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    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 240: How the Media's &quot;Burden,&quot; the &quot;Straining Resources&quot; Framing Manufactures the Expendable Other</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T06:24:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-240-how-the-medias-burden-the-straining-resources-framing-manufactures-the-expendable-other</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we discuss the ideological work done by our media's default frame of immigrants, poor seniors, homeless people, and those with disabilities as "burdens" and "strains" on our limited resources––namely those provided by the holy Taxpayer. Meanwhile, skyrocketing police and Pentagon budgets are just treated as unremarkable laws of nature.
 
With guest Beatrice Adler-Bolton of the Death Panel podcast."]]></description>
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    <title>The Richest Country Is Pretty Mid Now - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-28T22:50:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4FZy1lBNykA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""Leveragism" is a term I made up, and it describes what the American economy is increasingly heading towards. As you will see, this is really bad news. 

0:00 - About Capitalism
3:53 - Political Leverage
6:01 - The Gold Trap
8:00 - The Rug Pull
11:34 - The Bond Trap
15:23 - Classical Leverage
19:00 - Debts R' Us
20:32 - AI Circlejerk
22:45 - My Awesome Trip To Israel 
29:09 - Authoritarian Leverage
35:01 - Siphoning Your 401K
39:02 - Time and the Smokescreen of Numbers"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6uZIM40Oj8M">
    <title>Everyone is anorexic and enslaving a surrogate - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-28T02:30:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6uZIM40Oj8M</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m fairly certain we’ve all noticed the celebrity anorexia trend becoming blatantly apparent in the last year or so. But, another trend occurring concurrently in Hollywood is the form of modern slavery known as surrogacy. It’s glaring and flagrant how many obviously skinny famous women are hiring women of the Third World to birth babies for them. Yet, while celebrities are becoming skinnier, the general population is going further and further in the opposite direction. Women  cannot strive for this unreachable standard, so often become discouraged from fitness and its culture in general. A synchronicity of anorexia and obesity emerges with a negative correlation linked to class. All the while, less privileged women are being forced to sell a life-threatening bodily function to people those who feel “the right” to have children. The body itself is always a battleground for women and girls.

Links ~ ⁠linktr.ee/intoodeepod⁠
Resources ~ ⁠https://leaflet.pub/8864a0ba-6025-4edd-98c3-ce33914ea2c1

Chapters ~
00:00 Intro
10:07 The eating disorder as a patriarchal weapon
23:19 Feminised fitness
38:30 Surrogacy as slavery
53:55 Reinterpreting surrogacy
59:55 Conclusion: the body"]]></description>
<dc:subject>intoodeep feminism exploitation surrogacy inequality fitness slavery bodies patriarchy eatingdisorders anorexia 2026 celebrity hollywood thirdworld globalsouth obesity class motherhood gender women girls jennaortega arianagrande emmastone demimoore michelleyeoh actresses musicindustry weightloss meghantrainor glp-1 emaciation aesthetics status lilycollins west wealth wealthinequality beautystandards thinness reproductiverights malnourishment bodypositivity fascism tradwives health fertility bopeng bodyimage self-esteem poverty capitalism femininity socialstatus discipline endulgence power control neuroscience weekness autonomy empowerment serenawilliams ozempic andreadworkin society neurology nutrition michelfoucault foucault sophielewis</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/on-inequality-and-socialism">
    <title>On Inequality and Socialism - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T09:27:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/on-inequality-and-socialism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2026 inequality socialism politics economics sociology gender sexuality us canada uk australia newzealand adolphreedjr walterbennmichaels nihilism extremism vivekchibber jamescscott karlmarx poverty corruption symboliccapitalists nietzsche socialmobility opportunityhoarding society elitism elites liberalism liberalsocialism uptonsinclair henryford civilrightsmovement martinlutherkingjr baynardrustin aphiliprandolph webdubois newdeal fdr capitalism democrats johnmaynardkeynes nepotism discrimination authoritarianism patriarchy heteronormativity ableism whitesupremacy morality racialcapitalism race racism shoplifting looting vandalism helmutschoeck dostoevsky russianrevolution christiannationalism left rosaluxemburg friedrichengels danielbell crime policing polcie politcalcorrectness cancelculture wokeism wokeness activism mattmcmanus teresabejan civility musaal-gharbi</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:0ff9a17fe91b/</dc:identifier>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Symbolic Capitalists love to take from the rich. We're less reliable about giving to others. It's a significant social problem."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pope-leo-xivs-magnifica-humanitas-w-jack-hanson/id1462703434?i=1000773716438">
    <title>Pope Leo XIV's 'Magnifica humanitas' (with Jack Hanson) - Know Your Enemy - Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T08:30:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pope-leo-xivs-magnifica-humanitas-w-jack-hanson/id1462703434?i=1000773716438</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/know-your-enemy-pope-leo-xiv-magnifica-humanitas/ ]

"As promised, here is our episode about Pope Leo XIV's recent encyclical, Magnifica humanitas, in which he brings to bear Catholic social teaching on the perils of artificial intelligence and what they reveal about what it really means to be human being. It's a distinctly Augustinian reading of our nature and destiny, marked not just by Leo's attention to our limits as flawed and fallible creatures, but the joy and hope found by living into them—which, finally, becomes his plea to see life from the perspective of the lowly, the downcast, the abandoned. 

To help us explain such a rich document, we had on our friend Jack Hanson, one of the most perceptive American writers on the Catholic Church. We tease out the connections between this Leo's first and encyclical and that of his namesake Leo XIII's Rerum novarum, an intervention on behalf of working people during the industrial and considered the origin of Catholic social teaching; Leo's "Augustinianism"; the encyclical's critique of artificial intelligence and what that has to do with its account of what really makes us human; and more.

Sources:

Pope Leo XIV, Magnifica humanitas, May 15, 2026
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiv/en/encyclicals/documents/20260515-magnifica-humanitas.html

Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, May 15, 1891
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum.html

Jack Hanson, "A Serious Man: The Militant Mysticism of Charles Péguy," Commonweal, May 3, 2021
https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/serious-man-0

– “The Heresy of Americanism,” The Drift, Jun 10, 2025. 
https://newsletter.thedriftmag.com/p/the-heresy-of-americanism

Michael Oakeshott, "The Tower of Babel" in On History and Other Essays (1983)
https://about.libertyfund.org/books/on-history-and-other-essays/

Reinhold Niebuhr, "The Tower of Babel" in Beyond Tragedy: Essays on the Christian Interpretation of History (1937)
https://books.google.com/books/about/Beyond_Tragedy.html?id=-Y0WAQAAMAAJ

Donna Haraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto,” (1985)
https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduates/modules/fictionnownarrativemediaandtheoryinthe21stcentury/manifestly_haraway_----_a_cyborg_manifesto_science_technology_and_socialist-feminism_in_the_....pdf "]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.bostonglobe.com/2026/06/22/opinion/american-schools-failure-myth-scores/">
    <title>Opinion | No, American schools aren't failing</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T08:13:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonglobe.com/2026/06/22/opinion/american-schools-failure-myth-scores/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A claim so familiar, people no longer feel obligated to back it up with evidence."

[archived: https://archive.is/WHzji ]

"The belief that American public schools are an international embarrassment, sites of endless failure, is one of the few things our polarized political system seems to agree on. After all, the transition from George W. Bush’s presidential education policy to that of Barack Obama was one of remarkable continuity, based on a shared premise: Our schools were in a broad state of emergency. Today, politicians of both parties still tell that story, as do op-ed pages and nonprofit organizations and bipartisan cable panels. The notion has hardened into an axiom, a claim so familiar that the people making it no longer feel obligated to back it up with evidence. But we don’t have to buy this narrative, and we shouldn’t — because the evidence tells us that the narrative just isn’t true.

The best way to consider a country’s educational performance is in relation to the performance of international peers, and the most authoritative international benchmark is the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) exam, which tests 15-year-olds across 81 education systems. In the most recent results, from 2022, American students tested better in reading than 68 of the 80 other systems and well above the international average. In science, they bested 56 of 80. Math is our weakest subject, but even there we outscore 43 systems and tie with a dozen more, meaning that on our worst day we still do better than more than half the developed world. Our top performers look particularly good on the PISA; for example, 14 percent of American teenagers scored at the highest level in reading, double the OECD average.

Some critics note that our education system is expensive and say that we should demand better results for our money. But this demand implies that there’s a straightforward relationship between per-pupil spending and test scores; decades of evidence demonstrate that there is not. And the results show that we produce many sterling students for our money.

Indeed, the students at the top of our system aren’t merely fine; they’re the best on earth. American teams have placed in the top three at the International Mathematical Olympiad every year for a decade and won or tied for first in 2015, 2016, 2018, 2019, and 2024. In 2025, all five members of the US physics team won gold at the International Physics Olympiad, making the United States the only country to sweep gold that year. Our chemistry, biology, informatics, linguistics, and other teams collect medals year after year. These are overwhelmingly public-school kids from ordinary suburban and urban districts, outcompeting the best academic talent the world can produce. You rarely read about them because their success doesn’t fit the declinist story.

But scores are dropping, aren’t they? Yes, and that’s exactly why international context matters. The 2022 PISA results showed an unprecedented worldwide collapse, with average scores across the OECD falling roughly 10 points in reading and 15 in math. When students in Germany, Norway, and New Zealand decline in lockstep with students in Arizona and Connecticut, the cause is plainly not American teachers, unions, or curricula. (My own guess is that the smartphone is to blame, but I can’t prove it.) Even as our raw scores fell, our international rank rose in all three subjects because our peers’ scores fell further. Again, when was the last time you heard that in our media?

None of this is to deny that some American schools are in crisis. But those failures aren’t spread evenly across our system; they’re concentrated in a small number of places suffering from poverty, structural racism, and institutional decline. The United States has the highest child-poverty rate in the OECD (roughly a quarter of our children live in poverty, versus less than 10 percent in top-scoring nations like Finland and Denmark) and our socioeconomic and demographic stratification is pronounced. As such, our aggregate scores on assessments like PISA are weighed down disproportionately by disadvantaged students.

In Detroit, which sits at the bottom of every large urban US district tested, two-thirds of students were chronically absent in a recent year, speaking to a lack of stability and resources at the family level. What teachers could succeed in those conditions? Cleveland, Baltimore, districts in the impoverished rural areas of West Virginia — they all tell a similar story. The American schools that struggle the worst share no common curriculum, union contract, or pedagogy. What they share is extreme poverty, segregation, and decades of disinvestment — in local labor markets, transportation, and health care.

Imagine swapping the students of Detroit with those of wealthy Bloomfield Hills next door, where the schools have excellent performance metrics. Does anyone believe the students from Detroit would suddenly excel?

Simply shoveling money at urban schools is not the answer. In fact, poorer, higher-minority schools in the United States receive significantly more per-pupil funding than richer and whiter schools. As it stands, the teachers in the Detroit public school system are asked to achieve similar results to the ones in the Bloomfield system, despite the vast disparities in living and learning environments of the students they teach.

I’m known to be very skeptical about the influence of schools and teachers on test scores, which tend to reflect the socioeconomic conditions of groups and the variation in talent levels between individuals. But you don’t have to share my views in that regard to acknowledge that our worst-performing schools face conditions that no amount of teaching quality can overcome. And consider a fact that’s almost never reported: America’s most disadvantaged students, those in the bottom international decile in socioeconomic status, rank sixth out of 64 comparable nations in math. In other words, even in the midst of all that poverty and dysfunction, our poorest kids outperform almost all of the world’s other poorest kids. The problem is not that our schools fail poor children at an unusual rate. It is that some of our communities are deprived to a scandalous degree.

In sum, our median student does just fine, our best students are the envy of the world, but our worst-performing students drag down our averages in a way that makes our overall performance look much worse than it is — and those extreme negative outliers are almost universally found in communities with intense socioeconomic challenges.

This resolves a puzzle that has baffled pollsters for 40 years. American parents consistently rate the nation’s schools quite poorly while giving their own children’s schools high marks. Average grades for the American school system writ large typically fall in the C or D range, but more than three-quarters of parents typically give their own kids’ schools an A or B. Often this is regarded as a kind of cognitive bias, of irrationality on the part of those parents; surely, they must be viewing their own schools with rose-colored glasses, or so the conventional wisdom has long held. In fact, that attitude makes perfect sense when you reflect on the quantitative reality I’ve described: Most American K-12 schools and students really are doing quite well, which is reflected in the high marks parents give to their own local schools, but like all of us, parents have heard the relentless doomsaying about the country’s schools. Parents judge their own schools from direct experience and the national system from what they see on television. That is, on the question they actually know something about, about which they have the best evidence, they’re quite positive, and they have every reason to be.

The myth of universal failure didn’t come out of nowhere, and for the record I don’t think it was born entirely in bad faith. Some of the people who spread it were no doubt animated by a real and decent impulse to improve the lives of American children, saw the awful conditions in our inner cities, and overextrapolated their impression of school failure. Others were likely so motivated to attack public schools for ideological reasons that they didn’t care much about misrepresenting the data. Whatever the motives, over time it became far too common for politicians, pundits, and members of the media to take data that showed a handful of distressed communities dragging down otherwise strong averages and present it as proof that American education was rotten from root to branch. An honest reading pointed toward investing in poor places and pursuing avenues for shared prosperity other than just schooling; the sensationalist reading pointed toward dismantling public schools. Many people chose the sensationalist one and repeated it until it became something “everybody knew.”

The stakes are significant. If the failures of American education really are systemwide, the response has to be wholesale reform — new national mandates and perhaps a federal takeover of local education policy; even more standardized testing; the criminalization of teacher unions; private school vouchers for all. But the reality is that our educational failure is concentrated, and it’s concentrated in predictable places, which means the remedy must be too: Serious investment for the communities where poverty has done its damage, not merely for the schools that sit inside them, along with an effort to build more pathways to middle class stability for those who are not academically motivated.

There is some evidence that such investment, for example in environmental cleanup or direct financial assistance for poorer families, can improve learning outcomes. There too, though, the evidence is contested and the effects unclear. But this investment offers obvious advantages: Even if bringing more money and development into poor communities does not close academic gaps, the direct economic advantages will endure.

These efforts are both harder and more expensive than yet another round of complaining about teachers and their unions, but they have the advantage of potentially solving real problems. If we have a moral duty to improve our schools, as the school reformers insist, then that begins with a moral duty to tell the truth."]]></description>
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    <title>'Trillionaires Shouldn't Exist': Obscene Musk Milestone Spurs Calls for Aggressive Wealth Tax | Common Dreams</title>
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    <link>https://www.commondreams.org/news/elon-musk-first-trillionaire</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“The level of wealth that Mr. Musk has reached requires human exploitation, wage theft, wage suppression, anti-competitive markets, monopolistic control, price collusion, inadequate tax systems, and corruption.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/online/2026/05/24/the-education-of-pope-leo-xiv/">
    <title>The Education of Pope Leo XIV | Greg Grandin | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-08T21:14:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/online/2026/05/24/the-education-of-pope-leo-xiv/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a young missionary in Peru, the pope witnessed a war on liberation theology—and was indelibly stamped by the movement’s commitment to the poor."

[archived:
https://archive.is/qKFFb ]]]></description>
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    <title>Video - Global Justice Project</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-08T05:07:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://globaljusticeproject.wid.world/video/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Global Justice Project was launched at the World Inequality Conference 2026. Soon, you will find here the replay of all plenary sessions discussing the main themes of the Global Justice Report."

[See also:
https://globaljusticeproject.wid.world/

"The Global Justice Project attempts to set out a new vision for global progress in the 21st century: grounding human development and equality in planetary habitability. It explores the conditions under which the world could move toward this horizon and traces an economically and ecologically consistent transition path from 2026 to 2100."]

[via:
https://48hills.org/2026/06/a-profound-new-report-on-climate-and-economy-ingored-by-most-major-news-media/

"In a widely recounted story, the authors Kurt Vonnegut and Joseph Heller were at a party on Shelter Island, in New York, hosted by a billionaire hedge fund investor. Vonnegut tells Heller that the host probably made more money in one day than Heller will make in his entire life from the royalties on his best-selling book (and movie) Catch-22.

Heller responds:

<blockquote>“I’ve got something he can never have.”
And I said, “What on earth could that be, Joe?”
And Joe said, “The knowledge that I’ve got enough.”</blockquote>

That, in essence, is the theme behind on of the most important reports on climate change and global economics that anyone has produced in decades. It’s a model for Democrats to use to challenge the Heritage Foundation Project 2025. It’s written by brilliant and widely respected economists and climate scientists.

And it’s been largely ignored by the news media in the United States.

You can watch a video here that explains the basics. The world needs to redefine what is meant by income and prosperity. We need, as a global society, to shift to a model where we don’t consume more than we need, and the bottom half of humanity sees its share of wealth and income rise from 2 percent to 30 percent:

<blockquote>Against the bleak techno-authoritarian futures now being sold to us, a radical new vision for global progress in the 21st century feels urgently needed. The most credible vision is one in which the habitability of the planet is a precondition for human development and equality.

Our new report examines the conditions required for the world to progress towards this ambition on an economically and ecologically compatible path, by the end of the century.

Its conclusion? A global transformation that reconciles planetary habitability and high standards of wellbeing for all is possible – as long as three conditions are simultaneously met. Fast decarbonisation of energy systems is necessary. But we also need a major shift away from overconsumption towards “sufficiency”. This would involve a sharp reduction in labour hours and the use of raw materials, along with big changes in consumption patterns, food habits, land use and forest cover. Financing and politically sustaining decarbonisation and sufficiency will require a drastic reduction in inequality of income, wealth and power, between countries and within them. This reduction of global inequality is compatible with deep decarbonisation; indeed, it is a necessary condition for shared prosperity on a finite planet.</blockquote>

Note that the report does not discuss or demand any particular political system; it’s not about socialism, communism, capitalism, about European or US style electoral democracy … it’s just about economic and climate sanity.

It’s about the fact that nobody needs $100 billion, and that overconsumption is making the planet uninhabitable, and that a much better alternative exists, is feasible, will save humanity, and just takes collective will.

The New York Times has ignored it. The Washington Post has ignored it. The LA Times has ignored it. The SF Chronicle has ignored it. No national TV news outlet has covered it. Only the UK Guardian and Le Monde have reported on its profound conclusions, all of which are backed up by extensive, demonstrative data.

I will be honest here: This is never going to happen when most of the globe is currently living in a state of plutocracy, where a few radically greedy oligarchs control not only most of the wealth but most of the political influence.

Still: Even 20 years ago, the Heritage Foundation Project 2025 would have been dismissed as the works of a few far-right crackpots. Now it’s the law of the land.

I think it is more than fair to ask anyone running for any political office at the local, state, or national level to read the report and tell us if they agree and what they would do to implement its findings."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/">
    <title>From Californian to Texan Ideology: Conservatism, Religion and Extractivism in the Tech Sector | médialab Sciences Po</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:57:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the occasion of a special session co-organized with the CNRS Center for Internet and Society, the médialab seminar welcomes Fred Turner (Stanford University). He will offer a critical reading of the ideological transformations underway in the American tech world, from California’s libertarian utopia to the more conservative ideology now embodied by Texas.

Abstract

As they leave California for Texas, major digital companies are doing more than looking for new spaces. Their leaders (Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, Joe Lonsdale...) are settling in a state where religion plays a major role, in a Bible Belt dominated by oil billionaires. Texan politics can be summed up in a few words: tax refusal, deregulation, and the narrative of a new frontier populated by “those who are willing to take the necessary risks.” 

Just like oil, digital technologies, including AI and cryptocurrencies, as well as space exploration, depend on public funding and environmental leniency to thrive. So why not take power directly? Tech leaders are now pursuing that path, following in the footsteps of speculative oil investors. 

How did the digital world move from the Californian ideology, where entrepreneurialism was mixed with the legacies of counterculture, to the Texan ideology, shaped by a rejection of any interference except that of the Gospels, and where great, deserving men are seen as working in the name of God? 
Biography  

After a career in journalism in Boston and teaching at MIT and Harvard, Fred Turner is now Professor and Chair of the Department of Communication at Stanford University.

His research explores the relationships between media technologies and cultural transformations, with a particular focus on the role of emerging media in shaping American society since World War II.

He is the author of three influential books: The Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II to the Psychedelic Sixties, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, and Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory.

Fred Turner’s work has received numerous academic awards and has been translated into French, Spanish, German, Polish and Chinese."

[direct link to video: https://vimeo.com/1137645914

See also:
https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies
https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies">
    <title>Fred Turner on Countercultures, Cybercultures, and Californian and Texan Ideologies - New Books Network</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:56:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peoples & Things host, Lee Vinsel, and guest host, Paula Bialski, Associate Professor of Digital Sociology at University of St. Gallen, talk to Fred Turner, Harry and Norman Chandler Professor of Communication at Stanford University, about his classic 2006 book, _From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism_. They briefly explore the arc of Fred’s career and revisit the book in the spirit of asking what has changed in digital ideology since the book’s publication, including with the role of Silicon Valley elites in the second Trump Administration, Elon Musk’s role in DOGE, and the (perhaps only brief) turn of digital technology elites moving from California to Texas. Since this conversation was recorded in April 2025, Fred’s essay, “The Texan Ideology,” has been published in The Baffler: https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner "

[See also: 
https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/
https://vimeo.com/1137645914 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces">
    <title>A Discussion on the New Novel 'Palaces of the Crow' (with Ray Nayler) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T05:19:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” Ray Nayler examines human nature through the lens of caring and community amidst the often hidden horrors of World War II."

...

"“We tell the stories that perpetuate the narrative or the myth we want, and we erase the others,” Chris Hedges states in this interview with Ray Nayler about his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” which centers around four teenagers from varying backgrounds who struggle to survive during World War II. The war, Nayler says, fundamentally reshaped the world geopolitically, technologically and socially in ways that have profoundly impacted the environment in which we live today. Critical lessons from that moment in time are being lost, with media and governments covering up the deep and long-lasting wounds inflicted upon tens of millions of people. Nayler says that “We can’t move away from that time period before understanding it.”

During World War II people were trapped in unimaginably horrible circumstances and were forced to make difficult, and at times self-sacrificial, decisions. The story of the “ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers” is rarely told, Nayler says.

In Nayler’s novel, crows play an essential role in the story. Like humans, crows are social animals. He describes the crows’ niche as the flock and the flock as a type of organism whose niche is the forest, much like the human’s niche is society and our society’s niche is the world. Contrary to their typical association with death and destruction, Nayler utilizes them as “a symbol of cooperation and group living and non-violence.” From this viewpoint, one sees that human connection, cooperation, nonviolence and mutual aid are fundamental to survival.

The theme of connection, “a primal sense of togetherness,” is central to the story of the four teenagers thrown together under hostile conditions. This connection allows people, and other animals, to find common ground and get along despite their different cultures. Civilization, which Nayler portrays as “being inside a painted box and trying to ignore what’s out there,” is an obstacle to connection that prevents us from recognizing reality. We erase the reality that humans are social, nonviolent, interconnected and caring beings at our own peril."

...

"Ray Nayler: Well, in a way, this book for me is a kind of response to a certain way of seeing human nature, right? I was very surprised when I found out that William Golding’s “Lord of the Flies” was based on a real event. That there really was a group of shipwrecked boys who survived for a long time on an island alone. They all went to a boarding school, right? And their teachers were not with them, so they were forced to form a society on this island and cooperate and find some way through. The difference between the book and reality is that in reality, nobody died. The boys divided the chores up between themselves, set up housekeeping, and lived very peacefully on that island together in a state of mutual aid and cooperation.

But that’s not the story that gets told in Lord of the Flies, of course. The story that gets told in Lord of the Flies is one of the strong against the weak, and this sort of perverted miniature version of the society that William Golding perceived us as living in in his day. Golding responds to that criticism in an interesting way and, at the contemporary moment when he wrote the Lord of the Flies, he says, “Well this is not a story about those boys. This is a story about British schoolboys and how they would form a society on an island.” And I take that point, but at the time, I think, there’s so many books that are written about people destroying one another in times of adversity. And one of the things that’s forgotten about World War II, for example, is that probably most of the people involved in World War II tried to protect both themselves and other people around them. And many, many people in World War II actually sacrificed their lives to protect other people, knowingly gave their lives up in order to shield other people from oppression. And that’s a story that we don’t talk about, I think, enough about the ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers."

