’s best understood as an impulsive motivational drive for novel information"]]></description>
<dc:subject>adhd curiosity psychology 2026 anne-laurecunff neuroscience neurodiversity cognition intelligence</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=suecLU2nN-w">
    <title>Red Hot Chili Peppers' Flea | JCCSF - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T17:27:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=suecLU2nN-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Acid for the Children 
With Joel Selvin

Los Angeles street rat turned world-famous rock star Flea, the iconic bassist and co-founder of the Red Hot Chili Peppers, tells his fascinating origin story, complete with dizzying highs and gutter lows. In his new book, Acid for the Children, Flea offers a deeply personal and revealing tour of his formative years, spanning Australia, the New York City suburbs and, finally, Los Angeles. Hear about the experiences that forged him as an artist, a musician and a young man, and explore the gritty, glorious life of LA in the 1970s and ’80s, bursting with potential for fun, danger, mayhem and inspiration around every corner. It is here that young Flea, hoping to escape a turbulent home, found family in a community of musicians, artists and junkies who also lived on the fringe. He spent most of his time partying and committing petty crimes. But it was in music where he found a place to channel his frustration, loneliness and love. This left him open to the life-changing moment when he and his soul brother and partner-in-mischief came up with the idea to start their own band."]]></description>
<dc:subject>flea rhcp redhotcilipeppers 2019 writing howwewrite courage humility childhood howwethink books reading howweread literarture tonimorrison joelselvin process music loneliness love memoirs honesty reflection yearning jazz yukiomishima milesdavis punk hardcore sanfrancisco suffering pain hillelslovak aging aginggracefully reinvention dukeellington self-love prayer spirituality religion philosophy relationships intimacy meditation rimbaud thinking thoughtlessness enlightenment beauty art forgiveness happiness positivity resentment bitterness gratitude psychology literature</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/03/30/strikingly-similar-roger-kreuz-book-review">
    <title>How Bad Is Plagiarism, Really? | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-26T06:35:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/03/30/strikingly-similar-roger-kreuz-book-review</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From ancient Rome to the era of A.I., people have prized originality, but the line where influence ends and cribbing begins is notoriously blurry."

[via:
https://social.ayjay.org/2026/03/25/anthony-lane-i-remember-listening.html 

quoting:

"I remember listening to “Bedtime Stories,” Madonna’s 1994 album, and being surprised by a moony track called “Love Tried to Welcome Me,” which contains the lines “But my soul drew back, / Guilty of lust and sin.” This is an unacknowledged but unmistakable nod to George Herbert, one of the most enduring religious poets of the early seventeenth century, who wrote a magnificent poem that begins “Love bade me welcome: yet my soul drew back, / Guilty of dust and sin.” How Herbert, who was an Anglican priest of surpassing gentleness, might have felt about being quoted, three and a half centuries later, by somebody with a Catholic name and a conical bra we shall, alas, never know. The most gratifying irony is that, in changing the mortally ashen “dust” to the cheaper and more obvious “lust,” Madonna proved only that Herbert wrote better lyrics than she did, and I can’t help wishing that she had turned to him more often for guidance both verbal and spiritual. Papa does preach."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/mar/13/chinamaxxing-social-media-trend-gen-z-china-us">
    <title>The kill line v Chinamaxxing: a window into how China and the US see each other | China | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T05:10:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/mar/13/chinamaxxing-social-media-trend-gen-z-china-us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In China, one social media trend hangs on the idea that a life in the US is always one step from disaster, while another in the US has gen Z revelling in Chinese lifestyle hacks"

...

"Across two online worlds that are normally splintered, over the last few months there has been a mirroring of sorts. On TikTok and Instagram, young people are diving into the joys of Chinese culture – from drinking hot water to playing mahjong – all under the banner of “Chinamaxxing”. On the Chinese internet, however, the US is losing its decades-long grip on soft power, and is instead being replaced by a darker trend: the kill line.

The kill line is a dangerous place to be. In gaming, the term refers to the point at which a player’s strength is so depleted that one more blow could lead to total wipeout. In China, the term refers to the risks that come with daily life in the US.

In recent months, the Chinese media has been flooded with discussion of the so-called “kill line” that exists in US society. The social media posts, news articles, podcasts and blogs describe a vision of the US as a dystopian capitalist hell. One video shared by a state-run account on RedNote shows a homeless man talking about how he used to earn a six-figure salary. (The post claims that the video comes from the US and that the man earned $450,000; in fact the clip is taken from an old video about homelessness on the streets of London).

Another case that has gone viral is that of Tylor Chase, a former Nickelodeon star who was recently spotted homeless on the streets of California. One Chinese news presenter said: “Tylor’s fate confirms the existence of a ‘kill line’ in American society where the middle class plummets into the underclass … This ‘kill line’ exposes America’s dual nature: the winners achieve ultimate success, while the losers fall into an abyss from which there is no return.”

In total, hashtags related to the US “kill line” have been viewed more than 600m times on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform.

