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    <title>From Lenin to Žižek: The Disgraceful End of Western Marxism - feat. Gabriel Rockhill - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-27T21:53:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a2STLFm4iqI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This interview was organized by Ottolina TV (https://ottolinatv.it/) as part of its summer festival. The original show notes appear below.

🔴🔴🔴

New Interview — Gabriel Rockhill on Western Marxism, Intellectual Complicity, and the Global Class Struggle

What if the dominant forms of Marxist theory in the West were not simply flawed, but deeply complicit with the very imperial system they claim to critique?

In this explosive new interview, we speak with Gabriel Rockhill—philosopher, cultural critic, activist, and one of the sharpest critics of Western Marxism today. He’s the author of The Intellectual World War: Marxism versus the Imperial Theory Industry and editor of the new English edition of Domenico Losurdo’s Western Marxism, which is the focus of our conversation.

Rockhill shows that Western Marxism is not merely a geographical label, but a theoretical project born within the imperial core, shaped by the material privileges of the labor and intellectual aristocracies. It marks a historical retreat from revolutionary Marxism, and is defined by four crucial betrayals:

1. A retreat from revolutionary politics, especially anti-imperialism
2. A retreat from the working class, as theory moves into elite academia
3. A retreat from materialism, rejecting dialectics of nature and historical development
4. A retreat from real socialism, denouncing actually existing socialist states while clinging to utopian blueprints

One key focus in this conversation is the retreat from dialectical materialism. Rockhill warns that knowledge production itself is embedded in the global structure of imperialism. Intellectuals don’t float above history—they’re shaped by, and often serve, class power.

Rockhill challenges Perry Anderson’s inclusion of Gramsci and Lukács in the Western Marxist canon, showing how Losurdo offers a sharper definition grounded in 1917 as a turning point, and in the division between revolutionary and domesticated Marxism. Unlike the Western academic left, both Gramsci and Lukács remained committed to real political struggle.

The stakes of this divide are visible today. From Ukraine to Iran, Western Marxist figures like Žižek echo imperial talking points—championing “democracy” and “rights” while ignoring the material realities of NATO expansion or the asymmetric application of humanitarian standards. The result? A left that speaks the moral language of empire while turning its back on anti-imperialist resistance.

A key feature of Western Marxism has always been its opposition to actually existing socialism—from the USSR to China. Rockhill sees in this a messianic purism, rooted in petty-bourgeois detachment. Socialism becomes a perfect idea that justifies withdrawing from struggle, reducing politics to performance, and revolution to rhetoric.

This detachment, Rockhill argues, has material roots in Lenin’s theory of the labor aristocracy: those sectors of the working class in the imperial core whose relative privileges bind them to imperial capitalism. While not all workers fall into this category, many in the professional-managerial class clearly do. But as imperialism enters crisis and surplus extraction falters, new opportunities for rupture emerge—and the battle is on to prevent these sectors from being captured by actual neofascism.

All of this brings us to the core of Rockhill’s message: only a dialectical, materialist analysis can truly grasp the contradictions of theory and its place in global class struggle. Western Marxism, as commodified theory for elite circulation, must be rejected—not in favor of dogma, but in favor of a revolutionary theory rooted in praxis, history, and the global movement for emancipation."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newintermag.com/abundance-big-techs-bid-for-the-democratic-party/">
    <title>Abundance: Big Tech’s Bid for the Democratic Party</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-24T23:18:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newintermag.com/abundance-big-techs-bid-for-the-democratic-party/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Tech Right has gained major influence in Washington by funding Republicans. The Abundance faction has taken a different route: funding Democrats."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://prospect.org/economy/2024-11-26-abundance-agenda-neoliberalisms-rebrand/">
    <title>The Abundance Agenda: Neoliberalism’s Rebrand - The American Prospect</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-29T02:42:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prospect.org/economy/2024-11-26-abundance-agenda-neoliberalisms-rebrand/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The new centrist push to regain control of the Democratic Party, with corporate money"

...

"The past few years have seen a widespread move away from free-market dogma, as policymakers search for new economic perspectives. The election of Joe Biden in 2020 proved to be a crossroads for economic orthodoxy. For the first time in more than a quarter-century, a Democratic administration did not entrust its economic policy exclusively to adherents of Robert Rubin’s philosophy, for whom the solution to any economic issue was usually “Be less of a Democrat.”

Instead, the Biden-Harris administration trusted progressives as a coalition partner, rather than an electoral faction that had to be dealt with, not worked with. The Biden administration attempted true industrial policy for the first time in over a generation, rekindled enforcement of the Sherman Antitrust Act, and didn’t shy away from stimulating the economy when it was foundering. And while Biden’s term has been a rousing success on most macroeconomic measures—the electoral loss turned in part on global inflation and the rollback of the temporary pandemic safety net—progressives’ increasing power within Democratic politics has caused some moderates to become enraged that they’re now expected to settle for the position of senior partner, and denied near-total control.

Enter the “abundance agenda,” an attempt to generate new messaging for a new political era in which neoliberalism has fallen rapidly out of favor. The term has been floating around for years, but has more recently become a rallying cry for a whole array of deregulatory causes. The abundance agenda has also offered shelter to effective altruists, who have been searching for a flag to rally around that isn’t associated with one of the largest frauds in world history. The Biden administration has started to usher in a post-neoliberalism, with more heterodox ideas competing for acceptance. Abundance is neoliberalism repackaged for a post-neoliberal world.

What exactly abundance adherents believe varies, of course, but there are a number of broad precepts: building more housing, producing more energy, and fostering more technological innovation. None of these are objectionable goals; the differences with progressives arise, largely, in how to get there. Abundance starts from a “growth above all” mindset. The agenda’s advocates hate residential zoning laws—which, contrary to what they frequently imply, is something they have in common with us and most progressives—but also detest the National Environmental Policy Act, support fracking, oppose tenant protections, and are often deferential to the policy preferences of Big Tech.

While there are efforts to create abundance-oriented factions within both parties—in effect recreating the Republican and Democratic establishments that dominated politics throughout the 1990s and 2000s—the near-term focus is the Democratic Party. And, in their move to stake out partisan influence, abundance is explicitly seeking to weaken progressives. With that in mind, it’s worth understanding who exactly makes up the abundance movement.

The coalition includes many prominent centrist organizations, but also corporate interests and conservatives that MAGA pushed out of power within the Republican Party. Many components of this faction have financial ties to crypto, AI, Big Tech, and oil."

[via:
https://missionlocal.org/2025/03/sf-abundance-agenda-ezra-klein-derek-thompson-michael-pollan/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RCZ9ip9ejmY">
    <title>Taking On the Tech Bros, with Taylor Lorenz - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-04T05:21:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RCZ9ip9ejmY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["‘We’re Not Kidding’ is back! After a not-very-relaxing holiday break, Mehdi is joined by tech and online culture journalist (and new Zeteo contributor!) Taylor Lorenz to discuss the new age of American oligarchy. Trump is back in office and his inauguration was a star-studded showcase of spineless tech billionaires. 

Mehdi and Taylor also unpack the dumbfounding blunder of Democrats’ TikTok ban, why private ownership of social media platforms by “red-pilled billionaires” is actually BAD for free speech, the MAGAfication of Elon Musk, and whether Mark Zuckerberg looks cool now. Taylor also pushes back against the argument made by Zeteo guest writer Will Stancil, who called for Democrats to go to war with social media companies.

00:00 - Opening montage
1:10 - Intro
1:28 - Washington Post controversy
2:20 - Right-wingers are obsessed with Taylor
4:16 - TikTok ban
9:00 - TikTok censorship
13:14 - Tech billionaires bend to Trump
14:55 - Mark Zuckerberg’s MAGA turn
19:10 - Is Elon Musk the shadow president?
20:20 - Why tech oligarchs are so powerful
21:42 - Free speech & content moderation
27:59 - Breaking up Big Tech
29:21 - Right-wing social media
30:25 - Mark Zuckerberg vs. Elon Musk
31:23 - Decentralized social media
33:47 - Regulating social media"]]></description>
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    <title>How Progressives Legalized Usury - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-28T21:04:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/how-progressives-legalized-usury/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the early twentieth century, reformers united with capitalists to promote high-interest lending, overthrowing opposition to usury rooted in Christian tradition.

...

Today, the idea that investors and lenders will seek to maximize their profits at all costs looks to most of us like an obvious and morally neutral—or even positive—aspect of the capitalist system. Daniel Platt, a scholar of political economy, explains how this modern understanding of lending emerged in the early twentieth century—thanks in part to progressive reformers.

From the early days of the country, Americans widely embraced the notion, grounded in Christian teachings about usury, that lending was a morally dubious field.

“Market entanglements such as stock ownership, insurance contracts, and debt were long seen as dangerously similar to fraud, gambling, and the commodification of the self in American moral discourse,” Platt writes.

As it had been for centuries in Europe, this idea was closely tied to antisemitic tropes. Public discourse in nineteenth-century America frequently conflated the religion of Judaism with the rapaciousness of industrial and banking elites. For example, one critic wrote that John Rockefeller exhibited the “spirit of monopoly… [that] manifests itself in the scandalous enterprises of the Jews.” The term “Shylock” became an almost religion-neutral term of abuse for lenders.

Platt writes that, even though high-interest lending was both frequently illegal and widely viewed as taboo, as wage work became the norm, people increasingly needed small loans to cover emergency expenses. So, they turned to illegal small-scale lenders.

Progressive reformers viewed this as a modern evil just like unsafe working conditions and the excessive power of trusts. The Russell Sage Foundation (RSF) in particular took on the issue as a matter of grave concern, launching a campaign in 1910. The reformers accused loan companies of violating both the spirit and letter of usury laws, but they also viewed legal avenues as useless for stopping loan sharking and argued that the laws actually drove interest rates higher due to the extra risk to which they exposed lenders.

Initially, RSF sought to replace profit-motivated lenders with philanthropic ones. But this was largely a failure. The campaign’s head, Arthur Ham, noted “the lack of wealthy people” interested in an enterprise with a “definitely limited dividend.”

Reluctantly, RSF and other reformers sought an alliance with for-profit lenders. Platt notes that this change in approach came at a time when popular ideas about race were shifting toward a focus on inborn, genetic differences. Now, when people referred to Jewish avarice, they usually meant a specific racial characteristic, in contrast with solid, professional Anglo-Saxon lenders whose work was supposedly infused with Christian ethics.

Increasingly, reformers worked not to constrain lending markets but to loosen regulations and raise allowable rates for small loans in an effort to bring “reputable capital” to the table. The deregulation push was a great success, with laws enacted in twenty-two states by 1925. However, by the end of the 1920s, reformers were discovering the limits of supposedly moral actors in holding markets accountable as small, gentile-run lenders behaved just the same as the “Shylocks” of the previous generation."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>usury debt christianity history progressivism progressives us capitalism 2025 liviagershon danielplatt lending loans religion morality</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Shadowy Millions Behind San Francisco’s “Moderate” Politics | The New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-11T06:36:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/article/189303/san-francisco-moderate-politics-millionaire-tech-donors</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The city is the epicenter of an anti-progressive movement—financed by the ultrawealthy—that aims to blur political lines and centralize power for the long term. For some, their ambitions don’t stop there."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://the.ink/p/maga-globalist-heretics-neoliberalism-far-right-interview-quinn-slobodian">
    <title>The meaning of MAGA’s visa schism - by The Ink - The.Ink</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-06T23:14:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://the.ink/p/maga-globalist-heretics-neoliberalism-far-right-interview-quinn-slobodian</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Historian Quinn Slobodian on why neoliberalism won't die, what far-right infighting is really about, and how progressives can build for the future even now"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>quinnslobodian neoliberalism 2024 econonics policy elonmusk donaldtrump farright us politics economics nationalism maga liberalism libertarianism progressives thirdway ronaldreagan reaganism citizenship electoralcollege scotus eu europe disenfranchisement democracy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/how-dean-preston-lost">
    <title>How Dean Preston Lost - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-08T21:19:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/how-dean-preston-lost</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Astroturf Network’s only major success this cycle was the ouster of District 5’s Dean Preston, the most progressive member of the Board of Supervisors. Preston’s loss in the November 2024 election can serve as a case study for how the Network uses its almost unlimited financial resources to move San Francisco rightward.

Preston, a tenants’ rights attorney and the only Democratic Socialist sitting on the Board of Supervisors, was the primary target of the conservative political groups like GrowSF, Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, TogetherSF, and relative newcomer, the Abundance Network. The Astroturf Network and its allies began its project by blaming Preston for the ills they claim are plaguing San Francisco.

The Network was driven by Preston’s focus on protecting renters and building affordable housing because two pillars of the Network’s plan involve unfettered policing and real estate development. As an advocate for renters and other vulnerable San Franciscans, Preston became the subject of a two-year disinformation campaign in which he was called anti-housing and anti-police.

More than a year ago, billionaire Elon Musk called for Preston to be “imprisoned” after the supervisor introduced legislation to ban store security guards from drawing firearms to protect private property. Preston’s resolution came after a Walgreen’s security guard shot and killed Banko Brown, a transgender man suspected of stealing snacks.

Musk claimed Preston “is arguably the person most responsible for the destruction of San Francisco,” and promised to donate $100,000 to GrowSF’s “Dump Dean” political action committee. A friend of GrowSF’s Garry Tan, Musk never made good on his promise, but his Tweets drew attention to the PAC. It eventually raised about $300,000, most of it from Y Combinator, the world’s largest incubator of technology startups where Tan serves as president.

A prolific Tweeter, himself, Tan frequently took to the social media platform to trumpet his disapproval of Preston to his nearly half-million followers. “Dean Preston lies to voters and is unfit to serve,” Tan Tweeted earlier this year. “Vote him and his NIMBY friends out of office and fix SF.” Earlier in the year, Tan issued a death threat to Preston and six other members of the Board of Supervisors that he perceived were obstacles to the Network’s agenda.

The seeds of Preston’s destruction were sown in the 2022 redistricting of San Francisco’s 11 supervisorial districts. Outgoing Mayor London Breed, bolstered by the Network which had bankrolled her first run for the city’s top job, used redistricting as an opportunity to weaken her political enemies. Under Breed’s direction, the Redistricting Task Force removed a reliable progressive portion of the Inner Sunset, from Preston’s District 5. At the same time, the Tenderloin was grafted onto District 5. Although the neighborhood would seem to be a good fit for Preston, it suffers from one of the lowest voter turnout rates in the city. Also cut from the district was the reliably progressive neighborhood of the inner Sunset just south of Golden Gate Park, which was incorporated into District 7. 

From its success in redrawing district lines, the Network set its sights on the March 2024 election. It was instrumental to the victory of a ballot measure reducing civilian oversight of the long-troubled San Francisco Police Department. Preston, it should be noted, had called for a financial audit of the SFPD, which frequently exceeds its budget, but fails to deliver compelling results. A 2022 report from the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice found that San Francisco has more police officers per capita than any California municipality, Los Angeles included, but it solves far fewer cases. Preston’s request for an audit was poorly received by some voters who had been successfully fear-mongered during the COVID-19 epidemic. 

The Network also handpicked — and handsomely funded — a slate of conservative candidates for the San Francisco’s Democratic County Central Committee, known as the DCCC. An obscure elected body, the DCCC’s election endorsements are considered one of the most valuable in San Francisco. The Network-backed slate won 18 of the 24 open seats in March. Among the victors was Preston’s leading challenger, Bilal Mahmood.

Emboldened by its wins, the Network set up Bilal Mahmood as well as newly elected DCCC members Trevor Chandler, Michael Lai and Marjan Philhour, as supervisorial candidates. Mahmood, Chandler and Lai were newcomers to the districts they hoped to represent. The Network believed their lack of community ties would serve as an advantage since there would be no competition for their loyalties. 

Chandler, Lai and Philhour were defeated. Mahmood won, bolstered by a rank-choice strategy with two other conservative contenders for Preston’s seat, Scotty Jacobs and Autumn Looijen, and lavish spending from the Network. With Preston’s ouster, District 5 lost a champion for struggling San Franciscans. It has gained a representative completely beholden to the Astroturf Network’s interests which can be boiled down to this: Preserving and increasing its vast wealth."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.welcometohellworld.com/punishment-on-top-of-punishment/">
    <title>Punishment on top of punishment, by Andreina Kniss</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-20T21:10:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.welcometohellworld.com/punishment-on-top-of-punishment/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the immediate aftermath of the shit show presidential election, speculation began about California governor Gavin Newsom’s will he/won’t he (he will) 2028 national run. At the same time, another somber story hit California that dragged us all back to the very dark reality we’re already living in. It’s a story that symbolizes everything wrong with the state that California “progressives” like Newsom, London Breed, Karen Bass, Scott Weiner, and other heavy hitters have handcrafted. A 14 year old boy in Santa Clara named Jose Emiliano Zamora died by suicide after relentless bullying by his classmates and football teammates for being homeless. 

“They were spitting on him, hitting him on the back of the helmet,” the boy’s father Jose Bautista told KTVU. 

"He was trying to make me happy. He was trying to be a better child."

"It's kind of hard," he said. "I just don't want this to happen to other people like it happened to me." 

If Newsome and company have their way it very well could.

Like tens of thousands of families across the Golden State, Jose’s family had been evicted from their home after Covid eviction moratoriums expired. With no social housing or safety net to hold the family up, that eviction led him to seek refuge in a youth shelter. His family’s GoFundMe for his burial costs is currently funded at nearly $150,000. I wonder what life would be like for Jose if that community action and empathy had been put into action a week ago? Jose and his family might have had a home to call their own. He might still be alive. 

We know now about his life because it ended in tragedy, but for so many others in his position it’s a story of a more routine daily suffering. 