...

"Chris Hedges: I know from your wonderful book about the octopus that you probably didn’t make up anything about these crows. But set against this horror, and it is a horror that these four teenagers are attempting to hide from and survive through, is our relationship to the animal, to animals, in this particular case, crows. And one of the things I found interesting is that they kind of live in this underground shelter that had been previously occupied by a veteran of World War I and a hermit who had been very, very kind to the flocks of crows in the forest. And it raises that question of whether there was some kind of reciprocity. But I want you to talk about the use of crows that are a constant theme in the book. And at the end, I won’t spoil it, but I mean, there becomes a decision by one of them, I mean, to risk their life to save the crows that are trying to save her.

Ray Nayler: I think Corvids are fascinating. And crows, in particular, but other Corvids like ravens and rooks. One of the things that’s really interesting about them for me is that within the space that humans create, this very damaged space, urban spaces and suburban spaces and all of the spaces in which we’ve sort of invaded nature to some extent, many animals have been destroyed by that movement into nature by human beings. Crows, on the other hand, are one of the groups of animals whose numbers have increased along with humans and who seem very suited to taking advantage of our damaged liminal spaces.

I think we have a strong association with crows and negativity, right? We see their call as a sign sometimes of death, right? They’re associated with disease and war and all of these other things, but I think precisely because when humankind has gone into battle, historically crows have been there to take advantage of the food that we leave behind for them on the battlefield, right? And so, crows are creative and intelligent creatures themselves, of course. And these crows in this book are sort of an extension just of the tool use and intelligence that crows have. And crows are also an animal that has a direct weaving relationship with human beings. They’ve been with us as a symbol, probably throughout our entire history. We’ve, I think, learned a lot from them. And they learn from us. They watch us do things and imitate us. They exchange gifts with us. They remember our faces. They’ve clearly evolved alongside us for a long time.

I was on the beach with my daughter, and we were tide pooling and we were sort of standing there looking at some things. And I saw the crows come down off of the sea cliffs and start gleaning from the tide pools. And I asked the ranger what the crows were doing there because you don’t usually see crows right at the seashore. They’re usually driven away by gulls. And the ranger said, “Well, there was a student group here. There were children. It was a kindergarten group. And the crows know that when the children come through the tide pools, they’re not very careful about where they put their feet and they kill a lot of small animals and snails and things. And so, the crows watch from the forest above the beach, and they wait for children to come through the tide pools and then they go and they pick up what the children have left behind.” And I thought, that’s such a good summation of what much of the crow-human relationship has been historically. We make a mess. The crows take advantage.

But there’s also in the book, mutual care that emerges between the humans and the crows. And this is something that we see with human-animal relationships. And you see it with crows. People who treat injured birds, especially the more intelligent species like Corvids, will often find that they’ve gained a lifelong friend, right? And that bird will introduce them to other birds from their flock and soon they have a relationship with a whole group of birds. And so that thread of care that proceeds from the man who takes care of some crows and is kind to them, and then the children who come along and need help and the crows give it to them, and then later in the book, what the adults will do for the crows. All of that is for me a way of showing how care can move through species, through generations and build some kind of a system of care, right? Grow and grow, if it’s given that space to grow."

...

"Ray Nayler: You know, again, crows are an interesting species. They can be cruel. They can seem cruel to us. They certainly have these famous moments of having trials of other crows and for whatever reason deciding to kill one of their number and it’s completely unclear to us from the outside. No biologist can tell you why this happens, what has been done, because we don’t understand what their culture is and what the violation might have been. But crows show concern for one another, for the injured, for the weak, and they will protect a wounded crow. They will protect a fledgling fallen from the nest against predation. Crows will band together to drive off predators, even when those predators are not a direct threat to them. They will do it just for the sake of other crows, of other members of their group. And they risk their lives to do this. Driving a hawk off is a dangerous activity and it puts one at risk. And so, to do that as a crow, not for the sake of oneself, but for the sake of the flock, really shows the sort of mentality that exists. And I use that word in that exact sense of mentation and a sort of vision of the world or a picture of the world. In the crows’ picture of the world, it is worth risking one’s life for the other virtually at all times.

Chris Hedges: Well, in the book, they risk their lives for the children.

Ray Nayler: Yes. And I think that the implication is that in some way they’ve been able to extend this care out to the children because they have formed a relationship with one of them, Neriya, who has for many seasons been playing with them and interacting with them and building a kind of friendship with them. And so, on that foundation and on the foundation of the relationship that they had with this man before, they have a reason to extend that care to an interspecies level."

[Direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjZ35_Rin3U

"(0:00) Intro  
(2:25) Why WWII? 
(4:21) Clash of totalitarians 
(6:13) The four characters 
(10:19) The symbology of crows 
(15:58) Karma and resurrection 
(19:46) Kropotkin’s naturalism 
(25:04) The complexity of crows
(27:53) Transgenerational communication 
(30:59) Rootlessness and evil 
(33:03) Human-animal communication 
(38:55) The myth of childhood 
(44:05) The forgotten history of WWII
(51:21) Trauma of veterans 
(52:11) Outro"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>raynayler chrishedges war poland wwii ww2 crows corvids humannature humans human caring community fiction literature togetherness interconnected interconnectedness ussr nazigermany germany cooperation nonviolence mutualaid survival peterkropotkin totalitarianism williamgolding rootlessness evil trauma childhood human-animalrelations human-animalrelationships 2026 lordoftheflies danielberrigan faith birds siberia morethanhuman multispecies krasnovodsk resurrection manchuria turkmenistan leesandlin hitler adolfhitler society civilization children communication interspecies relationships thomasnagel experience perception pathology donaltrump hannaharendt karma poverty nourishment scarcity abundance socialism equality writing howwewrite reading howweread legacy death generations culture learning howwelearn inscription individualism extraction extractiveindividualism environment corporations corporatism disconnection history interdependence sesnes sensory waysofknowing blindness sound sensing senses modernity huma</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/one-more-time-the-average-american">
    <title>One More Time: The Average American K-12 Student is Doing Fine Relative to the International Baseline</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-20T06:14:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/one-more-time-the-average-american</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["and problems relative to the historical baseline are happening around the world"

...

"I’ve pointed this reality out within larger arguments many times before, but I feel like I need to put it down as its own thing. In particular, the comments on this post got me thinking that maybe I haven’t made the point directly enough: the average K-12 student in the United States is doing fine. Even if you don’t accept my overall position on our education system and its perceived problems, that is true. Even if you think that poor educational performance is straightforwardly the product of teachers or schools or policy or pedagogy, which I very much disagree with, that is true. So much of our discourse on American public education relies on a crisis narrative that simply is not justifiable based on data.

It’s a persistent and bipartisan conviction in our media: are public schools are in a state of crisis, producing functionally illiterate graduates, falling far behind international peers, and failing an entire generation. This narrative is repeated so often that it’s become axiomatic, in the sense that people who say it feel that they don’t have to justify the claim with evidence. If we do look at the evidence, however, we’ll find a far different story, a more complicated and more hopeful story. To whit:

• The average American public school student performs quite respectably in an international context

• American students at the upper end of the distribution are world-class by any objective measure

• Recent test score declines that people worry about mirror declines across the entire developed world, and are therefore not a distinctively American pathology.

• The genuine crisis in American education is geographically and sociologically concentrated in a small number of profoundly disadvantaged districts, not distributed evenly across the system.

• The famous finding that Americans give their local schools much higher grades than they give “American schools” in the abstract turns out, on inspection, to be perfectly rational.

***

When Americans encounter headlines about international test scores, the framing is almost always one of failure: the U.S. is “behind,” “lagging,” or “falling.” But this framing depends heavily on selectively reading the data. The most authoritative international benchmark is the OECD’s PISA, or Program for International Student Assessment, which tests 15-year-olds across 81 countries in mathematics, reading, and science every three years. In the most recent 2022 results, released in December 2023, the United States outperformed the vast majority of the world."

...

"Hell, the OECD’s own country profile for the United States notes that the percentage of top performers across all three subjects combined is one of the highest among PISA-participating countries, and 14% of U.S. students scored at Level 5 or higher in reading, double the OECD average of 7%. The U.S. also reached its highest-ever share of top science performers,11%, compared to the OECD average of 7%. None of this is the profile of a failing education system. It’s the profile of a large, diverse nation educating a uniquely heterogeneous population at or above world norms. And you can only participate in the fiction that we’re a uniquely poorly-performing country if you a) are ideologically inclined to hold that view and b) don’t bother to check the stats.

Ah, but a constant claim from my commenters is that our system does not serve their kids, who are gifted and talented, exceptional, most likely to succeed. Setting aside just how statistically unlikely it is that all of you really have exceptionally bright children… guys, with the possible exception of truly unrepresentative countries like Singapore, there is nowhere else in the world that I’d rather raise an exceptional student than the United States. Our record in that regard is truly remarkable; we have produced a hugely disproportionate number of the most quantitatively and competitively accomplished students, relative to our population size. The PISA averages obscure a real feather in the cap of the America system: our best students, including at public schools specifically, are among the best in the world at what they do. Our best kids kill it in international academic competitions year after year, but because that doesn’t fit the narrative, that accomplishment is ignored by our media and pundit class."

...

"OK, so what about recent declines? Isn’t the United States seeing major and unprecedented declines in many academic metrics? Well, this is why international context is as important as (or more important than) historical context: the declines are major but not unprecedented, precisely because those declines are happening all over the developed world. I just wrote a post that looks at this reality extensively and with graphs. If you’re concerned with American academic declines, you have to grapple with the fact that every comparable country experienced the same declines at the same time, which strongly implies a common cause rather than a uniquely American failure.

I don’t want to waste your time by re-prosecuting the case I made in that recent post. But let me make this point plain: the 2022 PISA results showed an unprecedented worldwide collapse in scores."

...

"None of the above should be taken to deny that there is a genuine crisis in some schools in the United States. But to put it very mildly, those problems are not evenly distributed across the country’s approximately 13,000 school districts. Instead, our real problems are heavily concentrated in a relatively small number of urban and rural outlier districts facing overlapping and severe sociological and economic challenges. The average parent on the average American suburban town just doesn’t have much to worry about when it comes to their kid’s school. But parents in concentrated poverty very much do.

Look at the NAEP’s Trial Urban District Assessment program, which provides district-level data for 26 large urban districts. That data makes the concentration of our problems quite visible.

[details about Detroit, Cleveland, and Baltimore]

So here’s my question. Do you really think that these schools perform that way because they have teachers unions, just like many of the highest-performing affluent suburban school districts do? That all of the teachers who work in these districts, including all the Ivy League do-gooders who show up with only a yardstick and a dream to fix the system, are just that lazy and untalented? That they just refuse to open the three-ring binder with the “GOOD PEDAGOGY” label on the cover? Detroit, Cleveland, Baltimore, et al do not share common district policies, or common union contracts, or common teaching philosophies and pedagogy. They do share catastrophic rates of child poverty and endemic crime and unemployment problems! They do share extreme segregation, population collapse, and decades of disinvestment in their surrounding communities! As I have done many times in the past, I’ll ask you to consider what would happen if these inner-city schools simply swapped student populations with the schools in the richest nearby suburban districts. I don’t think anyone doubts that the Detroit students would still struggle if they went to Bloomfield Hills schools, or that Bloomfield Hills students would excel in Detroit Schools, even if we disagree on the margins. Well, that should guide your perception of the overall state of education in this country.

For the record, schools in comparable cities (Miami, Charlotte, Austin…) which serve diverse and lower-income populations, but within more economically stable metropolitan environments, consistently outperform the crisis districts on NAEP despite often spending significantly less per pupil. The crisis is not inherent to large, diverse urban systems. It is specific to places with extreme and compounding disadvantage. Meanwhile, the OECD country profile notes something rarely reported: the math performance of U.S. students in the bottom international decile of socioeconomic status ranks 6th out of 64 comparable nations. To reiterate: even America’s most disadvantaged students perform remarkably well, when considered against the world’s most disadvantaged students! Thus it is not even true to say that our lowest performing outliers are uniquely bad. The problem is not that American schools fail poor kids at an unusual rate. The problem is that some of our communities are poor to a degree that is extreme even by international standards, and those communities schools bear the full weight of that concentrated hardship.

The academic outcomes of these areas of extreme concentrated poverty and dysfunction are indeed disturbing. But then, what’s disturbing is the concentrated poverty and dysfunction themselves, not the NAEP and state standardized test scores which are ultimately just evidence of these problems. That’s what’s disturbing, the inequality and hopelessness in the most economically powerful country in the world. Blaming the schools is like blaming thermometers for global warming. It’s malpractice.

In general, America’s public schools are judged by averages that obscure more than they reveal. A relatively small number of deeply struggling district, typically serving students facing concentrated poverty, unstable housing, underfunded services, and other compounding disadvantages, pull national performance measures downward and create a misleading impression that the system as a whole is failing. Those schools matter, their students matter, and both schools and students deserve attention, investment, and reform. But it’s an analytical mistake as well as political senseless to treat the most distressed outliers as representative of American public education in general.

***

For as long as I’ve been reading and writing and researching about education and education policy, pollsters and journalists have expressed puzzlement (that is to say, condescension) at a persistent finding in American public opinion surveys: Americans think their own community’s schools are fine, even as they believe American education in general is in crisis. The Gallup Poll on Public Attitudes Toward Public Schools has shown this gap consistently since 1985. In the 2025 survey, for instance, only 13% of respondents gave the nation’s public schools an A or B rating, down from 26% in 2004… while 43% gave their own community’s schools an A or B. Public school parents are even more positive about their own child’s specific school. (So not just the local schools or the district schools but their kid’s school.) More than three-quarters of public school parents give their child’s school an A or B. The percentage who are completely or somewhat satisfied with their child’s education has never dropped below 68% since Gallup began asking in 1999, even through the pandemic years. Parents like the schools their kids go to. They’ve been propagandized about supposedly failing public schools by Jon Chait et al for so long that they believe America’s public school system is a lost cause. But it simply isn’t true.

This gap, the gap in the belief “American schools are bad, but my kid’s school is good,” is typically explained as parents being irrational, as a form of cognitive bias, an embarrassing refusal for parents to accept just how bad everything is. People are too emotionally attached to their own schools to see them clearly! But in light of everything above, a simpler and better explanation is available: the parents are largely right and the national narrative is largely wrong. And honestly, what should you trust more, a parent’s take on their own kid’s school, or their attitude towards schools in general? Which do they have better information on? Which do they have real experience with? Gallup itself has acknowledged that parent views of the schools their kids go to are based on direct experience, whereas American views of public education more generally are based largely on what they see in the media. Parents in Naperville, Illinois or Falls Church, Virginia or Newton, Massachusetts, or Palo Alto, California, whose kids attend schools that consistently produce excellence - they’re not wrong when they shrug at national crisis coverage. Their local experience is accurate; it just isn’t representative of Detroit. But why would we base our perception of the system on the worst examples within it… unless, like the usual suspects, we’re actively looking to undermine public education?

The policy implication of this diagnosis is quite different from the policy implication of the generic “American schools are failing” narrative. If the problem was distributed evenly, the solution would indeed be systemic reform - new national curricula, universal testing regimes, wholesale reorganization. But that’s just not the reality. The problem is, in fact, remarkably concentrated, and in very predictable places, places that struggle from all manner of social ills, the most obvious and consistent and powerful of them being systemic poverty and community breakdown. Therefore the solutions have to be concentrated too: large-scale targeted intervention in the specific districts with the greatest disadvantage, not only or even primarily in the schools but instead concentrated in community investment, economic development, and poverty reduction that might actually make durable improvement possible. You see, friends, panic that is misattributed to the wrong cause produces wrong solutions, wrong solutions like “fire the teachers, close the schools, private school vouchers for everyone.” Precision, which every wonk should strive for, is where genuine reform begins."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c0wKS7flwzw">
    <title>'If you go to china you'll never see the world the same way again' | Martin Jacques | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T01:45:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c0wKS7flwzw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""If you go to China, you'll never ever see the world in the same way again. Never."

In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC, Martin Jacques, author of the million-copy bestseller When China Rules the World, makes the case that China has already eclipsed the United States as the world's leading power, and that the West still fundamentally doesn't understand why.

This episode explores China's identity as a civilisation-state, the century of humiliation, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Xinjiang question, the decline of American hegemony, Trump's failing strategy against China, and why Jacques believes the future global order will be built around China and the Global South.

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim.

Chapters:
0:00 Intro
2:13 China is already No. 1
4:27 Economic dominance, explained
7:36 China's soft power lag
12:22 How Martin found China
19:05 Love and East Asia
26:00 What the West misunderstands
28:31 Civilisation, not a nation
35:31 The century of humiliation
44:34 The economic miracle
47:08 China's leadership model
52:04 Human rights in China
57:22 Belt and Road, explained
1:10:39 Xinjiang and the Uyghurs
1:38:17 Trump and US decline
1:54:10 Taiwan's fate"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tI0JYw0DcKQ">
    <title>What They Don't Tell You About Venezuela - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-08T03:32:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tI0JYw0DcKQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Some blame socialism, others blame the United States. In this video we explore what actually happened in Venezuela.

Watch my conversation with Venezuelan journalist Simón Rodríguez Porras here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZSxMPb1g5p8

<blockquote>Simón Rodríguez Porras, político y periodista venezolano, miembro del Partido Socialismo y Libertad de Venezuela, traza una mirada crítica sobre el proceso de la revolución bolivariana.

Lee el trabajo de Simón en:
https://venezuelanvoices.org/ </blockquote>

Sources: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1P0jrlGRzxe13DGgK1ikkYVRrSVGcp9WxlS59WDuUblA/ "]]></description>
<dc:subject>biancagraulau 2026 venezuela history hugochávez chavismo nicolásmaduro simónrodríguezporras oil petroleum israel iraq georgewbush iraqwar oppression nationalization barackobama donaldtrump delcyrodríguez imperialism carlosandréspérez coups economics politics un benjaminnetanyahu zionism opec cuba antiimperialism anti-imperialism corruption maríacorinamachado juanguaidó government goverance sanctions vladimirputin russia iran china foreignpolicy rafaelcaldera health healthcare poverty inequality latinamerica imf pedrocarmona diosdadocabello class education 1973 1980s 1990s 1989 1998 1999 2002 2012 2013 2003 2011 1992 bolivarianrevolution repression socialism communism capitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/the-school-reformer-accountability">
    <title>The School Reformer &quot;Accountability Era&quot; Narrative Simply Does Not Add Up</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-18T22:31:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/the-school-reformer-accountability</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The PISA declines visible in American math and reading scores over the 2003–2022 period aren’t remotely anomalous; they’re part of a near-universal pattern among wealthy, developed democracies. In particular, the Netherlands, Finland, Belgium, Canada, and Australia - that is, countries with many economic and social similarities but radically different curriculum philosophies, funding structures, pedagogical traditions, etc - all show trajectories strikingly similar to that of the United States. (In fact Finland, long held up as the gold standard of education reform and frequently invoked as a rebuke to American approaches, has seen some of the steepest reading declines in the developed world.) If policy and pedagogy were the primary drivers of American underperformance, one would expect American trends to diverge from those of peer nations, to look distinctively bad in ways that track distinctively American choices. Instead, what the data show is convergence: a broad, shared downward drift across the developed world that almost certainly reflects forces operating above the level of any individual nation’s classroom policy. Pinning these trends on American policy choices, without accounting for why virtually identical trends appear in countries that made very different choices, is not serious analysis.

What could those “forces operating above the level of any individual nation’s classroom policy” be? Well, I was just telling you not to make broad claims about the causes of widespread changes in educational metrics without strong evidence. But what do I suspect? I suspect that it’s related to the fact that children and adolescence have, in the past ten or fifteen years, almost universally adopted a kind of technology that has unique capacity to suck up their attention, drain their mental energy, and waste their time. I think in a decade we’re going to have very strong evidence that it was always the smartphones.

Which means that, once again, American teachers and schools are not guilty of the horrible crimes against children’s potential that they have been accused of. Then again, “accountability” was always less about education policy in the substantive sense and more of a political and moral narrative. Demanding accountability allowed elites to believe that compassion consisted of demanding more from teachers who were asked to do the impossible and students struggling against major socioeconomic barriers. But politicians and neoliberal wonks found that this profoundly unfair behavior towards public educators could be effectively rebranded as high expectations. Accountability rhetoric allowed politicians to posture as champions of children while systematically undermining the working conditions of teachers and narrowing the curriculum to whatever could be cheaply measured. We allowed pundits to talk endlessly about “what works” to improve test scores while refusing to confront the most basic empirical fact in all of education: that schools are downstream of society, not the other way around."]]></description>
<dc:subject>pisa education policy us schools schooling accountability finland netherlands freddiedeboer belgium canada australia standardizedtesting pedagogy teaching howweteach oecd europe japan southkorea korea singapore taiwan humanity humanism economics culture history comparison naep nclb davidberliner reform schoolreform poverty commoncore curriculum equity inequality sanfrancisco algebra standardization standards rttt florida ohio texas arizona louisiana indiana mississippi essa 2015 2026 socialjustice mattyglesias jonathanchait</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:59d7e5c1063b/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://news.artnet.com/art-world/reality-decay-2757167">
    <title>‘Reality Decay’ Is at the Root of All the Bad News</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-15T06:58:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://news.artnet.com/art-world/reality-decay-2757167</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Society is breaking along multiple lines due to a single cultural pathology."]]></description>
<dc:subject>society reality pathology 2026 bendavis paulchan marquisdesade pierpaolopasolini annibelleneilson inequality poverty paulhokemeyer institutions hierarchy melaniatrump brettratner jeffreyepstein culture amazon iran war petehegseth donaldtrump foxnews us suntzu truthsocial socialmedia maga elonmusk elipariser zoëhitzig josephschumpeter ai artificialintelligence decay capitalism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ce03e04b5c94/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/failure-affirmative-action/674439/">
    <title>The Failure of Affirmative Action - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:19:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/failure-affirmative-action/674439/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For the Black poor, a world without affirmative action is just the world as it is—no different than before."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/Qd4kB ]

"Most of my colleagues are college-educated. I am often the only product of felons, addicts, and foster care whom my peers have encountered outside of time spent volunteering in homeless shelters and group homes. Over the years, whenever affirmative action in higher education has come under threat, these folks have offered their sympathies. They believe that I—a child of a Black father and white mother who grew up in poverty and instability—feel the attacks more acutely. Most Americans seem to think affirmative action sits at the foundation of some beneficent suite of education policies that do something significant for poor Black kids, and that would disappear without the sanction of affirmative action. But the reality is that for the Black poor, a world without affirmative action is just the world as it is—no different than before.

In 2012, 6 percent of Harvard’s freshmen identified as Black. At the time, Black Americans made up 14 percent of the population and 15 percent of the country’s young adults. Harvard was then a far cry from racial parity. But in just three years, the university increased the number of Black freshmen by 50 percent. By 2020, The Harvard Crimson was reporting that more than 15 percent of incoming freshmen were Black, which meant the university had acquired perfect representation. This progress—Black progress—appears poised to recede with the expected loss of affirmative action due to the Supreme Court’s coming decisions on the Students for Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina cases. But to endure a loss, one must have first enjoyed a gain. Diversity at Harvard was not the result of some intricate system for sourcing talent from the whole of Black America. With the permissions granted in 1978’s Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, Harvard used race-conscious admissions to saturate itself with students drawn from the highest-earning segments of Black America.

The same year that Harvard achieved perfect Black representation, a group of celebrated economists published a study examining income segregation across America’s colleges.

From 1999 to 2004, the years examined by the study, about 16 to 18 percent of American children were living below the federal poverty line. Families living below the FPL struggle to afford enough food, clothing, or shelter to stave off biological decline. In the absence of income segregation, children from poverty would make up a proportional 16 to 18 percent of college students. But according to the study, only 3 percent of the students at Harvard in that time period came from families in the bottom 20 percent. (The researchers later found that the percentage had increased to about 5 percent for a cohort of students at Harvard from 2008 to 2013.)

In October of 2020, Harvard reported 154 Black first-year students. Given that the child-poverty rate in Black America hovers north of 30 percent, in an equitable society, some 40 Black freshmen would have come from poor families. The income-segregation study did not disaggregate income brackets by race, and neither does Harvard, but the university does disclose that about a quarter of its latest freshman class comes from families with incomes below $85,000, its threshold for full financial aid. This is far above the federal poverty line and therefore not a good indicator of how many poor students attend Harvard. But if we extrapolate the study’s findings, only seven or eight of said 154 Black freshmen would have come from poor families. The other 140 or so Black students at Harvard were likely raised outside of poverty and probably as far from the bottom as any Black child can hope to be.