Chinese propaganda has long cast the west as a land of poverty and depravity. On one day in 1968, during the early years of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese Communist party’s official newspaper, People’s Daily, published no less than three articles describing the US as some version of hell, blighted by widespread famine and an elite class of billionaire “bloodsuckers”. One described the US simply as: “A paradise for the rich, a hell for the poor”.

But regular people tended nonetheless to view the US as a land of opportunity and prosperity, especially after China started opening up in the 1980s and there was a greater flow of information between the two countries.

In late 2025, that changed.

The latest trend started in November, when a Chinese student living in Seattle posted a five-hour stream to the Chinese video-sharing website BiliBili. In the video, which has since attracted more than 3m views, he describes seeing hungry children at Halloween and the harsh realities of life for disadvantaged people in the world’s biggest economy. Soon, the term “kill line” took on a life of its own.

In January, the Chinese Communist party’s official theoretical journal, Qiushi, published a commentary that stated the kill line “reveals the structural economic fragility of American society”. A few weeks later, a Chinese state media journalist asked the US treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, repeatedly about the so-called kill line at Davos. Bessent, confused, talked up Trump’s economic policy before saying: “I don’t understand the question.”

“For quite a long time we know that China has been looking up to the US, regardless of the official rhetoric,” says Wang Haolan, a research associate at the Asia society in New York. But a host of events – from the 2008 economic crisis to the election of Donald Trump to the US’s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic – has turned that admiration into a curiosity about the “turmoil” in the country, Wang says.

Ren Yi, an influential nationalist commentator who blogs under the name Chairman Rabbit, says the re-election of Trump and the US-China trade war are the most important reasons for Chinese people’s plummeting regard for the US. “Chinese people are much more critical of the US now. Their attitude toward America has been shifting constantly, which is closely linked to the changing balance of power between the two nations,” Ren says.

According to Ren, while China does have poverty problems, social and cultural factors mean that people are unlikely to end up on the streets. “In China, you can always get support from both close and extended family, you always have someone to help you.” Chinese people looking at the problems in the US “don’t understand it”.

Homelessness in the US is a growing problem. In 2024, there were more than 771,000 people experiencing homelessness, an 18% increase on the previous year and a record high, according to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, a non-profit organisation based in Washington DC.

In China, the problem is harder to quantify because the internal passport system, called the hukou, counts people based on where they are registered – usually at birth – rather than where they live. Millions of domestic migrants live in crowded and unsanitary accommodation on the fringes of big cities, often floating between dormitories depending on their jobs, but they would not be officially counted as homeless.

Severe destitution is hidden from public view, while the government’s success at eradicating extreme poverty – a milestone that China’s president, Xi Jinping, said was reached in 2021 – is frequently promoted in the official narrative.

Many Chinese people see some truth in the idea that the possibility of a total social catastrophe is more likely in the US than China.

But while internet users in China are gawking at the idea of a US riven by poverty and chaos, for their American counterparts it is quite the opposite. With “Chinamaxxing”, American teenagers are revelling in traditional Chinese lifestyle hacks such as drinking hot water or wearing slippers indoors. The trend’s slogan? “You’ve met me at a very Chinese time in my life”.

The Chinese government is lapping this up. Beijing is on a tourism drive, relaxing visa requirements for visitors from many European countries, including most recently the UK. Influencers willing to tell a rosy story about the most appealing aspects of life in China – while skirting over more sensitive topics like human rights and political oppression – have been welcomed with open arms. Meanwhile, in the US, a country which, unlike China, for the most part allows journalists to freely report on the worst aspects of society as well as the best, its government’s most thuggish behaviouris being broadcast to audiences of millions, damaging its global reputation.

A useful distraction?

Some commentators see the kill line meme as being a way for Chinese people to vent about, or distract from, their own frustrations at home. Nearly one in five young people aged 16-24 are unemployed, according to official statistics, with some economists estimating that the true level could be much higher. Low wages and sluggish growth have given rise to an era of economic pessimism that the government is keen to combat. Promoting the supposed “kill line” that exists in the US could be one helpful distraction.

“China currently has various social problems of its own, but by publicising that the west is also doing poorly – or even suggesting that the west is worse than China – creates an image that provides people with a sense of psychological comfort,” says Wang Qingmin, a Chinese writer who lives in Germany. “Someone who might have originally been critical of the Chinese government may, after seeing these problems in western society, shift toward a more positive attitude.”

Some people “find positive energy by observing the misery of people in the US”, Ren says.

Commentators who have tried to draw a more explicit link between the kill line meme and China’s domestic problems have been swiftly censored.

In an essay that was later deleted, the legal blogger Li Yuchen wrote that US-bashing nationalism had become a lucrative niche for influencers. “It doesn’t solve any of your problems – your stocks won’t recover, your mortgage won’t decrease by a single penny,” Li wrote. Such content is like “a cheap dose of ‘patriotic aphrodisiac’”.

Henry Gao, a professor at Singapore Management University Yong Pung How School of Law, says the official promotion of the so-called US “kill line” suggests that the Chinese government is trying to deflect from economic problems at home.