I have met hundreds of children like Jose on the streets of Los Angeles while handing out supplies with the volunteer group KtownForAll. Children whose parents were sick or injured, and so couldn’t pay rent for a month or two, that have been evicted more times in their short lives than they’ve seen a doctor. Young children who have run away from abusive foster home “care” that many youth on the street deem worse than homelessness. Babies sweltering in tents with mothers who fled domestic violence. All of them with nowhere to go. All denied shelter beds because there aren’t enough. All trying their best to go to school. All on wait lists for housing or vouchers that are ten to twenty years out. All destined to be thoroughly judged by society and the courts for what they’ll have to do to survive. On top of something so simple for most students, like finding a pencil for the day, they’re also facing the ever militarizing boot of the Progressive™ government of Los Angeles on their necks. With the passage of municipal code 41.18, the city has banned all tents and car dwelling 500 feet from schools, clinics, libraries, fire departments etc., with zero thought to the fact that there are currently 17,245 homeless children enrolled in LAUSD schools. Children that might need to live in a tent or car close to their schools. Children that might want to stay close to a library to access homework help and social services.

Jose’s tragic death is not an individual aberration, it’s the natural culmination of the well-funded campaign of dehumanization supported and exalted by the aforementioned California Progressive™ government, a complicit media, and the supposed liberal voters of the state (who among other things just rejected a measure that would have banned forced prison labor, aka slavery). It’s a campaign to redirect fault from where it belongs, the real estate investors dripping in blood money, to people that for a million common reasons cannot keep up with their sky high rents. 

It works like this: The adults teach the youth to worship wealth as a sign of intelligence and goodness. Parents talk about people with no housing as a terrifying plague to be dealt with, not as loved ones, neighbors and friends to be helped, all in the name of “protecting children.” Local news runs article after article reporting on homelessness as a threat to public health and safety, implicitly and explicitly blaming them for everything. (In stories like these a person’s lack of housing is always announced in bold before any alleged crime.) And to top if all off, mayors, and even the governor, the champion fighter of the Democratic cause, use their bully pulpit to further harm those that don’t have a place to live. On Newsom’s official website he proudly shares pictures of himself front and center personally throwing away the belongings of people during a sweep in Los Angeles as part of his announcement of almost $200 million dollars to directly fund more sweeps. 

Much to the surprise of anyone who works in schools, social services, public housing, or any industry helping the poor, he made it clear that cities do in fact have plenty of money to address homelessness, just by hurting people instead of helping them. Meanwhile officials deny the reality that there are not enough shelter beds or other social housing options for all of those who find themselves without a home each night in our state. To house the sick, vulnerable and poor is overall unprofitable. (As Luke wrote recently in Hell World, killing people is easy and saving them is hard). Instead, they reinforce the false narrative that a majority of these people without a place to live choose to be there, and that the housed people who have to look at them are the ones suffering the real harm. 

This rampant radicalization and demonization of the poor is not a surprise to anyone following the rightward slide of the Democratic party at large in the last five years, particularly when it comes to people who don’t have anywhere to live. A few months ago the ghouls on the Supreme Court decided in the case Grants Pass V. Johnson that it was no longer cruel and unusual punishment to jail and cite people simply for being homeless, even when cities had no shelter beds available, as long as the law was applied fairly to everyone, both housed and unhoused alike. Gavin Newsom proudly submitted an amicus brief to support the city of Grant Pass, Oregon, as did mayors across California like London Breed. They won, and now they have the conditions in place that they have always dreamed of  – and frankly have always had, just with less paperwork now – which is the ability to sweep people up, trash their belongings, and cite or jail them if they don’t move. Punishment on top of punishment. 

On top of that California recently voted to pass the “tough on crime” proposition 36, which lowered the felony threshold for shoplifting. This followed a multi-million dollar campaign from big box stores to convince the public that homeless people stealing items was the reason why prices were high. 

All of this is leading California right back into the mass incarceration of the 1990s. And all of this, to be clear, occurred under a Democratic supermajority. Under the leadership of a man who Democrats may well line up behind in four years to save us from the fascism of Donald Trump.

So how do we get to a place where children terrorize others for not having a place to live to the point of suicide? By having adults, politicians, media, and celebrities who terrorize adults and children alike for the crime of not being able to afford to be exploited by a landlord. 

It’s not just California either, although we’re certainly leading the way in the war on the nation’s most vulnerable. Here’s another very timely example from Utah: last week hundreds of self identified homeowners showed up to oppose the opening of a warming center. Not a shelter, not affordable housing, just a single emergency room that opens when it gets under 18 degrees and closes back up once it gets warmer than that. Even this bottom of the barrel lifesaving endeavor was an affront to the homeowners who screamed about the warming center being a threat to the safety of their children. Children who are presumably going to sleep soundly inside of a warm house and be driven to and from everywhere else because, again, it is under 18 degrees. And these children will sadly absorb their parents' rants and raves about people without homes. 

Some homeowners in attendance at the hearing claimed that all of the people living on the street were “illegals,” while others said they’d “bring drugs.” Some said that the people on the street were not from there, that they were all from California, and that they needed to be “shipped back to where they came from.” That’s a comment I find particularly interesting because politicians here in California say all the people on the streets are not from here either and need to be sent back to where they come from. 

It seems like across the entire United States all cities claim the unhoused people in their communities are a problem coming from outside rather than from within. If no one is ever “from here,” then that means the policies of a particular place couldn’t possibly need fixing. It’s the people who have no place to live themselves who are inherently flawed, or of low character and so on, not us. As if homelessness was a permanent and ineffable characteristic and not the simple and temporary condition of not having a home. And their presence is the reason for literally anything bad that is happening at all times. (This thinking also applies to migrants and other scapegoats of course.) When you don’t think of unhoused people as part of your community, community safety becomes about protecting everyone except them. Often from them. Even if that means leaving them outside to freeze to death.

The amount of change that has to occur to prevent the next tragedy is immense, and it will have come too late for many, including Jose Emiliano Zamora. But it’s a challenge we must refuse to back away from. Because we all deserve a safe place to call home. Because the way we treat our fellow human beings is self-evidently horrifying and morally wrong. Because no child deserves to go through what Jose went through. We need a society built on solidarity and empathy, one focused on long term solutions and not slapstick bandages that at best shield the housed from our neighbors' suffering. We need to tear away the power of capital and big real estate and build a world that values people over profits. We need parents and schools that foster kindness and compassion. Every single one of us deserve a loving community who will catch us, not turn on us when we need them the most. I don’t know exactly how we’ll get there, but I know Gruesome Newsom and his sweeps won’t help."]]></description>
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    <title>2024 Election was the Oligarchic Elite vs. Corporate Elite (with Chris Hedges) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-15T17:00:31+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, author, and minister Chris Hedges returns to Bad Faith for a left-focused deep dive into what happened on election night, what's next for the left, and the role spirituality may play in creating a sense of community that some are finding in the Joe Rogan media environment."]]></description>
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    <title>&quot;This Is a Collapse of the Democratic Party&quot;: Ralph Nader on Roots of Trump's Win Over Harris - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-07T19:29:01+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S0ePGngjWN0">
    <title>Project 2025 Came Early in San Francisco f/ Alison Collins - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-22T15:12:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S0ePGngjWN0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Project 2025 soft launched in San Francisco years ago, with successful attempts to replace politicians with people who are obedient to the rightwing. Because it’s the Bay, these replacements are registered as Democrats and they virtue signal about diversity, but make no mistake, they are deeply aligned with rightwing forces like the Heritage Foundation.

Timestamps for Graphic Sources: 
[Editor Note]: Was only able to make visual edits for the first half of the episode.

02:30
"San Francisco voters recall 3 school board members"
https://www.npr.org/2022/02/16/1081035770/san-francisco-voters-recall-three-school-board-members

02:44
"School Board Shakeup in San Francisco
Arrogance, incompetence, and woke rhetoric trigger successful recall effort"
https://www.educationnext.org/school-board-shakeup-san-francisco-arrogance-incompetence-woke-rhetoric-trigger-successful-recall-effort/

02:48
"A celebrated Bay Area playwright confronts racism with his latest work. Does he also stumble over it?"
https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/justinphillips/article/Ishmael-Reed-racism-SF-recall-17526319.php

03:50
"San Francisco votes overwhelmingly to recall progressive DA Chesa Boudin"
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/chesa-boudin-san-francisco-da-recalled/ 

04:46
"Tom Ammiano earned his varsity letter in 1959. It finally arrived this week"
https://www.sfchronicle.com/local/article/Tom-Ammiano-earned-his-varsity-letter-in-1959-It-16154362.php

05:43
"San Francisco State students defend ethnic studies"
https://fightbacknews.org/articles/san-francisco-state-students-defend-ethnic-studies

05:51
http://www.pepsf.org/what-is-pep.html 

07:19
"Project 2025: The right-wing wish list for another Trump presidency"
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c977njnvq2do

09:18
"Ballotpedia's 2023 Recall Analysis"
https://ballotpedia.org/Ballotpedia%27s_2023_Recall_Analysis

09:40
"“Flood the zone with shit”: How misinformation overwhelmed our democracy
The impeachment trial didn’t change any minds. Here’s why."
https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2020/1/16/20991816/impeachment-trial-trump-bannon-misinformation

09:43
"The School Board Culture War
Republicans are pushing national wedge issues to the local level, but smart progressives are beating them."
https://www.thenation.com/article/society/the-school-board-culture-war/

12:21
"Former Levi Strauss executive Jennifer Sey on decision to leave company over Covid ‘free speech’ controversy"
https://www.cnbc.com/2022/02/17/former-levi-exec-jennifer-sey-on-resigning-over-covid-free-speech.html

13:21
"Confirmation Bias
How “Women for Judge Thomas” turned into a conservative powerhouse."
https://slate.com/human-interest/2016/04/clarence-thomas-female-supporters-in-the-iwf.html

13:54
"What to know about the Heritage Foundation, main group behind Project 2025 and RNC sponsor
The organization, an RNC sponsor, recommends policy proposals and is behind a major push to remake the federal government in former President Donal Trump's image."
https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2024/07/17/what-is-heritage-foundation-project-25/74426230007/ 

14:57
"Bay Area schools get infusion of Salesforce funds and nudge into artificial intelligence"
https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/salesforce-funds-ai-schools-19752852.php

16:59
"Tag: Asra Nomani"
https://fairfaxgop.org/tag/asra-nomani/ 

18:32
"Asra Nomani Blasts CRT In Schools, Promotes Parents Rights Before Congress | 2022 Rewind"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ckAoQvXzTA

23:09
"Federal authorities subpoena NYC Mayor Eric Adams’ director of asylum-seeker operations
In July, Adams received his own subpoena from federal prosecutors seeking information from him, his campaign, and City Hall."
https://www.courthousenews.com/federal-authorities-subpoena-nyc-mayor-eric-adams-director-of-asylum-seeker-operations/

25:24
"Fact check: Hillary Clinton, not Joe Biden, used the term  super predator in 1990s"
https://www.reuters.com/article/world/fact-checkhillary-clinton-not-joe-biden-used-thetermsuperpredatorin199-idUSKBN27B1PB/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/05/opinion/jd-vance-fascism-unhumans.html">
    <title>Opinion | JD Vance Just Blurbed a Book Arguing That Progressives Are Subhuman - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-10T03:42:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/05/opinion/jd-vance-fascism-unhumans.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://kottke.org/24/08/the-undisguised-extremism-of-the-republican-party

"Michelle Goldberg writes about a new book, a fascist manifesto, written by antisemite and white nationalist Jack Posobiec (and his ghostwriter) called Unhumans.

<blockquote>The word “fascist” gets thrown around a lot in politics, but it’s hard to find a more apt one for “Unhumans,” which came out last month. The book argues that leftists don’t deserve the status of human beings — that they are, as the title says, unhumans — and that they are waging a shadow war against all that is good and decent, which will end in apocalyptic slaughter if they are not stopped. “As they are opposed to humanity itself, they place themselves outside of the category completely, in an entirely new misery-driven subdivision, the unhuman,” write Posobiec and Lisec.</blockquote>

As Goldberg notes, the endorsement of the book by prominent Republicans is a reminder of how extremist and far away from reality the Republican Party is now. Trump’s running mate JD Vance wrote a blurb for it and so did Tucker Carlson, Donald Trump Jr., and Michael Flynn, Trump’s National Security Advisor. Steve Bannon wrote the foreword. These guys are weird and unhinged and dangerous because they are somehow at the center of the Republican Party. (See also Project 2025.)"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>republicans dehumanization fascism jdvance michellegoldberg unhumans joshualisec jackposopbiec progressivism progressives franco pinochet chile authoritarianism maga davidaustinwalsh communism stevebannon donaldtrump josephmccarthy mccarthyism us curtisyarvin 4chan redscare menciusmoldbug neoreactionaries darkenlightenment nerdreich</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.pressermag.com/september-2024/the-left-has-an-authoritarian-problem">
    <title>The Left Has an Authoritarian Problem (but Doesn’t Know It) — Presser</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-09T20:09:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.pressermag.com/september-2024/the-left-has-an-authoritarian-problem</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The results of this survey were one of the most astonishing things I’ve seen in all my years conducting research. It is important to keep in mind that liberals who score high on the authoritarianism scale agree that (italicized words are direct quotes from the scale) our country needs a mighty leader; that the leader should destroy opponents; that people should trust the judgment of the proper authorities, avoid listening to noisy rabble-rousers in our society who are trying to create doubts in people’s minds, put some tough leaders in power who oppose those values and silence the troublemakers, and smash the beliefs of opponents; that what our country really needs is a strong, determined leader who will crush the evil; that society should strongly punish those they disagree with. They also deny that an opponent has a right to be wherever he or she wants to be, and support the statement that the country would be better off if certain groups would just shut up and accept their group’s proper place in society. These items hit all of the hallmarks of the consensus conceptualization of the authoritarian person. When conservatives agree with those items, they subsequently admit (accurately) that they are authoritarian. When liberals agree with those items, they actually are more likely to say they are not authoritarian."]]></description>
<dc:subject>lukeconway 2024 authoritarianism politics progressives left</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-gray-area-with-sean-illing/id1081584611?i=1000662275431">
    <title>The Gray Area with Sean Illing: Taking Nietzsche seriously on Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-25T16:11:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-gray-area-with-sean-illing/id1081584611?i=1000662275431</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sean Illing talks with political science professor Matt McManus about the political thought of Friedrich Nietzsche, the 19th-century German philosopher with a complicated legacy, despite his crossover into popular culture. They discuss how Nietzsche's work has been interpreted — and misinterpreted — since his death in 1900, how his radical political views emerge from his body of work, and how we can use Nietzsche's philosophy in order to interpret some key features of our contemporary politics.

Host: Sean Illing (@seanilling), host, The Gray Area

Guest: Matt McManus."

[See also:
https://www.listennotes.com/podcasts/the-gray-area-with/taking-nietzsche-seriously-mK_W5aZB9My/
https://open.spotify.com/episode/2FLgCbjIB3OStrCzJaZozD ]

[from this transcript:
https://app.podscribe.ai/episode/106131107 

"If anything, they took Christianity far more seriously. 'cause they really believe in human equality, human dignity, and human freedom for the herd. Whereas these kind of crass social conservatives who think that you can use Christianity just aren't brave enough to interrogate their own worldviews sufficiently. And Nietzsche is, and he says at the root of the French Revolution, socialism, liberalism, and democracy is this Christian idea that all human souls are equal and that we should try to create a humane beatific world where the criteria of justice is how well is your society doing for the least among us. And he says, I reject that emphatically. So we need to get rid of all these secular forms of Christianity, particularly socialism, but liberalism and democracy also need to go hard and we need to replace it with this system of aristocratic radicalism that is deeply committed to inequality at its very core.

Yeah, I mean, this is something you see really throughout Nietzsche writing this deep fear of the leveling power of mass culture. And he is always trying to protect the free creative individual against, to use his language, which you just used as well, the herd. And we shouldn't dance around this part of it, right? Oh no. He pretty clearly thinks that the average person cannot face up to reality isn't up for the challenge of creating themselves right in the wake of God's death. And the average person for that reason prefers to make a virtue of ignorance and self-fulfillment. And that's all he sees when he looks at democracy. 

This triumph of the least creative. 

Absolutely right. He thinks that what you're going to see in a democratic society, let alone a liberal or socialist society, is a leveling of all higher values and a reduction of all human beings to the most animalistic level where the kind of politics that people will be concerned about is how do we redistribute food to the poor more effectively? How do we show greater compassion to human weakness and disability? You know, he would look at the kind of woke activists that people like Jordan Peterson hate so much and say, these are the most Christian individuals in society right now, way more Christian in many respects than the social conservatives who claim allegiance to this faith. 'cause they really believe in placating human weakness. 

He doesn't want any of that. What he wants, again, is an aristocratic radical society where the lower orders can be used even as slaves. And he is not afraid of that term for the projects of these truly great individuals. And the reason for this is he thinks that some people are just herds right animals, they don't really contribute that much to life. They're gonna go about their Mary Lou way and If. you give them too much power, they're going to drag the truly great amongst us down. So why let, why not reduce them to the level of slavery and allow the great individuals out there, the Napoleon or whatever, to get on with the project of producing genuinely edifying enterprises in human life.

The ambition is to kind of turn back the clock on liberal secularism and move back to this more Christian model hierarchical complementarity where there will be social stratification. It'll be justified according to a religious basis, and we'll all get along. Nietzsche says, actually, the problem is that Christianity is that the base of all these egalitarian movements, any kind of religion that emerges will probably also have the same propensities inherent within it. So what we need to do is actually commit ourselves to a kind of militant secularism, because only once we become militant secularists that we can realize that Darwin is right, that there are fundamental inequalities between people, and that those should be reflected in society. 