Writing in the American Journal of Education in 2007, the Princeton sociology professor Douglas Massey observed that 40 percent of Black students in the Ivy League were first- or second-generation immigrants. Black immigrants are the highest-earning and best-educated subset of Black America.

The Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr., a director of the university’s African American–studies center, once estimated that as many as two-thirds of Harvard’s Black students in the early 2000s were the fortunate sons and daughters of Black immigrants or, to a lesser extent, children of biracial couples. A Black woman who was a Harvard senior at the time told The New York Times in 2004 that there were so few other Black students whose grandparents had been born in the U.S. that they had begun calling themselves “the descendants.”

The Supreme Court affirmed race to be an acceptable criterion within a holistic admissions framework in 1978. The regime described here persisted for 45 years without manifesting any progress of note for the Black poor, and it strains faith to imagine that the trickle-down was on its way in year 46. The coming eulogies for affirmative action should acknowledge this history. No policy that hesitates to say class prioritizes the impoverished, and the people we do nothing for should at least enjoy public acknowledgment of their abandonment.

When I was in elementary school, my grandmother told me that I would go to college for free because I was Native American. I’m not Native. Rather, my father is from a light-skinned Black family, and for a long time, families like these presented sharp cheekbones and aquiline noses as evidence of Native roots. In nearly every case, it was plain white ancestry, but Black folks had been denied the supposed dignity of whiteness for so long that even those who had it did not want it. My dad told the Native fiction to my mom, and she told my grandmother, who was white working poor, and her fictions met with my father’s. Like many in her class, she believed that the government was in the business of giving gifts to everyone but poor whites. In her view, the world worked like this: Asian Americans received loans to start businesses. Hospitals gave free medical care to Hispanic children. Native Americans enjoyed juiced-up welfare and free college. Black Americans received preferential hiring and a free education. Because she believed me to be both Black and Native, college appeared to be a given.

My grandmother’s understanding of how college entry worked for Black Americans was shaped by decades of white-poor hearsay about affirmative action. She had no Black friends; ethnic gossip and popular culture were all she had to go on, and these gave her a wildly inaccurate view of what was to be my college experience. But I have found that even wealthier and more sophisticated Americans have absorbed similar fictions.

According to The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, out of 153,000 Black test-takers in 2005, only about 1,200 scored a 700 or above on either section of the SAT. I was among that handful. Unlike the stories my grandmother told me, a red carpet wasn’t rolled out in front of me. The guidance counselor at my New Jersey public high school said nothing about my test scores and was similarly apathetic when I said I was not going to apply to college at all. When I came back a week later to recant after my father threatened to throw me out on the streets if I didn’t apply, my counselor—rather than hand me a blank check from the office of affirmative action—handed me a thin packet about the Free Application for Federal Student Aid.

Being a former foster youth with a missing mother and a father only just released from prison, I was legally eligible for quite a bit of aid via the FAFSA. But without legal documentation of my situation, which no adult around me had kept, acquiring that aid would require me to obtain signed statements from members of the community testifying to my fractured living conditions. As a transient youth suddenly crashing with a father I had known for barely two years and residing in an entirely new town, there was no community to vouch for me. Unable to meet the federal requirements, I slogged through an associate’s, a bachelor’s, and eventually a master’s degree, accruing substantial loans despite eligibility for grants that could have paid for my entire undergraduate education.

Since 2018, I have used what I learned (albeit too late) to help my foster sister navigate college and the FAFSA, which must be renewed every year (including resubmitting community testimony on official letterhead). On more than one occasion, she has been selected for “additional verification,” one of several variations of bureaucratic rigmarole that can result in the delay of aid long enough to force lower-income students to miss a semester if they cannot afford to pay tuition out of pocket. Even when you’re prepared for this, as she and I were, the delay is demoralizing.

Every poor kid with aspirations of college faces a slightly different constellation of obstacles, but those differences abate beneath a homogenous disappointment. The National Center for Education Statistics found that, in 2012, just 14 percent of low-income high-school students  obtained a bachelor’s or higher degree within eight years of high-school graduation. Rates of college attendance specifically among Black youth and kids below the federal poverty line—the lowest of low-income—are lower still. Given that the rate for foster or homeless youth is a meager 2 to 11 percent, it’s safe to assume that the one for Black fosters is effectively zero. Meanwhile, compiling data scattered across publications, I’ve calculated that 85 percent of bachelor’s degrees awarded to Black students go to Black folks raised in the middle and upper classes. For daily life, the result is this: In any office—in any room—where a bachelor’s degree is a prerequisite, the odds that the person next to you has come from poverty, especially Black poverty, are staggeringly low.

Affirmative-action policies are not directly responsible for the impediments that poor Black students face in higher education. Nevertheless, those policies have existed for nearly five decades and have demonstrably not been an obstacle to the formation of a status quo in which so few poor Black Americans obtain a bachelor’s degree. Although that might be viewed as a policy failure, the oral arguments in the Supreme Court cases make this much clear: Affirmative action is not intended to combat the barriers faced by the poor, Black or otherwise. It is meant to achieve racial diversity. Where it finds the bodies does not matter.

In the case of Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College, all parties involved—the justices, the petitioners, and the respondents—agree that the intention of affirmative action is to produce the “educational benefits of diversity.” As described by Seth Waxman, the respondent on behalf of Harvard, “a university student body comprising a multiplicity of backgrounds, experiences, and interests vitally benefits our nation. Stereotypes are broken down, prejudice is reduced, and critical thinking and problem-solving skills are improved.” The contention of Students for Fair Admissions is that Harvard could use other metrics, particularly socioeconomic status, to achieve educationally significant diversity without the need for racial considerations.

In response to the SFFA plan, Justice Sonia Sotomayor suggested that weighting factors such as class in admissions amounts to “subterfuges” for reaching some sort of “diversity in race.” She probed the lawyers in oral arguments by saying that she did not “understand why considering race as one factor but not the sole factor is any different than using any of those other metrics.” The view that Sotomayor lays out here asserts that considering income and wealth, or considering them in conjunction with race, is just a tedious path to the same outcome achieved by considering race alone. But of course, an admissions scheme that considers class would not just be a subterfuge. Even if it yielded a student body with the same degree of racial diversity, the students themselves would be very different.

Many Americans retain a certain dissonance about class, believing simultaneously that it does and does not matter. Would a classroom with one Black student who was raised by parents who met while studying business at Yale benefit from the added diversity of a Black student who was raised in the Cuney Homes projects that produced George Floyd? You would be hard-pressed to find someone who answers no, and it is doubtful that Sotomayor would either. But the only way to promote the admission of these two hypothetical Black students is with policies that recognize both class and race. Unfortunately, conversations about diversity too often focus solely on the gaps between Black and white Americans, excluding entirely the issue of class divides among Black Americans.

In 2018, William Julius Wilson—a survivor of Jim Crow and a pioneer in the study of urban poverty—reported that Black Americans had the highest degree of residential income segregation of any racial group: Our top and bottom classes were then the least likely to live alongside each other. That same year, the Pew Research Center released a study on income inequality within races. From 1970 to 2016, the top 10 percent of Black workers earned nearly 10 times what the bottom 10 percent of Black workers did. For nearly 50 years, Black Americans experienced more income disparity than any other racial group in the country. The report received widespread coverage, including in The Atlantic, but mainly for its findings regarding Asian Americans, who had (temporarily) displaced Black Americans as the least equal group.

I can only cheer on, and envy, the speed at which knowledge of class disparities among Asian Americans has permeated popular culture. I hope it continues, because the Asian parity that Harvard has achieved is certainly not the result of admitting impoverished Burmese Americans. In the time since the 2018 Pew study was released, we have seen not just class-focused journalism but Always Be My Maybe, Everything Everywhere All at Once, and Beef. Each pop-cultural work demonstrates not just that class exists for Asians, but that it drastically alters their lives, their opportunities, and their interactions in ways that—shockingly—mirror how class affects white Americans.

That no similar awareness is growing on behalf of disparities afflicting Black Americans is absurd. The fact that the white upper class had a median wealth more than 20 times that of the white poor helped fuel Occupy Wall Street, Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and a socialist revival among white youth that continues today. In 2015, the Black upper class had a median wealth 1,382 times greater than the Black poor, along with an incarceration rate nearly 10 times lower than what I inherited. Yet still, some of the best-educated minds in the country claim to not understand how taking this into consideration might yield a qualitatively different student body than what comes from treating Black Americans as a class-free blob.

Powerful as they may be, elite institutions require support from the ground up. The social prestige that achieving racial diversity offers and the ability it has to smooth over the appearance of other inequities are too alluring for a university like Harvard to pass up. But, rich as it is, Harvard does not have the capital necessary to employ all of the country’s poor, fix their neighborhoods, and fund their public schools, or the willingness to wait an entire generation for those social changes to generate a cohort of low-income children who are nevertheless academically excellent. It will always be cheaper and more expedient to simply recruit wealthy kids instead. If what comes after affirmative action penalizes the Black middle and upper classes, that is nothing to celebrate. But if we want to erect something that benefits all Black Americans, we cannot expect that to happen without policies that treat class as meaningful."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:18:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves."

[previously bookmarked here:
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9d2d2e201910 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america">
    <title>The Bills That Destroyed Urban America — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-01T04:17:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The planners dreamed of gleaming cities. Instead they brought three generations of hollowed-out downtowns and flight to the suburbs."

[See also:


"The Demise of Real Neighborhoods Is a Story of Finance"
https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-demise-of-real-neighborhoods-is-a-story-of-finance

"America’s neighborhoods were once beautiful, unique, dense, and scaled for a communal life on foot. But obscure federal rules piling up over a century have made it nearly impossible for banks to finance new ones."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>josephlawler cities us 2026 urbanplanning urban cars stlouis automobiles policy markgelfand history middleclass transit publictransit transportation streetcars rail railways trains congress pruitt-igoe neighborhoods progressive progressivism catherinebauer housing mobility nyc lecorbusier rationalism paris villeradieuse slums density crime michaelbloomberg rudolphgiuliani edithelmerwood puertoricop sanjuan planning laws law legal 1937 detroit zoining howardhusock publichousing society roberttaft banking banks finance lawmaking robertomoses 1949 1954 1973 richardnixon poverty fha 1932 1934 1944 alexandervonhoffman morthages suburbs suburbia economics economy race racism brooklyn oarkslope boston southend 1849 housingact</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://hearthandfield.com/with-living-hearts-a-wandering-review-of-rerum-novarum-in-the-age-of-a-i/">
    <title>With Living Hearts: A Wandering Review of Rerum Novarum in the Age of A.I. – Hearth &amp; Field</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T21:37:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hearthandfield.com/with-living-hearts-a-wandering-review-of-rerum-novarum-in-the-age-of-a-i/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/03/meatpackers-barnes-noble-and-wittgenstein/

"Mary C. Tillotson unfolds the wisdom that Rerum Novarum might have for those of us confronting the promises and dangers of AI: “Leo’s goal is not to eradicate poverty, but to grow in love. Tech may be a helpful tool for some of the material challenges involved in helping the poor, but it can never replace a living heart.”"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/mar/13/chinamaxxing-social-media-trend-gen-z-china-us">
    <title>The kill line v Chinamaxxing: a window into how China and the US see each other | China | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T05:10:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/mar/13/chinamaxxing-social-media-trend-gen-z-china-us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In China, one social media trend hangs on the idea that a life in the US is always one step from disaster, while another in the US has gen Z revelling in Chinese lifestyle hacks"

...

"Across two online worlds that are normally splintered, over the last few months there has been a mirroring of sorts. On TikTok and Instagram, young people are diving into the joys of Chinese culture – from drinking hot water to playing mahjong – all under the banner of “Chinamaxxing”. On the Chinese internet, however, the US is losing its decades-long grip on soft power, and is instead being replaced by a darker trend: the kill line.

The kill line is a dangerous place to be. In gaming, the term refers to the point at which a player’s strength is so depleted that one more blow could lead to total wipeout. In China, the term refers to the risks that come with daily life in the US.

In recent months, the Chinese media has been flooded with discussion of the so-called “kill line” that exists in US society. The social media posts, news articles, podcasts and blogs describe a vision of the US as a dystopian capitalist hell. One video shared by a state-run account on RedNote shows a homeless man talking about how he used to earn a six-figure salary. (The post claims that the video comes from the US and that the man earned $450,000; in fact the clip is taken from an old video about homelessness on the streets of London).

Another case that has gone viral is that of Tylor Chase, a former Nickelodeon star who was recently spotted homeless on the streets of California. One Chinese news presenter said: “Tylor’s fate confirms the existence of a ‘kill line’ in American society where the middle class plummets into the underclass … This ‘kill line’ exposes America’s dual nature: the winners achieve ultimate success, while the losers fall into an abyss from which there is no return.”

In total, hashtags related to the US “kill line” have been viewed more than 600m times on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform.

Chinese propaganda has long cast the west as a land of poverty and depravity. On one day in 1968, during the early years of the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese Communist party’s official newspaper, People’s Daily, published no less than three articles describing the US as some version of hell, blighted by widespread famine and an elite class of billionaire “bloodsuckers”. One described the US simply as: “A paradise for the rich, a hell for the poor”.

But regular people tended nonetheless to view the US as a land of opportunity and prosperity, especially after China started opening up in the 1980s and there was a greater flow of information between the two countries.

In late 2025, that changed.

The latest trend started in November, when a Chinese student living in Seattle posted a five-hour stream to the Chinese video-sharing website BiliBili. In the video, which has since attracted more than 3m views, he describes seeing hungry children at Halloween and the harsh realities of life for disadvantaged people in the world’s biggest economy. Soon, the term “kill line” took on a life of its own.

In January, the Chinese Communist party’s official theoretical journal, Qiushi, published a commentary that stated the kill line “reveals the structural economic fragility of American society”. A few weeks later, a Chinese state media journalist asked the US treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, repeatedly about the so-called kill line at Davos. Bessent, confused, talked up Trump’s economic policy before saying: “I don’t understand the question.”

“For quite a long time we know that China has been looking up to the US, regardless of the official rhetoric,” says Wang Haolan, a research associate at the Asia society in New York. But a host of events – from the 2008 economic crisis to the election of Donald Trump to the US’s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic – has turned that admiration into a curiosity about the “turmoil” in the country, Wang says.

Ren Yi, an influential nationalist commentator who blogs under the name Chairman Rabbit, says the re-election of Trump and the US-China trade war are the most important reasons for Chinese people’s plummeting regard for the US. “Chinese people are much more critical of the US now. Their attitude toward America has been shifting constantly, which is closely linked to the changing balance of power between the two nations,” Ren says.

According to Ren, while China does have poverty problems, social and cultural factors mean that people are unlikely to end up on the streets. “In China, you can always get support from both close and extended family, you always have someone to help you.” Chinese people looking at the problems in the US “don’t understand it”.

Homelessness in the US is a growing problem. In 2024, there were more than 771,000 people experiencing homelessness, an 18% increase on the previous year and a record high, according to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, a non-profit organisation based in Washington DC.

In China, the problem is harder to quantify because the internal passport system, called the hukou, counts people based on where they are registered – usually at birth – rather than where they live. Millions of domestic migrants live in crowded and unsanitary accommodation on the fringes of big cities, often floating between dormitories depending on their jobs, but they would not be officially counted as homeless.

Severe destitution is hidden from public view, while the government’s success at eradicating extreme poverty – a milestone that China’s president, Xi Jinping, said was reached in 2021 – is frequently promoted in the official narrative.

Many Chinese people see some truth in the idea that the possibility of a total social catastrophe is more likely in the US than China.

But while internet users in China are gawking at the idea of a US riven by poverty and chaos, for their American counterparts it is quite the opposite. With “Chinamaxxing”, American teenagers are revelling in traditional Chinese lifestyle hacks such as drinking hot water or wearing slippers indoors. The trend’s slogan? “You’ve met me at a very Chinese time in my life”.

The Chinese government is lapping this up. Beijing is on a tourism drive, relaxing visa requirements for visitors from many European countries, including most recently the UK. Influencers willing to tell a rosy story about the most appealing aspects of life in China – while skirting over more sensitive topics like human rights and political oppression – have been welcomed with open arms. Meanwhile, in the US, a country which, unlike China, for the most part allows journalists to freely report on the worst aspects of society as well as the best, its government’s most thuggish behaviouris being broadcast to audiences of millions, damaging its global reputation.

A useful distraction?

Some commentators see the kill line meme as being a way for Chinese people to vent about, or distract from, their own frustrations at home. Nearly one in five young people aged 16-24 are unemployed, according to official statistics, with some economists estimating that the true level could be much higher. Low wages and sluggish growth have given rise to an era of economic pessimism that the government is keen to combat. Promoting the supposed “kill line” that exists in the US could be one helpful distraction.

“China currently has various social problems of its own, but by publicising that the west is also doing poorly – or even suggesting that the west is worse than China – creates an image that provides people with a sense of psychological comfort,” says Wang Qingmin, a Chinese writer who lives in Germany. “Someone who might have originally been critical of the Chinese government may, after seeing these problems in western society, shift toward a more positive attitude.”

Some people “find positive energy by observing the misery of people in the US”, Ren says.

Commentators who have tried to draw a more explicit link between the kill line meme and China’s domestic problems have been swiftly censored.

In an essay that was later deleted, the legal blogger Li Yuchen wrote that US-bashing nationalism had become a lucrative niche for influencers. “It doesn’t solve any of your problems – your stocks won’t recover, your mortgage won’t decrease by a single penny,” Li wrote. Such content is like “a cheap dose of ‘patriotic aphrodisiac’”.

Henry Gao, a professor at Singapore Management University Yong Pung How School of Law, says the official promotion of the so-called US “kill line” suggests that the Chinese government is trying to deflect from economic problems at home.

“This is a recurring pattern in China, where attention is often diverted toward perceived issues in other countries whenever significant internal challenges arise – with the United States typically being the first target,” Gao said."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-sunbeams">
    <title>Issue 603 | Sunbeams | The Sun Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T07:27:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-sunbeams</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Slight was the thing I bought, / Small was the debt I thought, / Poor was the loan at best— / God! but the interest!" —Paul Laurence Dunbar, “The Debt”

"I have no doubt that some of you who read this book are unable to pay for all the dinners which you have actually eaten, or for the coats and shoes which are fast wearing or are already worn out, and have come to this page to spend borrowed or stolen time, robbing your creditors of an hour." —Henry David Thoreau

"Small debts are like small shot; they are rattling on every side, and can scarcely be escaped without a wound: great debts are like cannon; of loud noise, but little danger." —Samuel Johnson

"Let us run up debts. One is nobody without debts." —Muriel Spark, “The Fathers’ Daughters”

"To owe what you had not yet earned, to have to work to earn what you had already spent, was a personal diminishment, an insult to nature and common sense." —Wendell Berry, Jayber Crow

"One of the greatest disservices you can do a man is to lend him money that he can’t pay back." —Jesse Holman Jones

"All decent people live beyond their incomes nowadays, and those who aren’t respectable live beyond other people’s. A few gifted individuals manage to do both." —Saki, “The Match-Maker”

"A good name is still to be preferred to great riches. Especially is it to be preferred to the appearance of riches, acquired with nothing down and nothing to pay for two months." —Ezra Taft Benson

"We all run in debt fer things we wouldn’ think o’ payin’ perfectly good money fer." —Kin Hubbard

"Like the heavy judgment of God on the sinner, the bill came." —Robert Hughes

"The consumption-driven mindset masquerades as “quality of life” but eats us from within. It is as if we’ve been invited to a feast, but the table is laid with food that nourishes only emptiness, the black hole of the stomach that never fills." —Robin Wall Kimmerer

"Our expense is almost all for conformity. It is for cake that we run in debt; it is not the intellect, not the heart, not beauty, not worship, that costs so much." —Ralph Waldo Emerson

"If the correct things belonged to you, perhaps you might belong." —Colson Whitehead, Sag Harbor

"The human animal is a beast that dies and if he’s got money he buys and buys and buys and I think the reason he buys everything he can buy is that in the back of his mind he has the crazy hope that one of his purchases will be life everlasting!—Which it never can be." —Tennessee Williams, Cat on a Hot Tin Roof

"The pyramids were built for pharaohs on the happy theory that they could take their stuff with them. Versailles was built for kings on the theory that they should live surrounded by the finest stuff. The Mall of America is built on the premise that we should all be able to afford this stuff. It may be a shallow culture, but it’s by-God democratic." —Molly Ivins

"We owe something to extravagance, for thrift and adventure seldom go hand in hand." —Jennie Jerome Churchill

"People, one by one as I meet them, I find are wondrous. When you have time to listen and watch them, when you look them in the eyes, you see all the potential of the whole thing, this whole species that has such a wonderful gift that was given by nature. . . . And we’ve wasted it by everyone wanting a fanny pack and to go to the mall and to be paying 18 percent interest on things that we don’t need, don’t want, don’t work, and can’t give back." —George Carlin

"We seek fulfillment but settle for abundance. Prisoners of plenty, we have the freedom to consume instead of the freedom to find our place in the world." —Clive Hamilton

"More than enough is too much." —Thomas Fuller]]></description>
<dc:subject>capitalism consumerism consumption employment povery sustainability thoreau paullaurencedunbar murielspark samueljohnson jesseholmanjones wendellberry jaybercrow roberthughes kinhubbard ezratafthubbard saki colsonwhitehead ralphwaldoemerson roberhughes tennesseewilliams jenniejeromechurchill mollyivins thomasfuller clivehamilton georgecarlin slow small us society abundance freedom belongings possessions robinwallkimmerer wealth poverty</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics">
    <title>The Limitations of Partisan Politics - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T02:08:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I don’t vote.

As I explained to Nick Gillespie, I stopped voting as I transitioned into social science. Putting on a jersey and rooting for a team was messing up my work (and that of my peers), so I decided to take a step back from participation in horseraces (although I still vote for ballot initiatives, etc.).

What I told Nick was true. But, perhaps, it wasn’t the whole truth. If I’m being fully honest, another part of my reason for abstaining was the growing realization that, when the chips are down, and the rubber meets the road, the Democratic Party is basically useless. Often, in fact, they’re a big part of the problem. This reality shone through clearly to me while researching my book.

The core puzzle We Have Never Been Woke tries to grapple with is that, from the beginning of our professions, symbolic capitalists have defined ourselves in terms of altruism and serving the common good. We have higher pay, prestige and autonomy than most other workers in America. We have a lot more cultural and political influence too. We have consistently insisted that it’s necessary to preserve and enhance these benefits – not for our own sake, but to empower us to help everyone in society, including and especially the least among us.

In terms of moral and political affiliations, the slice of Americans that are most likely to self-identify as antiracists, feminists, environmentalists or allies to LGBTQ people are also the same slice of society that dominates the symbolic professions. Symbolic capitalists overwhelmingly self-identify as “liberal,” “progressive,” or “left.” We vote overwhelmingly and increasingly for the Democratic Party.

Given how we tend to define ourselves, what one might expect is that as more wealth and power was consolidated in our hands, we’d see longstanding social problems getting ameliorated, inequalities would shrink, social tensions would be eased thanks to the adjudication of experts who make decisions based on “the facts” and “merit,” and we’d see growing trust in institutions because of all the great work we’re doing. This is what previous generations of symbolic capitalists promised would happen – and it’s a story we continue to tell.

Over the last 50 years, there were significant changes to the global socioeconomic order that radically enhanced the affluence and influence of symbolic capitalists relative to everyone else in society. However, the results from this transition are very far from what we promised. We see growing inequalities. Longstanding social problems have festered and, in some cases, grown worse. We see growing affective polarization and mistrust in institutions. The core puzzle the book is trying to work through is, “what went wrong here?” Why is it that the world we inhabit is so far from the world we promised?

Of course, symbolic capitalists recognize that the world we live in is very far from what we ostensibly hope for. We have stories we like to tell ourselves about why this is the case. Ultimately, these stories tend to boil down to two villains: “the millionaires and the billionaires” and “those damn Republicans.” In a previous post, I addressed the “blame the actual capitalists,” narrative at length. Here, I want to address the deficiencies of the partisan political narrative we gravitate towards."