“This is a recurring pattern in China, where attention is often diverted toward perceived issues in other countries whenever significant internal challenges arise – with the United States typically being the first target,” Gao said."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/what-does-extreme-wealth-do-to-the-brain.html">
    <title>What Does Extreme Wealth Do to the Brain?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T07:11:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/what-does-extreme-wealth-do-to-the-brain.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The ultrarich divulge how money bent their reality (and whether they even noticed)."

[archived:
https://archive.is/nfeEK ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>billionaires wealth inequality psychology 2026 lanebrown behavior gender</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theverge.com/tldr/897566/marc-andreessen-is-a-philosophical-zombie">
    <title>Marc Andreessen is a philosophical zombie | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T04:28:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/tldr/897566/marc-andreessen-is-a-philosophical-zombie</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Silicon Valley innovates again!"

[archived:
https://archive.is/FjFtH ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>elizabethlopatto marcandreessen 2026 siliconvalley philosophy davidchalmers descartes staugustine augustine saintaugustine nickchater thomasfriedman a16z andreessenhorowitz chatgpt ai artificialintelligence consciousness psychology freud</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/03/11/on-labels-and-kids-and.html">
    <title>Sara Hendren - on labels and kids and schools</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-12T04:38:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/03/11/on-labels-and-kids-and.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I need to write a long post about the many parents I know who come to me for advice about accepting an ADHD/related dx and the requisite IEP or 504 bureaucracy for their very average kids. It’s a well-meaning move from all parties to “do everything we can to help” by intervening. But the longitudinal data on labels [https://sites.ucmerced.edu/files/laura-hamilton/files/metzgerhamiltonadhd.pdf ] is pretty damning and on medication [https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2023/0300/lown-right-care-adhd-overdiagnosis.html ] is mixed at best. Again: good intentions from everyone. But parents need to be ruthlessly honest with themselves: Will intervening and saddling kids with labels really enhance the child’s school experience? Or will it salve a parent’s need to have a self-concept of Good Parent, one who Fights for the Child? Or will it solve a teacher’s (sometimes justified) need to have an optimized classroom? Those questions have very different protagonists. So much of parenting requires tolerating the inner uncertainty about how to attend closely to one’s individual children, including the attendance that is the most challenging and vital: watching, listening, and waiting."]]></description>
<dc:subject>sarahendren labels children parenting schools ieps bureaucracy 2026 medication medicine adhd schooling psychology education</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iUyQyfz_gtE">
    <title>You've Been Lied to About Addiction | The Gray Area - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T00:14:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iUyQyfz_gtE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Addiction is one of those words that seems obvious until you try to explain it. We tend to fall back on two simple stories. Either addiction is a moral failure or it’s a brain disease that robs people of agency entirely. But neither of those stories feels complete.

Today’s guest is philosopher Hanna Pickard, author of What Would You Do Alone in a Cage With Nothing But Cocaine? Pickard argues that it’s a harmful mistake to treat addiction as either sin or sickness. Instead, it’s a form of behavior that’s shaped by trauma, isolation, identity, social conditions, and often deep psychological pain.

Sean and Hanna talk about her theory of addiction and why our society has built the cage that so many people are trying to escape.

Host: Sean Illing (@SeanIlling)
Guest: Hanna Pickard, author of What Would You Do Alone in a Cage With Nothing But Cocaine?

YouTube Chapter Titles
5:08 Writing about addiction
8:44 Defining addiction
15:23 Wanting something vs. being addicted
20:15 Agency and responsibility
31:15 Untangling blame and responsibility
38:33 Support structures and accountability"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/psychopathy-is-a-zombie-idea-why-does-it-cling-on">
    <title>Psychopathy is a zombie idea. Why does it cling on? | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-04T03:55:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/psychopathy-is-a-zombie-idea-why-does-it-cling-on</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Virtually everything you think you know about psychopathy has been thoroughly debunked. Why does this zombie idea live on?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FRxBCd4q9Lc">
    <title>Why modern life is designed to keep you anxious — and what to do about it | The Gray Area - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-03T06:43:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FRxBCd4q9Lc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We use the word “anxiety” to describe stress, dread, worry, panic, even vibes. Which just goes to show: We really don’t know what anxiety is, or where it comes from, or what we’re supposed to do with it.

Today’s guest is philosopher Samir Chopra, author of Anxiety: A Philosophical Guide. Chopra argues that anxiety is a permanent feature of being human and the price of being a free, self-conscious creature in an uncertain world. Sean and Samir talk about the difference between fear and anxiety, why modern life seems engineered to keep us on edge, and what Buddhism, existentialism, and Freud can teach us about the anxious mind.