This is a really huge point. Most of the conservatives drawn to Nietzsche over the years don't really wanna face up to his challenge, right? They may hate progressivism and they want to reinforce Christianity as a moral and civilizational anchor. But Nietzsche's whole point is that it doesn't work like that, right? If you're a conservative who hates progressivism, you have to realize that the progressive movement for more egalitarianism grew out of Christian soil. It is a secular extension of Christian morality. Nietzche is at least consistent in his contempt for that, but a lot of conservatives aren't. So they're trying to have their cake and eat it too. 

Oh, absolutely. Right? I'll give two examples. Nietzsche would look at people like say, Jordan Peterson or Dinesh D'Souza both claim to like Nietzsche and also want to defend Christian civilization. And he'd say, you people may claim to believe in the Christian God, but you certainly don't like his message at all. You want to reject his message as emphatically as you possibly can. By contrast all those woke secularists that you constantly rail against might not even believe in the Christian God anymore. But boy oh boy, do they love his message? They absolutely agree, as Fran Phon once put it that the wretched of the earth have God on their side and when one day triumph and should triumph, right? So think about Dinesh D'Souza's recent book, United States of Socialism. He is very contemptuous of people like Bernie Sanders for undermining a kind of religious conviction that he thinks is essential to holding the United States together. 

But at the same time, he will directly appeal to Nietzche to criticize things like the Scandinavian social democracies by saying, even if a kind of social democracy could work as it seems to there, why would we want to do that? That's a society he says, of last men. And the way that Nietzche describes where they are concerned for the least amongst them. They don't commit themselves to any kind of great projects. I want none of that. And this remarkable tension has never reconciled in his book Jordan Peterson is even worse in a lot of senses, where on the one hand he will sit there and constantly appeal to Nietzsche describing how this death of God is led to the birth of all kinds of secular totalitarian ideologies like Communism or Marxism, while never taking on board Nietzsche's fundamental point that communism isn't antithetical to Christianity. 

Communism was Christianity. It's the herd gaining control of the house and doing what they're inevitably were going to do, which is level it. 

It does feel like you, you sort of make a plea to the left. The left certainly in this country has a kind of reflexive discomfort with religion, certainly in the American tradition. But part of what you're saying here, and certainly part of what Nietzsche would say is that no, actually contemporary progressivism is very much an heir to the Christian tradition and that that presents a kind of political opportunity for the left that they probably haven't made good use of up to this point, but maybe they should. 

Yeah, I I would absolutely agree with that. The most important Christian figure in American history is I think an arguably MLK, right? And MLK was a radical in almost every respect. He wanted a very pronounced form of economic democracy in addition to the elimination of all forms of racial hierarchization. And he argued for that on a Christian basis, I think correctly. And Nietzche would've had nothing but contempt for someone like MLK, but at least he would've said, he really gets it. He understands what this message is about. It's about empowering the lower orders of society to strike back against the elites. And I think that the left is mistaken if it assumes that there isn't a kind of power to this Christian ethic that it could mobilize on behalf of more progressive causes than it traditionally has been used for."]]]></description>
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    <title>Yanis Varoufakis on Julian Assange's release - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-26T16:03:09+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Yanis Varoufakis with a passionate speech about Julian Assange's release and a scathing criticism of those who sought to keep him behind bars for the crime of 'journalism'.

Julian Assange is finally a free man. The WikiLeaks co-founder was released from Belmarsh prison on Monday morning after 1,901 days of being kept inside the maximum-security location.

On May 20, judges at the UK high court in London had granted Assange the right to appeal his United States extradition and, on June 24, he was finally granted bail and was released at Stansted airport from where he boarded a plane and departed for Australia.

For us at MERA25 and DiEM25, in which Julian has been with us from the beginning as a founding member, the liberation of our comrade is a milestone: the fight for justice is never in vain.

This is the moment to redouble our efforts to free every political prisoner, everywhere!"]]></description>
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    <title>How to Defeat AIPAC and the Israel Lobby (w/ Ralph Nader) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-17T05:32:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QB-xVXo_Fmw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Consumer advocate & former Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader joins Bad Faith to weigh in on the revolving chairs of the Green Party's presidential candidates, the strategic value of Cornel West running as an independent, & how to decide between West and Dr. Jill Stein. Briahna also asks him to address recent reporting that he would "help Joe Biden win, how people power can beat AIPAC, and whether he, as perhaps the most prominent Arab-American politician in the US, has been able to connect with Rashida Tlaib since being censured by congress. Nader explains the immense value of his print media publication, Capitol Hill Citizen, and why every leftist looking to push left politics forward should pick up a copy."]]></description>
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    <title>E82: Grief and anger in France: liberty, equality and fraternity for whom? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-11T21:32:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rJ8Vp6f03A</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Anger is palpable in the streets of France today, as the recent killing of 17-year-old Nahel by police during a traffic stop ignited countrywide protests. Such large-scale unrest hadn’t been seen since the Gilet Jaunes movement took off five years ago.

As a result of this, and of his extremely unpopular pension reform – which also saw widespread protests – Emmanuel Macron's popularity has hit rock bottom, with support surging for both the far-right and the Left.

What does all of this mean for people in France, and what lessons can be learned by those elsewhere in Europe? Join us for this vital conversation featuring Yanis Varoufakis, Julijana Zita, Erik Edman and the rest of our team, as well as our special guest, Stathis Kouvelakis."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E6TeHWZ7US4">
    <title>Why Inflation is a BOGEYMAN Used to Attack the Left - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-07T08:26:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E6TeHWZ7US4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, Briahna Joy Gray spoke to economics professor and exceptional communicator Fadhel Kaboub about what really causes inflation, how Modern Monetary Theory can help, why the Federal Reserve should mint a trillion dollar coin, how to curb education and healthcare inflation, and why elected progressives aren't talking nearly enough about any of this. If you aren't already familiar with the Denison University professor, you're in for a treat."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885531/historian-adam-tooze-on-how-the-pandemic-exposed-failures-of-globalization-economic-order">
    <title>Historian Adam Tooze on How the Pandemic Exposed Failures of Globalization, Economic Order - KQED</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-06T20:38:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885531/historian-adam-tooze-on-how-the-pandemic-exposed-failures-of-globalization-economic-order</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In his new book “Shutdown: How Covid Shook the World's Economy,” historian Adam Tooze analyzes the different ways governments around the world responded to the pandemic and what their responses say about the way power works in the modern world. Synthesizing information from dozens of countries, Tooze traces various levels of economic interaction and their impacts “from main streets to central banks, from families to factories, from favelas to traders.” Tooze joins us to discuss “Shutdown” and share his thoughts on what we can learn from the pandemic when it comes to preparing for future global “polycrises.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Identity Fraud</title>
    <dc:date>2021-10-11T19:55:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.gawker.com/culture/identity-fraud</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“I became aware, suddenly, of the cottage industry of professional commenters whose personal brands are built on their communities’ pains and joys, on acting as a sort of palatable interpreter for an external audience. These professionals may include entertainers, writers, and CEOs, but are rarely poor immigrants, rarely the longtime Chinatown residents who face poverty and displacement. Those kinds of Asians suffer while their “lived experience” representatives’ futures glitter.

I only sort of begrudge those pundits, however well meaning (although who knows, maybe I’ll become one yet). But what vexes me more is that this understanding of identity and representation — whether through the arbitrary replacement of Sally Rooney with a “Sally Parez or Sally Wong” (as one Asian-Australian writer called for), or the ascension of any person of marginalized identity into a position of power (no matter how compromised) — is celebrated as a collective political triumph, rather than what it most often is: individual, symbolic, or even actively harmful.

In this way, identity politics as it’s understood today is utterly individualist, as the writer Asad Haider points out in his book Mistaken Identity: Race and Class in the Age of Trump. This is a departure from “its initial form as a theorization of a revolutionary political practice” — by which Haider is referring to the original concept of identity politics coined by the Combahee River Collective (C.R.C.) in a 1977 statement. The C.R.C., composed of Black feminist lesbian socialists, was born of disillusionment with other liberation movements that they found to be neither sufficiently anti-racist (white feminism) nor anti-sexist and anti-homophobic (the predominantly male Black nationalist and white leftist movements) for their intersection of identities. The group’s conceptualization of identity politics was, more or less, the belief that “Black women — and all oppressed people — had the right to form their own political agendas,” Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, speaking with C.R.C. cofounder Barbara Smith, writes in the New Yorker.

This was a radical notion at the time, especially in its focus on Black women’s struggles at the bottom of the social hierarchy, ground down by interlocked systems of oppression. But asserting a marginalized person’s crucial right to articulate their own political agenda did not mean siloing disparate groups by identity or ruling that “only those who suffered a particular oppression could fight against it or even comment on it,” per Taylor. The C.R.C. was, above all, a solidarity coalition that aimed to bring together those who suffered under capitalism, imperialism, and the patriarchy: an alliance of race, class, gender, and sexuality. What made the C.R.C.’s conception so revolutionary half a century ago was its focus on those at the bottom of the pecking order — poor, Black women with little socioeconomic mobility — rather than those who sat atop the pyramid of representation. Identity politics as it is commonly understood today — individualist, tied to shallow ideas of representation and authenticity — is far from the radical imagination of the past.

That is partly what is so aggravating and even noxious about how contemporary identity politics is wielded: in practice, the concept has been overtaken by a fetishization of optics at the expense of the tangible interests of the most marginalized. Táíwò calls this “elite capture”: “the control over political agendas and resources by a group’s most advantaged people.” How much oxygen is taken up by calls for inclusion in big-budget movies, high-society events, and (forgive me) federal spy agencies? How much of this is mere distraction from the prospect of breaking free from those elite ideals, or efforts to materially improve the lives of people — many, many of them “of color” — who have inadequate healthcare, are exploited by their employers, are deported in precarious conditions, or otherwise suffer under the apparatuses that are fundamentally contingent upon continued division and hierarchization?

Some might hope that all this attention and awareness will provide a halo effect for all the other concerns that fall under any marginalized group’s umbrella: a blockbuster starring an Asian American superhero will force others to see Asians as heroes, which will force them to see Asians as humans, which will… prevent xenophobic violence and deaths? More and more, I am convinced that such a conceptual reach is, in Táíwò’s words, little more than “a racial Reaganomics: a strategy reliant on fantasies about the exchange rate between the attention economy and the material economy.” There is of course capacity for a plurality of thought, for people to care about multiple issues at once, but I find myself skeptical of the persistent optimism about cultural trickle-down theory. Sure, all of this may be technically possible, but how much faith are you willing to put in it?


I should clarify: I think marginalized people should condemn bias and bigotry. I am also of the opinion that there is a vocal contingent on the left that could certainly stand to believe a little more in identity as a real factor in how people navigate the world. (Funnily enough, it seems that much on that front has still not changed from the days when the C.R.C. splintered off into its own movement.)

Nor do I automatically discount the possibility that being able to weaponize identity should be considered a matter of reparations, or at least karmic justice, since actual reparations and/or justice and/or the dismantling of oppressive social structures do not seem to be in the imminent future. Certainly, there’s a part of me that believes that more marginalized people should be able to cash in and get their movies and book deals and board seats, or make a livelihood from convincing executives to pay them thousands or millions of dollars to restructure their Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion trainings or whatever. In my heart of hearts, I may think it’s kind of a grift, but so what? Get that bread, etc.

But what are the dangers of sustaining this machination? Besides just being intellectually dishonest — boo hoo, who gives a fuck, one might very rationally retort — I fear the corrosive effects of such a cynical wielding of identity: the backlash against (or at least growing impatience with) any critical discussion of racial dynamics in this country; the shrinking possibility of collective solidarity across lines of identity and class, and with it, the hope for more radical change; the reduction of what is certainly not a simple issue into an either-or binary.

On that last point, journalist Jay Caspian Kang writes in the New York Times, “The range of possible solutions to the problem of inequality have drifted together and consolidated themselves.” He proffers as a case study the Louisville Project, an early aughts debate experiment at the University of Louisville that transformed high school and collegiate policy debate by honing in on debaters’ “identity advantages” in order to reroute arguments about broader theoretical problems into discussions about the personal effects of racism and oppression.

The project, pioneered by debate coach Ede Warner, undisputedly achieved its mission of disrupting the hegemony that elite institutions held over debate; a gay, Black team from Emporia State University, a public university with an 80 percent acceptance rate, won national debate titles using an identity-first approach in 2013. But, as Kang writes, it was also a portent of how discussions of race and inequality are now mediated through a process he calls “binary consensus building,” which forces people “into a type of acquiescence to whatever solution gets placed in front of them” in a field of scant options: black or white, A or B, one or the other. If you favor diversity, you will seek to eliminate standardized testing, Kang provides as a policymaking example. If you oppose inequality, you will vote for the identity-first debate team. The inverse must then also be true: If you do not defer to identity, you must be against equality.

This forced-binary consensus is a reductionist way of thinking, of engaging with the world and each other. It’s also one that, I think, is too easily co-opted by self-serving parties: not just my fellow brethren just looking to score some easy points here or there, but also the prominent non-white figures on the right who can just as nimbly hijack identity, enabled by the bad faith that is built into the foundations of Identity Fraud. Even white people, I have found, are starting to reflexively wave this rhetorical cudgel, too; in fights with other ostensibly well-meaning, white guilt-feeling, Obama-voting liberals, unable to win the argument on their own merits, they might whip out an accusation of not being a good enough ally to “BIPOC” while pretending not to see how they trot us out for their own polemic convenience. Consider, for instance, the film Malcolm & Marie, which takes this one step further by using a Black character (played by John David Washington) to voice the white filmmaker Sam Levinson’s frustrations with white critics. That’s just shameless.

So what are we to do about this? There is no simple solution, I’m afraid. Calling out instances of Identity Fraud in the wild so easily becomes a trap, as what separates use of identity and misuse of identity — which is what distinguishes my theory — comes down to intent. Maybe the person crying foul on an innocuous incident really does feel that they have been targeted because of their identity. Maybe they actually were targeted because of their identity; it wouldn’t be the first time. But maybe they were not, and maybe they know it, but maybe they will never admit it. That is what is so tricky about intent; it is nearly impossible for another person to divine.

For that reason, the burden lies upon each individual who is capable of committing Identity Fraud to peer within and ask themselves: “Is whatever that’s happening actually bigoted? Or am I merely reaching for a foolproof way to disarm someone who is saying something that I don’t like? Does using my identity in this way only enrich me, personally? Or is it for the collective, for the culture, for the people who are not in this elite room with me? Ultimately, am I lying to myself?” I think they’ll find that the answer comes quickly.

It is not without some reluctance that I, having asked myself these very questions, am thus forced to relinquish my running joke-turned-reflex of calling others racist and/or sexist when I have little else of substance to declare. In a world of unfairness, it is perhaps unspeakably cruel to implore those of us who are already marginalized by oppressive social structures to relinquish one of the few rhetorical advantages that said oppressive social structures produced. I don’t pretend that it will be easy or even fair. But then again, the arc of progress rarely is.

In the meantime, though, we could all do with some more self-reflection — and if you really get stuck, give me a call. I’ll be happy to lend my “WOC” expertise on identity issues for a very reasonable consulting fee.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLO0UuSnPzU">
    <title>Abolition, Cultural Freedom, Liberation - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-10-06T05:19:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLO0UuSnPzU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Join 2020 Lannan Prize recipients Angela Y. Davis, Mike Davis, and Ruth Wilson Gilmore for a conversation hosted by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor.
----------------------------------------------------

The Lannan Cultural Freedom Prize for 2020 was awarded to Angela Y. Davis for her lifetime achievements as a public intellectual advocating for racial, gender, and economic justice; to Mike Davis for his life’s work as a public intellectual who encourages critical analysis of society in the service of constructing an alternative, post-capitalist future in both theory and practice; and Ruth Wilson Gilmore for a lifetime of achievement as a public intellectual working toward the decarceration of California, the United States, and the world. Join all three, along with Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor for a conversation on abolition, cultural freedom, and liberation.
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Mike Davis, professor emeritus of creative writing at UC Riverside, joined the San Diego chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality in 1962 at age 16 and the struggle for racial and social equality has remained the lodestar of his life. His City of Quartz challenged reigning celebrations of Los Angeles from the perspectives of its lost radical past and insurrectionary future. His wide-ranging work has married science, archival research, personal experience, and creative writing with razor-sharp critiques of empires and ruling classes. He embodies the Lannan vision of working at the intersection of art and social justice. 

Angela Y. Davis is Distinguished Professor Emerita in the History of Consciousness and Feminist Studies Departments at the University of California, Santa Cruz. Dr. Davis grew up in Birmingham, Alabama, and has been an activist and Marxist-Feminist in the Black Power and abolitionist movements since the late 1960s. In the 1980s, her book Women, Race and Class helped to establish the concept of intersectionality. She also helped to develop the concept of prison abolition, especially in her books Are Prisons Obsolete? . 

Ruth Wilson Gilmore is Professor of Earth & Environmental Sciences and Director of the Center for Place, Culture, and Politics at the City University of New York Graduate Center. Co-founder of many grassroots organizations including the California Prison Moratorium Project, Critical Resistance, and the Central California Environmental Justice Network, Gilmore is author of the prize-winning Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California. Recent publications include “Beyond Bratton” (Policing the Planet); “Abolition Geography and the Problem of Innocence” (Futures of Black Radicalism); a foreword to Bobby M. Wilson’s Birmingham classic America’s Johannesburg; a foreword to Cedric J. Robinson on Racial Capitalism, Black Internationalism, and Cultures of Resistance; and, co-edited with Paul Gilroy, Stuart Hall: Selected Writings on Race and Difference. Forthcoming projects include Change Everything: Racial Capitalism and the Case for Abolition; Abolition Geography: Essays Toward Liberation. Gilmore has lectured in Africa, Asia, Europe, and North America. In April 2019 novelist Rachel Kushner profiled Gilmore in The New York Times Magazine. Recent honors include the SUNY-Purchase College Eugene V. Grant Distinguished Scholar Prize for Social and Environmental Justice; the American Studies Association Richard A Yarborough Mentorship Award; The Association of American Geographers Lifetime Achievement Award; and election to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.


Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor writes and speaks on Black politics, social movements, and racial inequality in the United States. She is author of From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (a Lannan Cultural Freedom Especially Notable Book Award recipient) and editor of How We Get Free. Her third book, Race for Profit was a finalist for a National Book Award for nonfiction, and a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for History. She is a contributing writer at The New Yorker and professor at Princeton University.
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This event is a partnership between Lannan Foundation and Haymarket Books.


Lannan Foundation’s Readings & Conversations series features inspired writers of fiction, nonfiction, and poetry, as well as cultural freedom advocates with a social, political, and environmental justice focus. We are excited to offer these programs online to a global audience. Video and audio recordings of all events are available at lannan.org.

Haymarket Books is a radical, independent, nonprofit book publisher based in Chicago.

Lannan Foundation is a family foundation dedicated to cultural freedom, diversity, and creativity through projects that support exceptional contemporary artists and writers, inspired Native activists in rural communities, and social justice advocates.”]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2021-05-08T19:30:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/salvos/when-the-partys-over-oconnor</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-army-of-altruists">
    <title>Army of Altruists | The Anarchist Library</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-06T04:24:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-army-of-altruists</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What all this suggests to me is that American society might well work completely differently than we tend to assume. Imagine, for a moment, that the United States as it exists today were the creation of some ingenious social engineer. What assumptions about human nature could we say this engineer must have been working with? Certainly nothing like rational choice theory. For clearly our social engineer understands that the only way to convince human beings to enter into the world of work and the marketplace (that is: of mind-numbing labor and cut-throat competition) is to dangle the prospect of thereby being able to lavish money on one’s children, buy drinks for one’s friends, and, if one hits the jackpot, to be able to spend the rest of one’s life endowing museums and providing AIDS medications to impoverished countries in Africa. Where our theorists are constantly trying to strip away the veil of appearances and show how all such apparently selfless gesture really mask some kind of self-interested strategy, in reality, American society is better conceived as a battle over access to the right to behave altruistically. Selflessness – or at least, the right to engage in high-minded activity – is not the strategy. It is the prize. If nothing else, I think this helps us understand why the Right has been so much better, in recent years, at playing to populist sentiments than the Left. Essentially, they do it by accusing liberals of cutting ordinary Americans off from the right to do good in the world. Let me explain what I mean here by throwing out a series of propositions.


PROPOSITION I: Neither egoism nor altruism are natural urges; they are in fact arise in relation to one another and neither would be conceivable without the market.

FIRST OF ALL, I should make clear that I do not believe that either egoism or altruism are somehow inherent to human nature. Human motives are rarely that simple. Rather egoism or altruism are ideas we have about human nature. Historically, one tends to arise in response to the other. In the ancient world, for example, it is precisely in the times and places as one sees the emergence of money and markets that one also sees the rise of world religions – Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam. If one sets aside a space and says, “Here you shall think only about acquiring material things for yourself,” then it is hardly surprising that before long someone else will set aside a countervailing space, declaring, in effect: “Yes, but here, we must contemplate the fact that the self, and material things, are ultimately unimportant.” It was these latter institutions, of course, that first developed our modern notions of charity.

Even today, when we operate outside the domain of the market or of religion, very few of our actions could be said to be motivated by anything so simple as untrammeled greed or utterly selfless generosity. When we are dealing not with strangers but with friends, relatives, or enemies, a much more complicated set of motivations will generally come into play: envy, solidarity, pride, self-destructive grief, loyalty, romantic obsession, resentment, spite, shame, conviviality, the anticipation of shared enjoyment, the desire to show up a rival, and so on. These are the motivations that impel the major dramas of our lives, that great novelists like Tolstoy and Dostoevsky immortalize, but that social theorists, for some reason, tend to ignore. If one travels to parts of the world where money and markets do not exist – say, to certain parts of New Guinea or Amazonia – such complicated webs of motivation are precisely what one still finds. In societies where most people live in small communities, where almost everyone they know is either a friend, a relative or an enemy, the languages spoken tend even to lack words that correspond to “self-interest” or “altruism,” while including very subtle vocabularies for describing envy, solidarity, pride and the like. Their economic dealings with one another likewise tend to be based on much more subtle principles. Anthropologists have created a vast literature to try to fathom the dynamics of these apparently exotic “gift economies,” but if it seems odd to us to see, say, important men conniving with their cousins to finagle vast wealth, which they then present as gifts to bitter enemies in order to publicly humiliate them, it is because we are so used to operating inside impersonal markets that it never occurs to us to think how we would act if we had an economic system where we treated people based on how we actually felt about them.

Nowadays, the work of destroying such ways of life is largely left to missionaries – representatives of those very world religions that originally sprung up in reaction to the market long ago. Missionaries, of course, are out to save souls; but this rarely interpret this to mean their role is simply to teach people to accept God and be more altruistic. Almost invariably, they end up trying to convince people to be more selfish, and more altruistic, at the same time. On the one hand, they set out to teach the “natives” proper work discipline, and try to get them involved with buying and selling products on the market, so as to better their material lot. At the same time, they explain to them that ultimately, material things are unimportant, and lecture on the value of the higher things, such as selfless devotion to others.

PROPOSITION II: The political right has always tried to enhance this division, and thus claim to be champions of egoism and altruism simultaneously. The left has tried to efface it.

MIGHT THIS NOT help to explain why the United States, the most market-driven industrialized society on earth, is also the most religious? Or, even more strikingly, why the country that produced Tolstoy and Dostoevsky spent much of the twentieth century trying to eradicate both the market and religion entirely?

Where the political left has always tried to efface this distinction – whether by trying to create economic systems that are not driven by the profit motive, or by replacing private charity with one or another form community support – the political right has always thrived on it. In the United States, for example, the Republican party is dominated by two ideological wings: the libertarians, and the “Christian right.” At one extreme, Republicans are free-market fundamentalists and advocates of individual liberties (even if they see those liberties largely as a matter of consumer choice); on the other, they are fundamentalists of a more literal variety, suspicious of most individual liberties but enthusiastic about biblical injunctions, “family values,” and charitable good works. At first glance it might seem remarkable such an alliance manages to hold together at all (and certainly they have ongoing tensions, most famously over abortion). But in fact right-wing coalitions almost always take some variation of this form. One might say that the conservative approach always has been to release the dogs of the market, throwing all traditional verities into disarray; and then, in this tumult of insecurity, offering themselves up as the last bastion of order and hierarchy, the stalwart defenders of the authority of churches and fathers against the barbarians they have themselves unleashed. A scam it may be, but a remarkably effective one; and one effect is that the right ends up seeming to have a monopoly on value. They manage, we might say, to occupy both positions, on either side of the divide: extreme egoism and extreme altruism.

Consider, for a moment, the word “value.” When economists talk about value they are really talking about money – or more precisely, about whatever it is that money is measuring; also, whatever it is that economic actors are assumed to be pursuing. When we are working for a living, or buying and selling things, we are rewarded with money. But whenever we are not working or buying or selling, when we are motivated by pretty much anything other the desire to get money, we suddenly find ourselves in the domain of “values.” The most commonly invoked of these are of course “family values” (which is unsurprising, since by far the most common form of unpaid labor in most industrial societies is child-rearing and housework), but we also talk about religious values, political values, the values that attach themselves to art or patriotism – one could even, perhaps, count loyalty to one’s favorite basketball team. All are seen as commitments that are, or ought to be, uncorrupted by the market. At the same time, they are also seen as utterly unique; where money makes all things comparable, “values” such as beauty, devotion, or integrity cannot, by definition, be compared. There is no mathematic formula that could possibly allow one to calculate just how much personal integrity it is right to sacrifice in the pursuit of art, or how to balance responsibilities to your family with responsibilities to your God. (Obviously, people do make these kind of compromises all the time. But they cannot be calculated). One might put it this way: if value is simply what one considers important, then money allows importance take a liquid form, enables us to compare precise quantities of importance and trade one off for the other. After all, if someone does accumulate a very large amount of money, the first thing they are likely to do is to try to convert it into something unique, whether this be Monet’s water lilies, a prize-winning racehorse, or an endowed chair at a university.

What is really at stake here in any market economy is precisely the ability to make these trades, to convert “value” into “values.” We all are striving to put ourselves in a position where we can dedicate ourselves to something larger than ourselves. When liberals do well in America, it’s because they can embody that possibility: the Kennedys, for example, are the ultimate Democratic icons not just because they started as poor Irish immigrants who made enormous amounts of money, but because they are seen as having managed, ultimately, to turn all that money into nobility.

PROPOSITION III: The real problem of the American left is that while it does try in certain ways to efface the division between egoism and altruism, value and values, it largely does so for its own children. This has allowed the right to paradoxically represent itself as the champions of the working class.

ALL THIS MIGHT help explain why the Left in America is in such a mess. Far from promoting new visions of effacing the difference between egoism and altruism, value and values, or providing a model for passing from one to the other, progressives cannot even seem to think their way past it. After the last presidential election, the big debate in progressive circles was the relative importance of economic issues versus what was called “the culture wars.” Did the Democrats lose because they were not able to spell out any plausible economic alternatives, or did the Republicans win because they successfully mobilized conservative Christians around the issue of gay marriage? As I say, the very fact that progressives frame the question this way not only shows they are trapped in the right’s terms of analysis. It demonstrates they do not understand how America really works.

Let me illustrate what I mean by considering the strange popular appeal, at least until recently, of George W. Bush. In 2004, most of the American liberal intelligentsia did not seem to be able to get their heads around it. After the election, what left so many of them reeling was their suspicion that the things they most hated about Bush were exactly what so many Bush voters liked about him. Consider the debates, for example. If statistics are to be believed, millions of Americans who watched George Bush and John Kerry lock horns, concluded that Kerry won, and then went off and voted for Bush anyway. It was hard to escape the suspicion that in the end, Kerry’s articulate presentation, his skill with words and arguments, had actually counted against him.

This sends liberals into spirals of despair. They cannot understand why decisive leadership is equated with acting like an idiot. Neither can they understand how a man who comes from one of the most elite families in the country, who attended Andover, Yale, and Harvard, and whose signature facial expression is a selfsatisfied smirk, could ever convince anyone he was a “man of the people.” I must admit I have struggled with this as well. As a child of working class parents who won a scholarship to Andover in the 1970s and eventually, a job at Yale, I have spent much of my life in the presence of men like Bush., everything about them oozing self-satisfied privilege. But in fact, stories like mine – stories of dramatic class mobility through academic accomplishment – are increasingly unusual in America.

America of course continues to see itself as a land of opportunity, and certainly from the perspective of an immigrant from Haiti or Bangladesh, it is. No doubt in terms of overall social mobility, we still compare favorably to countries like Bolivia or France. But America has always been a country built on the promise of unlimited upward mobility. The working-class condition has been traditionally seen as a way station, as something one’s family passes through on the road to something better. Lincoln used to stress that what made American democracy possible was the absence of a class of permanent wage laborers. In Lincoln’s day, the ideal was that it was mainly immigrants who worked as wage laborers, and that they did so in order to save up enough money to do something else: if nothing else, to buy some land and become a homesteader on the frontier.

The point is not how accurate this ideal was; the point was most Americans have found the image plausible. Every time the road is perceived to be clogged, profound unrest ensues. The closing of the frontier led to bitter labor struggles, and over the course of the twentieth century, the steady and rapid expansion of the American university system could be seen as a kind of substitute. Particularly after World War II, huge resources were poured into expanding the higher education system, which grew extremely rapidly, and all this was promoted quite explicitly as a means of social mobility. This served during the Cold War as almost an implied social contract, not just offering a comfortable life to the working classes but holding out the chance that their children would not be working-class themselves.

The problem, of course, is that a higher education system cannot be expanded forever. At a certain point one ends up with a significant portion of the population unable to find work even remotely in line with their qualifications, who have every reason to be angry about their situation, and who also have access to the entire history of radical thought. During the twentieth century, this was precisely the situation most likely to spark revolts and insurrections – revolutionary heroes from Chairman Mao to Fidel Castro almost invariably turn out to be children of poor parents who scrimped to give their children a bourgeois education, only to discover that a bourgeois education does not, in itself, guarantee entry into the bourgeoisie. By the late sixties and early seventies, the very point where the expansion of the university system hit a dead end, campuses were, predictably, exploding.

What followed could be seen as a kind of settlement. Campus radicals were reabsorbed into the university, but set to work largely at training children of the elite. As the cost of education has skyrocketed, financial aid has been cut back, and the government has begun aggressively pursuing student loan debts that once existed largely on paper, the prospect of social mobility through education – above all liberal arts education – has been rapidly diminished. The number of working-class students in major universities, which steadily grew until at least the late sixties, has now been declining for decades. If working-class Bush voters tend to resent intellectuals more than they do the rich, then, the most likely reason is because they can imagine scenarios in which they might become rich, but cannot imagine one in which they, or any of their children, could ever become members of the intelligentsia? If you think about it, this is not an unreasonable assessment. A mechanic from Nebraska knows it is highly unlikely that his son or daughter will ever become an Enron executive. But it is possible. There is virtually no chance on the other hand that his child, no matter how talented, will ever become an international human rights lawyer, or a drama critic for the New York Times. Here we need to remember not just the changes in higher education, but also the role that unpaid, or effectively unpaid, internships. It has become a fact of life in the United States that if one chooses a career for any reason other than the money, for the first year or two one will not be paid. This is certainly true if one wishes to be involved in altruistic pursuits: say, to join the world of charities, or NGOs, or to become a political activist. But it is equally true if one wants to pursue values like Beauty or Truth: to become part of the world of books, or the art world, or an investigative reporter. The custom effectively seals off any such career for any poor student who actually does attain a liberal arts education. Such structures of exclusion had always existed of course, especially at the top, but in recent decades fences have become fortresses.

If that mechanic’s son – or daughter – wishes to pursue something higher, more noble, for a career, what options does she really have? Likely just two. She can seek employment with her local church, which is hard to get. Or she can join the Army.

This is, of course, the secret of nobility. To be noble is to be generous, high-minded, altruistic, to pursue higher forms of value. But it is also to be able to do so because one does not really have to think too much about money. This is precisely what our soldiers are doing when they give free dental examinations to villagers: they are being paid (modestly, but adequately) to do good in the world. Seen in this light, it is also easier to see what really happened at universities in the wake of the 1960s – the “settlement” I mentioned above. Campus radicals set out to create a new society that destroyed the distinction between egoism and altruism, value and values. It did not work out, but they were, effectively, offered a kind of compensation: the privilege to use the university system to create lives that did so, in their own little way, to be supported in one’s material needs while pursuing virtue, truth, and beauty, and above all, to pass that privilege on to their own children. One cannot blame them for accepting the offer. But neither can one blame the rest of the country for resenting the hell out of them. Not because they reject the project: as I say, this is what America is all about.

As I always tell activists engaged in the peace movement and counter-recruitment campaigns: why do working class kids join the Army anyway? Because like any teenager, they want to escape the world of tedious work and meaningless consumerism, to live a life of adventure and camaraderie in which they believe they are doing something genuinely noble. They join the Army because they want to be like you."]]></description>
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    <title>Barbara Smith: Why I Left the Mainstream Queer Rights Movement - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2020-01-25T23:25:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/19/us/barbara-smith-black-queer-rights.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A black feminist describes her disillusionment, saying many people are still marginalized, even in progressive circles.

I have not been active in the organized L.G.B.T.Q. movement for a long time.

I enthusiastically participated in the first National March on Washington for Lesbian and Gay Rights in 1979. About 100,000 of us were there from around the country, a good turnout but much smaller than subsequent marches — when being out and proud was less dangerous.

At the second national march, in 1987, I was invited to be one of eight major speakers. It was exhilarating to speak before a crowd of nearly one million people.

At the same time, it was devastating to see the vast AIDS quilt on display in one place for the first time, symbolizing so much human loss.

I felt ambivalent about the 1993 march. For me it was overly focused on gays in the military and in presenting our community as an affluent consumer group to win favor from the corporate mainstream. This supposed affluence was not even real except for a privileged sector of largely white gay men.

In 1999 the tight circle of organizers of the Millennium March in Washington reflected how narrow and hierarchical the movement had become.

A group of us established the multiracial Ad Hoc Committee for an Open Process. Ted Beck, Mandy Carter, Chandra L. Ford, Kara Keeling and I wrote an open letter to the march organizers titled “Will People of Color Pay the Price?”

Our efforts at opening up the organizational process were not successful. I did not attend the 1999 march or any subsequent ones. For me the Millennium March was the last straw.

I prefer to put my energy into multi-issue organizing. In the 1970s and 1980s, I co-founded the Combahee River Collective, a black feminist group, and Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press to give women of color, lesbians of color and even gay men of color a voice.

Three decades later, despite some genuine efforts to increase diversity, especially in progressive movement circles, exclusivity and elitism still divide us. We have won rights and achieved recognition that would have been unimaginable 50 years ago, but many of us continue to be marginalized, both in the larger society and within the movement itself.

One in four people in the L.G.B.T.Q. community experienced food insecurity in 2017. Twenty-four percent of lesbians and bisexual women earn less than the federal poverty line. L.G.B.T.Q. youth have a 120 percent higher risk of experiencing homelessness than heterosexual, cisgender youth.

Black men who have sex with men have the highest rates of new H.I.V. diagnoses. People who are transgender, particularly transgender women of color, experience appalling levels of violence, and this violence is exacerbated by poverty and racism.