...

"A desire for peace, order, and non-confrontation dominates the academy. Higher ed institutions, in general, are full of people who are risk averse and conformist. People who fall into “leadership” roles are often the most quiescent of all – allowing themselves to get steamrolled by PR teams and lawyers into servile postures, offering limp and half-hearted defenses of the academy and its mission, when they are offered at all. And to their credit, they recognize this about themselves: most university presidents acknowledge they have done a poor job responding to declining faith in their institutions and the accompanying efforts to impose reforms from the outside.

Small wonder the public doesn’t trust academia! Not only are we apparently unable or unwilling to address stakeholders’ concerns, we also seem incapable of effectively communicating our own value in society in the face of adversaries who are out to gut our institutions.

Now is the time to dispense with both of these tendencies. We need to be more explicit about addressing ways our institutions are not, in fact, representing and serving large swaths of America. However, we also need to be more muscular about pushing back against false narratives, asserting our value to society, and defending our institutions from inappropriate forms of political interference.

Institutional neutrality, now the rage, is no shield for cowardice. The Kalven Report, the foundational document of the institutional neutrality movement, emphasizes, “From time to time instances will arise in which the society, or segments of it, threaten the very mission of the university and its values of free inquiry. In such a crisis, it becomes the obligation of the university as an institution to oppose such measures and actively to defend its interests and its values.”

We find ourselves in such a moment now.

If, in this moment, faculty refuse to make use of the rights and freedoms we have, then it doesn’t matter if they’re stripped away, and they will be. If “academic freedom,” “free speech,” and “viewpoint diversity” organizations have nothing to say to this illiberalism, or even support these moves, they’re worse than useless. If university leaders cannot muster the strength or conviction to decline to follow unlawful and unethical orders and challenge these actions in the courts, then they should resign in disgrace or be pushed out. If we, as a collective, cannot and will not stand against this overreach and defend ourselves in public -- then we deserve what we get. But others do not deserve to suffer from our failure. And so, we must not fail.

Critically, any resistance to the administration’s illiberal policies, or defense of our institutions and their mission – these must not be framed in banal partisan terms. This is not just a matter of effective praxis (to prevent further polarization and resentment), it’s also a matter of respecting the truth. Again, we got here through bipartisan political actions. Moreover, the chronic failures of our own professions and institutional leaders provided fodder for the “populist” forces now aligned against us. We’ll only get out of this predicament by engaging with those who are currently skeptical of, or alienated from, our institutions – by acknowledging and constructively responding to their concerns.

More broadly, it’s critical for symbolic capitalists to understand that “voting blue no matter who” is not really a solution to the social problems we express concern about. Some of the places where these problems are most pronounced are symbolic economy hubs where Democrats exercise uncontested rule. And when there’s a lot on the line, and it’s critical for the party to have a backbone and take decisive action, you can bank on the Democratic Party to instead make things worse or, at best, to engage in purely sterile forms of #Resistance.

As I detail in Chapter 4 of We Have Never Been Woke, symbolic capitalists are more likely to vote and support political campaigns than almost any other block of the U.S. electorate. However, we tend to overrate voting as a means of addressing social problems. It’s convenient to think that we just show up to the ballot box every couple of years, pull the lever for the “blue” candidate, and we’ve fulfilled our obligations to social justice. But that simply isn’t the way the world works.

We can look to the areas Democrats control with one-party rule to recognize the limitations of partisan politics for addressing social problems. Those limitations are severe."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-hlkzIaF0nU">
    <title>FLORIDA - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T07:19:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-hlkzIaF0nU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>florida 2026 michaelsorensen horsesonyt us history harrietbeecherstowe tourism nature behavior society policy resorts climate climatechange realestate growth beaches condominiums aesthetics wildlife ecosystems everglades greed speculation government governance water development orlando disney disneyworld crime hurricanes housing migration environment activism richardnixon algore billclinton ronaldreagan jebbush animals multispecies lawenforcement police policing paradox paradise boomandbust grift lies scams taxation grifters business miami finance moneylaundering whitecollarcrime drugs inequality incomeinequality poverty smuggling</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a5fad9fe68ef/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://educationwars.substack.com/p/overselling-the-mississippi-miracle">
    <title>Overselling the Mississippi Miracle - by Jennifer Berkshire</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-27T22:37:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://educationwars.substack.com/p/overselling-the-mississippi-miracle</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>mississippimiracle mississippi education poverty schools schooling pandemic covid-19 coronavirus 2026 jenniferberkshire us alabama reading pedagogy instruction learning howwelearn publiceducation publicschools readinginstruction teaching howweteach policy southernsurge louisiana funding propertytaxes taxes taxation nicholaskristof standards standardization corporalpunishment texas unions teachers labor work workers melissaarnoldlyon trunover economics redistribution childtaxcredit letrs</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:57396a7500c3/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://monumentlab.com/bulletin/nicaraguan-ghost-monuments-posthumous-memories-of-la-concha-acustica">
    <title>Nicaraguan Ghost Monuments: Posthumous Memories of “La Concha Acústica” - Monument Lab</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T06:49:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://monumentlab.com/bulletin/nicaraguan-ghost-monuments-posthumous-memories-of-la-concha-acustica</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the last 40 years, Nicaragua has been a country of no lasting resonance, trapped in a cycle of impermanence and urban deconstruction where innumerable monuments, buildings, and entire neighborhoods have been demolished.1 This political fashion has been imposed by each new government in attempts to erase the memory of their predecessor. The current regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, who have ruled the country under an iconoclastic political dynamic since their reelection in 2007, has increased the deconstruction frenzy of landmarks across the country with an accelerated rhythm in the capital, Managua. Subsequently, their administration has commissioned a mass production of political imagery with no patrimonial value in lieu of the demolished monuments. The imposition of these new artifacts has been a key component in the political indoctrination program that has exacerbated police brutality, inequality, poverty, racism, and the suppression of education. Nicaragua remains a dictatorship where the lack of free speech and manipulation of urban spaces have intensified the need to reminisce history without any political bias. Therefore, the regime’s attempt to eradicate urban memory in order to insert its own political doctrine has created a collective resistance to oblivion."]]></description>
<dc:subject>nicaragua monuments memory policebutality inequality poverty recism suppression danielortega rosariomurillo erasure managua latinamerica 2022 oscarcaballero deconstruction</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6788f4801015/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-52/the-intellectual-situation/sinophobic-sinophilia/">
    <title>Sinophobic Sinophilia | Issue 52 | n+1 | The Editors</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T07:11:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-52/the-intellectual-situation/sinophobic-sinophilia/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>china us left hillaryclinton barackobama policy governance government mittromney donaldtrump jakewerner technology stem growth antonyblinken kurtcampbell davidbrooks politics gdp economics economy engineering diplomacy development siliconvalley ezraklein marcandreessen vc venturecapital xijinping maga trumpism tiktok sinophilia sinophobia orientalism journalism media tomcotton andrewliu danwang breakneck competition lionelhutz redguard searchlightinstitute derekthompson abundance abundancenetwork scottbessent germany evs japan jonathanczin ccp reindustrialization manufacturing jensenhuang ai artificialintelligence finance lawyers law legal regulation deregulation construction housing nvidia abundancemovement jedesty hegemony military shenzhen guizhou chongqing sez dengxiaoping 1979 capitalism boxilai acftu collectivebargaining labor workers repression dissent unions guangzhou isabellaweber petrusliu taiwan wanghui workingclass reform statepower power marxism institutions welfarestate unemployment pensions pov</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:52f17d79a9fe/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://x.com/wolftivy/status/1875774503290274262">
    <title>Wolf Tivy on X: &quot;Disposable income is a curse. It makes you spiritually obese. Seek austerity instead. Treat money like the Fremen treat water. Wear a financial stillsuit so tight you could last years on what most people spend in a month, pour the rest in</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T04:29:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://x.com/wolftivy/status/1875774503290274262</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Disposable income is a curse. It makes you spiritually obese. Seek austerity instead. Treat money like the Fremen treat water. Wear a financial stillsuit so tight you could last years on what most people spend in a month, pour the rest into the sacred cistern.

High IQ high discipline voluntary extreme poverty is an underexplored lifestyle. Seems to me much more virtuous than the Connecticut suburban lawnmowing contest."

[via:
https://www.are.na/block/33456913 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>wolftivy austerity money small slow 2025 asceticism voluntarysimplicity poverty life living lifestyle suburbs spirituality</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ba3be7a4735e/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://thelampmagazine.com/issues/issue-33/technological-poverty">
    <title>The Lamp Magazine | Technological Poverty</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T22:27:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelampmagazine.com/issues/issue-33/technological-poverty</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the modern poor."

[via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/02/poverty-progressives-and-publics/

"In an absolute barn burner of an essay, Matthew Walther asks hard questions about our obligations to those rendered passive, distracted, and poor by our technological society: “the technologically poor do not experience their poverty as such. Once upon a time when a hungry boy saw a well-fed one he might have envied him. Today he may not even see him. A seven-year-old boy spends five or more hours a day at school interacting with a laptop or tablet device before going home to waste time in front of the ‘smart’ T.V. or a phone or a video game console. In a few years he will become one of the forty percent of Americans who suffer from prediabetes. By age twelve at the latest he will become addicted to online pornography. In adulthood he will be on insulin (his doctor will recommend an app for monitoring his blood sugar; a pharmaceutical company will bill insurance). He will take other medications. He may get a job. He may father a child. He will not kick the porn habit. He will watch four thousand hours of YouTube. He will not think of himself as poor. No one will tell him that he is. One day he will see a man who is looking at a bird. Will he envy him?” (Recommended by Timothy Hofland.)"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>matthewwalther poverty us 2026 gkchesterton luddism neoluddism luddites neoluddites greatdepression technology children newdeal</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://buttondown.com/monteiro/archive/how-to-raise-children/">
    <title>How to raise children • Buttondown</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T06:48:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://buttondown.com/monteiro/archive/how-to-raise-children/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My daughter turns 3 this month. I want to help her have fewer troubles than I did by teaching her about boundaries, values, independent thinking etc. I think if more kids learned this stuff, we’d have more good humans and fewer jerks. What do YOU think every kid should grow up knowing?

Every kid should grow up knowing they are loved.

Everything else is pretty close to a rounding error. Ok, maybe not a rounding error. I’m exaggerating to make a point. But honestly, there is nothing a child needs more in life than knowing they are loved. Love can make up for a lack of a lot, but a lack of love is very hard to make up for.

Regular readers of this newsletter will now be familiar that I didn’t grow up in the best household. I grew up in an abusive household. I also grew up poor. And when I look back on my childhood, growing up poor wasn’t really a big deal. It was just a fact of life. And to be clear, poor is very subjective. We always had a roof over our head. We didn’t miss meals. I knew we were poor because every Sunday my parents would pile us in the car and go for a drive around the rich neighborhoods in town, getting progressively more upset about our own circumstances, and blaming each other—and their kids—for not being able to live in one of those fancy houses. Meanwhile, my brothers and I sat in the back seat, being as quiet as possible so as to not draw my father’s growing anger. We didn’t know we were poor until my father started hitting us for being poor.

I’ll tell you a story, but first—some cultural background: in Portugal, where my parents grew up, if you had a house for rent you’d make a paper cutout and tape it to the windows. (This was pre-internet, obviously.) The cutout could be any of a number of things, probably made by whichever kid the landlord deemed to be “the artistic one.” No, I don’t know how this started, and it’s not the point of our story so I’m not looking it up.

One Sunday afternoon, we’re driving around doing our routine wealth tourism on The Mail Line, and my dad stops the car. He pulls over.

“Go see if that house is for rent.”

I turn towards the house he’s pointing at. This thing was an old-school two-story mansion. Very old-Philadelphia money. Whoever built it probably has their name on a hospital now. Anyway, I ask him why he thinks the house (that we obviously cannot afford) is for rent.

“You see the cut-outs on the window?”

“Yeah, it’s Christmas. Those are snowflakes.”

The slap came before I finished the sentence. Followed by the scream to get the fuck out of the car and do what I was told. So off I went, crying. I rang the doorbell. Some unsuspecting stranger opened the door, wondering why some crying kid was standing there and asking if the house was for rent, even though I knew it was not. He seemed understandably confused, but politely told me it was not, then closed the door. Receding, I’m sure, to a nearby curtain that he could peek out of. (Or possibly straight to the phone to call the police about immigrants in the neighborhood.) I walked back to the car, knowing what was coming. And when I told him the house wasn’t for rent, sure enough—it came. Right across the face. We drove home in silence, where he dropped us all off and went off to do something else with people who were not his family, who he hated.

So yeah, when I think back on growing up, it’s not the lack of anything—except the lack of love—that I think about. Love and safety. Made all the more worse because every once in a while I’d get a glimpse of what those things were like. Sometimes he’d come home in a good mood. Sometimes he’d muss my hair on the way in. But those times were rare, but the fact that they existed at all let me know that they were possible, which made it that much crueler.

Fast forward decades to a therapist’s office where my therapist—who I’m sure isn’t reading this—is telling me that my own relationships are falling apart because how am I supposed to love anyone else when I never learned what love was like growing up. (Yes, my therapist is RuPaul.) If you were raised in a similar environment, please believe me when I tell you that it is never too late to learn how to love. You don’t have to carry your parents’ sins into your relationship with your own children.

Every kid should grow up knowing they are loved.

Telling a child you love them is free.

Also, while I by no means an expert in the field, and my opinions should be treated with much salt, I tend to believe that children are born good. They’re born full of love. They’re born full of confidence. (How fucking confident do you have to be to take that first step?!) They’re born curious. They’re born wanting to be part of a community. It’s not so much that we need to teach them these things, as much as we need to encourage them to keep believing these things. And protect them from people who would work to destroy those things.

Yes, this is about AI. The AI industry can only succeed if it separates people from their joy and their confidence. An industry run by people who were not raised with love, attempting to steal it from others.

I’ve written about this before, but every child is born loving to draw. They draw on everything. They demand crayons in restaurants. They draw on your walls. You should let them do so. Fuck your walls. It’s easier to eventually paint over a wall, than to rebuild a child’s confidence.

It’s wild to me that we parent our children to fit into society, then get together with our friends and talk about how broken society is. I’ve seen people rail against our broken educational system, then demand their children get straight As in school. I’ve seen people complain about not having any time to themselves and then schedule every minute of their kid’s life.

There is more we can learn from children than they can learn from us.

Mostly we need to support children and let them know that they are loved. Children are so ready to love you back. For every cruel thing my father did to me, anytime he walked through the door and mussed my hair I was ready to give him another chance. I was so ready to love him.

Congratulations on your daughter turning three. The fact that you’re worried about this stuff is usually a sign that you’re on the right path. The funny thing about parenting is that the people who are most worried about messing it up, are the ones most likely to get it right. I’m old enough that I’ve seen a lot of my friends have kids, and those kids are now adults in their own right. And one of the first things I noticed was that the folks who were the most chaotic, the most fly-by-the-seat-of-their-pants, the most worried about fucking things up… they were the ones who ended up incorporating their kids into their messy lives, encouraging them to be themselves, giving them the space to be curious, to climb trees, to draw on the walls, to ask their neighbors for help. And ultimately, hold everything together with love. While the friends who made plans, and spreadsheets, and made lists of goals, and fretted about their kids not being able to tie their shoes yet, or read at a certain level yet—and by the way, I totally understand wanting to do these things, and worrying about these things—they were so concerned with how things were supposed to be going that they totally missed how things were actually going. Which is that this new amazing human was unfolding before your eyes, and while it might not be the human you were expecting… aren’t they amazing?!? And if you don’t understand them, well child what happened to your curiosity?!

Your kid is going to be alright. With enough love, your kid is going to be alright.

Don’t judge your children, love them. Because they will, in turn, love you back. And when they do—holy fucking shit, it’s just amazing.

My daughter’s coming over for dinner tonight. I can’t wait to hug her and tell her I love her.

I love you for asking this question."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=au3HEsIY2pI">
    <title>Ireland Was a Testing Ground for British Colonialism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-10T20:22:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=au3HEsIY2pI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The British Empire’s brutal tactics are well known across the world – but many of its methods were first tested in Ireland, Britain’s earliest colony. 

Dena Takruri travels to Northern Ireland, which remains under British rule, to examine the deep scars of colonialism and the striking parallels with other former British colonies.

0:00 Intro 
2:20 Dena attends the 12 of July parade in Belfast 
2:41 Terms you need to know 
3:32 How Ireland was a testing ground for British colonialism  
4:46 The Irish fight for independence and the UK’s creation of Northern Ireland 
5:53 Unpacking the 30-year period of violence known as The Troubles 
7:50 How the Irish fight has inspired people around the world 
8:59: The Troubles’ legacy: Dena visits Belfast's so-called ‘peace wall’ 
10:32 What really divides communities in Northern Ireland "]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri uk ireland northernireland colonialism colonization history britain belfast resistance divideandrule conquest famine landgrabs erasure culturalerasure power control brutality imperialism battleoftheboyne settlercolonialism kenya southafrica india bengal easterrising ira blackandtans irish discrimination thetroubles repression bloodysunday jamaica nelsonmandela apartheid hungerstrikes bobbysands solidarity sinnféin gerryadams walls westbank palestine israel segregation rulingclass class inequality religion poverty migration refugees migrants immigration immigrants society division hatred workingclass bloodysundaymassacre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://calmatters.org/commentary/2026/02/test-scores-schools-california-teachers/">
    <title>Opinion | California’s teachers can’t fix low test scores alone</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-04T21:33:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://calmatters.org/commentary/2026/02/test-scores-schools-california-teachers/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["California’s latest standardized test results have triggered the usual alarm: Why are students underperforming? 

But the familiar narrative — blaming teachers, curriculum or school culture — misses deeper structural realities behind the numbers.

Just 47% of students met English standards and 36% met math standards, according to the 2024–25 California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress results. On the National Assessment of Educational Progress exam, only 29% of California 4th-graders and 25% of  8th-graders scored proficient in reading and math. 

These numbers look stark, but in context they reveal far more about the conditions California children are growing up in than the quality of classroom instruction.

California educates a disproportionate share of children experiencing housing insecurity. A 2024 analysis found that 4% of California students were homeless, with some counties reaching 16%. The California Department of Education reports 230,443 homeless students statewide, a 26% increase over five years that mirrors broader trends in affordability, overcrowding and displacement. 

Poverty and residential instability suppress academic outcomes across states. Still, California’s much higher share of students facing these hardships and attending public schools — rather than being absorbed into private ones — exerts a downward pressure on statewide scores.

Another defining factor is California’s substantial English learner population. According to the Public Policy Institute of California, current and former English learner students score 16–17 percentage points lower, on average, than peers who were never classified as English learners.

This is not evidence of system failure; it reflects the time and stability required to learn academic English. California’s public schools serve more English learner students than any other state. These students need multi-year support, consistent teaching and predictable housing.

Pandemic recovery, too, remains uneven. California’s national assessment results are still below pre-pandemic levels, and the lowest-performing students lost the most ground — an inequity that the Public Policy Institute and CalMatters have repeatedly documented. Chronic absenteeism also has not returned to pre-2020 levels.

Additionally, in some higher-income districts, many of the highest-achieving students now opt out of the state’s standardized testing altogether, meaning statewide averages increasingly reflect a more skewed testing pool.

Who’s not taking the tests?

The least-discussed factor may be the most important: who is not included in California’s test scores. 

The state and national tests rely almost entirely on public school samples. Private school students — who are disproportionately affluent, stably housed and high-performing — are not included in state averages. According to the California Department of Education, 494,464 students attend private schools statewide, representing 7.8% of all K–12 students. 

In San Francisco, the share reaches nearly 30%. A full county-by-county breakdown is available here. 

The exclusion of these students reshapes the public school landscape. Public schools end up serving a much more concentrated population of high-need students, independent of teaching quality. And the fiscal consequences are severe: public-school funding follows enrollment. When families move to private schools, districts lose revenue.

KQED reports that San Francisco Unified’s loss of 4,000 students cost the district roughly $80 million annually, or $20,000 per student. 

Fewer students mean fewer counselors, fewer reading specialists, and fewer supports that help struggling learners succeed. Loss of federal funding also affected English learners and other support services, exacerbating the problem.

Improving the odds

Raising California’s test scores requires solving the right problem. Scores are low because a higher proportion of children live in deep poverty, experience housing instability or homelessness, are learning English, or are attending school inconsistently — and because a significant share of higher-income students is not in the testing pool at all.

Test scores improve when children’s conditions improve. That means expanding stable, affordable housing; adopting and scaling the science of reading statewide; providing targeted, meaningful support for English learners; reducing chronic absenteeism, and stabilizing district funding in communities experiencing enrollment loss.

California’s public schools are doing the most challenging work with the fewest advantages. If we continue judging them without acknowledging who they serve — and who they don’t — we will continue diagnosing the wrong problem and offering the wrong solutions."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yVJffNplJc">
    <title>The New Satanic Panic Is Here - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-24T17:16:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yVJffNplJc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.usermag.co/p/the-new-satanic-panic-is-here ]

"Are Smartphones & Social Media Really Causing a Teen Mental Health Crisis?

Are smartphones and social media actually destroying teen mental health, or is this just another moral panic? I critically examine the growing narrative that phones, apps, and screen time are responsible for rising anxiety, depression, and harm among teenagers. 
 
These claims, popularized by politicians, journalists, interest groups like the Heritage Foundation, and authors like Jonathan Haidt (The Anxious Generation), are being used to justify mass surveillance laws, deplatforming marginalized people, and implementing policies that actually harm kids and reward big tech. 
 
They allow lawmakers to scapegoat users, and institute draconian surveillance laws instead of enacting meaningful regulation. Haidt and others boosting this moral panic have pushed debunked claims about how social media can turn kids LGBTQ. Haidt has pushed false and misogynistic claims that young liberal women suffer from more "anxiety." He is on the board of Bari Weiss' unaccredited reactionary right wing University. 

Using peer-reviewed studies, media analysis, and real-world examples, this episode breaks down:

- Why smartphones became the default scapegoat for teen mental health
- How correlation is repeatedly confused with causation
- Ho weak and misleading data is driving major public policy decisions
- How moral panics spread through podcasts, news media, and social platforms
- Who is actually harmed by phone bans and social media crackdowns
- Why girls, LGBTQ youth, and marginalized teens are the most harmed

I also explore how internet scares like the Momo Challenge illustrate the dangers of fear-based policy making, and why banning technology doesn’t solve any of the root issues of kids' mental health issues like social isolation, economic stress, lack of mental health care, and inequality.

If you’re interested in:

- Teen mental health
- Social media & smartphones
- Internet culture and moral panics
- Education policy and school phone bans
- Digital rights and youth safety

this video will challenge what you’ve been told by the mainstream media, but please keep an open mind!"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w">
    <title>The Trillion Dollar War Machine (with William D. Hartung) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T07:31:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The military-industrial-complex has grown into a monster so powerful that even its earliest critics likely never foresaw its evolution. In the age of Big Tech's rising power, can anything stop it?"

...

"The military-industrial-complex (MIC) is unique in its ability to pull untold flows of tax revenue into “defensive” infrastructure that benefits no one other than the private sector manufacturing and investing in it. The machine, which perpetuates itself through an incestuous milieu that lobbies for war and defense spending, wages psychological warfare on citizens and engages in corrupt backroom deals, has risen to once unthinkable heights of influence and power since Dwight D. Eisenhower first warned Americans of its growing presence in 1961.

Political scientist William D. Hartung joins this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his and Ben Freeman’s new book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, which contextualizes the growth of the MIC behind the backdrop of Silicon Valley’s increasing radicalism and integration into American military infrastructure, as well as the Trump administration’s chaotic and unabashed foreign policy.

These tech elites push for automated warfare, domestic surveillance, and the full diffusion of any line still separating the corporate and public sectors. In essence, they symbolize how significantly Western capital has grown since Eisenhower’s warning — bolstering a corporate state bent on maximizing profit through warfare and manufacturing reliance on its often faulty products both in the public and private sector.

Empowered by the Trump administration, the trillion dollar war machine only looks to grow — and Hartung says that it will harm the entire nation in its endless quest for domination."