Host: Sean Illing (@SeanIlling)
Guest: Samir Chopra, author of Anxiety: A Philosophical Guide

1:22 What is anxiety?
9:30 Are we an anxious generation?
13:05 Buddhism and anxiety
18:55 Acceptance vs. resignation
22:05 The existentialist view on anxiety
26:50 Freud and the psychoanalytic view of anxiety
30:23 How can philosophy help you with anxiety?
31:56 Practical advice for dealing with anxiety"

[Lauren Berland, affect theory, and cruel optimism not mentioned within, but I was thinking of all that as I listened, so those tags are for that.]]]></description>
<dc:subject>seanilling thegrayarea 2026 samirchopra anxiety philosophy buddhism acceptance stress worry dread fear life living interdependence interconnected interconnectedness existentialism freud resignation consciousness psychology finance panic vibes time presence future human humanism curiosity control change everythingchanges modernity humans parenting thinking howwethink wonder awe terror freedom activism problemsolving uncertainty complextity inquiry emotions society affect crueloptimism affecttheory mind signalanxiety power loss relationships love hope security suffering outdoors prescribingnature death dying social embodiement boides mindfulness culture sublime present mysticism beauty selflessness objects</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://yourbrainonmoney.substack.com/p/low-trust-society-cost">
    <title>The Hidden Tax of Living in a Low-Trust Society: How Collapsed Trust Costs You Money</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T23:14:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://yourbrainonmoney.substack.com/p/low-trust-society-cost</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Late-stage capitalism built a low-trust society, and it's an economic disaster"

...

"we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds."

...

"Every woman I know Googles a man before a first date. Not a quick Instagram lookup. A minor background investigation. Full name into Google. LinkedIn. Instagram. Screenshot his profile and send it to a group chat. (This is how we got the “Are we dating the same guy?” groups.)

It’s a sort of reflexive action, the way you check the weather before leaving the house. It feels like common sense, the bare minimum of due diligence before sitting across from a stranger at a bar.

I check reviews before I buy anything over $50. I read the one-star reviews first, because I assume the five-star ones might be fake. I check multiple browsers before buying plane tickets because I’ve heard the prices change based on your search history. (Do they? It’s not 100% confirmed, but I’ve written about surveillance pricing too many times to not be suspicious.)

I don’t think any of this makes me paranoid. I think it makes me normal. Everyone I know does some version of this.

This is tax you pay for living in a society that doesn’t trust itself.

There’s a particular kind of exhaustion that comes from living in a society where you can’t take anything at face value. Not the price on the label, not the job listing, not the product review, not the terms of the contract. You develop a permanent squint — a low-grade suspicion that hums beneath every transaction, every interaction, every click.

We tend to talk about trust as a social or political problem. Declining trust in institutions, in government, in each other — these are the subjects of concerned op-eds and Pew Research surveys. And they should be.

But the erosion of trust is also an economic problem. And the economic system we’ve built — one that rewards extraction, obfuscation, and short-term profit above all else — is the engine driving that erosion.

The numbers are bad

The Pew Research Center has been tracking interpersonal trust since 1972. Back then, 46% of Americans said “most people can be trusted.” Today, it’s 34%. Just 28% trust the media — down from 72% in the 1970s.

[chart]

The 2026 Edelman Trust Barometer found that seven in ten people globally now report “unwillingness or hesitance to trust someone with different values.”

[graph]

Economists have a term for this: social capital. It’s the idea that trust is a precondition for markets to actually work. When people trust that contracts will be honored, that products are what they claim to be, that the person on the other side of the transaction isn’t trying to destroy them — commerce flows. Innovation happens. People take risks, start businesses, lend money, collaborate.

When trust collapses, all of that seizes up.

Think about what a low-trust economy actually looks like in practice. Everything gets expensive. Contracts get thicker. Lawyers get richer. Every transaction requires documentation, verification, third-party guarantees.

<blockquote>The friction is very much structural. It’s a tax on everything, paid in time, money, and cognitive bandwidth.</blockquote>

Last week, I wrote about 2025 as the year the grift economy went mainstream — surveillance pricing, prediction markets, AI slop, fraud at industrial scale. All of that is real. But it’s downstream of something deeper: we live in an economy that has systematically destroyed the conditions for trust, and then charges us for the workarounds.

What low trust looks like in practice

Consider the subscription economy. What was once a convenience — auto-renew so you don’t have to think about it — has become a tool of exploitation.

Surveillance pricing that charges you the maximum the algorithm thinks you’ll tolerate. Cancellation processes so labyrinthine that Amazon named theirs “Iliad” internally — as in, the epic Greek poem — because escaping was supposed to be an odyssey. (They settled an FTC lawsuit over it.) Junk fees buried in checkout flows. Shrinkflation. Service shrinkflation — hotels offering fewer cleanings, loyalty programs requiring more points, AI chatbots replacing human service.

A lot of today’s regulatory apparatus now exists because companies abused the assumption of good faith.

Or consider the job market. Fake job listings — “ghost jobs“ that companies post with no intention of filling — have become so pervasive that they distort labor market data and waste millions of hours of applicant time.

[graph]

Why do they exist? Because companies discovered that the appearance of hiring is useful for investor relations, for internal politics, for building a candidate pipeline. The cost is externalized onto the people who spend hours tailoring resumes and sitting through interviews for positions that were never real.