These statistics show it is not possible to achieve justice in a vacuum. Marriage equality and celebrity culture will not solve it. Neither will political agendas focused on unquestioned assimilation. Gaining rights for some while ignoring the violation and suffering of others does not lead to justice. At best it results in privilege.

Unless we eradicate the systemic oppressions that undermine the lives of the majority of L.G.B.T.Q. people, we will never achieve queer liberation."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-obamanauts">
    <title>The Obamanauts | Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-09T06:29:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-obamanauts</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“What is the defining achievement of Barack Obama? For a time, it seemed it would be his foreign policy: the Paris Agreement, diplomatic relations with Cuba, and getting Iran to give up its nuclear weapons program. When Trump got elected and those deals got undone, it seemed it would be the Affordable Care Act. But after plummeting for several years, the uninsured rate among adults has begun to creep back up. Obama did avert a second Great Depression, but history is not kind to averters: with time, what didn’t happen tends to get eclipsed by what did. And what did happen under Obama is a recovery that was slow and weak. Black homeownership rates, which took a major hit during the financial crisis, are the lowest they’ve ever been.

Maybe, then, Obama will be remembered for the fact of his election (though he and senior adviser Valerie Jarrett claim that getting a black man elected was nothing compared to getting the healthcare bill passed) and creating a brand of neoliberal multiculturalism for party elites to use and enjoy in years to come. Yet the defeat of Hillary Clinton in 2016 and the failure of Kamala Harris to dominate the 2020 campaign threaten that inheritance. So perhaps Obama’s most important legacy will be one of productive disappointment: energizing a multiracial coalition of young voters whose subsequent disaffections with Obamaism and inclinations toward socialism are today remaking the left.

Since the 2016 election, many members of the Obama administration have written their memoirs in the hope of defining that legacy. In addition, more than a hundred men and women who worked in and around the White House have given their reminiscences to Brian Abrams, who has composed a remarkably fluid oral history of the Obama years. We’ve not yet heard from the man himself. While it’s not unprecedented for the president’s men and women to get the first word, the effect of his silence and their volubility is to decenter a presidency that, more than most, was centered on one man and his words. Obama had an uncanny ability to make sense of his place in history, to narrate what it was that he was doing. His politics had its limits, but they were often, and often knowingly, self-imposed. No matter how circumscribed the view, Obama managed to conjure a sense of what lay beyond it. With one exception, none of his people has that sense of time or place. They’re bound by a perimeter that is not of their making and that lies beyond their ken.

At the same time, not only do the Obamanauts wish to salvage Obama’s legacy from Donald Trump; they also believe Obama’s legacy can save us from Donald Trump. “My hope in writing this book,” says Dan Pfeiffer, who ran communications in the White House, is that “if we learn the right lessons” from Obama, “we can ensure that Donald Trump is an aberration.” That puts Obama’s legacy at a double disadvantage: defended by some of its least persuasive advocates and defined by what it is not. Burdened by a future he had a hand in making but no intention of creating, Obama gets reimagined in these memoirs and reminiscenses in light of everything he sought to avoid: the destructiveness of the president who came after him, and the irresponsibility of the Republicans who came before him and dogged him throughout his time in office. Instead of a clear outline of the man, we get the shadow of his enemies. That’s not fair to Obama, but as he’s the one who chose these people to speak for him while he was in office, they are the ones who’ve chosen to speak for him when he’s out. So it will remain, until he writes his memoirs.

The Obamanauts have an argument that they think can be used to defeat the Republicans. It is an argument that sets out what liberals and Democrats should be saying, and how they should be saying it, in the next election and beyond. It is part sense—about economic policy, foreign policy, and so on—and part sensibility: about norms, the presidency, and how our public life should be conducted. Because the sense is so thin in these memoirs, the sensibility winds up mattering more. Which is probably for the best. For it’s that sensibility that gives us the clearest view of what Obamaism, beneath and beyond Obama, was all about. It’s the style of leading sectors in the Democratic Party, currently embattled against the left, though we hear little mention of that battle here. But most of all, it’s that style that answers the question: What is Obama’s legacy? For better or worse, and at least for now, it’s the Obamanauts themselves.


Leftists often dismiss liberals and Democrats as bloodless technocrats and pallid wonks. But that’s not true of the Obamanauts. Theirs is a libidinal attachment. Not to science, reason, or Harvard but to an incongruous sense of history—dopey and epochal, encyclopedic yet uninformed. Obamanauts think of themselves as a “storied band of brothers.” They grill five-year-olds on the facts of presidential history. They speak of history lying in “our hands.” Yet many of them know little of consequence about the past. Pfeiffer thinks the demand for politicians to be authentic is a “new rule,” but Nixon was dogged by the charge of inauthenticity all the time. Virtually all of the Obamanauts are dumbfounded by the Republicans’ hatred of the Affordable Care Act, even though opposition to universal healthcare has been a rallying cry of conservatives since Harry Truman first proposed it in 1945. But Obamanauts do know that, with the exception of Harold Stassen, Obama was the first presidential candidate to campaign outside the United States and that John Kerry’s three-week trip to Vienna was “the longest any secretary of state had ever remained in any single city outside the United States in the history of the country.”

Obamanauts have a passion for office and state, a calling for power distilled of all impurities. Pfeiffer may have wanted to help Obama “achieve his place in history,” but his ultimate intention in the White House was to serve “not just my president but the presidency itself.” Even so, theirs is an agile sense of service that bends to more self-serving claims. Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes says that after 9/11 he was so compelled by patriotism—and repelled by the New York left’s “preemptive protests against American military intervention” and “reflexive distrust of Bush”—that he made the trek uptown to talk to an Army recruiter under the Queensboro Bridge. After giving the matter some thought, he decided that army life wasn’t for him; he could better serve his country by joining a think tank in DC.

Obamanauts have a range of references to demonstrate their devotion. Hogwarts and St. Elmo’s Fire loom large. The West Wing is clearly the touchstone, however. Gautam Raghavan, who began working for Obama during the 2008 campaign, writes, “Working in Barack Obama’s White House was like watching Aaron Sorkin’s The West Wing brought to life. It had all the necessary elements: the brilliant, articulate professor in chief with an unapologetically progressive vision of America; a narrative arc rooted in ongoing themes of idealism and public service; but most importantly, a cast of patriotic Americans who labored every day, as members of the President’s staff, to serve the country they loved.” One collection of testimonials, edited by Raghavan, is called West Wingers; another memoir is called West Winging It.

The Obamanauts live in that sweet spot where Hollywood is history and history is Hollywood, where celebrities are the secret sauce of social policy and producers are aides-de-camp to politicians. A staffer careens, in the very same sentence, from memories of a “world-famous reporter” telling tales of Tiananmen Square to a recollected vision of Anna Wintour sweeping past her desk. Election night in Grant Park is made more magical by the presence of Oprah and Brad Pitt. There’s nothing new about mixing politics and the culture industry. But where Reagan summoned Hollywood to recall the glamor of an older age, the main effect of having these Obamanauts float among the stars is to bring them down to earth. When Rhodes lets slip that UN Ambassador Samantha Power listened to Eminem just before announcing a global treaty on landmines, when Mastromonaco sets out her typical day in the White House, with one hour blocked off for conversations with Pfeiffer about Girls “(seriously),” what they’re telling us is that for all the windy and wince-inducing high-mindedness, Obamanauts really don’t take themselves seriously. They’re just like you and me.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://boomcalifornia.com/2019/03/19/dream-interrupted/">
    <title>Dream Interrupted – Boom California</title>
    <dc:date>2019-03-31T23:15:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://boomcalifornia.com/2019/03/19/dream-interrupted/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Kevin Starr at The San Francisco Examiner, 1976-83"

…

"Yet if the temporal gap in Starr’s series seems mysterious, we need not speculate about his views of that period. In fact, he wrote copiously about those decades—not as a historian, but as a columnist for The San Francisco Examiner. Churning out more than 5,000 words per week between 1976 and 1983, Starr made it perfectly clear where he stood on the issues of the day, especially in San Francisco. Indeed, his articles hint at, but do not definitively establish, his reason for avoiding that period in his series.

Starr’s path to the Examiner was unusual. He grew up in San Francisco, living from age ten to fifteen in the Potrero Hill Housing Project. He attended St. Boniface School in the Tenderloin and, for one year, Saint Ignatius High School. After majoring in English at the University of San Francisco and serving in the U.S. Army, he earned a Ph.D. in English and American Literature at Harvard University, which he recalled as “a magical and nurturing place.”[6] Widener Library’s vast California collection inspired him to write about his native state. “I thought, ‘There’s all kinds of wonderful books on California, but they don’t seem to have the point of view we’re encouraged to look at—the social drama of the imagination,’” he later told the Los Angeles Times.[7] In 1973, Oxford University Press published his critically acclaimed dissertation book, Americans and the California Dream, 1850-1915.

Instead of pursuing an academic career, Starr returned to San Francisco, wrote speeches for mayor Joseph Alioto, and was appointed city librarian in 1974. His decision to work for Alioto was consequential. The wealthy Catholic lawyer was a Democrat, but members of the so-called Burton machine—most notably Phillip and John Burton, Willie Brown and George Moscone—considered Alioto a threat to their progressive coalition. When the ILWU, the radical longshoremen’s union, endorsed Alioto’s 1967 mayoral bid, an angry Phil Burton threw his support behind Jack Morrison, Alioto’s opponent. “We’re going to shove Jack Morrison’s bald head up Alioto’s ass,” Burton told an ILWU representative.[8] In fact, Alioto sailed to victory and was reelected in 1971. He ran for governor in 1974, but lost to Jerry Brown in the Democratic Party primary. When Moscone edged out conservative supervisor John Barbagelata in the 1975 mayoral race, the Burton machine finally captured City Hall. By that time, the coalition included gay and environmental activists as well as labor unionists, racial and ethnic minorities, and white progressives.

Shortly after Moscone’s victory, Starr began writing for the Examiner, which had served as the Hearst Corporation’s flagship publication for decades. “The Monarch of the Dailies” was still a political force in the city, but its influence was shrinking along with its market share. In 1965, it signed a joint operating agreement with the more popular San Francisco Chronicle, whose executive editor, Scott Newhall, had regarded the Hearst newspapers as “something evil” designed to stupefy the masses. Newhall wanted to produce a very different kind of publication: “I figured the Chronicle had to be successful, and the city had to have a paper that would amuse, entertain and inform, and save people from the perdition of Hearstian ignorance.”[9] When it came to hard news, however, the Examiner considered itself the scrappy underdog. “We were the No. 2 paper in town with declining circulation,” recalled former editor Steve Cook. “But the spirit on the staff was sort of impressive—we actually thought of ourselves as the better paper in town, we thought we could show our morning rivals how to cover the news.”[10]

Soon Starr was writing six columns per week, including a Saturday article devoted to religion. Most of his columns featured the city’s cultural activities and personages, but Starr also took the opportunity to shape his public profile. He presented himself as a conservative Catholic intellectual, a San Francisco version of William F. Buckley Jr., whom he frequently praised. In one column, he described himself as “a conservative neo-Thomist Roman Catholic with Platonist leanings and occasional temptations towards anarchy.”[11] He also wrote about the challenges of that identity in San Francisco:

<blockquote>It’s not easy to be a conservative. It’s often lonely to be a thinking conservative. And to be a thinking conservative in San Francisco can frequently be an even more difficult and isolated condition…. Here in San Francisco such left-liberal opinions have coalesced into a rigid inquisitorial orthodoxy—an orthodoxy now reinforced by political power—that brooks no opposition whatsoever.[12]</blockquote>

The “political power” Starr had in mind was likely the Burton machine. With Moscone in City Hall, Willie Brown in the Assembly, and the Burton brothers in Congress, that machine was shifting into overdrive. Yet Starr clearly thought that San Francisco was moving in the wrong direction."

…

"After the failed 1984 campaign, Starr began to refashion himself, California style. Inventing the Dream, the second volume in what his publisher was already billing as a series, appeared in 1985. Four years later, he became a visiting professor at the School of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Southern California. Five years after that, Republican governor Pete Wilson appointed him California State Librarian, a position he held for a decade. During that time, he encouraged countless projects devoted to California history, including my biography of Carey McWilliams, for which he also wrote a blurb. In 1998, Starr was promoted to University Professor and Professor of History at USC. Over the next twelve years, he produced the final five volumes of his series, a brief history of California, and a short book on the Golden Gate Bridge. Among his many awards was the National Humanities Medal, which President George W. Bush presented to him in 2006.

As Starr’s profile rose, the Examiner columns faded from view. One wonders how he squared that body of work with the dream series. Did his criticisms of Harvey Milk and George Moscone, his sympathy for Dan White, his arguments on behalf of Patricia Hearst, or his role in the Peoples Temple tragedy dissuade him from treating those topics in his books? Perhaps, but the evidence is more suggestive than dispositive. Certainly the tone and temper of his work evolved in concert with his new professional duties. As the dream series unfolded, it began to reflect his sponsorial role at the state library and his emergent academic persona. The result was a new and more expansive authorial self, one that appealed to the state’s aspirations rather than to partisanship or moral reaction. Despite this evolution, or perhaps because of it, Starr declined to revisit the years immediately before, during, and immediately after his stint at the Examiner.

Although Starr didn’t parlay his early journalism into a political career, it groomed him for the work to come, much as his experience at Harvard did. It seasoned him, taught him how to write on deadline for general audiences, and introduced him to public figures and issues he wouldn’t have encountered had he accepted an academic position straight out of graduate school. But there was nothing inevitable about Starr’s achievement. To become California’s foremost historian, he had to overcome setbacks and adapt to changing circumstances. Only by shedding his journalistic persona and adopting a new model of authorship could he become the ardent but politically tempered chronicler of California civilization."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/19/opinion/democrats-gentrification-cities-voters.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Democrats’ Gentrification Problem - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-04-21T23:13:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/19/opinion/democrats-gentrification-cities-voters.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Research that focuses on the way city neighborhoods are changing by income, race and ethnicity, while not specifically addressed to political consequences, helps us see the potential for conflict within the Democratic coalition.

Robert J. Sampson, a sociologist at Harvard, published a detailed study in 2015 for the St. Louis Federal Reserve of the economic composition of neighborhoods. Overall, he found, “middle-income neighborhoods are tenuous,” while neighborhoods at the top and bottom of the economic ladder have remained strikingly stable."

…

"Upscale liberal whites “who consider themselves committed to racial justice” tend to be “NIMBYists when it comes to their neighborhoods,” Cain wrote, “not living up to their affordable housing commitments and resisting apartment density around mass transportation stops.”"

…

"As intraparty economic and racial divisions have increased within the Democratic coalition, the political power of the well-to-do has grown at the expense of racial and ethnic minorities."

…

"The maneuvers in California are a reflection of a larger problem for Democrats: their inability to reconcile the conflicts inherent in the party’s economic and racial bifurcation."

…

"Democratic politicians should respond by imposing higher taxes on the wealthy and spending the proceeds on the less well off."

…

"The progressivity of income taxes has decreased, reliance on regressive consumption taxes has increased, and the taxation of capital has followed a global race to the bottom. Instead of boosting infrastructure investment, governments have pursued austerity policies that are particularly harmful to low-skill workers. Big banks and corporations have been bailed out, but households have not. In the United States, the minimum wage has not been adjusted sufficiently, allowing it to erode in real terms."

…

Rodrik cites the work of the French economist Thomas Piketty, who argues that political parties on the left have been taken over, here and in Europe, “by the well-educated elite” — what Piketty calls the “Brahmin Left.” The Brahmin Left, writes Rodrik,

<blockquote>is not friendly to redistribution, because it believes in meritocracy — a world in which effort gets rewarded and low incomes are more likely to be the result of insufficient effort than poor luck.</blockquote>"

…

"The Democrats will become the party of urban cosmopolitan business liberalism, and the Republicans will become the party of suburban and rural nationalist populism."

…

"The force that had historically pushed policy to the economic left — organized labor — has for the most part been marginalized. African-American and Hispanic voters have shown little willingness to join Democratic reform movements led by upper middle class whites, as shown in their lack of enthusiasm for Bill Bradley running against Al Gore in 2000 or Sanders running against Clinton in 2016.

The hurdle facing those seeking to democratize elite domination of the Democratic Party is finding voters and donors who have a sustained interest in redistributive policies — and the minimum wage is only a small piece of this. Achieving that goal requires an economically coherent center-left political coalition. It also requires the ability to overcome the seemingly insuperable political divisions between the white working class and the African-American and Hispanic working classes — that elusive but essential multiracial — and now multiethnic — majority. Establishing that majority in a coherent political coalition is the only way in which the economic interests of those in the bottom half of the income distribution will be effectively addressed."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.yesmagazine.org/issues/columns/you-are-brilliant-and-the-earth-is-hiring">
    <title>You are Brilliant, and the Earth is Hiring :: Paul Hawken's Commencement Address to the Class of 2009 — YES! Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2017-11-19T21:29:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.yesmagazine.org/issues/columns/you-are-brilliant-and-the-earth-is-hiring</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I was invited to give this speech, I was asked if I could give a simple short talk that was “direct, naked, taut, honest, passionate, lean, shivering, startling, and graceful.” No pressure there.

Let’s begin with the startling part. Class of 2009: you are going to have to figure out what it means to be a human being on earth at a time when every living system is declining, and the rate of decline is accelerating. Kind of a mind-boggling situation… but not one peer-reviewed paper published in the last thirty years can refute that statement. Basically, civilization needs a new operating system, you are the programmers, and we need it within a few decades.