[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mxti7sPPD0 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>military militaryindustrialcomplex us power policy willaimhartung chrishedges 2025 eisenhower dwightdeisenhower arnoldtoynbee authoritarianism society climatecrisis inequality elites lobbying thinktanks media militarism peterthiel pentagon bigtech technology oligarchy spacecolonization politicians hollywood warmachine lockheedmartin surveillance imperialism siliconvalley videogames gaming sports academia highereducation exceptionalism highered civilization frankchuch georgemcgovern williamproxmire jamesabourezk ideology greed iran guatemala lyndonjohnson lbj jfk johnfkennedy navy airforce army randcorporation americanexceptionalism palmerluckey china nuclearweapons palantir elonmusk foreignpolicy government governance aynrand raytheon f-35 weapons jdvance donaldtrump ai artificialintelligence manhattanproject gaza genocide israel palestine c-5 vietnamwar congress corruption seymourmelman berniesanders labor jobs industry science manufacturing infrastructure elizabethwarren engineering whistleblowers aircraftc</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2026/01/six-big-stories-you-might-not-have-seen-in-local-news-media-in-2025/">
    <title>Six big stories you might not have seen in local news media in 2025 - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T03:27:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2026/01/six-big-stories-you-might-not-have-seen-in-local-news-media-in-2025/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Everyone's talking about the biggest stories of 2025. Here are some that the local media ignored"

...

"The Gregorian Calendar is a scientific advance, although it was established by a pope. But the idea of January 1 as the start of a
“new year” goes back much further, and is probably related to the winter solstice. In some older traditions, the new year started in March, when spring arrived. People in the Chinese and Jewish traditions celebrate the new year in the early fall or in February.

So the Western tradition of Jan. 1 is a random day. But it’s a time that everyone talks about the past year, and the year to come, and that’s not a bad thing: Once a year, at the very least, we should reflect on where we are and where we’re going.

With a nod to Project Censored, let me do my own kind of list: Here are the biggest local stories of the year that you haven’t heard much about.

1. Economic inequality at home, and its impacts on everything from homelessness to public safety.

In a particularly ridiculous oped the Chron ran on Jan 1, Tracy Hernandez, the head of a pro-big-business group funded is part by the Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative, argues that California is failing as a state because there’s too much regulation, and too many “special interests” blocking progress:

<blockquote>Wealthy NIMBYs blocking housing in the name of “community character.” Ideological purists treating compromise as betrayal. Unions that gladly sacrifice the best interests of all workers for the best interests of their members. Companies willing to stall progress for the sake of predictability.

There is a different way to organize the mechanisms of state power — and it starts with reorienting political culture away from ideology and regulatory capture and toward solutions.</blockquote>

Umm … Hernandez left out a few special interests: the greedy billionaires who work to make sure they never have to pay their fair share to taxes. The Real Estate Investment Trusts that have taken over much of the housing market crowding out ordinary buyers (and leaving commercial spaces vacant). The speculators who flip residential properties and evict tenants for quick profits. To name a few.

The reality is that the biggest threat to California, and San Francisco, other than climate change, is economic inequality. And the only solution that works is taxing the rich.

Zohran Mamdani got elected mayor of New York talking about that. (Read his inspiring inauguration speech here or watch it here.) You can watch about 4,000 people at Mamdani’s inaugural rally chanting “tax the rich.”

In San Francisco, nobody in the news media regularly reports on the role economic inequality plays in our social problems.

I have seen nothing in any of the local news media reporting on what is easily the most important economic story of the decade, and nobody makes any effort to apply that concept to San Francisco.

Instead, the media talks about crime.

When Sen. Scott Wiener recently made a pitch for a regional sales tax to fund transit, I asked him: Why not let San Francisco have a city income tax on the very rich? All it would take is an act of the Legislature. A modest tax on the 4,000 richest San Franciscans would solve all of our budget crises—fund Muni, affordable housing, health care—and public safety. No need to decide if a functional bus system is more important than additional cops; we could easily pay for both.

Wiener told me such a bill “would never even make it out of committee.”

If the news media talked about the billionaire and big corporate theft of $47 trillion as much as they talked about far lower level street crime, that might change.

2. The privatization of transit

We hear a lot about Waymo: Robot cars running over a cat, stalling at intersections, taking up parking spaces … and by some accounts, offering safer driving than humans.

We hear a lot less about what this trend really represents: The private sector taking over what public transit is designed to do. The result, if this continues, will be a two-tiered system, where people with money will zip around in robocars and everyone else will be stuck with a third-rate transit system that will barely function.

This is not happening by accident. In Security and Exchange Commission filings, Uber made clear that its road to profitability depended on replacing public transit with private, for-profit vehicles. The latest data suggests that the plan is working.

The city and the region are looking at parcel taxes and sales taxes to shore up Muni, BART, and other systems. Nobody is doing anything to prevent giant private companies from destroying those systems.

3. AI and social stability

In his 1952 novel, Player Piano, Kurt Vonnegut presents a terrible future where machines have replaced most human workers, leaving society divided into the small number of elites who operate the machines—and the rest of humanity, which lives in squalor and has little useful, fun, or productive to do.

We read and hear a lot about AI investments, AI saving downtown SF, AI learning how to stop people from turning the machines off, AI making it impossible for teachers to assign essays, and a lot more.

We don’t hear about the roughly 2.1 million people in the US whose job is truck driver, or the 1 million who work in auto manufacturing, people whose jobs will go away in the next decade if we continue at this unregulated pace. They are not going to be “retrained for jobs of the future” because those jobs won’t exist.

What do we do about them?

We could look forward to a society where most people only work one or two days a week, and have time for raising kids, inventing things, relaxing, travelling, and finding ways to be productive that don’t involve a paycheck. A society where health care is free, housing is a human right, and poverty is declining.

To do that, the wealth created by the increased productivity of AI would have to be shared widely, not hoarded by a handful of billionaires.

That would require extensive government regulation and wealth redistribution, which hasn’t happened in the US in more than 50 years.

Why is nobody in the news media talking about this?

4. The Raker Act

Now that PG&E has shown its failure to provide reliable electric power in SF, we’re seeing lots of media stories about a move to public power, and how that would be cheaper and more reliable.

But nobody is talking about the fact that public power in SF is not just a good idea—it’s the law. San Francisco is the only city in the US that is required under federal law to operate a public power system. The Raker Act, which set that mandate in exchange for allowing the city to build a dam for water in Yosemite National Park, has been upheld by the US Supreme Court.

As far as I can tell, the last time the Chronicle even mentioned the words “Raker Act” was more than 20 years ago.

Not one of the other news outlets covers this. A long, detailed MissionLocal story by Joe Eskenazi doesn’t include the words “Raker Act,” although someone brought it up in the comments.

Isn’t this even remotely relevant?

5. A housing “shortage” isn’t driving a lack of affordability

Nothing gets the local media more excited than the so-called “Yimby vs. Nimby” battles. The success of the Yimby movement has been almost daily fodder for local coverage.

The media discussion always makes an assumption: that more housing will bring prices down. The implication, often stated outright, is that opposition to new housing (apparently by the progressives and the “Nimbys”) has caused the affordability crisis.

But the National Bureau of Economic Research, which is not run by radical leftists, begs to differ.

In a dramatic (and largely unreported) study in March, 2025, the NBER concluded that “constraints” on housing development have had little impact on prices. Instead, prices are driven up by an influx of people with high salaries—that is, economic inequality):

<blockquote>The standard view of housing markets holds that the flexibility of local housing supply— shaped by factors like geography and regulation—strongly affects the response of house prices, house quantities and population to rising housing demand. However, from 2000 to 2020, we find that higher income growth predicts the same growth in house prices, housing quantity, and population regardless of a city’s estimated housing supply elasticity. We find the same pattern when we expand the sample to 1980 to 2020, use different elasticity measures, and when we instrument for local housing demand. Using a general demand-and-supply framework, we show that our findings imply that constrained housing supply is relatively unimportant in explaining differences in rising house prices among U.S. cities. These results challenge the prevailing view of local housing and labor markets and suggest that easing housing supply constraints may not yield the anticipated improvements in housing affordability.</blockquote>

I have done a keyword search of the Chronicle’s stories on housing for the past year, and Google keeps telling me: “Missing: NBER.” This went almost entirely unreported, even though it’s the heart of the entire debate. Only one side—the supply-side theory that more housing makes cheaper housing and the “constraints” have driven up prices—is even reported, and it’s treated as if there is no other side to the story. That’s just false. And there are plenty of experts who will say so.

6. Fewer cops doesn’t seem to mean more crime

San Francisco has fewer cops on the streets than it had 40 years ago, 20 years ago, even ten years ago. When I moved here in 1981, the city employed about 1,900 sworn officers; by 1998, that number was more than 2,000. Mayor Daniel Lurie ran on a promise to hire more officers, to get back to those old numbers, and that’s the only area that didn’t get cut in his first budget.

In 1981, according to federal data, the city recorded 111 homicides, more than half of them involving guns. That pattern continued into the 1990s, when the city hired more officers.

In 2025, with only about 1,500 officers on the streets, the city saw 28 homicides.

So: 500 fewer cops, far less violent crime.

Burglaries in 2025 are down by almost 35 percent over 2024.

Criminologists can and will argue forever about what causes crime. (An old college friend of mine got a PhD in criminology many years ago, and after he won his diploma, he came to SF for a conference and we had beers. He’s the only person I knew with that degree, so I asked him what criminologists do, and he told me they study the causes of crime. “So after four years in grad school, what have your learned?” I asked. “What are the causes of crime?” He thought very seriously for a moment, then, in all sincerity, looked at me and said: “poverty.”)

But it seems clear that having fewer cops doesn’t translate into more crime in San Francisco in 2025. You won’t see that in the major news media."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 2025 timredmond sanfrancisco economics inequality billionaires taxes taxation publicsafety police policing tracyhernandez california eattherich oligarchy housing yimby yimbyism yimbys nimby nimbyism nimbys affordability transit muni sfmta waymo tobotaxis transportation avs uber bart ai artificialintelligence society urban urbanims aibubble labor work wealth wealthdistribution redidtribution government governance democracy regulation deregulation rakeract pg&amp;e publicutilities electricity law legal zohranmamdani politics policy economy crime media scottwiener kurtvonnegut joeeskanazi housingcrisis poverty</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://kyla.substack.com/p/everyone-is-gambling-and-no-one-is">
    <title>Everyone is Gambling and No One is Happy - by kyla scanlon</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-13T04:31:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kyla.substack.com/p/everyone-is-gambling-and-no-one-is</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/nothing-but-flowers/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/%E2%80%9Cmoderate%E2%80%9D-politics-and-its-authoritarian-foundation">
    <title>“Moderate” Politics And Its Authoritarian Foundation - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-13T03:49:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/%E2%80%9Cmoderate%E2%80%9D-politics-and-its-authoritarian-foundation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Now that we are removed from the despotism of the last century, there is a tendency to deny the signs that signal the beginning  of fascistic policy. The notion that the technocrats who influence and run our city are essentially benign is the result of careful branding, one that allows voters to become blinded to the more authoritarian possibilities present within the city government. 

It is important to see past the “moderate” veneer and into the deeply troubling ideology beneath it. To see how this ideology expresses itself in our contemporary system, look no further than that latest attempt to rewrite San Francisco’s  foundational structure. 

The recently introduced SPUR “Charter for Change” is not, as many have claimed, a minor tweak to better grease the wheels of local government. It is fundamentally a blueprint to strip San Francisco’s governance of democratic friction, and remake the city to allow unchecked executive rule. 

Consider this: Under current rules the mayor can directly appoint only 4 out of 63 department heads, or  roughly 6%. The rest are under commission control, board appointment, or direct election. The charter proposal would transform that ratio: From near-nonexistent mayoral hiring power to full authority that allows the city’s chief executive to hire and fire almost every department head. In practice, it would be less an exercise in efficiency and more a rapid escalation of power away from public oversight toward executive power.

The proposed elimination or radical weakening of dozens of existing commissions grants the mayor further power. It would collapse scores of charter-established boards from libraries, environment, arts, small business, juvenile justice and public health, and downgrade them (or dissolve them) so that they no longer hold decision-making power. Their advisory status would be subject to the whims of executive-appointed leadership. Commissions once created through popular vote or community advocacy, and functioning as real powers of oversight and representation would be replaced by a thinner set of increasingly compliant agencies.

Ballot initiatives — the oldest tool of direct democracy in this city — are also under threat. The charter revision would raise signature thresholds, effectively making it harder for working-class neighborhoods, community groups, or grassroots voters to place issues directly before the people. Meanwhile, central operational rules — purchasing, capital planning, departmental reorganization — would be shifted from the public charter into administrative code where they can be changed without referendum or public oversight. Again, it is important to understand that these are not discrete reforms; they represent the reorientation of our city government into a structure where decisions are hidden behind executive prerogative, and the public becomes merely spectators rather than participants.

If politics require that oversight boards be declared “clutter,” that citizen ballots be made harder to qualify, and that mayors hold sweeping appointment powers, then the government is not being redesigned for effectiveness. Rather, it is refashioning the government so that the executive branch can rule by fiat and without public interference. 

A consistent feature of San Francisco’s technocratic politics — and one that reveals its deeper ideological loyalties — is an obsession with action for its own sake. The idea that a problem not yet “acted upon” is a moral failure, that hesitation is a form of decadence, and that  deliberation is nothing less than obstruction. That notion is furthered in Pirate Wires’ insistence that the city is finally “moving again;” in the Abundance movement’s endless appeals to “speed,” “urgency,” and “unblocking;” and in the now-routine accusation that democratic process is the enemy of progress. That worldview collapses governing into the art of performance and into the visible assertion that any action regardless of its efficacy is progress. 

Fascism scholar Umberto Eco wrote that proto-authoritarian movements begin with the conviction that action holds intrinsic virtue and that contemplation is a sign of decay. The structure and use of power resonates in San Francisco’s political power dynamics. Here, the “cult of action” emerges through an often managerial lexicon: Slowness is failure, dissent is obstructionism, and harm inflicted in the name of action is justified because the city “can’t afford to wait,” regardless of consequence. 

And when that ethic is aligned with material data, the picture comes into focus. San Francisco has just achieved the steepest poverty rate in the Bay Area, at 17.5%, according to Tipping Point and census data. Meanwhile, San Francisco’s technocrats say the city is “roaring back,” buoyed by AI investment and a new class of “builders” fixing what politics allegedly broke. The contradiction here is not coincidental. The cult of action requires a narrative of rebirth, and narratives of rebirth always demand sacrifice. The suffering of the poor becomes proof that the status quo is not “moving” fast enough rather than evidence of a system failing, but of a system insufficiently streamlined.

The Abundance movement operationalizes this worldview. Its leaders argue that the central obstacle to prosperity is not inequality, not speculative capital, not the structural violence that produces homelessness, but the democratic process itself. Lengthy permitting, community opposition, ballot measures, environmental review are cast as illegitimate brakes on a future that must arrive more quickly, almost pathologically,for its purveyors. And whenever a person or neighborhood stands in the way, they are classified not as constituents but as impediments to inefficiencies that must be cleared. This is Eco’s “popular elitism” in its purest contemporary form: A self-anointed class convinced it alone recognizes the future and that the public, if allowed to intervene, will ruin it.

The Lurie administration functionally fits seamlessly into this ethic. Its reflexive use of policing, despite all available evidence contradicting its long-term efficacy, reflects a governing philosophy not of thoughtful problem solving but of visible action for its own sake. Force is fast, housing is slow; sweeps are fast, services are slow.  The point is not whether these actions work, but whether they are seen. The speed with which they can be pointed to is mistaken, disastrously, for their moral legitimacy.

Politics like this inevitably drift toward authoritarianism because it has already chosen its specific set of enemies. They are those whose existence is thought to slow the city down: The poor, the sick, the unhoused, and the dissenters, anyone who refuses to snap into the rhythm demanded of them. In a worldview that worships acceleration, these people are no longer constituents; they are a drag. And once the weakest are determined as the reason the city cannot move efficiently, then a threshold into a much darker form of politics has been crossed. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>exaviermorrisonwells 2025 daniellurie moderates centrism billionaires technocrats authoritarianism fascism governance government spur sanfrancisco citycharter power dictatorship democracy oversight representation politics policy bayarea poverty inequality abundance abundancenetwork abundancemovement umbertoeco homelessness homeless accelerationism housing yimby yimbyism yimbys speed optimization friction directdemocracy abundanceagenda</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist">
    <title>How to Argue with Pro-Capitalist Cultists</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-08T03:19:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["1. Market Economics as Structural Failure, Not Moral Failure

2. Why Debate Fails: The Cult of Market Belief

3. System Incentives vs. Human Intentions

4. How Market Mythology Protects the System

5. The Apocalyptic Trajectory of Market Incentives

6. Why People Defend a System That Is Killing Them

7. How to Argue Effectively

8. The Cult Structure of Market Fundamentalism

9. A New Framework: Systems Literacy as Liberation

10. Conclusion: The End of Debate

...

Addendum: 25 Common Market Myths

Below is a list of 25 of the most common myths continually propagated by believers in the orthodox market religion. These are provided as a reference for when you inevitably encounter such nonsense.

In the following order:

1. “Capitalism creates wealth.”
2.“Capitalism lifted billions out of poverty.”
3. “Free markets allocate resources efficiently.”
4. “Competition drives innovation.”
5. “The market knows best.”
6. “Capitalism rewards hard work.”
7. “Socialism always fails.”
8. “The invisible hand creates order.”
9. “Capitalism is natural to human behavior.”
10. “Inequality is natural and necessary.”
11. “People are inherently selfish, so capitalism works.”
12. “Without markets, nothing would get done.”
13. “Capitalism promotes freedom.”
14. “Regulation destroys innovation.”
15. “Government is inefficient; the market is efficient.”
16. “Capitalism is the best system we’ve tried.”
17. “The poor are poor because of bad choices.”
18. “If you tax the rich, they’ll stop investing.”
19. “The market is democratic—people vote with dollars.”
20. “Capitalism produces meritocracy.”
21. “Capitalism protects against tyranny.”
22. “Price signals contain wisdom.”
23. “Entrepreneurs are the engine of progress.”
24. “Environmental issues can be solved by market incentives.”
25. “There is no alternative to capitalism.”"

[See also:

"Understanding Capitalist Cultists, Part Two: The Nature of Indoctrination
Markets economists are not economists at all - they are cult recruiters."
https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/understanding-capitalist-cultists ]

[via:

"Unredacted Tonight: Debunking Every Pro-Capitalism Argument!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pO5iWeO0-f8 

"In this special episode of Unredacted Tonight, Lee Camp takes on capitalism, market economics, and the myths of the “free market” using comedy, data, and real-world examples. From “capitalism creates wealth” to “free markets allocate resources efficiently” and “the poor are poor because of bad choices,” Lee walks through the most common talking points you’ve heard a thousand times – and shows why they don’t hold up when you actually look at how the system works. All of that, plus a very serious discussion of pecan pie and whiskey.

We dive into how systems, not individual intentions, drive outcomes like environmental destruction, extreme inequality, and global poverty. Lee challenges the idea that money is the only form of wealth, and explains how things like health, community, social cohesion, knowledge, and a livable planet are left out of standard economic metrics. The episode also looks at how technology and scientific progress actually generate abundance, while the market mainly decides who gets access and on what terms.

Lee also tackles the myths that “capitalism rewards hard work” and “capitalism promotes freedom.” If hard work automatically led to prosperity, night-shift sanitation workers and caregivers would be billionaires, while unproductive executives would be broke. Instead, the system tends to reward ownership, prior wealth, positional advantage, and sometimes ruthless behavior, while most people are stuck trading their time for basic survival. And that so-called “freedom to choose” often boils down to choosing among different brands, while offering no real freedom to refuse harmful or meaningless work without risking food, housing, and healthcare.

Finally, the episode breaks the spell of “There Is No Alternative” (TINA) by highlighting real-world examples of cooperatives, commons-based systems, and community projects (like tool libraries) that already operate outside pure market logic – and could be scaled up if we wanted them to be. Many of the ideas and quotes in this episode draw on the brilliant work of Peter Joseph (Peter Joseph Substack), whose analysis of market systems, technological capacity, and ecological limits helps frame this whole discussion. If you’re curious about systemic change, alternatives to our current economic model, and how we might actually design a saner world, this one’s for you."

See also:

"A film-maker looks at religion, the 9/11 terror attacks, and possible plans by international leaders to create a single world bank." (Jeff Adams)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s_ylCs-xm54 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>capitalism economics anticapitalism 2025 leecamp peterjoseph society sociopaths power wealth globalsouth exploitation climate climatechange environment negativeexternalities work labor hardwork productivity efficiency behavior competition inequality taxes taxation tyranny meritocracy entrepreneurship entrepreneurialism socialism poverty allocation resources misery marketfundamentalism cults indoctrination consumerism freedom consumption innovation progress civilization ideology freedomtochoose housing healthcare food waste tina wellbeing well-being socialcohesion community health prosperity commons infrastructure publicgood marketsystems ecology economy</dc:subject>
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    <dc:date>2025-11-29T05:55:47+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In response to youth suicides, teachers show students the power of headbanging at Fire in the Mountains festival."]]></description>
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    <title>Dying to Work | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:23:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Byung-Chul Han and the legacy of the Catholic Worker"

...

"The issues that occupied the Catholic Worker movement beginning in the 1930s are, in some obvious ways, still with us: the injustice of laissez-faire capitalism, communism, factory industrialism, and mechanized society. Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin confronted these upheavals, taking Catholic social teaching as the basis of their philosophy and inflecting it with the insights of Marxists, critical theorists, anarchists like Pyotr Kropotkin and Nikolai Berdyaev, the English distributists, and French personalists such as Emmanuel Mounier. But the critiques developed out of these influences might seem hard to apply to a socioeconomic climate that has changed so quickly and so destructively over the past century. Does their work still speak to a world dominated by social media, finance capital, artificial intelligence, and virtual reality?

One contemporary philosopher stands out as a bridge connecting the Catholic Worker worldview to the contemporary world. Born in South Korea and educated in Germany, Byung-Chul Han has produced more than twenty short books during the past ten years. This considerable body of work has made him one of the leading European philosophers of his generation, but he is still not as well-known as he should be in the United States. His books bring continental philosophy to bear on late modern culture, especially in its economic and technological aspects. Han, himself a Catholic, brings out the fact that the Catholic Worker’s deepest critique of our present regime operates not on the level of economic theory at all but in its prodigal way of life.

*** 

Taking his cue from the Marxist tradition, Han sees contemporary society as dominated by the means of production. The order of the day is incessant work in service of maximal productivity, and this industrial ideal has slowly spread throughout the culture. Even as most workers, in developed countries like the United States at least, have left the physical confines of the factory behind, the factory-like spirit of totalized work has come to dominate us. Efficiency, Han argues, is our ideology, incarnate in the ubiquitous technology that just is the contemporary world, and in whose image we remake and enslave ourselves.

We know this in our bones, if not in our heads. We feel guilty for relaxing; we are constantly harried in the name of productivity; we calumniate those, like the homeless, we suspect of laziness; and we fill our lives and homes with as much “smart” technology as possible to maximize efficiency and convenience. A good “work ethic” and financial prudence are among the top values we want to instill in our children. The very fact that we talk about morality in terms of our “values” reflects the primacy of the economic. All this, for Han, indicates that the industrial ideal has taken up bodily residence in us. We live to work.

This is a familiar line of argument for Catholic Workers. It extends the personalist critiques of Mounier and Arthur Penty—two of Maurin’s biggest influences—who saw technocracy colonizing not only the external world but our affects, habits, and tastes as well. Han’s critique also echoes that great line of Rerum novarum: industrialism had produced conditions “little better than slavery itself.” 

Han consistently argues that the move to the digital world is not a move away from the factory drudgery with which Marx and Day contended, but rather its totalization. We no longer spend our time producing only things, but, internalizing the factory ethos, we unendingly produce ourselves. “Accordingly,” he writes in his book Psychopolitics, “industrial capitalism has now mutated into neoliberalism and financial capitalism, which are implementing a post-industrial, immaterial mode of production…. People are now master and slave in one.” Life online demands constant optimization of our image, portfolios, profiles, platforms, credit ratings, histories, etc., to the point that we become our own products. So “now the illusion prevails that every person—as a project free to fashion him- or herself at will—is capable of unlimited self-production.” We spend our lives selling ourselves, and unlike in the factory, we do this work under self-supervision and, if we’re not self-monetizing influencers, for free. Self-oppression, or self-slavery, becomes today’s dominant social form. We are approaching the prospect of the fully capitalized human being. 