When the system rewards dishonesty, dishonesty is what you get.

And that’s how we get the scam economy

As I wrote last week, the grift economy isn’t just about single bad actors — it’s what a low-trust system produces.

When institutions and corporations behave in predatory ways, individuals start to adopt the same logic. If the system is a grift, then grifting becomes rational. If everyone is trying to extract value from you, why wouldn’t you try to extract value from them?

The explosion of scams, side-hustle culture repackaged as “courses” that teach you to scam others, dropshipping empires built on misleading ads, influencer marketing that can’t be distinguished from real advice.

The rise of “fake it till you make it” as a legitimate business philosophy. Something like Theranos didn’t happen in a vacuum. It happened in a culture where the line between storytelling and fraud had been so thoroughly blurred that a company could fake an entire technology and attract billions in investment.

The scam economy is what a low-trust system produces. When people lose faith that playing by the rules leads to fair outcomes, the rules start to feel optional. And once that happens, trust erodes further, which makes the rules feel even more optional, which erodes trust further still. It’s a death spiral.

And the people who suffer most are the ones who can least afford to. Wealthy people can absorb the cost of a bad deal, a misleading investment, a predatory subscription. They have lawyers. They have financial advisors. For everyone else, a single scam — a fake landlord, a fraudulent contractor, a deceptive loan — can be financially devastating. Low trust is regressive. It functions as a tax on the poor.

The psychological tax

Living in a state of perpetual vigilance is cognitively expensive.

Every email could be phishing. Every phone call could be fraud. Every price could be inflated, every review could be fake, every “limited time offer” could be manufactured urgency. There’s a clear mental labor involved with trying to figure out if you’re getting dupped or not.

Behavioral economists call this “decision fatigue.” But it’s more than that. It’s trust fatigue — the weariness of living in a world where you have to assume bad faith as your default.

<blockquote>People in low-trust environments experience higher rates of anxiety, depression, and chronic stress. They’re more likely to feel isolated, because distrust doesn’t stay contained to commercial transactions — it bleeds into personal relationships. If you spend all day navigating systems designed to exploit you, it becomes harder to turn that off when you get home.</blockquote>

There’s a concept in psychology called “epistemic learned helplessness“ — the state where you’ve been deceived so many times that you stop trying to figure out what’s true. You don’t become smarter or more discerning. You just give up on discernment entirely. This is where conspiracy thinking flourishes.

And that, conspiracy thinking, is the psychological endgame of a low-trust economy. Not a population of savvy, skeptical consumers making smart choices. A population of exhausted, anxious people who can’t tell what’s real anymore.

***

How we got here

The erosion of trust in our country is the predictable outcome of specific economic choices.

• Start with deregulation. When you systematically remove the guardrails that prevented companies from deceiving consumers — and then underfund the agencies tasked with enforcing what remains — you help create an environment where dishonesty is profitable.

• Add financialization. When companies are optimized for quarterly earnings rather than long-term value creation, customer relationships are viewed as a short-term extraction opportunity.

• Layer on the platform economy, which has created new and spectacular ways to scale dishonesty. Fake reviews are an industry. Dark patterns — interface designs specifically engineered to trick you into choices you didn’t mean to make — become the standard.

• And then there’s consolidation. When industries are dominated by a handful of players, consumers can’t make better choices (because there are none).

Trust as a public good

Trust is not just a nice-to-have. It’s not a soft, sentimental concept that belongs in a TED Talk but not in serious economic analysis.

<blockquote>Trust is a public good — like clean air, like roads, like the electrical grid. It’s the invisible infrastructure that makes everything else work.</blockquote>

And like all public goods, it’s subject to the tragedy of the commons. Every company that uses a dark pattern, every platform that allows fake reviews, every employer that posts a ghost job — they’re each making a singular rational decision that degrades a shared resource. No individual actor bears the full cost of the trust they destroy. But collectively, we all pay for it.

In higher transaction costs. In wasted time. In anxiety. In a political system increasingly unable to function because its citizens don’t believe anything anymore.

The idea that self-interest, left alone, will produce good outcomes? It’s failed. Markets need trust to function. And markets, left to their own devices, will consume the trust they depend on.

Rebuilding trust requires treating it like the infrastructure it is. Real regulation with real enforcement and real penalties. Antitrust action that restores competitive markets where you can actually choose trustworthy businesses. Incentive structures that reward long-term relationships over short-term extraction.

But it also requires something that can’t be legislated: people and communities choosing to operate differently. Choosing trust not as naïveté, but as strategy.