This planet came with a set of instructions, but we seem to have misplaced them. Important rules like don’t poison the water, soil, or air, don’t let the earth get overcrowded, and don’t touch the thermostat have been broken. Buckminster Fuller said that spaceship earth was so ingeniously designed that no one has a clue that we are on one, flying through the universe at a million miles per hour, with no need for seat belts, lots of room in coach, and really good food—but all that is changing.

There is invisible writing on the back of the diploma you will receive, and in case you didn’t bring lemon juice to decode it, I can tell you what it says: You are Brilliant, and the Earth is Hiring. The earth couldn’t afford to send recruiters or limos to your school. It sent you rain, sunsets, ripe cherries, night blooming jasmine, and that unbelievably cute person you are dating. Take the hint. And here’s the deal: Forget that this task of planet-saving is not possible in the time required. Don’t be put off by people who know what is not possible. Do what needs to be done, and check to see ifit was impossible only after you are done.

When asked if I am pessimistic or optimistic about the future, my answer is always the same: If you look at the science about what is happening on earth and aren’t pessimistic, you don’t understand the data. But if you meet the people who are working to restore this earth and the lives of the poor, and you aren’t optimistic, you haven’t got a pulse. What I see everywhere in the world are ordinary people willing to confront despair, power, and incalculable odds in order to restore some semblance of grace, justice, and beauty to this world. The poet Adrienne Rich wrote, “So much has been destroyed I have cast my lot with those who, age after age, perversely, with no extraordinary power, reconstitute the world.” There could be no better description. Humanity is coalescing. It is reconstituting the world, and the action is taking place in schoolrooms, farms, jungles, villages,campuses, companies, refuge camps, deserts, fisheries, and slums.

You join a multitude of caring people. No one knows how many groups and organizations are working on the most salient issues of our day: climate change, poverty, deforestation, peace, water, hunger, conservation, human rights, and more. This is the largest movement the world has ever seen. Rather than control, it seeks connection. Rather than dominance, it strives to disperse concentrations of power. Like Mercy Corps, it works behind the scenes and gets the job done. Large as it is, no one knows the true size of this movement. It provides hope, support, and meaning to billions of people in the world. Its clout resides in idea, not in force. It is made up of teachers, children, peasants, businesspeople, rappers, organic farmers, nuns, artists, government workers, fisherfolk, engineers, students, incorrigible writers, weeping Muslims, concerned mothers, poets, doctors without borders, grieving Christians, street musicians, the President of the United States of America, and as the writer David James Duncan would say, the Creator, the One who loves us all in such a huge way.

There is a rabbinical teaching that says if the world is ending and the Messiah arrives, first plant a tree, and then see if the story is true. Inspiration is not garnered from the litanies of what may befall us; it resides in humanity’s willingness to restore, redress, reform, rebuild, recover, reimagine, and reconsider. “One day you finally knew what you had to do, and began, though the voices around you kept shouting their bad advice,” is Mary Oliver’s description of moving away from the profane toward a deep sense of connectedness to the living world.

Millions of people are working on behalf of strangers, even if the evening news is usually about the death of strangers. This kindness of strangers has religious, even mythic origins, and very specific eighteenth-century roots. Abolitionists were the first people to create a national and global movement to defend the rights of those they did not know. Until that time, no group had filed a grievance except on behalf of itself. The founders of this movement were largely unknown — Granville Clark, Thomas Clarkson, Josiah Wedgwood — and their goal was ridiculous on the face of it: at that time three out of four people in the world were enslaved. Enslaving each other was what human beings had done for ages. And the abolitionist movement was greeted with incredulity. Conservative spokesmen ridiculed the abolitionists as liberals, progressives, do-gooders, meddlers, and activists. They were told they would ruin the economy and drive England into poverty. But for the first time in history a group of people organized themselves to help people they would never know, from whom they would never receive direct or indirect benefit. And today tens of millions of people do this every day. It is called the world of non-profits, civil society, schools, social entrepreneurship, non-governmental organizations, and companies who place social and environmental justice at the top of their strategic goals. The scope and scale of this effort is unparalleled in history.

The living world is not “out there” somewhere, but in your heart. What do we know about life? In the words of biologist Janine Benyus, life creates the conditions that are conducive to life. I can think of no better motto for a future economy. We have tens of thousands of abandoned homes without people and tens of thousands of abandoned people without homes. We have failed bankers advising failed regulators on how to save failed assets. We are the only species on the planet without full employment. Brilliant. We have an economy that tells us that it is cheaper to destroy earth in real time rather than renew, restore, and sustain it. You can print money to bail out a bank but you can’t print life to bail out a planet. At present we are stealing the future, selling it in the present, and calling it gross domestic product. We can just as easily have an economy that is based on healing the future instead of stealing it. We can either create assets for the future or take the assets of the future. One is called restoration and the other exploitation. And whenever we exploit the earth we exploit people and cause untold suffering. Working for the earth is not a way to get rich, it is a way to be rich.

The first living cell came into being nearly 40 million centuries ago, and its direct descendants are in all of our bloodstreams. Literally you are breathing molecules this very second that were inhaled by Moses, Mother Teresa, and Bono. We are vastly interconnected. Our fates are inseparable. We are here because the dream of every cell is to become two cells. And dreams come true. In each of you are one quadrillion cells, 90 percent of which are not human cells. Your body is a community, and without those other microorganisms you would perish in hours. Each human cell has 400 billion molecules conducting millions of processes between trillions of atoms. The total cellular activity in one human body is staggering: one septillion actions at any one moment, a one with twenty-four zeros after it. In a millisecond, our body has undergone ten times more processes than there are stars in the universe, which is exactly what Charles Darwin foretold when he said science would discover that each living creature was a “little universe, formed of a host of self-propagating organisms, inconceivably minute and as numerous as the stars of heaven.”

So I have two questions for you all: First, can you feel your body? Stop for a moment. Feel your body. One septillion activities going on simultaneously, and your body does this so well you are free to ignore it, and wonder instead when this speech will end. You can feel it. It is called life. This is who you are. Second question: who is in charge of your body? Who is managing those molecules? Hopefully not a political party. Life is creating the conditions that are conducive to life inside you, just as in all of nature. Our innate nature is to create the conditions that are conducive to life. What I want you to imagine is that collectively humanity is evincing a deep innate wisdom in coming together to heal the wounds and insults of the past.

Ralph Waldo Emerson once asked what we would do if the stars only came out once every thousand years. No one would sleep that night, of course. The world would create new religions overnight. We would be ecstatic, delirious, made rapturous by the glory of God. Instead, the stars come out every night and we watch television.

This extraordinary time when we are globally aware of each other and the multiple dangers that threaten civilization has never happened, not in a thousand years, not in ten thousand years. Each of us is as complex and beautiful as all the stars in the universe. We have done great things and we have gone way off course in terms of honoring creation. You are graduating to the most amazing, stupefying challenge ever bequested to any generation. The generations before you failed. They didn’t stay up all night. They got distracted and lost sight of the fact that life is a miracle every moment of your existence. Nature beckons you to be on her side. You couldn’t ask for a better boss. The most unrealistic person in the world is the cynic, not the dreamer. Hope only makes sense when it doesn’t make sense to be hopeful. This is your century. Take it and run as if your life depends on it."

[via: http://morethanhumanlab.org/blog/2017/11/16/read-along-with-anne-the-impossible-4/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3344-dehumanization-by-deification-on-kamala-harris-and-black-women-will-save-us">
    <title>Verso: Dehumanization by Deification: On Kamala Harris and &quot;Black Women Will Save Us&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2017-08-06T01:35:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3344-dehumanization-by-deification-on-kamala-harris-and-black-women-will-save-us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My introduction to the politics of Kamala Harris came from the Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP) and other sex worker organizations and activists in the wake of the federal shutdown of Backpage’s adult section in January. Backpage was a website that a number of sex workers used to advertise and screen potential clients. The closure and federal persecution of Backpage, Rentboy.com, and other similar online spaces meant that escorts and other sex workers were denied the ability to conduct their work with the degree of safety that comes with the virtual separation of workers and their would-be clients. As a newly elected California senator, Harris praised the shutdown of the adult section; previously, as California Attorney General, Harris repeatedly sued Backpage alleging that the website was profiting in the sex trafficking (and slapping its CEO, Carl Ferrer, with a pimping charge).

Despite arguments by sex workers that the closure of online work spaces would be harmful to them, Harris, like many others, claimed to support sex workers while actively making their lives more difficult: her prosecutorial logic deliberately conflated voluntary sex work and sex trafficking in a way that was indistinguishable from the rhetorics of sex work abolitionists and sex work exclusionary feminists (SWERFs). Her carceral justifications for these criminalizations were complementary to the outright anti-poor, anti-Black, anti-queer and trans attacks from the present administration and their material implications for sex workers. Yet Harris has swiftly been elevated as a kind of progressive feminist hero injecting new life into the party purporting to stand in stark ideological opposition to the one currently dominating most of the American government.

Harris has also been heavily criticized for her support for civil asset forfeiture (via her 2015 sponsorship of legislation seeking to battle transnational organized crime and meth trafficking) and her office’s refusal to expand early parole programs because the state would lose part of its heavily subsidized inmate labor force (she later claimed to be “shocked” that her department’s lawyers made this argument). She also contested the appeal for gender reconstructive surgery made by an incarcerated trans woman, Michelle-Lael Norsworthy, as well as similar requests from other incarcerated trans people. Despite her bipartisan effort with Republican Senator Rand Paul to eliminate pre-trial bail, people familiar with her pre-Senate record on criminal justice are reasonably skeptical of her — particularly given her refusal to proactively investigate police shooting in San Francisco during her tenure as state attorney general — and the buzz from establishment Democrats and “progressives” that has made her a new party darling and a soft potential 2020 presidential candidate.

“Black women will save us!” has been a kind of refrain both following the presidential election (where 94% of Black women voters supported Clinton) and the emergence of Maxine Waters and Harris as congressional gadflies outspokenly challenging the Republican Party in various hearings on Capitol Hill. As with Hillary Clinton, a gendered liberal rhetoric has emerged to defend Harris, claiming that she is being criticized because “leftist bros” are resentful of and threatened by female political leadership. Liberal commentators continue to conflate the most vocal and visible contingent of Bernie Sanders supporters — “Bernie Bros” — with the entirety of the left, and use this conflation to insist on dismissing “the left” on the grounds of racism. There is no denying that whiteness is reproduced (and the labor behind that reproduction invisibilized) throughout much of the left, but even if these critiques were made in good faith, it does not make sense to erase of leftists of color if one intends to further progressive discourses.

Roqayah Chamseddine wrote incisively on this dynamic where slightly left of center [white] pundits deliberately elide non-white contributions to left movements and discourses in the name of a left-baiting centered around specific politicians (namely, Bernie Sanders). She responds to Jill Filipovic’s revisionist erasure of Black and Brown contributions to 20th century left organizing, writing that leftists of color are not acknowledged for anything outside of "the illustrations of us they use to peddle neoliberal policies, and centrist organizing tactics that are about as spineless and cartoonish as their very ideology.” These savioristic declarations that the left is exclusionary demonstrate that leftists of color are "only good enough to exist as garments — worn on occasion when they want to make it known that they are here to save us from this so-called white ideology.”

There are critiques of Kamala Harris and Hillary Clinton that simply reflect a contempt for women [of color], and those misogynies are of course unacceptable. But there is a duly irresponsible and unacceptable idea that an individual’s politics are beyond reproach because they possess a marginalized identity (or multiple ones). Just as it was warranted to criticize President Barack Obama’s defense of empire as president or LGBQT people’s homonationalist and pinkwashed participation in the police state or some white women’s embrace of white supremacy, it is both politically necessary and politically correct to make pointed critiques of a woman of color’s track record of advocating for and even embodying the carceral state. Ironically, many of these same white people — particularly liberal white women — pay lip service to “amplifying the voices of women of color," yet they, once again, erase our voices as soon as they realize that our opinions are not monolithic and we cannot be so easily objectified and dehumanized as the saviors of liberalism through empty rhetorics of representation and inclusion.

The refusal to acknowledge the violent politics of a woman of color because of her raced-gendered identity is comparably racist to a critique of woman of color that revolves solely around those identities: white supremacy, remember, knows no sectarian or ideological bounds. Dehumanization, whether through degradation or deification, reflects of bigoted regard for minoritized individuals or groups; it objectifies of the identities of women of color to suit one’s politics. It is both infantilizing and condescending to avoid holding women of color’s politics to the same standard of rigor as the white men we easily (and necessarily) critique. and rests on no meaningful understanding of hegemonic social structures. This superficial politics of representation (i.e. the idea that elevating minorities to positions of power is an unquestioned social good regardless of their politics) and a weird fetishization, rather than actual respect, for non-white womanhood.

There seems to be an irreconcilable dissonance in this white liberal logic: how can "Black women save ‘us’” if the complexity and heterogeneity of our discourses, identities, needs, and humanity are ignored to make room for our superficial insertion into and tokenization within anti-left “progressive” arguments and shallow pandering by the Democratic Party during election cycles? Beyond, once again, demonstrating the limitations of politician-centered politics, these identity-based politics of infallibility also softly seem to insinuate that women of color (and politicians of color in general) are impossibly fragile or less capable (or worthy) of receiving much-needed critique without being altogether abandoned or seen as disposable.

If we can criticize the ineffectuality of the Democratic Party, can we not also criticize the non-white figures they tap to push those same dissatisfying politics on the party’s behalf?

The role of a state attorney general is to act as the state’s premiere law enforcement officer, and in occupying this position, Harris was essentially enforcing the will of a racist and anti-poor state “justice” system (the most populous state and one of the most expansive carceral states, at that). To pretend that only white men could possibly articulate a radical critique of this political track record and trajectory is wildly disingenuous. We will surely see Kamala Harris’ name all over the news in the coming years, but more important than the political advancement of the new progressive superstar is the revelation of white liberalism’s complete inability to engage non-white women both within the public political arena and outside of it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.forbes.com/sites/rogervaldez/2016/12/07/zoning-reducing-american-productivity-and-making-the-poor-poorer/#27bbacb271db">
    <title>Gallup: Zoning Is Reducing American Productivity And Making The Poor Poorer</title>
    <dc:date>2016-12-24T20:04:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.forbes.com/sites/rogervaldez/2016/12/07/zoning-reducing-american-productivity-and-making-the-poor-poorer/#27bbacb271db</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Gallup has released a report called, No Recovery: An Analysis of Long-Term U.S. Productivity Decline that explains that even with modest job and productivity growth post-recession, the productivity of the country is down overall. A big part of the reason for this stagnation and decline is because of the disproportionate growth in costs and decline in value in education, health care, and housing. The Gallup report tells the story that many of us have been repeating for years: we need more housing options. But local governments in fast growing cities have resisted housing production with zoning regulations.

What’s happening with housing that’s affecting productivity? The Gallup report argues makes the case that Americans are paying more for less, spending an average of 28 percent on housing costs compared to 19 percent over thirty years ago. Part of this is the size of units is getting smaller, which is not necessarily a bad thing. Many people are choosing to live in smaller spaces with higher per square foot costs. The Urban Land Institute produced a report on micro housing, A Macro View on Micro Housing,  that found many people chose smaller space because while the square foot cost of housing for smaller units is higher, over all rent is less.

But the Gallup report lays the real blame squarely on local elected officials and the influence of incumbent homeowners that constrain supply with aggressive zoning.

<blockquote>The core problem with the housing market is that it is not allowed to function as a market at all. In a healthy market, an increase in demand for a product leads to a greater supply and prices stay the same. In housing markets, demand increases as new households are formed, which results from natural population growth and immigration. The problem is that new supply is massively restricted, leading to inflation (Page 98).</blockquote>

Americans are facing, especially in cities, is housing scarcity that is pushing up prices and consuming their incomes. The money lost to higher prices is money not saved, not invested in new ventures, or education, or meeting other needs. People want to live and work and cities because that’s where the opportunity is; but the report found that zoning is making it harder for new people to live in cities. Here’s a devastating indictment of zoning (emphasis mine):

<blockquote>Local zoning boards and planning agencies have almost complete discretion over what gets built where, and they are under intense political pressure from homeowners’ associations and other groups to block development in high-priced, low-density areas for cultural and economic reasons. Culturally, homeowners clamor to preserve what they regard as the “character” of their communities, by which they mean things like traffic, the race and social status of their neighbors, and environmental amenities like green space and scenic views. Additionally, homeowners have strong economic interests in restricting the supply of housing in their neighborhood for two reasons: having more people, especially people with young children, requires a higher tax rate on property, and even more fundamentally, greater housing supply in their neighborhood lowers the value of their unit relative to the prevailing scarcity. Thus, even as housing prices increased, U.S. population density actually fell from 2000 to 2010 for metropolitan area residents as newer housing units were pushed further out into the distant suburbs (Page 99).</blockquote>

But here’s what Gallup doesn’t say: progressive political rhetoric and policies blaming developers and building owners for higher prices provides the political cover to enact these kinds of measures that actually hurt poor people. And this is truly the scandal of the last three decades, that incumbent single-family homeowners have used the suffering of poor people to argue for policies that benefit their own financial interests while making life worse for people with the fewest dollars to spend on housing in the city, the very people that they claim to be worried about.

Gallup says it isn’t done but will be producing more detailed ideas on solutions. The housing solution will have to require that local politicians and officials stop implementing policies that appear redistributive at the expense of developers and landlords, but that only make things worse for people seeking housing (see Seattle Mayor Murray's Mandatory Inclusionary Zoning scheme). Ironically the fees and taxes wrung out of the production of much needed housing will only raise its price, funneling the money raised into a manifestly inefficient system of housing production. As Margaret Thatcher famously pointed out, all these apparently socialist policies using taxes, fees, and zoning do is make the “poor poorer” while ensuring current homeowners see themselves get richer and richer.