Here, Han puts his finger on a theme that the social encyclicals, and especially distributists like G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, have occasionally broached but never systematically developed. Work, Han points out, is at base concerned with the preservation of bodily life; it is necessary for our survival. In this way, it is intimately connected with the possibility and fear of death. When we are working to acquire the means to life, we are working to push death away, whether we think of it that way or not. The goal of work is the maintenance of what Han, following the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, calls “bare life.”

Han contrasts bare life with other forms of life that have usually been recognized as essential for genuinely human life: art, beauty, literature, philosophy, liturgy, community, the spirit, relationships, and contemplation. These cultural expressions arise not out of a concern for the body or a fear of death but from leisure, celebration, festivity, play, enjoyment, fun, devotion, and love. “As forms of play, festivals…are characterized by an excess, an expression of overflowing life that does not aim at a goal,” Han writes in The Disappearance of Rituals. “This is what lies behind their intensity. They are an intense form of life. In the festival, life relates to itself instead of subordinating itself to exterior purposes.” These forms of life are what the encyclicals call “higher goods,” and Berdyaev and Mounier call “the life of the spirit.” They are not concerned with efficiency, and they are about much more than “mere” biological life and the means necessary to reproduce it. 

They are, you might say, prodigal in the face of death and the body’s requirements. For when we engage in these forms of life, we are often wasteful—and sometimes extravagantly so—of time and materials that could be used to prevent death. Think of the building of our churches or the expenditures of a symphony. In these activities, we are not just staying alive; we are living. But when work becomes totalized, the mundane, mere biological existence, bare life, becomes all-important. It colonizes our minds, becoming the unconscious goal of all we do until we can no longer live in the prodigal sense but only work. 

In these circumstances, work and the accumulation of capital come to seem like a defense, even an antidote, to death. We are under the illusion that if work holds off bodily death by what we get from it, then the more we do of it—the more we apply it to every facet of our lives—the more resources, and hence the more life, we have. “We produce against the feeling of lack,” Han writes in his book Vita Contemplativa. “Capital is a form of survival. Capitalism is nurtured by the illusion that more capital creates more life, increases the capacity to live. But this life is a bare life, a survival.” This logic of totalized work to fend off a totalized fear of death, Han argues, governs our cultural discourse, occupations, and institutions. They concern themselves with the mere maintenance of bodily life through production and consumption. Deriving their legitimacy from the fear of death, they instill that fear in us all the more deeply.

This account both underwrites key insights of the Catholic Worker philosophy of work and extends it, showing the tradition to be more applicable today than ever. Day and Maurin, in concert with the social encyclicals, always stressed that there was a kind of work that is a created good. They even developed a certain spirituality around it. The Catholic Worker promoted the revitalization of small-craft economies, manual labor, and a return to the land, in service of a “functional society” where economic activity is subordinated to those noneconomic “higher” goods of the local community enumerated above. Like Gandhi, Maurin thought that everyone should do at least some manual labor, and alluding to Marx, he wanted the “workers to be scholars and the scholars to be workers.” This kind of work was to be distinguished sharply from the degraded factory work available under industrialism. Day and Maurin positively encouraged people to get out of those jobs. 

Han shows how much more challenging working for higher goods has become today. The transmuted factory of “self-production” usurps ever more of our opportunities to work collectively at a small scale. Without small-scale contributions to a functional economy in service of festivity and worship, we fall short of genuinely human culture and submit ourselves to totalized capitalism.

***

Han also helps us see the way that Catholic Worker theory and practice are related. The most radical critiques of our social order, he shows, come from those who refuse to submit to the demand that we spend our lives trying to get out of life alive. In this way, Day’s and Maurin’s prodigal lives made them walking rejections of the order of totalized work. 

The early Catholic Workers took as their heroes the first Christian communities and set themselves to the literal practice of the Sermon on the Mount. They shared what little they had, embraced and preached voluntary poverty (including recommending it to families), and lived in community with the poor. They had no insurance, no budget, and Day’s financial plan was “another miracle please, St. Joseph.” She lived in close proximity to bodily harm, fights and weapons being commonplace at St. Joseph’s House. And yet, consistent with her pacifism, she placed a strict ban on calling the police. Such laid-back prodigality is a “festive” or “playful” way of life—in stark contrast to the anxious capital accumulation and obsession with health and safety so typical of our age. Han pinpoints exactly what made Day’s life so radical: she refused to try to work her way free of death. 

The totalized factory-society aims not only at limitless production but at total controlby technical, financial, and, as Han argues in Psychopolitics, psychological means. But Catholic Workers, by their precarious, “irresponsible” existence, lived against this totalized work ethic by living out of control. Here is not tightfisted accumulation, but “taking no thought for tomorrow.” Here are not health and security clung to desperately, but, as Day often said, abandonment to divine providence. 

By living outside the frenzy of production and self-production, Day represents a form of what Han calls “the politics of inactivity.” In Vita Contemplativa, he writes:

<blockquote>Capital is the pure form of activity. It is the transcendence that takes hold of the immanence of life and exploits it completely. From life, it separates bare life, life that works. The human being is degraded into an animal laborans. Freedom is exploited, too. According to Marx, free competition is nothing but “the relation of capital to itself as another capital”…. The politics of inactivity [by contrast] liberates the immanence of life from the transcendence that alienates life from itself. Only in inactivity do we become aware of the ground on which we rest.</blockquote>

Inactivity, in this sense, is what distinguishes those noneconomic practices that make life truly human. Catholic Workers’ lives are fundamentally playful and celebratory, heedless of the conventional (factory) wisdom of maximizing control, optimizing efficiency, and living by holding off death. 

Of course, Day’s life simply was her practice of Catholicism, living the age-old but radical precepts of the Gospel. It’s important not to construe her faith, as is sometimes done, as an instrument for reforming the social order or the economy. That would be to reinscribe it within totalized capitalism, to place it in the service of an order in constant retreat from death. Rather than flight from death, the Gospel represents an embrace of death.

Together, Day and Han help us remember that this embrace structures Christianity from top to bottom. In her journals and chronicles of her daily life and travels, Day regularly refers to the martyrs, to the need to put ourselves to death, and to the embrace of the cross itself. With Han’s help we can see that Day’s prodigal practices—voluntary poverty and the sharing of possessions—are intelligible only as part of a community constituted by its liberation from the hegemony of death. The radical precepts of the Sermon on the Mount are just the “economic” application of the way of the cross. The radical forms of economic life Day encouraged are the concrete and quotidian way Christians go about believing in the Resurrection. 

In other words, by being “irresponsible” with her money and her physical safety, Day was refusing the lie that we must try to ensure our lives turn out right by submitting to the current economic order. Her refusal to abide by the dictates of economic efficiency and to let her life be run by “risk” are training in martyrdom. She reminds us that the early Christians were not simply martyred for a “religious belief” detachable from their daily lives; they went to their deaths prepared by an alternative social life that spurned the fear of death. 

Han’s work thus not only demonstrates the continued—and even heightened—relevance of the Catholic Worker’s philosophy of labor for a digital age. He also unearths the intimate connection between radical Christian social practices and the very center of our faith—the Paschal Mystery. If those practices sometimes seem a little too radical for us ordinary Christians, it’s worth recalling that Day herself often pointed out that the way she lived was not for the religious elite, but for everybody. Her own inspiration came from the simple truths Christians share and with which we are marked in our baptism: we have already died, and so we have nothing to lose; we have already risen, and so we can live without fear.  "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.sfgate.com/local/article/san-francisco-biggest-spike-poverty-bay-area-21197245.php">
    <title>New study shows poverty rate surging in key Bay Area city</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:03:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.sfgate.com/local/article/san-francisco-biggest-spike-poverty-bay-area-21197245.php</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>poverty sanfrancisco bayarea economics affordability inequality 2025 kasiapawlowska alamedacounty marincounty sanmateocounty santaclaracounty policy progress housing income marin contracosta</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.yesigiveafig.com/p/part-1-my-life-is-a-lie">
    <title>Part 1: My Life Is a Lie - by Michael W. Green</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-26T00:20:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.yesigiveafig.com/p/part-1-my-life-is-a-lie</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Real Math of Survival

The official poverty line for a family of four in 2024 is $31,200. The median household income is roughly $80,000. We have been told, implicitly, that a family earning $80,000 is doing fine—safely above poverty, solidly middle class, perhaps comfortable.

But if Orshansky’s crisis threshold were calculated today using her own methodology, that $80,000 family would be living in deep poverty.

I wanted to see what would happen if I ignored the official stats and simply calculated the cost of existing. I built a Basic Needs budget for a family of four (two earners, two kids). No vacations, no Netflix, no luxury. Just the “Participation Tickets” required to hold a job and raise kids in 2024.

Using conservative, national-average data:

Childcare: $32,773

Housing: $23,267

Food: $14,717

Transportation: $14,828

Healthcare: $10,567

Other essentials: $21,857

Required net income: $118,009

Add federal, state, and FICA taxes of roughly $18,500, and you arrive at a required gross income of $136,500.

This is Orshansky’s “too little” threshold, updated honestly. This is the floor.

The single largest line item isn’t housing. It’s childcare: $32,773.

This is the trap. To reach the median household income of $80,000, most families require two earners. But the moment you add the second earner to chase that income, you trigger the childcare expense.

If one parent stays home, the income drops to $40,000 or $50,000—well below what’s needed to survive. If both parents work to hit $100,000, they hand over $32,000 to a daycare center.

The second earner isn’t working for a vacation or a boat. The second earner is working to pay the stranger watching their children so they can go to work and clear $1-2K extra a month. It’s a closed loop."

...

"The Hedonic “Lie”: Why a Phone Costs $200, Not $58

Economists will look at my $140,000 figure and scream about “hedonic adjustments.” Heck, I will scream at you about them. They are valid attempts to measure the improvement in quality that we honestly value.

I will tell you that comparing 1955 to 2024 is unfair because cars today have airbags, homes have air conditioning, and phones are supercomputers. I will argue that because the quality of the good improved, the real price dropped.

And I would be making a category error. We are not calculating the price of luxury. We are calculating the price of participation.

To function in 1955 society—to have a job, call a doctor, and be a citizen—you needed a telephone line. That “Participation Ticket” cost $5 a month.

Adjusted for standard inflation, that $5 should be $58 today.

But you cannot run a household in 2024 on a $58 landline. To function today—to factor authenticate your bank account, to answer work emails, to check your child’s school portal (which is now digital-only)—you need a smartphone plan and home broadband.

The cost of that “Participation Ticket” for a family of four is not $58. It’s $200 a month.

The economists say, “But look at the computing power you get!”

I say, “Look at the computing power I need!”

The utility I’m buying is “connection to the economy.” The price of that utility didn’t just keep pace with inflation; it tripled relative to it.

I ran this “Participation Audit” across the entire 1955 budget. I didn’t ask “is the car better?” I asked “what does it cost to get to work?”

Healthcare: In 1955, Blue Cross family coverage was roughly $10/month ($115 in today’s dollars). Today, the average family premium is over $1,600/month. That’s 14x inflation.

Taxes (FICA): In 1955, the Social Security tax was 2.0% on the first $4,200 of income. The maximum annual contribution was $84. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $960 a year. Today, a family earning the median $80,000 pays over $6,100. That’s 6x inflation.

Childcare: In 1955, this cost was zero because the economy supported a single-earner model. Today, it’s $32,000. That’s an infinite increase in the cost of participation.

The only thing that actually tracked official CPI was… food. Everything else—the inescapable fees required to hold a job, stay healthy, and raise children—inflated at multiples of the official rate when considered on a participation basis. YES, these goods and services are BETTER. I would not trade my 65” 4K TV mounted flat on the wall for a 25” CRT dominating my living room; but I don’t have a choice, either.

The Valley of Death: Why $100,000 Is the New Poor

Once I established that $136,500 is the real break-even point, I ran the numbers on what happens to a family climbing the ladder toward that number.

What I found explains the “vibes” of the economy better than any CPI print.

Our entire safety net is designed to catch people at the very bottom, but it sets a trap for anyone trying to climb out. As income rises from $40,000 to $100,000, benefits disappear faster than wages increase.

I call this The Valley of Death.

Let’s look at the transition for a family in New Jersey:

1. The View from $35,000 (The “Official” Poor)

At this income, the family is struggling, but the state provides a floor. They qualify for Medicaid (free healthcare). They receive SNAP (food stamps). They receive heavy childcare subsidies. Their deficits are real, but capped.

2. The Cliff at $45,000 (The Healthcare Trap)

The family earns a $10,000 raise. Good news? No. At this level, the parents lose Medicaid eligibility. Suddenly, they must pay premiums and deductibles.

• Income Gain: +$10,000
• Expense Increase: +$10,567
• Net Result: They are poorer than before. The effective tax on this mobility is over 100%.

3. The Cliff at $65,000 (The Childcare Trap)

This is the breaker. The family works harder. They get promoted to $65,000. They are now solidly “Working Class.”

But at roughly this level, childcare subsidies vanish. They must now pay the full market rate for daycare.

• Income Gain: +$20,000 (from $45k)
• Expense Increase: +$28,000 (jumping from co-pays to full tuition)
• Net Result: Total collapse.

When you run the net-income numbers, a family earning $100,000 is effectively in a worse monthly financial position than a family earning $40,000.

At $40,000, you are drowning, but the state gives you a life vest. At $100,000, you are drowning, but the state says you are a “high earner” and ties an anchor to your ankle called “Market Price.”

In option terms, the government has sold a call option to the poor, but they’ve rigged the gamma. As you move “closer to the money” (self-sufficiency), the delta collapses. For every dollar of effort you put in, the system confiscates 70 to 100 cents.

No rational trader would take that trade. Yet we wonder why labor force participation lags. It’s not a mystery. It’s math.

The Physics of Ruin: The Phase Change

The most dangerous lie of modern economics is “Mean Reversion.” Economists assume that if a family falls into debt or bankruptcy, they can simply save their way back to the average.

They are confusing Volatility with Ruin.

Falling below the line isn’t like cooling water; it’s like freezing it. It is a Phase Change.

When a family hits the barrier—eviction, bankruptcy, or default—they don’t just have “less money.” They become Economically Inert.

• They are barred from the credit system (often for 7–10 years).
• They are barred from the prime rental market (landlord screens).
• They are barred from employment in sensitive sectors.

In physics, it takes massive “Latent Heat” to turn ice back into water. In economics, the energy required to reverse a bankruptcy is exponentially higher than the energy required to pay a bill.

The $140,000 line matters because it is the buffer against this Phase Change. If you are earning $80,000 with $79,000 in fixed costs, you are not stable. You are super-cooled water. One shock—a transmission failure, a broken arm—and you freeze instantly.

The Lockdown Arbitrage: Proof of Concept

If you need proof that the cost of participating, the cost of working, is the primary driver of this fragility, look at the Covid lockdowns.

In April 2020, the US personal savings rate hit a historic 33%. Economists attributed this to stimulus checks. But the math tells a different story.

During lockdown, the “Valley of Death” was temporarily filled.

• Childcare ($32k): Suspended. Kids were home.
• Commuting ($15k): Suspended.
• Work Lunches/Clothes ($5k): Suspended.

For a median family, the “Cost of Participation” in the economy is roughly $50,000 a year. When the economy stopped, that tax was repealed. Families earning $80,000 suddenly felt rich—not because they earned more, but because the leak in the bucket was plugged. For many, income actually rose thanks to the $600/week unemployment boost. But even for those whose income stayed flat, they felt rich because many costs were avoided.

When the world reopened, the costs returned, but now inflated by 20%. The rage we feel today is the hangover from that brief moment where the American Option was momentarily back in the money. Those with formal training in economics have dismissed these concerns, by and large. “Inflation” is the rate of change in the price level; these poor, deluded souls were outraged at the price LEVEL. Tut, tut… can’t have deflation now, can we? We promise you will like THAT even less.

But the price level does mean something, too. If you are below the ACTUAL poverty line, you are suffering constant deprivation; and a higher price level means you get even less in aggregate.

The Politics of Drowning

You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter, don’t you call me, ‘cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store — Merle Travis, 1946

This mathematical valley explains the rage we see in the American electorate, specifically the animosity the “working poor” (the middle class) feel toward the “actual poor” and immigrants.

Economists and politicians look at this anger and call it racism, or lack of empathy. They are missing the mechanism.

Altruism is a function of surplus. It is easy to be charitable when you have excess capacity. It is impossible to be charitable when you are fighting for the last bruised banana.

The family earning $65,000—the family that just lost their subsidies and is paying $32,000 for daycare and $12,000 for healthcare deductibles—is hyper-aware of the family earning $30,000 and getting subsidized food, rent, childcare, and healthcare.

They see the neighbor at the grocery store using an EBT card while they put items back on the shelf. They see the immigrant family receiving emergency housing support while they face eviction.

They are not seeing “poverty.” They are seeing people getting for free the exact things that they are working 60 hours a week to barely afford. And even worse, even if THEY don’t see these things first hand… they are being shown them:

The anger isn’t about the goods. It’s about the breach of contract. The American Deal was that Effort ~ Security. Effort brought your Hope strike closer. But because the real poverty line is $140,000, effort no longer yields security or progress; it brings risk, exhaustion, and debt.

When you are drowning, and you see the lifeguard throw a life vest to the person treading water next to you—a person who isn’t swimming as hard as you are—you don’t feel happiness for them. You feel a homicidal rage at the lifeguard.

We have created a system where the only way to survive is to be destitute enough to qualify for aid, or rich enough to ignore the cost. Everyone in the middle is being cannibalized. The rich know this… and they are increasingly opting out of the shared spaces:

The Optical Illusion of Prosperity

If you need visual proof of this benchmark error, look at the charts that economists love to share on social media to prove that “vibes” are wrong and the economy is great.

You’ve likely seen this chart. It shows that the American middle class is shrinking not because people are getting poorer, but because they’re “moving up” into the $150,000+ bracket.

The economists look at this and cheer. “Look!” they say. “In 1967, only 5% of families made over $150,000 (adjusted for inflation). Now, 34% do! We are a nation of rising aristocrats.”

[chart]

But look at that chart through the lens of the real poverty line.

If the cost of basic self-sufficiency for a family of four—housing, childcare, healthcare, transportation—is $140,000, then that top light-blue tier isn’t “Upper Class.”

It’s the Survival Line.

This chart doesn’t show that 34% of Americans are rich. It shows that only 34% of Americans have managed to escape deprivation. It shows that the “Middle Class” (the dark blue section between $50,000 and $150,000)—roughly 45% of the country—is actually the Working Poor. These are the families earning enough to lose their benefits but not enough to pay for childcare and rent. They are the ones trapped in the Valley of Death.

But the commentary tells us something different"

...

"So that’s the trap. The real poverty line—the threshold where a family can afford housing, healthcare, childcare, and transportation without relying on means-tested benefits—isn’t $31,200.

It’s ~$140,000.

Most of my readers will have cleared this threshold. My parents never really did, but I was born lucky — brains, beauty (in the eye of the beholder admittedly), height (it really does help), parents that encouraged and sacrificed for education (even as the stress of those sacrifices eventually drove my mother clinically insane), and an American citizenship. But most of my readers are now seeing this trap for their children.

And the system is designed to prevent them from escaping. Every dollar you earn climbing from $40,000 to $100,000 triggers benefit losses that exceed your income gains. You are literally poorer for working harder.

The economists will tell you this is fine because you’re building wealth. Your 401(k) is growing. Your home equity is rising. You’re richer than you feel.

Next week, I’ll show you why that’s wrong. And THEN we can start the discussion of how to rebuild. Because we can.

The wealth you’re counting on—the retirement accounts, the home equity, the “nest egg” that’s supposed to make this all worthwhile—is just as fake as the poverty line. But the humans behind that wealth are real. And they are amazing."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://techwontsave.us/episode/303_peter_thiel_is_the_real_antichrist_w_gil_duran">
    <title>Peter Thiel is the Real Antichrist with Gil Duran - Episodes - Tech Won’t Save Us</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-23T16:32:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://techwontsave.us/episode/303_peter_thiel_is_the_real_antichrist_w_gil_duran</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/silicon-valleys-fake-christianity-enables-tech-genocide/ ]

"Paris Marx is joined by Gil Duran to discuss how Peter Thiel’s bizarre obsession with the antichrist is really a desperate and embarrassing attempt to divert attention from his own misdeeds.

Gil Duran writes The Nerd Reich and is working on his first book, The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Global Democracy.

Also mentioned in this episode:

• Gil wrote about Peter Thiel’s Antichrist obsession [https://newrepublic.com/article/200471/peter-thiel-obsession-antichrist-religion ] and the apocalypse capitalism of Silicon Valley [https://www.thenerdreich.com/silicon-valley-apocalypse-capitalism/ ].

• This link is for Peter Thiel (or any Silicon Valley millionaires who may be listening); Gil recommends a brush-up on the French Revolution. [https://www.worldhistory.org/French_Revolution/ ]

• Steve Bannon expects to go to prison. [https://www.newsweek.com/steve-bannon-predicts-prison-if-republicans-lose-midterms-2028-11009422 ]

• Donald Trump’s relationship to crypto continues to be awful. [https://www.forbes.com/sites/danalexander/2025/10/10/trump-is-now-one-of-americas-biggest-bitcoin-investors/ ]"

[also here:

https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/peter-thiel-is-the-real-antichrist-w-gil-duran/id1507621076?i=1000737559693
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gyP5hErsA9Y ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/">
    <title>Reshaping the City | Samuel Stein | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T20:21:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does zoning reform have the power to change?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/SAr50 ]

"The ire Bronin summons on the issues of CAFOs and car culture makes for a stark contrast with the way she treats the other big issues she discusses, particularly housing affordability. In virtually every city and many smaller towns across the country, housing prices are far outpacing wages, leading to a groundswell of organizing to bring down rents and build up social housing. In their fight against big real estate, tenant organizers use much the same language as Bronin does in her critique of big agriculture, but if they read Key to the City they will find little of that fury aimed at corporate landlords or luxury developers. One reason Bronin may hold back on some of these other issues, however, is that zoning reform alone is rarely enough to resolve them.

In several places, Bronin acknowledges that rezoning an area will not in and of itself achieve the desired changes. She commends Minneapolis for comprehensively revising its zoning code to allow for more housing construction, for instance, but finds that not much was actually built. She makes a strong case for mixed-use density being essential to well-functioning public transportation, arguing that when housing, workplaces, retail, and community spaces are widely separated, transit systems cannot work and people spend an inordinate amount of time in their cars, but she laments that rezoning itself will not bring in new transit or demolish useless highways. That would require other planning decisions and, crucially, significant amounts of capital and operating funding, which many cities cannot afford, particularly in the absence of strong federal support for mass transit.

In one telling section, Bronin points to inclusionary zoning, or rules mandating that new development include some affordable housing, as an example of how “well-intentioned zoning policies can go awry.” Following up on a tip from her sister’s boyfriend, a Pittsburgh property developer, she finds that the city’s inclusionary zoning policy, implemented as a pilot program in 2019, failed to produce much affordable housing. She believes the problem is that in low-growth markets, inclusionary zoning ultimately imposes costs on developers that stymie housing production and raise prices overall. This may be true, but it overlooks another way the policy missed the mark. Bronin describes Pittsburgh as “one of the five poorest large cities in the country, with one-fifth of its residents living below the poverty line,” but she declines to mention that its inclusionary zoning rules require housing only for people earning two to three times the poverty wage. Bronin can demonstrate why the policy frustrates developers but not how it fails tenants, and thus she misses the opportunity to explain why zoning is insufficient to solve the problems of poverty and for-profit housing.

Given Bronin’s extensive work in Hartford, which she returns to several times throughout the book, I was curious to see how conditions there changed after its 2016 comprehensive rezoning, which allowed for more housing and business development throughout the city, altered rules about sidewalk and road design, and reduced public input over individual construction projects. Census data from the five years prior to and following 2016 show a confounding set of trends, which may or may not be related to the rezoning. On the positive side, the housing stock increased by 5 percent, including a notable number of new buildings with over fifty apartments. Labor force participation increased slightly, and real incomes went up by $2,653. But the same data also show a decline both in overall population and in population density, as well as a rise in vacant housing units that are neither for sale nor for rent. The number of detached single-family homes rose, while the number of denser attached homes fell. Most starkly, the racial income gap exploded, with white households’ incomes rising over thirty times more than those of Black households—a median increase of $13,594 versus $427.