That’s what I want to explore next week — community as an economic strategy, not just a nice-to-have. How investing in relationships might be the smartest financial decision you can make. How trust, when you build it intentionally, compounds the same way money does."]]></description>
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    <title>Her husband wanted to use ChatGPT to create sustainable housing. Then it took over his life. | AI (artificial intelligence) | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T06:53:23+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Kate Fox says Joe Ceccanti was the ‘most hopeful person’ before he started spending 12 hours a day with a chatbot"]]></description>
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    <title>The Radical Tub | The MIT Press Reader</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How bathing spaces, long treated as sterile utilities, can become architectures of intimacy, accessibility, and embodied liberation."]]></description>
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    <title>An Entirely Other Day: Lose Myself</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-27T21:17:01+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["People will argue that speaking English to LLMs is just another level of abstraction away from the physics of how the machine actually works. And while that’s technically true — the worst kind of true — it also misses the point. Industrialization fundamentally changes things, by quantum degrees. A Ding Dong from a factory is not the same thing as a gâteau au chocolat et crème chantilly from a baker which is not the same thing as cramming chunks of chocolate and scoops of whipped cream directly into your mouth while standing in front of the fridge at 2:00am. The level of care, of personalization, of intimacy — both given and taken — changes its nature. Digging a trench is a very different thing than telling someone to dig a trench. Assembling a clock is a very different thing than asking Siri for the time."]]></description>
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    <title>Instrumentalisation is making everything a means to an end | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-24T18:02:56+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From art to religion to sex, instrumentalisation has drained away intrinsic value. But life is about more than material benefits"

...

"Intrinsic human goods include all the things that make life worth living without need of any further justification. To ask of them ‘What’s the point?’ would be to miss the point. They are the point. We cannot give arguments for why they are valuable; we can only describe what makes them valuable and hope others recognise their worth. For example, we can say that a day spent in the forest should be appreciated first and foremost because it makes us recognise the wonder of being alive and marvel at the natural world. To play or watch a sport is to participate in or witness the struggle and delight of attempting to bring mind and body together more seamlessly than in the rest of life. Learning a foreign language is a gateway into another culture that allows you to communicate with members of it and access its literature and media. All these things enrich our lives and broaden our experience, which is valuable even if it doesn’t add a second to your lifespan or delay dementia by a day. If you see them as a means to boost your mental, emotional or physical strength for future times that may or may not be as meaningful, you are taking your focus away from what is valuable here and now. Life isn’t a training for the future. It’s a game that’s already started, and time is running out."

...

"The relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic value is complex, and one of the problems of instrumentalisation is that it seeks to flatten and simplify it. It encourages us to identify what is most useful, and then separate it from, and prioritise it above, what is of ultimate value. In doing so, it often diminishes or destroys the very benefits it promises to maximise.

Take social connection. I have just heard of a study that says that doing anything – even reading – is better for us when we do it with others than alone. This message is now widely broadcast and understood, so people know that conviviality is important for their mental and physical health. But one of the most valuable features of friendship and community is how they take us out of concern for ourselves and make us more aware of the needs of others. To get the most out of socialising we need to do it in the right spirit, choosing to be with other people because we care for them and they for us, because we find them stimulating, because we enjoy being part of a collective experience or endeavour. So if we choose to mingle only for reasons of our personal wellbeing, we are probably not going to get the benefits that socialising usually brings.

Instrumentalisation has the illusion of efficiency because it promotes the direct pursuit of practical things that we all want. But often this turns out to be counterproductive. More often than not, you will fail to get the claimed benefits of an activity if getting them becomes your primary motivation. What look like shortcuts turn out to be short circuits, undermining what they seek to achieve.

If instrumentalisation is such a profound mistake, why have we made it? After all, we do not deliberately set out to strip meaning from our most valued activities or treat friends as psychic enhancers. Instrumentalisation has its roots in several connected features of Western modernity.

The Enlightenment brought to fruition an idea of the primacy of the sovereign, autonomous individual, one that had deep roots in classical and Christian thought. Over the centuries, this idea has become a kind of common sense. Each person is supposed to be the master of their own destiny, the author of their own life story. Self-expression and self-determination are seen as essential for being an authentic self.

Enlightenment thinkers were correct to promote greater individual freedom in an age when power was wielded by the few over a subjugated majority. But human beings are also social animals and can never be entirely autonomous. Modernity’s mistake is to lose sight of this, placing all the emphasis on personal liberty and not enough on our interdependence. This has led to an exaggeration of the importance of autonomy that has pushed the prizing of individuality too far. The result is atomisation: a world in which our separateness from others has become excessive.

This atomised world has several features, all of which encourage instrumentalisation. First, it promotes an illusion of control. Encouraged to feel autonomous, we lose sight of the fact that there is much over which we have no power. The world unfolds, opening up opportunities and throwing spanners in the works in equally random measure. We are not even in full control of ourselves. We had no say in our fundamental constitutions: our dispositions, personalities, gifts and limitations. We have no direct access to the hidden springs of thought and volition and cannot just choose what we like or what we believe.

But primed to think of ourselves as free and autonomous, we imagine that we can manipulate the world to achieve whatever we want. Happiness, health and success are all ours for the taking, just as long as we make the right choices. And so the world becomes a series of levers to be pulled and buttons to be pushed, all to yield to our wills. In short, everything can and must be a means to whatever ends we choose, because that is what we think self-determination requires.