[video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pdR7WW3XR9c ]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theamericanconservative.com/dreher/trump-us-politics-poor-whites/">
    <title>Trump: Tribune Of Poor White People | The American Conservative</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-28T22:08:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theamericanconservative.com/dreher/trump-us-politics-poor-whites/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My grandma (Mamaw) recognized this instinctively. She said that most people were probably prejudiced, but they had to be secretive about it. “We”–meaning hillbillies–“are the only group of people you don’t have to be ashamed to look down upon.” During my final year at Yale Law, I took a small class with a professor I really admired (and still do). was the only veteran in the class, and when this came up somehow in conversation, a young woman looked at me and said, “I can’t believe you were in the Marines. You just seem so nice. I thought that people in the military had to act a certain way.” It was incredibly insulting, and it was my first real introduction to the idea that this institution that was so important among my neighbors was looked down upon in such a personal way. To this lady, to be in the military meant that you had to be some sort of barbarian.

…

"At the same time, the hostility between the working class and the elites is so great that there will always be some wariness toward those who go to the other side. And can you blame them? A lot of these people know nothing but judgment and condescension from those with financial and political power, and the thought of their children acquiring that same hostility is noxious. It may just be the sort of value we have to live with.  

The odd thing is, the deeper I get into elite culture, the more I see value in this reverse snobbery. It’s the great privilege of my life that I’m deep enough into the American elite that I can indulge a little anti-elitism. Like I said, it keeps you grounded, if nothing else! But it would have been incredibly destructive to indulge too much of it when I was 18.

…

the point that the meta-narrative of the 2016 election is learned helplessness as a political value.  We’re no longer a country that believes in human agency, and as a formerly poor person, I find it incredibly insulting.  To hear Trump or Clinton talk about the poor, one would draw the conclusion that they have no power to affect their own lives.  Things have been done to them, from bad trade deals to Chinese labor competition, and they need help. And without that help, they’re doomed to lives of misery they didn’t choose.  

Obviously, the idea that there aren’t structural barriers facing both the white and black poor is ridiculous. Mamaw recognized that our lives were harder than rich white people, but she always tempered her recognition of the barriers with a hard-noses willfulness: “never be like those a–holes who think the deck is stacked against them.” In hindsight, she was this incredibly perceptive woman. She recognized the message my environment had for me, and she actively fought against it.

There’s good research on this stuff. Believing you have no control is incredibly destructive, and that may be especially true when you face unique barriers. The first time I encountered this idea was in my exposure to addiction subculture, which is quite supportive and admirable in its own way, but is full of literature that speaks about addiction as a disease. If you spend a day in these circles, you’ll hear someone say something to the effect of, “You wouldn’t judge a cancer patient for a tumor, so why judge an addict for drug use.” This view is a perfect microcosm of the problem among poor Americans.  On the one hand, the research is clear that there are biological elements to addiction–in that way, it does mimic a disease.  On the other hand, the research is also clear that people who believe their addiction is a biologically mandated disease show less ability to resist it. It’s this awful catch-22, where recognizing the true nature of the problem actually hinders the ability to overcome.  

Interestingly, both in my conversations with poor blacks and whites, there’s a recognition of the role of better choices in addressing these problems. The refusal to talk about individual agency is in some ways a consequence of a very detached elite, one too afraid to judge and consequently too handicapped to really understand. At the same time, poor people don’t like to be judged, and a little bit of recognition that life has been unfair to them goes a long way.  Since Hillbilly Elegy came out, I’ve gotten so many messages along the lines of: “Thank you for being sympathetic but also honest.”

I think that’s the only way to have this conversation and to make the necessary changes: sympathy and honesty. It’s not easy, especially in our politically polarized world, to recognize both the structural and the cultural barriers that so many poor kids face. But I think that if you don’t recognize both, you risk being heartless or condescending, and often both.

…

[to liberals:] stop pretending that every problem is a structural problem, something imposed on the poor from the outside. I see a significant failure on the Left to understand how these problems develop. They see rising divorce rates as the natural consequence of economic stress. Undoubtedly, that’s partially true.  Some of these family problems run far deeper. They see school problems as the consequence of too little money (despite the fact that the per pupil spend in many districts is quite high), and ignore that, as a teacher from my hometown once told me, “They want us to be shepherds to these kids, but they ignore that many of them are raised by wolves.” Again, they’re not all wrong: certainly some schools are unfairly funded. But there’s this weird refusal to deal with the poor as moral agents in their own right.  In some cases, the best that public policy can do is help people make better choices, or expose them to better influences through better family policy (like my Mamaw).  

There was a huge study that came out a couple of years ago, led by the Harvard economist Raj Chetty. He found that two of the biggest predictors of low upward mobility were 1) living in neighborhoods with concentrated poverty and 2) growing up in a neighborhood with a lot of single mothers. I recall that some of the news articles about the study didn’t even mention the single mother conclusion. That’s a massive oversight! Liberals have to get more comfortable with dealing with the poor as they actually are. I admire their refusal to look down on the least among us, but at some level, that can become an excuse to never really look at the problem at all.

…

Well, I think it’s important to point out that Christianity, in the quirky way I’ve experienced it, was really important to me, too. For my dad, the way he tells it is that he was a hard partier, he drank a lot, and didn’t have a lot of direction. His Christian faith gave him focus, forced him to think hard about his personal choices, and gave him a community of people who demanded, even if only implicitly, that he act a certain way. I think we all understate the importance of moral pressure, but it helped my dad, and it has certainly helped me! There’s obviously a more explicitly religious argument here, too. If you believe as I do, you believe that the Holy Spirit works in people in a mysterious way. I recognize that a lot of secular folks may look down on that, but I’d make one important point: that not drinking, treating people well, working hard, and so forth, requires a lot of willpower when you didn’t grow up in privilege. That feeling–whether it’s real or entirely fake–that there’s something divine helping you and directing your mind and body, is extraordinarily powerful.  

General Chuck Krulak, a former commandant of the Marine Corps, once said that the most important thing the Corps does for the country is “win wars and make Marines.” I didn’t understand that statement the first time I heard it, but for a kid like me, the Marine Corps was basically a four-year education in character and self-management. The challenges start small–running two miles, then three, and more. But they build on each other. If you have good mentors (and I certainly did), you are constantly given tasks, yelled at for failing, advised on how not to fail next time, and then given another try. You learn, through sheer repetition, that you can do difficult things. And that was quite revelatory for me. It gave me a lot of self-confidence. If I had learned helplessness from my environment back home, four years in the Marine Corps taught me something quite different.

…

After so many years of Republican politicians refusing to even talk about factory closures, Trump’s message is an oasis in the desert. But of course he spent way too much time appealing to people’s fears, and he offered zero substance for how to improve their lives. It was Trump at his best and worst.

My biggest fear with Trump is that, because of the failures of the Republican and Democratic elites, the bar for the white working class is too low. They’re willing to listen to Trump about rapist immigrants and banning all Muslims because other parts of his message are clearly legitimate. A lot of people think Trump is just the first to appeal to the racism and xenophobia that were already there, but I think he’s making the problem worse.

The other big problem I have with Trump is that he has dragged down our entire political conversation.  It’s not just that he inflames the tribalism of the Right; it’s that he encourages the worst impulses of the Left. In the past few weeks, I’ve heard from so many of my elite friends some version of, “Trump is the racist leader all of these racist white people deserve.” These comments almost always come from white progressives who know literally zero culturally working class Americans. And I’m always left thinking: if this is the quality of thought of a Harvard Law graduate, then our society is truly doomed. In a world of Trump, we’ve abandoned the pretense of persuasion. The November election strikes me as little more than a referendum on whose tribe is bigger."]]></description>
<dc:subject>donaldtrump us elections 2016 politics poverty roddreher jdvance agency personalagency race economics policy optimism bias hostility elitism tribalism progressives liberals resilience military christianity structure discipline willpower mentors self-management character education society class judgement condescension helplessness despair learnedhelplessness sympathy honesty rajchetty snobbery complexity selfmanagement</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://larrycuban.wordpress.com/2015/06/09/palimpsest-of-school-reform-personalized-learning/">
    <title>Palimpsest of School Reform: Personalized Learning | Larry Cuban on School Reform and Classroom Practice</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-14T00:39:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://larrycuban.wordpress.com/2015/06/09/palimpsest-of-school-reform-personalized-learning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There were two main ideas, anchored in what was then emerging as a “science of education,” that spurred and divided U.S. progressives. First, student-centered instruction, small group and individualized learning (adherents were sometimes called “pedagogical progressives“) and, second, business-oriented advocates of “scientific management” (sometimes called “administrative progressives”) who sought to prepare children and youth to fit into work and society far more efficiently than the traditional schooling of the day. Both wings of the progressive movement drew from the writings of John Dewey and his embrace of science."

…

"The pumped up language accompanying “personalized learning” resonates like the slap of high-fives between earlier Progressive educators and current reformers. Rhetoric aside, however, issues of research and accountability continue to bedevil those clanging the cymbals for “student-centered” instruction and learning. The research supporting “personalized” or “blended learning” is, at best thin. Then again, few innovators, past or present, seldom invoked research support for their initiatives.

But accountability in these years of Common Core standards and testing is another matter. As one report put it:

<blockquote>Personalized learning is rooted in the expectation that students should progress through content based on demonstrated learning instead of seat time. By contrast, standards-based accountability centers its ideas about what students should know, and when, on grade-level expectations and pacing. The result is that as personalized learning models become more widespread, practitioners are increasingly encountering tensions between personalized learning and state and federal accountability structures.</blockquote>

Tensions arise over end-of-year testing, meeting annual proficiency standards, and judging school performance on the basis of student scores. Few policymakers and present-day Progressive reformers eager to install “personalized learning” in their schools have yet taken note of these conflicts.

Current innovations such as “personalized instruction,”  “student centered learning,   and “blended learning”  are written over the underlying, century-old text of Progressive education.  Efficiency in teaching students (faster, better, and at less cost) while teachers individualize instruction combines anew the two wings of the century-old Progressive education movement."]]></description>
<dc:subject>education larrycuban history progressive progressives pedagogy personalization 2015 blendedlearning student-centeredlearning personalizedinstruction openclassroom progressiveeducation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/30666-christian-parenti-on-climate-change-militarism-neoliberalism-and-the-state">
    <title>Christian Parenti on Climate Change, Militarism, Neoliberalism and the State</title>
    <dc:date>2015-05-13T19:31:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/30666-christian-parenti-on-climate-change-militarism-neoliberalism-and-the-state</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When the left turns its back on the social democratic features of government, stops making demands of the state, and fails to reshape government by using the government for progressive ends, it risks playing into the hands of the right. The central message of the American right is that government is bad and must be limited. This message is used to justify austerity. However, in most cases, neoliberal austerity does not actually involve a reduction of government. Typically, restructuring in the name of austerity is really just a transformation of government, not a reduction of it.

Over the last 35 years, the state has been profoundly transformed, but it has not been reduced. The size of the government in the economy has not gone down. The state has become less redistributive, more punitive. Instead of a robust program of government-subsidized and public housing, we have the prison system. Instead of well-funded public hospitals, we have profiteering private hospitals funded by enormous amounts of public money. Instead of large numbers of well-paid public workers, we have large budgets for private firms that now subcontract tasks formerly conducted by the government.

We need to defend the progressive work of government, which, for me, means immediately defending public education. To be clear, I do not mean merely vote or ask nicely, I mean movements should attack government and government officials, target them with protests, make their lives impossible until they comply. This was done very well with the FCC. And my hat goes off to the activists who saved the internet for us. The left should be thinking about the ways in which it can leverage government.

The utility of government was very apparent in Vermont during the aftermath of Hurricane Irene. The rains from that storm destroyed or damaged over a hundred bridges, many miles of road and rail, and swept away houses. Thirteen towns were totally stranded. There was a lot of incredible mutual aid; people just started clearing debris and helping each other out. But within all this, town government was a crucial connective tissue.

Due to the tradition of New England town meeting, people are quite involved with their local government. Anarchists should love town meetings. It is no coincidence that Murray Bookchin spent much of his life in Vermont. Town meetings are a form of participatory budgeting without the lefty rigmarole.

More importantly, the state government managed to get a huge amount of support from the federal government. The state in turn pushed this down to the town level. Without that federal aid, Vermont would still be in ruins. Vermont is not a big enough political entity to shake down General Electric, a huge employer in Vermont. The Vermont government can't pressure GE to pay for the rebuilding of local infrastructure, but the federal government can.

Vermont would still be a disaster if it didn't get a transfer of funds and materials from the federal government. Similarly in New York City, the public sector does not get enough praise for the many things it did well after super storm Sandy. Huge parts of the subway system were flooded, yet it was all up and running within the month.

As an aside, one of the dirty little secrets about the Vermont economy is that it's heavily tied-up with the military industrial complex. People think Vermont is all about farming and boutique food processing. Vermont has a pretty diverse economy, but agriculture plays a much smaller role than you might think, about 2 percent of employment. Meanwhile, the state's industrial sector, along with the government, is one of the top employers, at about 13 percent of all employment. Most of this work is in what's called precision manufacturing, making stuff like: high performance nozzles, switches, calibrators, and stuff like the lenses used in satellites, or handcrafting the blades that go in GE jet engines. But I digress … As we enter the crisis of climate change, it's important to be aware of the actually existing legal and institutional mechanisms with which we can contain and control capital."]]></description>
<dc:subject>christianparenti climatechange militarism neoliberalism 2015 goverment politics policy progressivism progressives economics austerity priorities military surveillance inequality wealth anarchism mutualaid activism epa environment infrastructure vermont townmeetings</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://destructables.org/">
    <title>Destructables | A DIY site for projects of protest and creative dissent. Share what you know...</title>
    <dc:date>2014-12-10T07:45:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://destructables.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Progressives are quite adept at the critique of this ‘manufacture of consent,’ but we need to learn how to construct dissent … as well. We need to acknowledge that politics – even our own politics – is about persuasion, and that one of the most effective ways to persuade people, and effect change, is to tap into their dreams. If progressives are going to take politics and power seriously, we need to learn to use spectacle not grudgingly but enthusiastically and free of guilt. We need to make spectacle our own.”

-Stephen Duncombe

Destructables.org is an advertising free Do It Yourself website for projects of protest and creative dissent. The site features user generated step-by-step video and photo/text based instructions for a wide range of dissenting actions, including (but not limited to): art actions, billboard alterations, shop-dropping, protest strategies, knit-bombing, making protest props, interventions, methods of civil disobedience, stencil work, performative actions, and many other forms of public dissent – from the practical and tactical to the creative and illegal. It is a living archive and resource for the art and activist communities.

Destructables was developed with a few basic ideas in mind:

Dissent is necessary for a healthy society (not that our societies are currently healthy).

Debate, dissent, and radical viewpoints fight against the reductionist monoculture of corporate hegemony. Sure, we are good consumers, but down deep we are so much more. We have been corralled this direction. It is safe, orderly, and bland, but what do we really want society to look like? Let’s debate in the streets. Let’s live it!

Public space is politicized:

The “public square” - spaces for discussing beliefs and ideas with other individuals without larger political bodies exerting their influence – are rapidly shrinking. Through advertising, surveillance, and privatization, our true public realm is vanishing before our eyes. Increasingly our ‘public space’ is sold off and then redistributed to us in the form of shopping malls and corporate plazas. While this space carefully mimics the public space that was lost, it is subject to a more restrictive, and often arbitrary, set of rules. We support people taking action to reclaim public space for people!

Resistance and protest needs constant re-invention:

In an era where traditional peaceful protest has become almost inconsequential in the United States, In an era where demonstrations are put on in specific zones and widely ignored in the media, in an era of constant media feed, connectivity, and decreasing attention spans, and in an era where marketers steal the tools and the language of dissent and revolution, we are in dire need of new strategies. We need new tactics and methods to shake things up - to create a new 'ethical spectacle' of grand proportions.

-------------------

Destructables was conceived and developed by Packard Jennings and realized through the generous support of Southern Exposure and Di Rosa. It was also made possible by the talents and insight of CrimethInc. It would, of course, not be possible without the contributions of amazing artists and activists, and the warm support of the larger artistic and activist communities.

The Destructables.org website was constructed with the hard work and thoughtful web design of Quilted. Quilted is a worker-owned, cooperatively-managed company stitching together technology and social change."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://theamericanreader.com/a-question-of-silence-why-we-dont-read-or-write-about-education/">
    <title>“A Question of Silence”: Why We Don’t Read Or Write About Education</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-19T08:11:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://theamericanreader.com/a-question-of-silence-why-we-dont-read-or-write-about-education/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The lack of imagination evident in these narratives reflects the lack of real-world alternatives. In the real-world fantasylands of schooling (e.g., Finland, Cuba, Massachusetts) education looks more or less the same as it does everywhere else. In short, the system is missing—or ignores—its real antithesis, its own real death. Without that counter-argument, educational writing loses focus. Educationalists present schooling as being in a constant state of crisis. Ignoring for a second the obvious fact that without a crisis most educationalists would be out of a job—i.e., closing our eyes to their vested interest in the problem’s persistence—what does this crisis consist of? Apparently, the failure of schools to do what they are supposed to do. But what are they supposed to do? What is their purpose? And why should we stand behind their purpose? This is the line of inquiry that—can you believe it—is ignored.

Of all the civic institutions that reproduce social relations, said Louis Althusser, “one… certainly has the dominant role, although hardly anyone lends an ear to its music: it is so silent! This is the School.” That statement was made in 1970, by which time school buses zigzagged the cities every working morning and afternoon, school bells rang across city and countryside, the words “dropout” and “failure” had become synonymous, education schools were in full swing, and school reform had gained its permanent nook on the prayer-wheel of electoral campaigns. In other words: what silence?