As Bronin rightly reminds us, the effects of rezoning take time. Zoning codes are largely rules about what private developers can and cannot do, but these rules do not mandate that developers act. Still, it would be helpful to know whether Bronin believes Hartford’s rezoning is responsible for any of these changes, good or bad.

If zoning is the key to the city, we might wonder, what is the lock? For Bronin, zoning is ultimately both lock and key: the lock because it has been “cloaked in a shroud of mystery that obscured its culpability” and because it maintains features that residents might otherwise seek to change; the key because, armed with this knowledge, residents and city planners can rewrite zoning codes to radically reform cities. “Done wrong, zoning can yoke us to past mistakes, acting as an invisible drag on our aspirations,” Bronin writes. “But done right, zoning can be a revolutionary vehicle for transforming place.”

“Revolutionary” is a strong word. Elsewhere in the world, zoning is but one limited tool in the array of mechanisms available to urban planners. Bronin acknowledges this in the book’s final paragraph:

<blockquote>To be sure, zoning is not the only tool that matters. History, time, wealth, geography, and countless other factors will shape how communities evolve and develop. But while good zoning is not sufficient, it is necessary. Most important, it’s something that we control. And that makes it the key to building the cities and towns that we long for.</blockquote>

This disclaimer is itself necessary but insufficient. Zoning may be what American cities control, but that is largely because their power over so much else has been stripped away by federal and state policy and budget reforms. The high point of American planning was likely the New Deal, when government not only directed private capital but built new social infrastructure on a monumental scale. The historian Joel Schwartz has called the 1930s in New York City “a decade where everyone dabbled at planning.” Advocates for a Green New Deal seek to revive this era of decisive state action and implicitly critique the notion that zoning is the pinnacle of planning.

American planning is so tethered to zoning in large part because it is the last option available. Sure, it might be better for cities to build mass social housing, but with the resources they have, an upzoning will do. Yes, it might be best to build high-speed rail lines and streetcars across the nation, but reducing parking mandates is a start. Certainly we would like to rebuild large urban commons for community farming, but for now we can at least relax rules against keeping chickens and bees.

To move beyond these limited horizons, we need politics: political movements of organized people fighting for their interests and contesting those who exploit them. Rezoning should be a component of those politics, but it cannot be their sum. Even if it were, any major rezoning effort is sure to encounter resistance. Reshaping the city takes power, not just policy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/was-the-united-states-once-a-global">
    <title>Was the United States Once a Global Leader in Educational Metrics? Have We Fallen From Those Lofty Heights? No and No</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-21T03:17:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/was-the-united-states-once-a-global</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the 2020s swoon is happening everywhere and worse in many places, we've never done well in international comparisons, and our problems have always been profoundly bottom-heavy"

...

"The narrative that American schools “broke” while the rest of the world flourished is factually incorrect. Learning loss is a global phenomenon, exacerbated by a catastrophic event, not a structural flaw unique to the American education system. And the fact that this decline is so widespread makes efforts to blame American policy and pedagogy specifically very, very weird. Surely, an international decline in academic performance that’s strikingly uniform is not a reason to blame specific American policies! And yet that’s exactly what the declinists do. Part of what’s driving the relentless agita is that the United States has the NAEP, a truly excellent educational assessment, so we have more and better data than a lot of other countries. But that doesn’t mean we’ve done particularly poorly lately. In fact, compared to the industrialized world’s average changes, we’ve done well.

There’s a whole conversation about what’s driving recent international slumps in educational metrics. <strike>(No really, it’s the phones.)</strike> And I am indeed concerned. But the patterns of the data - the fact that the declines happened far earlier than the pandemic both domestically and internationally, the fact that they are happening fairly uniformly across many different demographic groups, the fact that there has been no major national American policy or pedagogical change that can explain it - strongly agitates against seeing this problem in terms of national, state, district, or school-level policy. It just doesn’t make sense to respond to a cross-cultural, massively-international phenomenon like this by yelling about what San Francisco’s wooooooke school board is up to.

<strike>(It’s the phones.)</strike>

The conventional wisdom of American educational decline is a zombie narrative that refuses to die despite being repeatedly killed by data. The reality is that the U.S. has never been a global leader in test scores, or even particularly close to being one; our median students are competent and our elite are exceptional, but our averages look bad because of truly terrible performance at the bottom, which has been a national obsession with little to show for it since before I was born; the average school curriculum is more rigorous than in the past; and our recent downturn in test scores is shared by almost every nation on Earth that participates in collecting data, and worse in many of our most comparable peers. The true challenge facing the U.S. is not a general lack of quality, but a profound inequality that leaves the most vulnerable students behind while the rest of the nation moves forward. And perhaps it’s time to admit that that problem can’t be solved with education policy, either."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Musa al-Gharbi goes in search of a ‘new elite’"]]></description>
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    <title>What Socialism Got Right | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T19:26:32+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Writing "The Red Riviera" taught me that even flawed socialist systems offered insights into equality, solidarity, and the dignity of everyday life."

[See also:

"The Red Riviera: Gender, Tourism, and Postsocialism on the Black Sea, by Kristen Ghodsee" (2005)
https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-red-riviera ]

"Twenty years ago, in November of 2005, Duke University Press published my first book: “The Red Riviera: Gender, Tourism, and Postsocialism on the Black Sea.” Produced in the wake of socialism’s global collapse and the riot of Western triumphalism that ensued, I deployed both qualitative and quantitative methods to advance a simple, but unpopular, argument: For most people in the former Soviet bloc, capitalism sucked.

By writing the “small histories” of men and women laboring in Bulgaria’s vibrant tourism industry in the decade following their country’s mad dash to embrace democracy and free markets, I explored how and why this small southeastern European country transformed from a relatively predictable, orderly, egalitarian society into a chaotic, lawless world of astonishing inequality and injustice. I wrapped my critiques of the rampant neoliberalism of the “Wild, Wild, East” in thickly descriptive accounts of the lives of chambermaids, bartenders, tour guides, cooks, waitresses, and receptionists. I wanted to show, not tell.

Through a close examination of the shattered careers and broken families of ordinary men and women forced to live through the cataclysmic decade of the 1990s, I asked readers to empathize with the sheer scale of the upheavals of banking collapses, hyperinflation, unemployment, violence, suicide, and the mass emigration of youth. Capitalism promised prosperity and freedom, but for many it delivered little more than poverty and despair. The dislocations of the transition period, as I’ve documented in my subsequent books, still reverberate today. One can easily draw a straight line from the trauma of the 1990s to the rise of right-wing parties and authoritarian leaders in the region.

Perhaps more controversial, especially back in 2005, was my claim that, despite some serious shortcomings, there were some positive aspects of socialism that should not be forgotten. In those heady days of Francis Fukuyama’s “end of history” narrative about the primacy of liberal democracy and free markets, to suggest that there was a baby in the bathwater was political heresy. In this contemporary moment, with a Democratic Socialist set to take office as mayor of New York City, it may be hard to remember how passé socialism seemed in the first decade of the 21st century. Jacobin Magazine did not yet exist; Bernie Sanders had not yet run for president; Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez had not yet entered Congress. In an academic climate dominated by poststructuralist critiques of power, even mild sympathies for socialism drew fire from both the anti-communist right and the postmodern left.

As a young academic, I was perhaps too naïve to anticipate the sort of vitriolic criticism I would receive by listening carefully to my older informants, researching socialist-era legal codes, and conducting two large anonymous surveys of tourism workers. Although I dutifully corroborated my various findings and wrote an honest description of what life in socialist Bulgaria had been like for ordinary people, some reviewers accused me of having been duped by communist disinformation. For example, one 2007 review in the journal Aspasia suggested that: “Ghodsee’s analysis is problematic because sometimes interpretations fall into the trap of sociological legends fabricated by communist propaganda.” As an apparent example of these “sociological legends,” the reviewer quotes me: “Bulgarian women once benefited from generous maternity leaves, free education, free healthcare, free or subsidized child care, communal kitchens and canteens, communal laundries, subsidized food and transport, subsidized holidays on the Black Sea, etc. (p. 165).” All of this was true, and the reviewer did not present any evidence to the contrary.

The Aspasia reviewer acknowledged that “many, especially among the less educated (near) pension-age women in Bulgaria” did believe that the coming of capitalism had deprived them of these universal basic services, but she maintained that this was only because they had been brainwashed by the socialist system. My Bulgarian informants in the late 1990s were apparently incapable of understanding that capitalism would bring higher salaries with which one could purchase supposedly better-quality housing, education, healthcare, and childcare, and that this would be far preferable to having lower wages but receiving these things for free. The reviewer then asked: “The question is, why would a researcher ‘from outside’ buy into this propaganda in a similar way?”

Part of the “propaganda” that I apparently bought into was that the radical dismantling of social safety nets following the introduction of free market economies would push millions of Bulgarians into poverty, and that the process would be distinctly gendered to most women’s disadvantage. This turned out simply to be true, as I and others have documented (see Milanovic 2014, Ghodsee 2018, and Ghodsee and Orenstein 2021, for example). You didn’t need to be a Marxist to understand the black humor behind common jokes being told in the late 1990s:

Q: What did Bulgarians light their homes with before they used candles?

A: Electricity.

Q: What was the worst thing about communism?

A: The thing that came after it.

This is not to deny that there were some appalling things about the communist regimes, including its lack of genuinely representative government, its attacks on political speech the government didn’t like, and its use of repressive and secretive police outside the rule of law. One should condemn such infringements of basic human rights, both as they occurred under communism and as they are happening now in the United States.

However, constantly preaching about the negative aspects of 20th-century state socialism can make it harder for us to see the things that socialism got right. It may even be a deliberate strategy. Those with the most to gain from capitalism want us to forget the good things that happened under socialism, lest we try to do anything to change a system in which wealth flows up into the hands of the rich and powerful.

Doing the research necessary to write “The Red Riviera”convinced me that there are indeed many things we can learn from the experiences of those who lived through a real and relatively long-lasting alternative to capitalism. The experiences of socialist countries in Eastern Europe remind us that societies can achieve a great deal when they treat people’s basic needs as a shared responsibility. Education, healthcare, childcare, housing, and a reasonable, minimal standard of living were seen not as privileges, but as something we should collectively guarantee for all.

My subjects did complain about having to wake up early for neighborhood work on a “Lenin Saturday,” but also noted that socialism promoted a belief in the power of community and the dignity of every person’s contribution. Women entered schools and workplaces in greater numbers, finding new confidence and independence. Cultural life — music, theater, literature — was made accessible to everyone, helping people feel connected to something larger than themselves. Planned microdistricts (an early version of what are now called “15-minute cities”) and socialist workplaces often became centers of shared activity and mutual support.

Even though these societies faced serious political and economic challenges, their social ideals of equality, solidarity, and collective care remain relevant to us in 2025. They remind us that success isn’t only about material wealth or technology, but about how we choose to care for one another. When an economy is guided by social purpose instead of profit, it can serve the common good and lay a foundation for long-term progress, a lesson that we should all remember as we face the existential threat of the climate crisis.

I’m not as naïve as I was in 2005. These days, I expect that my critics will see me as the hapless victim of red “propaganda” and will accuse me of underplaying the repression that occurred in the Soviet bloc countries.

But I’ve also come to conclude that there is a place for naïveté. Naïvely listening to how ordinary people remember their lives (even the “less educated (near) pension-age women”!) can be far better than going into a project with preconceived ideas about how your subjects have been brainwashed by propaganda from an evil system and without fear about how you will be criticized for taking those subjects seriously.

I’ve learned that good scholarship, like good politics, depends on empathy as much as on evidence. Listening carefully to how ordinary people remember their lives under socialism isn’t an endorsement; it’s an effort to understand what they valued and why. Those memories, often complex and sometimes contradictory, reveal the texture of daily life that grand theories tend to miss. They remind us that the past is never as simple as our ideologies make it out to be. If we can take those lessons seriously, if we can listen with curiosity rather than judgment, we might find inspiration for new forms of solidarity and care in the uncertain world we inhabit today."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KB8RWULtiQc">
    <title>Why City Benches Are Becoming More Hostile - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T21:54:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KB8RWULtiQc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the years, New York City benches have evolved, using designs often described as hostile or defensive to discourage homeless people from sleeping on them. These design changes have entire Instagram accounts and Reddit forums dedicated to documenting their rise. Though people experiencing street homelessness are the main target, legions of New Yorkers are annoyed.

Our reporter explains why benches are now entirely kept out of some new public spaces. Video by Anna Kodé, Gabriel Blanco, Laura Salaberry, Christina Shaman, Leila Medina and Rebecca Suner/The New York Times. #nyc #newyork #ny #centralpark

Read the story here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/18/nyregion/nyc-benches.html "

[via:
https://kottke.org/25/11/why-city-benches-are-becoming-more-hostile

"From NY Times reporter Anna Kodé (whose “intersection of culture and real estate” reporting I’ve been enjoying lately), a short video on the increasingly hostile architecture of NYC.

<blockquote>The spread of the leaning bench and the lack of seating at places like Moynihan or around the city signals to homeless individuals that they are not welcome in these places. It signals to all New Yorkers that these are not social places. These are places to simply pass through.</blockquote>

Here’s a video Vox did on the subject seven years ago. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WeyLEe1T0yo ]

Being in Japan is offering me such a contrast to so many things in the US. There are benches in public places here and they don’t have spikes all over them. Japan has the world’s lowest rate of homelessness [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homelessness_in_Japan ], probably because they take care of people. [https://kottke.org/25/10/the-freedom-of-enough ]

In America, we don’t provide housing or much of anything else for people (including a living wage or affordable health care) and the result is that no one can sit down in Penn Station or in a subway station and oh by the way, lots of people have nowhere to live. Why do we do this to ourselves? We could live better lives but we choose not to….for reasons?"]]]></description>
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    <title>The Texan Ideology | Fred Turner</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-31T22:18:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Silicon Valley looks for Lebensraum in the Bible Belt"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Obamacare Is Cooked. What's Next?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-27T18:52:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But it’s not actually hard, conceptually, to get at the problem. The basics of how to fix health care are simple. Make all prices in health care standardized and transparent, and try and get rid of the power of all middlemen who don’t deliver care or directly produce medicine. Most mergers in health care happen to gain an advantage on pricing; if you just standardize pricing, the incentive to consolidate disappears. But to turn this dynamic into a political argument, Democrats are going to have to drop the pretenses that spending more is good, and that the problem is access to insurance. And Republicans are going to have to drop the pretense that there’s a private sector in health care. Whoever is able to turn health care into industrial policy will win this debate. Neither party is close.

That said, we know eliminating corporate bloat works; in July, I did a story about what happened when Ohio eliminated CVS Caremark and UnitedHealth, from running its drug benefit system for Medicaid. It turns out, the state saved $140 million over two years, even as dispensing fees to pharmacies increased by 1200% on average, and the program got better, with patients able to access 99% of pharmacies. Corporate waste is the main problem in health care.

Other states have also done something like this, with similar success. Abroad, the Japanese run a high quality cheap system. They do not have Medicare for all, there are lots of health insurers. But their government has a list of all treatments with a price next to each treatment. That’s the price. There’s no billing department to fight with other billing departments, there are no quality surveys to give bonus payments to hospitals, no random arbitration firms over price. The price is the price. It’s not like the U.S., where the same procedure or drug could have thousands of different permutations, depending on the insurer, hospital system, physician, and so forth. We could do what Japan does - Medicare has a price list. Just do Medicare prices for all, as Phil Longman keeps suggesting.

Getting rid of corporate power in medicine works. It took forty years to build the system we’re in, and most of our policy thinkers are captured by the complexity of the system and the unbelievably stupid obsession with middlemen. But popular rage is now at a boiling point. And saying things like “health care is a human right” or “everyone should have access to health care” isn’t going to cut it. Most Americans have health insurance. It’s just expensive and bad. It’s time to wake up to that."]]></description>
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    <title>The Freedom of Enough</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-17T04:07:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/25/10/the-freedom-of-enough</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I just reread this 2023 post [https://kottke.org/23/10/what-a-japanese-neighborhood-izakaya-is-like ] about a neighborhood Tokyo izakaya (and my related thoughts), spurred by a conversation w/ my friend Andrew [https://andrewhearst.com/ ] about what makes for good work, a good life, and a good society. It dovetails with this podcast conversation between Rich Roll and Craig Mod [https://www.richroll.com/podcast/craig-mod-913/ ], which I listened to on the plane to Japan and which tore me into about 1000 pieces. Craig talks about what it means to have “enough” and the Japanese term yoyū phttps://www.japantimes.co.jp/culture/2025/07/16/books/craig-mod-things-become-other-things/ ]:
<blockquote>Pondering the shrinking communities and advanced decay he saw during the trip (documented in photos of shuttered main streets and nature vigorously reclaiming the landscape), Mod thought back to his childhood home: a blue-collar American town where the factories had closed, replaced by poverty, drugs and violence.

“The inspiration I’ve always drawn from Japan is that the lowest you can fall is not that low,” he says. “Whereas I grew up watching people fall really, really low — frequently, and kind of hopelessly.”

His explanation for why similar levels of economic decline produce such different outcomes hinges on the Japanese term yoyū, which conveys a sense of sufficiency: enough time, enough money, enough energy. As Mod puts it, yoyū is “the space in your heart to accept another person… another situation, another context.”

“As the economy changes in those rural areas, I think you see a kind of grace because the foundations of support are still there, right?” he continues. “They’re not losing health care. They’re not losing social infrastructure… And that gives them the yoyū to be able to accept the fact that their towns are disappearing, without degrading into substance abuse or violence or whatever. The contrast being in America, there’s none of that sort of protection enabled, so you have none of that excess space.”</blockquote>
As an American, it’s tough sometimes even to conceive of having that excess space (except what you’ve been able to cobble together on your own, a jury-rigged safety net one medical crisis away from collapse). I always notice its presence when I’m traveling — like, oh, this society takes care of its people. Huh."]]></description>
<dc:subject>socialsafetynet jasonkottke kottke 2025 craigmod japan rural yoyū enough small peace sufficiency us comparison society healthcare health abandonment infrastructure socialinfrastucture support interconnectedness interdependence poverty precarity interconnected</dc:subject>
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    <title>Leo’s Ode to Latin American Theology | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-16T17:58:27+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["‘Dilexi Te’ teaches that true worship demands love for the poor"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCjaX0NlQNw">
    <title>CITY LIGHTS LIVE! Chris Carlsson celebrate the 2nd Edition of &quot;Hidden San Francisco&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:42:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCjaX0NlQNw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["City Lights and Shaping San Francisco celebrate the 2nd Edition of

Hidden San Francisco: A Guide to Lost Landscapes, Unsung Heroes, and Radical Histories
by Chris Carlsson
published by Pluto Press

Purchase the book at this link:
https://citylights.com/hidden-san-francisco-gt-lost-landscape

Hidden San Francisco is a guidebook like no other. Structured around the four major themes of ecology, labour, transit and dissent, Chris Carlsson peels back the layers of the city’s history to reveal a storied past: behind old walls and gleaming glass facades lurk former industries, secret music and poetry venues, forgotten terrorist bombings, and much more. Carlsson also delves into the Bay Area’s long prehistory, examining the region’s geography and the lives of its indigenous inhabitants before the 1849 Gold Rush changed everything.

This second edition includes new tours on the wild and natural parts of San Francisco that most tourists never visit, from Glen Canyon to Sutro Forest, as well as a new themed walk on the Summer of Love. There is also a new introduction examining the devastating impact of the pandemic, as well as a mini-history of tech in the city, from the Gold Rush to AI.

Chris Carlsson is a San Francisco historian and award-winning tour guide. He directs ‘Shaping San Francisco’ – an impressive archive of local history, and co-founded the urban cycling movement Critical Mass in 1992. He is the author of four books, including novels and histories about the city. He has lived in San Francisco since 1978. To learn more about Chris’ work visit his website: https://nowtopians.com/

This event was originally broadcast on Thursday, July 24, 2025.

Made possible by support from the City Lights Foundation."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V3evGc0mF5Y">
    <title>It's Anarchist Season with Alexis Shotwell - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:20:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V3evGc0mF5Y</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sad Francisco is produced by Toshio Meronek and edited by Tyger Ligon."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLq-WE157NQ">
    <title>The Anarchist Ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:16:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLq-WE157NQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Conversations on Anarres, we talk with Dr. Sergio Gallegos, who teaches philosophy at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice for the City University of New York, about the anarchist ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón.  

A key figure in the development of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Flores Magón was deeply inspired by anarchist thought and worked to organize workers on both sides of the Mexican/U.S. border.  He fled from Mexico into the United States during the revolution and inspired labor struggles among Mexican American workers.  Flores Magón died in a US prison in 1921.

Gallegos focuses his work on the ethical theory of Flores Magón, which we reconstructs from numerous sources, including Flores Magón's political writing, journalism, and plays.  Gallegos argues that Flores Magón offers a unique ethical outlook that urges us to take action against poverty and pervasive structural inequality that robs the majority of people of liberty.  He believes that these ethical lessons have a lot to tell us about how to frame social movements today."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ricardofloresmagón 2025 anarresproject sergiogallegos anarchism anarchy ethics revolution labor mexico us theory politics inequality liberty socialmovements mikhailbakunin porfiriodíaz pierre-josephproudhon peterkropotkin proudhon anarchosocialism indigenous indigeneity work workers ideals border borders zapatistas ezln privilege kant aristotle poverty liberation socialchange slavery freedom care caring responsibility radicalism johnstuartmill mutualaid mobility survival justice duties rights insurrection leonardharris leemcbride insurrectionistethics resistance defiance animosity oppression liberalism egalitarianism zapatismo emilianozapata maya chiapas autonomy immanuelkant</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.plough.com/en/topics/faith/discipleship/what-lies-beyond-capitalism">
    <title>What Lies Beyond Capitalism? A Christian Exploration by David Bentley Hart</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-01T03:22:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.plough.com/en/topics/faith/discipleship/what-lies-beyond-capitalism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Capitalism can’t be reconciled with the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth – or so claims the New Testament translator David Bentley Hart. Christ condemned not just greed for riches, but their very possession, and Jesus’ first followers were voluntary communists. With technologized market forces dominating our world, is a truly Christian economics still possible? What, if anything, lies beyond capitalism?"

[via:
https://blog.ayjay.org/christianity-and-capitalism-reconsidered/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>davidbentleyhart 2010 capitalism christianity socialjustice ethics poverty finance communism critique criticism jesus jesuschrist christ newtestament greed wealth possessions property markets</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture">
    <title>from counterculture to cyberculture (ft. fred turner)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T01:36:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Stewart Brand, accelerationism, dating apps"

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TNg34K85-8

"Today's guest is Fred Turner, a Professor of Communication at Stanford and probably the best historian of Silicon Valley culture over the past 100 years
.
His book, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, is my favorite book on Silicon Valley's history, focusing on how hippies and hackers came together from the 60s to the 90s.

Fred is also one of the warmest, most enthusiastic storytellers I know—the kind of history teacher everyone wishes they had. You’ll leave this listen with a bunch of fun facts about the Whole Earth Catalog, Burning Man, and the Italian futurists; but more importantly, a deep appreciation for what humans and the humanities can offer.