In the era of late capitalism, our autonomous agency has increasingly been expressed through our status as consumers. Freedom is above all the choice of how to spend our money, with the promise that everything we need can be obtained in exchange for cash. The consumer mindset has affected how we relate to everything, not just the things we buy. The result is that the world has become essentially transactional, meaning that everything is an instrument for getting something else. It is no coincidence that dating apps give the impression that we are shopping for partners because we approach even relationships with the consumer framing. Politics has also become a trade for votes in which the electorate and politicians believe that the winner takes all, like the highest bidder in an auction, and damn those who backed the losing side. Democracy should be a way of managing competing demands, not giving the winners everything they want. Voting should be about having your say, not getting your way. But in the new consumer mindset, votes buy power, they no longer mandate responsibility.

Another deep cultural source of instrumentalisation is the reductionism that has surreptitiously seeped into our culture from natural science. Reductionism is the idea that the way to understand how things work is to break them down into their constitutive parts. It’s an idea that served natural science well for centuries. But a clue as to its limitations comes in its relative failure in the social sciences. Economies, societies and psychologies cannot be explained by simple mechanistic processes. We have learned that, even in the natural sciences, you can explain only so much by taking things apart, and that it is equally – sometimes more – important to see how systems work as a whole.

Behind much instrumentalisation is a crude reductionism that ignores systems and focuses on elements within it. The richness of an experience, such as being in the outdoors, is reduced to a means to stimulate blood flow or release hormones. Art, which stirs a large variety of often conflicting emotions, is prized purely for its capacity to evoke certain good ones. Social bonds, which cause pain and heartache as well as joy, are reduced to sources of emotional support.

Combine an inflated belief in personal autonomy, a transactional consumer mentality and a reductionist attitude to how things work, and it is inevitable that we treat the world as a collection of resources we can plunder to promote our own wellbeing. The tragedy is that when we do so, we neglect rather than serve our deepest needs.

What would our culture look like if we were to reverse the instrumentalisation of everything? Of course, we would still do many things as means to ends. We would also be happy to agree that many of the good things in life bring us instrumental benefits too. But we would see these as welcome side-effects, not their purposes. A deinstrumentalised world would be one in which we would attend more to what is of value right here, right now.

Take friendship. The personal benefits we get from others are real, but they should not be the reason for being with them. Relationships are valuable because we value the people in them, not because spending time with them releases endorphins in our brains. David Hume corrected this error more than two centuries ago when he wrote: ‘I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.’ To reject instrumentalisation is to understand that feeling good often follows from living well, but it is not what living well consists in.

To appreciate things for their own value instead of what they might bring us is liberating. It frees us from the internal pressure always to make sure that what we are doing serves some further purpose, to justify our days in terms of the future credits that we accrue from them. Living life to the full means fully appreciating what life brings, not trying to extract bankable benefits from it. It leaves us able to recognise that the good life is something we can live every day, in small ways as well as big. Most importantly, it tells us that the things and people we love are enough in and of themselves and don’t need to serve any further function to justify devoting time and care on them. To be in this world realising that life is its own end is the key to attaining its fullness."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Your inability to focus isn’t a failing. It’s a design problem, and the answer isn’t getting rid of our screen time"]]></description>
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    <title>Hyperreal Fascism | Plastic Pills - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-19T20:51:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R9fpm-lorIU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["check https://www.patreon.com/plasticpills or join the channel for my other theory/philosophy content, including an explanation of the "semiotic square".

See the ProPublica story:
https://www.propublica.org/article/kristi-noem-dhs-ad-campaign-strategy-group

Other refs:
Walter Benjamin "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction" https://amzn.to/4s5svwR
Algirdas Julien Greimas "Semiotics and Language" https://amzn.to/4tRF3cT
Jean Baudrillard "Simulacra and Simulation" https://amzn.to/4rWMzkC
Wilhelm Reich "The Mass Psychology of Fascism" https://amzn.to/4tAS3mS

00:00 - Fascism's New Face
11:03 - what's Hyperreal
18:35 - what's Fascism
32:01 - Kristi Noem ICE Barbie
38:52 - The Psychosexual Semiotics of Fascism"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/two-out-of-two-pretentious-born-rich">
    <title>Two Out of Two Pretentious Born-Rich Ivy League Doctors Agree: Psychiatry is Over!</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T01:12:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/two-out-of-two-pretentious-born-rich</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the LA Review of Books would never pull this shit with any other group"]]></description>
<dc:subject>psychiatry psychology freddiedeboer 2026 mentalhealth mentalillness medicine khameerkidia priaanand peterbreggin antipsychiatry thomasszasz danielbergner schizophrenia jamesmarkrippee aclu</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/we-cooperate-to-survive-but-if-no-ones-looking-we-compete">
    <title>We cooperate to survive. But, if no one’s looking, we compete | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T00:14:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/we-cooperate-to-survive-but-if-no-ones-looking-we-compete</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An age-old debate about human nature is being energised with new findings on the tightrope of cooperation and competition"

...

"This proclivity for developing new strategies to compete is part of the social brain hypothesis, originally formulated by the psychologist Nicholas Humphrey. In his seminal paper on the topic in 1976, Humphrey argued that the primary function of the human intellect is to navigate the social, rather than the physical, environment.