Althusser, of course, was referring to the absence of schooling as a topic in critical discourse. In this regard he was, and continues to be, accurate. The few paragraphs that he appended to the above-quoted statement may well be the only coherent critique of schooling in the upper echelons of critical theory. Critical theory, which has written volumes on Hollywood, television, the arts, madhouses, social science, the state, the novel, speech, space, and every other bulwark of control or resistance, has consistently avoided a direct gaze at schooling (see footnote). ((Here follows a cursory tally of what critical theorists (using the term very loosely to include some old favorite cultural critics) have written on education. I won’t be sad if readers find fault with it:

Horkheimer is silent. Barthes and Brecht, the same. Adorno has one essay and one lecture. Marcuse delivered a few perfunctory lectures on the role of university students in politics—but he makes it clear that you can’t build on them (university politics as well as the lectures, sadly). Derrida has some tantalizing pronouncements, particularly in Glas (“What is education? The death of the parents…”), but they are scattered and more relevant to the family setting than the school. Something similar, unfortunately, could be said of Bachelard—why was he not nostalgic about his education? Baudrillard, Lefebvre, and Foucault all seem interested in the question, if we judge by their interviews and lectures—and wouldn’t it be lovely to hear from them—but they never go into any depth. Even Althusser’s essay, Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses, which contains the above quote, quickly shies away from the topic: instead, he concentrates on the Church. In short, professional critical philosophy might have produced a more interesting study of Kung Fu Panda (see Žižek, who is also silent) than of the whole business of education. The one exception would be Rancière’s The Ignorant Schoolmaster, which I will discuss.)) Even Foucault, champion of enclosures, keeps out of the schoolhouse. ((Part III of Discipline and Punish includes a discussion, but his analysis there is mixed with all the other institutions that exercise punishment. The only direct references are in two lecture-discussions with students, both from 1971.)) The silence is particularly striking if we see radical philosophy itself as an educational endeavor, an enterprise concerned with ways of seeing and doing.

It’s not that there are no critical conversations within education—there are, and I will discuss them soon. But I think the silence of radical philosophers is emblematic of some special problems in the relationship between education and society."

…

"Progressive educators, who as a rule crave resources and ideas from outside their field, nonetheless did not seem bothered by the new seclusion. They even welcomed it. Today, every schoolteacher, admin, or researcher learns as part of her training to show open disdain for any opinion on education that doesn’t come from inside the field (“but has she taught?”). In American education schools, it’s possible to get a doctorate without having been assigned a single book from outside your field. Education is such an intensely social process (think of any classroom vignette, all the forces at play) that this intellectual swamp could only survive by a sheer will to isolation. Educationalists need this privacy partly because it allows them to ignore the core contradictions of their practice. The most important of these contradictions is that they have to uphold public schooling as a social good, and at the same time face up to the fact that schooling is one of the most oppressive institutions humanity has constructed. It has to be built up as much as it needs to be torn down brick by brick.

This dilemma bedevils the majority of writing by the most active educationalists. The redoubtable Deborah Meier is a good example—good, because she really is. Meier is the godmother of the small school movement in the United States. She has dedicated her life to making schools more humane and works with more energy than entire schools of education put together. Her philosophical base is one of Dewey’s pragmatism and American-style anarchism. She is also in a unique position to understand the contradictions of schooling, because she has built alternative schools and then watched them lose their momentum and revert to traditional models. What’s more, Meier can write. But when she writes, her books take titles like Keeping School and In Schools We Trust. In which schools, exactly? Not the same ones through which most of us suffered, I assume; rather, the progressive, semi-democratic ones on the fringes of the public system. The problem, apparently, is not schooling itself. It’s just that, inexplicably, the vast majority of schools fail to get it right. The “reformed school” is a sort of sublime object: something that does not quite exist, but whose potential existence justifies the continuation of what is actually there.

We are all familiar with this type of “we oppose the war but support the troops” liberal double-talk, a pernicious language game that divests all ground agents of responsibility—as if there could be a war without soldiers (though we seem to be moving that way) or bad classrooms without teachers. Now, it wouldn’t be fair to place the blame squarely on the teachers’ shoulders—considering the poor education they themselves receive in the first place—but we must also expose this kind of double-talk for what it really is: an easy out. And it is an easy out that abandons the oppressed: in this case, those students who actively resist teachers, those last few who have not been browbeaten or co-opted into submission. ((When Michelle Rhee, the (former) chancellor of public schools in Washington D.C., began shutting down schools, liberals tore their shirts and pulled their hair and finally ousted her. Very few people mentioned that those schools—a veritable prison system—should have been shut down. The problem was not the closures—the problem was that Rhee, like other Republican spawns of her generation, is a loudmouth opportunist who offered no plan beyond her PR campaign. What’s striking is that Rhee was using the exact same language of “crisis” and “reform” as progressives, and nothing in the language itself made her sound ridiculous. Since then, progressives have eased up a little on the crisis talk.))

Because the phenomenon of student resistance to education so blatantly flies in the face of the prevailing liberal mythology of schooling, it is a topic that continues to attract some genuine theorization. ((For a review of literature and some original thoughts, see Henry Giroux’s Resistance and Theory in Education (1983). For a more readable discussion of the same, see Herbert Kohl’s I Won’t Learn From You (1991).)) It’s also a topic that is closely tied to another intractable bugaboo of the discussion: the staggering dropout rate, in the US at least, among working class and immigrant students, and particularly among blacks and Latinos. Education is the civil rights issue of our time—Obama and Arne Duncan’s favorite slogan—was originally a rallying cry among black educationalists. ((The latter, in case you don’t know, is Obama’s Secretary of Education. A (very thin) volume could be written on the absolute lack of political and intellectual gumption that he epitomizes. To the Bush-era, bipartisan No Child Left Behind Act (a severe and ineffective set of testing requirements), Duncan added the Race to the Top initiative, thus bringing much unintentional clarity to the discourse: education reform is a race in which no one’s left behind.)) But if we understand a “civil rights struggle” to be, fundamentally, the story of the disenfranchised and the marginalized classes’ resistance to structural oppression, then this seemingly simple phrase is haunted by a kind of dramatic irony—since a great deal of research shows that what many black and working class students actively resist is schooling itself. Further studies showed that even those underserved students who succeed in schools persevere by dividing their identities; by cordoning off their critical impulses; by maintaining their disaffection even while they keep it well out of the teacher’s sight."

…

"A fundamental problem is that education demands a scientific foothold for practice, and yet science has rarely been able to offer much help. Things get complicated because good teaching is basically an art and deals with human capacities such as love, respect, honor, wonder, community, and all those other fine things on which science remains quite speculative and rudimentary. On the rare occasion that experimental science has managed to help—as was the case with Jean Piaget’s developmental psychology—a few exciting pieces of writing have also appeared. In all successful cases, however, the authors have been careful not to exaggerate the role of their scientific foundation (Eleanor Duckworth is perhaps the most elegant example). The rest of the time, educators have had to grasp at the straws of half-science, and the ensuing complications have strangled the writing.

But don’t be confused. Schooling, in its current form, is primarily neither a science nor an art. It’s a public service industry, and a traditional one to boot. When educationalists talk about “science”, they are often talking about industrial analysis. No one can say clearly what constitutes the “product” or the “service” in this case—and any concentrated attempt would arrive at some inhumane conclusions. But imprecision does not frustrate these measurements. Most educational research relies on measuring imaginary “products”. These are simple and preferably quantifiable representations—test scores being the most common example."

…

"The need for praxis—what Engels described as “combined action and mutual discussion”—is what dethrones the armchair philosopher. Revolutionary praxis—i.e., active self-divestment and boundary crossing—exiles people to the fringes, gets them fired from their jobs, and worse. In any case, you can’t talk about raising or changing someone else without getting implicated in the problem. Progressives like to repeat the old adage that all education is self-education. They mean (à la John Dewey) that the teacher should set up a learning environment and then step out of the learner’s way. A radical understanding of the motto is quite different: the teacher must step in with the clear expectation of getting jostled and roughed up in the process. All transformation is also self-transformation. When, as in the late-1960s, students demand that type of participation from their teachers, the work is actually easier. In conditions of near-total acquiescence, new energies—and new theories of education—are needed."]]></description>
<dc:subject>education unschooling canon houmanharouni 2013 criticaleducation theory eleanorduckworth deborahmeier jeanpiaget ivanillich karlmarx society schooling oppression class liberals progressive progressives theleft paulgoodman sartre theodoreadorno michellerhee reform edreform nclb rttt radicalism revolution 1968 herbertmarcuse power policy politics teaching learning jaquesrancière arneduncan foucault louisalthusser deschooling frantzfanon samuelbowles herbertgintis jenshoyrup josephjacotot praxis johndewey philosophy criticaltheory henrygiroux herbertkohl jeananyon work labor capitalism neoliberalism liberalism progressiveeducation school schooliness crisis democracy untouchables mythology specialization isolation seclusion piaget michelfoucault althusser jean-paulsartre jacquesrancière schools rancière</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://randallszott.org/2012/02/21/the-art-of-work-roger-coleman/">
    <title>The Art of Work – Roger Coleman « Lebenskünstler</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-24T10:04:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://randallszott.org/2012/02/21/the-art-of-work-roger-coleman/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“The very artiness of the events organized by even the most progressive artists showed thay they still saw themselves and their work as an elite – as somehow special. Nor could I sympathize with people who wanted to form an artists’ union or, to give a more proletarian ring to it, an art-workers’ union. To me such a pretence served only to emphasize the split between art and everyday life…Seeing art increasingly as a middle-class pretension, I had little choice but to give it up…I would have to sleep in a lonely bed.” – Roger Coleman
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.alternet.org/health/154191/being_progressive_shouldn't_be_hazardous_to_your_health%3A_here's_how_to_avoid_our_culture_of_overwork/?page=entire">
    <title>Being Progressive Shouldn't Be Hazardous to Your Health: Here's How to Avoid Our Culture of Overwork | Personal Health | AlterNet</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-19T23:29:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.alternet.org/health/154191/being_progressive_shouldn't_be_hazardous_to_your_health%3A_here's_how_to_avoid_our_culture_of_overwork/?page=entire</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Given the culture and psychology of self-sacrifice in progressive organizations, it's no wonder that turnover is so high, that so many talented younger organizers don't stay, and that those who do get burned out. They get burned out because they adapt to the perceived expectation that they give up their lives, their families, and their health for the chance to do mission-driven work. It's also no wonder that so many of them have such unhealthy lifestyles and that their gatherings are so often lubricated by alcohol.

Finally, there is an unspoken and destructive prohibition against talking seriously about the problem of burnout. To those caught in its terrible web, it would be like questioning the weather, or asking themselves why they need a paycheck, or why they should wear clothes to work. When burnout becomes embedded in a culture and reflected in a lifestyle fueled by the psychic predispositions of those living it, an honest discussion of its causes & effects becomes impossible."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/10081509268">
    <title>Start Ups Will Not Save Us: Unflattening The World | Underpaid Genius</title>
    <dc:date>2011-09-11T16:45:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.underpaidgenius.com/post/10081509268</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Flat World Friedman at first advocated, & which he now treats like gravity—a force of nature outside our control—is a choice…a set of policies designed to benefit multinational corporations. Globalization is more politely refer to as free trade, which is where multinationals convince governments to drop trade barriers so that they—corporatists—are free to move their capital around & invest it in ways that amass the greatest amount in their hands. This means that in the US, corporations can avoid taxes, unions, environmental regulations, & active oppostion to their policies by locating manufacturing & other facilities in countries w/ lower pay & less controls.

Free trade has also come along w/ Devil’s bargain in the US, too, where states take on more the look-and-feel of third world nations by advertising themselves as ‘right to work’ states, which means that they have made union activities more difficult. Consider…Boeing planning to move jobs from WA to South Carolina."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://smileyandwest.ning.com/forum/topics/take-em-to-task-8">
    <title>Take ‘Em To Task - Smiley &amp; West</title>
    <dc:date>2011-08-28T19:02:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://smileyandwest.ning.com/forum/topics/take-em-to-task-8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A minister from Ventura, CA takes West to task on the terms "progressives" vs "liberals"."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nationaljournal.com/njmagazine/wn_20100116_2302.php">
    <title>National Journal Magazine - U.S. Versus Europe: No Winner</title>
    <dc:date>2010-01-23T21:14:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nationaljournal.com/njmagazine/wn_20100116_2302.php</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Which has the superior economic model, the United States or Europe? The question keeps coming up and never gets resolved. It is having another go-round at the moment, with the adversaries lining up as usual. Conservatives say that Europe's social-democratic model is bound for the landfill of history. Progressives defend the model, even if they usually stop short of recommending it outright. As a British import, allow me to join in. My answer, to cut to the chase -- one picks up these expressions -- is that neither model is objectively better. You can guess which I prefer, because like many other Europeans I have chosen to live in the United States. But the European approach is perfectly viable, and I can see why many Americans might like it. (For some reason, not many seem to move to Europe. The traffic seems to be mainly in the other direction. A mystery.) To be sure, each side has things to teach the other."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us europe economics individualism society socialism democracy taxes policy politics progressives government scandinavia denmark france sweden netherlands paulkrugman productivity work well-being employment efficiency effort growth assimilation immigration class optimism innovation competitiveness labor wellbeing</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:employment"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:efficiency"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.ordinary-gentlemen.com/2009/10/quote-for-the-afternoon-4/">
    <title>quote for the afternoon | The League of Ordinary Gentlemen</title>
    <dc:date>2009-10-19T02:46:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.ordinary-gentlemen.com/2009/10/quote-for-the-afternoon-4/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The whole modern world has divided itself into Conservatives and Progressives. The business of Progressives is to go on making mistakes. The business of the Conservatives is to prevent the mistakes from being corrected.”  ~ G.K. Chesterton"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>politics democrats conservatism conservatives progressives progressivism change mistakes</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6716431d7639/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.salon.com/opinion/greenwald/2009/08/19/obama/index.html">
    <title>Why the health care debate is so important regardless of one's view of the &quot;public option&quot; - Glenn Greenwald - Salon.com</title>
    <dc:date>2009-09-17T04:50:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.salon.com/opinion/greenwald/2009/08/19/obama/index.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["attempt to attract GOP support was pretext...used to compromise continuously & water down bill...desire for GOP support wasn't really reason...Given White House's central role in negotiating secret deal w/ pharmaceutical industry, betrayal of Obama's clear promise to conduct negotiations out in open, Rahm's protection of Blue Dogs & accompanying attacks on progressives & complete lack of any pressure exerted on allegedly obstructionists "centrists," it seems rather clear that bill has been watered down & "public option" jettisoned, because that was the plan all along...giving insurance & pharmaceutical industries most everything they want ensures that the GOP doesn't become the repository for the largesse of those industries...This is how things always work...industry interests which own & control our government always get their way...If progressives adhere to pledge...thwart industry demands & dictate of Beltway leaders...empower new faction in DC beholden to ordinary citizens"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>politics glenngreenwald policy health healthinsurance healthcare democrats insurance gop power congress 2009 progressives change</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e9d090698f20/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:democrats"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:insurance"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:gop"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2009"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:progressives"/>
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</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2009/08/what-is-progressivism-1.html">
    <title>Marginal Revolution: What is progressivism?</title>
    <dc:date>2009-09-12T04:12:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2009/08/what-is-progressivism-1.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Progressive policies offer more scope for individualism and some kinds of freedom.  Greater security gives people a greater chance to develop themselves as individuals in important spheres of life, not just money-making and risk protection and winning relative status games."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>politics economics tylercowen progressives progressivism marginalrevolution philosophy policy ideology democrats liberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d28175e4f0ca/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:tylercowen"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.scripting.com/stories/2008/01/09/whatIfOurPoliticalProcessB.html">
    <title>What if our political process became conscious? (Scripting News)</title>
    <dc:date>2008-10-02T01:30:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.scripting.com/stories/2008/01/09/whatIfOurPoliticalProcessB.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My advice to candidates going back to Dean was & is to start implementing the change you seek before the election, while you have the full attention of the electorate. Ask us to give money, not to buy ads, but to buy health insurance for 50,000 uninsured people in a particular state, so we can see how powerful we are collectively, how we can do good, starting right now. We yearn for this, to feel our muscles flex collectively, and individually to make a difference, not just in your hype, but in real terms. Hillary Clinton could have gotten up yesterday and said "There's no time to waste. We can't wait until January 2009 to solve the problems. Let's start right now."...Maybe she won't get elected, but getting us organized now would make it more likely...JFK: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country."...See how that works??"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>davewiner democracy politics via:migurski gamechanging policy example leadership us elections 2008 process government progress progressives activism change reform healthcare education sincerity money</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5673f1daaf67/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.powells.com/review/2008_09_16">
    <title>Powell's Books - Review-a-Day - Stuff White People Like by Christian Lander, reviewed by The Atlantic Monthly</title>
    <dc:date>2008-09-18T13:43:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.powells.com/review/2008_09_16</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["dismissing something or someone as "so white&" has long been a favorite put-down among those who like to view themselves as right-thinking, hierarchy-defying nonconformists -- that is, White People. Recall those ads extolling "the new face of wealth," which contrast male, stone-faced WASP bankers with attractive, far less formally -- though far more expensively -- clad women, quasi-hipsters, and assorted exotic ethnics. The women and hipsters may be white, but they're not white -- they're members of the cool-looking pan-ethnic tribe, a tribe defined by economic and social status and by cultural and aesthetic preferences rather than by ethnicity ... "tolerance" highest on the list of virtues prized by White People. Of course, this group shuns the suburbs while it embraces certain neighborhoods as "authentic" and spurns other enclaves and cities"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>culture elitism hipsters progressives bobos stuffwhitepeoplelike consumerism humor books us class hipsterism</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e7d9de064b70/</dc:identifier>
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