One implication of the social brain hypothesis is the assumption that every society hosts opportunistic people who may follow local norms for only as long as it is beneficial to do so. Elsewhere, I have called these people ‘invisible rivals’. For example, religious zealots and political adherents across the world may observe all the rules linked with their group – whether ritual or ideological – until they reach a position of power. Thereafter, they can exploit others and act selfishly as it suits them. This may help to explain why studies show that people with psychopathic tendencies are more likely to enter positions of power, for example in corporate or political systems. Following rules without believing in them is an effective strategy for gaining power.

Admittedly, these arguments make our world sound hopeless. It’s tempting to think that, if the story of human evolution isn’t the rosy picture of cooperation, fairmindedness and mutual aid championed by thinkers for more than a century, we can’t expect much from our future. There are just too many problems – from raging inequality and low public trust to a rapidly warming planet and the growing risk of technology like AI – to hope that a species with a dark and ignoble past can overcome itself and create a better future.

I think, however, that this pessimism is misplaced, and that facing ourselves honestly is the first and most important step we can collectively take. This requires adopting a realistic perspective about the kind of animal that Homo sapiens is. First, we are not inherently cooperative but have the capacity for cooperation – just as we have the capacity for exploitation and selfishness. What matters at the individual level is the way we choose to behave towards others.

Second, just as there is no such thing as a cooperator, there is no such thing as a free-rider. These are behaviours that we apply in models and experiments for convenience. How people behave – and critically, how we describe social behaviours – is a matter of circumstance. The same person who behaves ethically in one circumstance may not do so in another, as research into moral credentialing shows. Our behavioural plasticity, or ability to adapt the way we act to context, is one of our defining features. The evolved psychological processes driving our decisions cannot be captured by simplistic models or games. Anyone can be an invisible rival.

That is precisely why local social norms matter so much. If cooperation isn’t a fixed trait but a fragile, context-dependent outcome, then the real question is what kinds of environments make it easier to do the right thing – and harder to get away with quiet defection. The Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom argued that local social norms are the bedrock of any serious effort to promote cooperation: look at how people behave in their immediate surroundings to understand their methods for restraining unbridled selfishness. Just as organisms evolve immune defences against selfish cells that quietly undermine the whole, societies need norms – and the institutions that uphold them – that can detect and restrain rivalries that flourish out of sight.

Fostering community-level interdependence – and the norms that evolved to help them function cooperatively – is therefore essential for combatting the exploitation that results from invisible rivalry. Never try to enforce cooperation from above. Instead, just as the economist Noreena Hertz argues we should replace ‘greed is good’ maxims in the capitalist framework with a community-oriented, cooperation-promoting mindset, appreciating that we are all better off when we work together is the critical insight needed for building a prosocial and equality-focused environment for the future.

Education is where this begins, not as moral uplift but as collective self-knowledge: it helps us see our own temptations clearly and translate that insight into practical scaffolding – laws, schools and civic rules that reward cooperation and raise the costs of exploitation. Cheating will never vanish, and some people will always look for an edge, but our distinctive intelligence lies as much in recognising exploitation and organising against it as in exploiting in the first place. Invest in that knowledge and in the local institutions that make fairness both appreciated and rewarded, and we will widen the space in which cooperation and equality can endure."]]></description>
<dc:subject>cooperation competition jonathangoodman 2026 psychology anthropocene mutualaid charlesdarwin evolution human humans morality intelligence environment sociobiology peterkropotkin anthropology ernstfehr lamelara indonesia aché interdependence gathering culture society agriculture kenya tanzania maasai osotua connectedness kalahari pollywiessner selfishness identity individualism prisoner'sdilemma ethics jasondana opportunism social cohesion inequality exploitation freeriding nicholashumphrey fairness fairmindedness pessimism behavior elinorostrom noreenahertz greed cheating education self-knowledge temptation equality knowledge capitalism darwin hunter-gatherers</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://donmoynihan.substack.com/p/life-under-a-clicktatorship">
    <title>Life Under a Clicktatorship - by Don Moynihan</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T06:22:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://donmoynihan.substack.com/p/life-under-a-clicktatorship</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens to government when everything is content?"

[via:
https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/pseudo-culture ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>donmoynihan latefascistaesthetics internet web online performance specatacle government psychology 2026 donaldtrump trumpism maga petehegseth truthsocial nicolásmaduro venezuela photography video attention narrative fascistaesthetics chrishayes politics policy elonmusk socialmedia twitter conflict harmeetdhillon ice hsa decisionmaking governance terror immigration cosplay</dc:subject>
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    <title>What technology takes from us – and how to take it back | AI (artificial intelligence) | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T07:56:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/29/what-technology-takes-from-us-and-how-to-take-it-back</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Decisions outsourced, chatbots for friends, the natural world an afterthought: Silicon Valley is giving us life void of connection. There is a way out – but it’s going to take collective effort]]></description>
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