01:00 The two types of Bay Area hippies
10:59 Military tech since the Vietnam War 
22:59 Disembodiment and dating apps
45:30 Zuckerberg, Chappell Roan, and the free market
1:02:50 Accelerationism from Mussolini to now
1:30:03 Teaching the humanities in 2025"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner jasminesun 2025 stewartbrand siliconvalley datingapps history markzuckerberg chappellroan mussolini hippies californianideology miliary vietnamwar humanities teaching howweteach benitomussolini toddgitlin newleft berkeley marissavio newcommunalists haight-ashbury thehaight politics psychedelics lsd janisjoplin left escape communalism sharedconsciousness computers computing technology military vietnam 1960s 1970s wiredmagazine buckminsterfuller decentralization hierarchy hierarchies geodesicdome bureaucracy individualism counterculture burningman design liberation kenkesey apple wholeearthcatalog tescreal immateriality class war singularity singularitarianism transhumanism dematerialization online internet web abstraction disembodiment combat bodies veterans iraq iraqwar militaryindustrialcomplex stanford italianfuturists italianfuturism futurism information godcomplex stevejobs cybernetics immaterial philosophy networks networkedthinking cyberculture google catalogs race segregation racism privilig</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XsOYGt7EKG8">
    <title>The Death of Free Trade - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T19:01:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XsOYGt7EKG8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I blame globalisation for me not reading the autocute correctly and for the mic peaking at the end

References (in rough order of appearance):
Ricardo's Dream, Nat Dyer https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/trade/ricardos-dream
My interview with Nat Dyer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F1IQBoRiEuE
The allure of autarky, Ben Chu https://aeon.co/essays/isolationism-isnt-new-and-is-fuelled-by-deep-human-desires
Poll of economists: https://kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/free-trade/
Is Free Trade Passe?, Paul Krugman https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.1.2.131
The China Shock: Learning from Labor-Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade, Autor et al hhttps://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041
Watch me play Victoria 3 (lol): https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLjKthKm8bqYeEFSTuCqIJBLVRi2L3BGC-
Debt: the First 5,000 Years, Graeber
ISDS Info: https://isds.bilaterals.org/?-key-cases-
Wolfers video: https://bsky.app/profile/justinwolfers.bsky.social/post/3ltju7esgkc2c
Nothing (meaningful) to say, Branko Milanovic https://branko2f7.substack.com/p/nothing-to-say
Docking: Maritime ports in the making of the global economy, Charmaine Chua"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 unlearningeconomics economics globalization joebiden donaldtrump natdreyer benchu brankomilanovic charmainechua trade tariffs jairbolsonaro nationalism brazil brasil sweden germany davidgraeber narendamodi china india ukraine russia vladimirputin us eu xijingping paulkrugman freedtrade politics policy labor technocracy justinwolfers autarky davidricardo adamsmith wealthofnations divisionoflabor work workers employment production productivity manufacturing thewestwing consumerism consumption 2000s 1990s hyperglobalization power inequality wages jobs unemployment thewire culture geopolitics shipping crime society democracy danirodrik economists laborunions unions efficiency davidautor poverty outsourcing comparativeadvantage 2019 2024 offshoring elections nafta mexico tradedeals isolation isolationism dopesick uk denmark latinamerica miltonfriedman neoliberalism portugal slavery westafrica gold colonialism colonization spain españa europe france england susanstrange cahalmoran</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b8f581f93457/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7mA1P7I8nw">
    <title>Gabriel Salazar explica la crisis del pueblo chileno | Chile en Voz Alta: un cuarto de siglo - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-20T18:19:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7mA1P7I8nw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["El Premio Nacional de Historia Gabriel Salazar habla sobre el Chile popular, la pérdida de futuro de la juventud y la crisis de representación.

Con 89 años, el historiador repasa su vida y reflexiona: “Llevamos 200 años eligiendo presidentes sin mandato del pueblo”."

[See also:
https://www.theclinic.cl/2025/09/20/gabriel-salazar-historiador-la-tragedia-nuestra-es-que-llevamos-200-anos-eligiendo-presidentes-senadores-y-diputados-sin-mandato-del-pueblo/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://robinrendle.com/notes/notes-on-poverty/">
    <title>Poverty, By America</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-09T03:13:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://robinrendle.com/notes/notes-on-poverty/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There are books and then there are books. The kind where you can’t put down until they’re finished with you. The kind that captures every atom of your attention and changes something deep down. You walk away altered, the words having not really been words or sentences but something else altogether.

That’s how I felt reading Matthew Desmond’s Poverty, By America. This is no dreamy communist manifesto, no incoherent rant that leads to nothing but sadness and frustration, but a shocking book full of actionable, kind ideas entirely backed by careful study of a complex problem. Desmond makes his argument clear through this complexity though: the reason why poor folks are poor is because rich folks are rich.

Here’s my notes.

***

<blockquote>Poverty isn't simply the condition of not having enough money. It's the condition of not having enough choice and being taken advantage of because of that.</blockquote>

(I remember being caught in a web of overdraft fees when I struggled with money. There’s still this lingering feeling fifteen years later where I doubt every time a check will clear, a credit card will go through. I still assume that banks have caught me in some great trap beyond my comprehension. There’s a spider lurking behind me, ready and waiting to devour every paycheck that clears my account. This is not a healthy way to run a society, or a healthy way to live. But tens of millions of Americans do.)

***

<blockquote>When we are preoccupied by poverty, “we have less mind to give to the rest of life.” Poverty does not just deprive people of security and comfort; it siphons off their brainpower, too.</blockquote>

(I remember being shocked by how similar poverty felt like a sickness, as if I had blinkers on, as if a strong vignette had been applied to my vision. Money was all I could think about. I would count the pounds and pennies, counting and counting and counting at night. I couldn’t think straight, I couldn’t think about a 401k or future investments because I was so paralyzed by Today, this big and brutal and terrifying thing. What if someone after work asked me out for a beer? What if we walk passed a shop and my credit card fails when trying to buy water? What if someone finds out how much is in my account?)

(And yet! I was one of the lucky ones to have family to bail me out, as embarrassing as it was to ask them over and over again. Most folks however don’t have people to help them. This is what the government should be. And, currently, what it is not.)

(But we can fix this.)

***

<blockquote>A higher minimum wage is an antidepressant. It is a sleep aid. A stress reliever. Vocal segments of the American public, those with brain space to spare, seem to believe the poor should change their behavior to escape poverty. Get a better job. Stop having children. Make smarter financial decisions. In truth, it’s the other way around: Economic security leads to better choices.</blockquote>

(I remember my first real paycheck. The one where I didn’t have to struggle. The one where I was lifted out of worrying so much. I could suddenly go out and buy food and start going out for dinner or the pub intermittently without feeling anxious the whole time about embarrassing myself by my card failing. I could make rent. But it wasn’t all these material things that money gifted me: it was sleep. With the sudden turn of a week I could now make predictions about my future. Mere days before my life was broken up into excruciatingly long weeks. Paycheck, no-paycheck, no-paycheck, no-paycheck. This is not a healthy way to run a society, etc. etc.)

***

<blockquote>Somehow, the United States has the unique distinction of lacking universal healthcare while still having the most expensive healthcare system in the world.</blockquote>

(One time back in the UK I had 40 quid in my bank account but found myself with a serious and embarrassing medical emergency. At midnight I went to the hospital and I suddenly found myself begging a doctor for help in a corridor outside his office. He told me the STD clinic opens in the morning, come back then. In agony I laughed and said “I might not be a doctor my dude but I can GUARANTEE that isn’t the problem here.” A few days later, the embarrassing surgery is over, they tell me to go, and I simply walk out of the hospital. There’s no pay station, no worry about handing out cash or finding myself slammed with debt because the UK has a modern, humane health care system. When I moved to the states I learned that how much money I make doesn’t really matter. One foul move, an uncontrollable accident like the one I had back in the UK, and that’s all it takes to lose your financial footing. And, because of this, poverty haunts everyone in America.)

(But we can fix this.)

(I think this is why I loved this book. It’s angry but not cynical. Desmond argues over and over again that we have fixed the balance of power in this country before and we can do it again. Poverty is not a hex, a curse,a chronic condition or necessary evil. It can be fixed!)

(We just have to make it so.)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AF7s16ATbJc">
    <title>Writer Èdouard Louis: Who Gets to Escape? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-02T18:16:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AF7s16ATbJc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“The will of escaping is such a universal condition.” French writer Èdouard Louis shares how his brother's death turned into his latest novel, how class shapes possibilities and the importance of understanding what you hate.

Èdouard Louis’ brother is 38 when he dies. Louis describes his sibling as an alcoholic, and someone he hadn’t seen in 10 years: “I didn’t want to see him anymore. I didn’t want to talk to him. He was a very violent person,” Louis says frankly. “He was an unbearable person, someone you could not love. And I didn’t love him.” When their mother called Louis to tell him that his brother had passed, he turned to writing, because he thought he knew exactly why he died: “I thought my brother was the extreme realization of social determinism, of someone who was born in the working class, in poverty,” he says and continues: “This social determinism had such an extreme impact on him that it killed him at 38.” The book took many years to write, because through the process, Louis realised that everything he thought he knew was not exactly true.

His brother had dreams, like opening a butcher shop—a dream that Louis calls “real.” But even a “real” dream was not attainable for someone like his brother: “His dreams were too big for his milieu. His dreams were too big for his class.” Though growing up in the same class, the same town, the same family, Édouard Louis dreams of the big city, of culture and a new way of life all came true: “I was this young gay boy thinking: I am different and I want to escape, but the other ones don’t want to escape.” Louis had long seen himself as “different and superior because I wanted to escape. And that my brother was inferior because he was happy with his reality.” 

“Everyone wanted to escape. But the thing is, not everyone had the same access to the tools of escaping,” Èdouard Louis says: “My brother was trying to escape with alcohol and with violence.” Louis continues to reflect on escaping, which essentially is what the book ‘Collapse’ is about: “It’s a question of unequal access to the, if not the means of production, then the means of expressing your feelings.”

While writing the book, Èdouard Louis reached out to his brother’s ex-girlfriend, whom he was all violent towards. But the girlfriends spoke deeply about their love for his brother: “I thought: do I take it out of the book because I don’t like this idea? Or do I let the reality with all this complexity?” Louis reflects: “If I take it out, it’s like patronising. I’m giving a version that I prefer of those women. They deserve to say what they have to say. At the same time, I disagree politically with what they say. So, I wrote this book in this kind of very precarious balance.”

“It’s our duty to understand what disgusts us, what frightens us, what we hate. We’d better look at what we hate.” For Èdouard Louis, change can’t be made by looking away from what we don’t like or understand. Only by understanding violence can it be stopped: “I am a toy of violence. I am an object of violence,” he says. “I’m talking because I went through it and have no choice.”

Édouard Louis (b. 1992) was born Eddy Bellegueule in Northern France. He graduated in sociology and philosophy from the École Normale Supérieure and the École des Hautes Études et Science Sociales. and thus has an academic education as the first in his family. Louis had his debut in 2014 with the award-winning bestseller The End of Eddy Bellegueule. He has published seven novels and has also been editor of works on Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault. His work has appeared in The New York Times, The Guardian, and Freeman’s. His books have been translated into thirty languages, making him one of the most celebrated writers of his generation worldwide.

Èdouard Louis was interviewed by journalist Bodil Skovgaard Nielsen on stage at Louisiana Literature at Louisiana Museum of Modern Art, August 2025."]]></description>
<dc:subject>èdouardlouis freedom escape privilege sociology violence masculinity homophobia monsters left rightwing farright conservatives understanding hannaharendt poverty misogyny howwethink thinking refelction alcoholism reality complexity politics humanism humans hate socialdeterminism society class whiteness race racism exclusion othering conservatism others frankness openness privacy directness politeness civility judgement distance conviviality values transparency bourgeois bourgeoisie pathos workingclass emotion aesthetics culture classwar emotions facts uncertainty dehumanization knowledge power autobiography autofiction literature truth</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MIkZ_T3WpUU">
    <title>Militant Anarchist Experiences in the Antiglobalization Era - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-31T23:45:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MIkZ_T3WpUU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week we’re sharing an interview with Tomas Rothaus, author of the recently publish memoir, Another War Is Possible: Militant Anarchist Experiences in the Antiglobalization Era, out this year from PM Press. We speak about the anti-globalization movement and how it’s remembered, debates around mass mobilizations and Black Bloc street conflicts, mentorship and inter-generationality in anarchism and the importance of a sober audacity in political struggle. Tomas has three more, related books scheduled to come out in the next 2 years listed at PM Press’s website. We hope you enjoy.

You can follow Tomas on Bluesky via @BatallonBakunin.Bsky.Social or check out more of his works via his author page on PM Press’s website."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/gay-life-of-the-world-to-come/">
    <title>“We Always Knew He Was Different”: The Gay Life of the World to Come</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-21T18:52:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/gay-life-of-the-world-to-come/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is the Future That Catholics, Communists, Socialists, and Queers Want"

...

"Midway upon the journey of our life, a conundrum: to the socialist meeting or the monastery? The gay road here looked something like this. I followed my long-distance boyfriend to the Bay Area after college in 2014. I soon found my way into the Oakland left, reading Marx and organizing. At age 26, I married my boyfriend. Then, at age 31, an unexpected development: I wandered into church and became a Catholic. Catechism, baptism, confirmation, the whole thing.

I go to mass on Sundays and take time out of each week to meditate with monks at a monastery. I grew up without religion. I don’t have any religious trauma. I am also lucky that the East Bay is home to more than one “affirming” Catholic institution. Even so, I sometimes struggle to reconcile these seemingly divergent parts of my life.

The struggle has little to do with reconciling sexuality and spirituality. In fact, it almost never comes up. I struggle instead with a pendulum swing between two conflicting impulses: spiritual contemplation and embodied political action.

<blockquote>Meanwhile, the conundrum: monasticism or Marxism?</blockquote> 

On the one hand I feel a nagging attraction toward spirituality and contemplation that often feels like a retreat from the world. On the other hand, I know that our time calls for collective action that disarms the exploiters and empowers the exploited. The real division is not between religion and sexuality, but between the personal and political realms. Or at least that’s how it feels. Perhaps reconciliation between the two is possible, but it must be a long and patient work. Meanwhile, the conundrum: monasticism or Marxism? At the core of these apparently opposite poles, however, is the desire to help bring a new world into being. The pull in either direction is something like a homesickness for a home we haven’t yet found.

I recently tracked this same desire in a very Catholic novel that, it just so happens, I read during pride month: Loss and Gain by John Henry Newman. This year I commemorated pride month by reading a very Catholic novel: Loss and Gain by John Henry Newman. At first I had no idea what a timely selection it was. I soon realized that the book I brought to bed with me each night in June was actually quite gay.

Take this scene for example. Charles, the protagonist, returns home after his first year at Oxford University. At a family function his mother and a family friend speculate about Charles’ future. At the center of their speculation is the sensitive, shy, and bookish boy’s lack of obvious interest in girls.

<blockquote>“All will come in time, my dear,” said his mother; “a good son makes a good husband.”

“And a very loving papa,” said Mr. Malcolm.

“Oh, spare me, sir,” said poor Charles; “how have I deserved this?”</blockquote>

For any habitual reader of gay literature, the subtext is clear enough. Only at his peril will poor Charles make a good husband or a loving papa. Instead, we hope that our young student escapes to the big city and finds a community of fellow outcasts. One can almost hear the retrospective appraisal of childhood acquaintances: we always knew he was different.

Charles’ eventual escape alienates him from his family, his academic community, and many of his closest friends. The book’s title gives away the plot: Charles gives way to his deepest longings and, as a result, loses security, the comforts of home, and family bonds, but gains comradeship, fulfillment, and meaning.

The author, John Henry Newman, was the most famous English-speaking Catholic convert and cleric of the 19th century in Britain. Loss and Gain, published in 1848, was his first major work following his scandalous conversion. Reading the novel today, it sounds very much like a queer coming-of-age story.

At least anecdotally, many queer people in the Bay Area and elsewhere seem to have a newfound interest in spirituality and religion. Some of these people even belong to socialist or communist organizations. What underlies this queer-Catholic-communist convergence, and why are the gay resonances in Newman’s novel so perceptible in our time?

To be clear, Loss and Gain is not not a gay story. Newman, whose sainthood Pope Leo just upgraded to ”Doctor of the Church,” [https://apnews.com/article/pope-honor-doctor-john-henry-newman-vatican-457b952840a1f979db3c6980ecf0e79e ] was likely a man with same-sex desire. Scholars don’t question his celibacy, but they cannot ignore his intimate friendship with fellow convert Ambrose St. John. The two men were effectively domestic partners. Of his grief at St. John’s death Newman wrote “I have always thought no bereavement was equal to that of a husband’s or a wife’s, but I feel it difficult to believe that anyone’s sorry can be greater than mine.” Before his own death Newman indicated his desire to share a grave with his friend. When Newman rejoined St. John fifteen years later his coffin bore the inscription (in Latin) “heart speaks to heart.”

<blockquote>It is a life of poverty and communion that, like the first Christian community, prefigures a new world: one in which the unity and equality hidden beneath the divisions of the present (race, nationality, gender) is realized.</blockquote>

In Loss and Gain, Charles responds to a calling and allows that call to change him — much like the real Newman. Two forces bind us to what we do: attraction and obligation. We fall in love; we do not will love into being. Love happens to us. Charles leaves everything he knew — Oxford, his family, his church — and goes to London, hoping to happen upon a misfit Catholic community that will embrace him. He foregoes the obligations he cannot fulfill and surrenders to attraction.

Charles first hears his calling as a rejection of the life he had. He rejects the roles available to him in the nuclear family. He also rejects the nascent individualism of his time, in which people choose their preferred combinations of personal dogmas from a wide variety of options, as if at a salad bar. Then there arises a positive attraction to a mysterious and alternative way of life. He seeks — to quote a proto-communist passage from the Acts of the Apostles — a life where all things are “held in common.” Charles joins what we would today call “an intentional community” of priests and seminarians. It is a life of poverty and communion that, like the first Christian community, prefigures a new world: one in which the unity and equality hidden beneath the divisions of the present (race, nationality, gender) is realized.

<blockquote>Attacks on recently acquired rights will mean pain and suffering, especially for trans people and people of color. Once again, living the same kinds of lives as straight people may become less possible. Strange as it may sound, Newman’s very Catholic novel can help us glimpse what might be gained from these losses.</blockquote>

Representation and rights-claims used to define queer politics. Rights to marriage and parenthood made it possible for queer people to form nuclear families like those of our straight counterparts. We also gained acceptance as a distinct consumer group, worthy of our own very special marketing campaigns. This year’s exodus of corporate sponsorship from pride festivals, motivated by the fear of blowback from a fascist government rather than yearly calls for “Raytheon out of pride,” indicates our entry into new territory. Attacks on recently acquired rights will mean pain and suffering, especially for trans people and people of color. Once again, living the same kinds of lives as straight people may become less possible. Strange as it may sound, Newman’s very Catholic novel can help us glimpse what might be gained from these losses.

[GIF: "John Henry Newman, author of Loss and Gain (Art by James Thacher)"]

Friendship holds a decisive place in the narrative of Loss and Gain. Charles first hears the call of a new life among the outcasts at Oxford. Take, for example, the scene in which Charles parts ways with his friend Willis, who has just himself become a Catholic:

<blockquote>It seemed as if the kiss of his friend had conveyed into his own soul the enthusiasm which his words betokened. He felt himself possessed, he knew not how, by a high superhuman power, which seemed able to push through mountains, and to walk the sea.</blockquote>

Late-night conversations with friends and comrades reshape our sense of the possible and what we are capable of. Living on the periphery of the nuclear family, something that queers and people who dedicate themselves to politics often share, primes us for these kinds of encounters. Charles allows himself to be pulled away from the home he knew and toward a home unknown. He is alienated from his origins. But this alienation is not simply a loss. Charles gains a life that looks like a little piece of the world communists and socialists want to bring into being. The same gain is on the table for queer people under the dark skies of today: a life that privileges solidarity and friendship, and heeds the call of the world to come."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L5QyBl85u1I">
    <title>Is the economy causing a mental health crisis? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-17T22:01:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L5QyBl85u1I</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Worsening mental health outcomes are often spoken about as if they are the fault of the individual, but is insecure mental health a natural outcome of an insecure economy?

And does the feedback work both ways - insecure economies cause people to be scared, easily manipulated, and individualistic, which prevents ordinary people from uniting and fighting back as a class?

Also a little on my own historical struggles with the economy and mental health, both in the past and now.

"In a mad world, only the mad are sane"  ~ Akira Kurosawa

Take care of yourselves and each other

xx

––––––

00:00 Introduction 
03:31 How mental health is affected by the economy 
04:55 My argument in less than 1 minute 
06:15 Mental health is a symptom of something bigger
09:50 Why deteriorating mental health makes political action so hard 
16:00 More and more people know collapse is coming
20:13 Hard work no longer pays
22:24 Personal struggles
25:09 What can we do?
30:17 Why it's so urgent"]]></description>
<dc:subject>garystevenson 2025 collapse society inequality mentalhealth economics economy uk us individualism class akirakurosawa politics struggle despair helplessness eattherich avoidance money capitalism malaise aldoushuxley slavery servitude poverty survival precarity insecurity work labor margaretthatcher ronaldreagan reaganism thatcherism competition hungergames organizing detachment albertcamus camus theplague security desperation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfjtP2QVsOQ">
    <title>Political Islam’s 120-year story - from anti-colonial struggle to now | John Esposito | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-10T21:26:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfjtP2QVsOQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC Professor John Esposito — one of the world’s foremost scholars on political Islam — unpacks 120 years of modern Islamic movements. From Afghani and Abdu’s 19th-century reformist vision, through Hassan al-Banna and Maududi’s activism, to Sayyid Qutb’s radical turn, we trace the intellectual and political forces that shaped the Muslim world. We explore the Iranian Revolution, the Afghan war, democratic Islamists, authoritarian crackdowns, and how the West’s perceptions of Islamism were forged. This is a masterclass in the history, ideas, and global impact of political Islam.

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim

Chapters
 0:00 – Intro & episode setup
 2:33 – Esposito’s unlikely journey
 5:41 – Immersion in Muslim scholarship
 10:14 – Plan: 120 years’ history
 12:14 – Afghani & Abdu’s vision
 15:45 – Islam as civilization & faith
 18:09 – Abdu’s modernist reform ideas
 22:02 – Anti-colonial political Islam roots
 23:54 – Al-Banna & Maududi emerge
 26:44 – Movements spread transnationally
 30:58 – Ideas spread without media
 33:15 – Critique of elites & clerics
 38:58 – Sayyid Qutb’s radical turn
 43:39 – America through Qutb’s eyes
 47:14 – Nasser’s crackdown & prisons
 50:33 – Cross-pollination of movements
 52:47 – Iranian revolution reshapes politics
 55:03 – Authoritarianism fuels radicalisation
 57:12 – Gradualists vs violent factions
 1:04:05 – Revolution’s impact on perceptions
 1:09:58 – Shah, hostage crisis, US errors
 1:18:22 – Afghan jihad to al-Qaeda
 1:27:05 – Democratic Islamists in power
 1:35:48 – Post-Cold War Islamism shifts
 1:40:19 – 9/11 & war on terror
 1:49:15 – Arab Spring & Brotherhood
 1:53:32 – Egypt’s coup & repression
 2:02:08 – Islamism, democracy & inclusion
 2:07:39 – Misrepresentation in Western discourse
 2:12:22 – Closing reflections & lessons"]]></description>
<dc:subject>johnesposito ashfaaqcarim 2025 islam history politics politicalislam anticolonialism modernism iran transnationality iranianrevolution revoution society muslims democracy arabspring brotherhood islamicbrotherghood sayyidqutb 9/11 egypt repression us afghanistan movements civilization faith muslimbrotherhood abula'lamaududi muhammad'abduh jamalal-dinal-afghani afghani abdu abduh pakistan 'abduh maulanamaududi india panislamism turkey modernity 1960s 1970s malaysia indonesia transnationalism islamism wwi ww1 authoritarianism radicalization 20thcentury sudan syria jamaat-e-islami jamaat uk jihad britishempire imperialism france corruption elites religion islamicmovements activism worship hassanal-banna maududi al-banna west europe science technology printing writing publishing ottomanempire westernization secularism culture economics materialism coldwar palestine israel russia secularnationalism osamabinladen ayatollahkhomeini necmettinerbakan receptayyiperdoğan erdoğan isis al-qaeda neocolonialism mohamma</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4hZz9Vd0lY">
    <title>Journalist Karen Hao on Sam Altman, OpenAI &amp; the &quot;Quasi-Religious&quot; Push for Artificial Intelligence - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-04T20:27:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4hZz9Vd0lY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As part of our July Fourth special broadcast, we continue our extended interview with Karen Hao, author of Empire of AI: Dreams and Nightmares in Sam Altman's OpenAI. The book documents the rise of OpenAI and how the AI industry is leading to a new form of colonialism. "One of the things that you really have to understand about AI development today is that there are what I call quasi-religious movements that have developed within Silicon Valley," says Hao. "The concept of artificial general intelligence is not one that's scientifically grounded.""

[Extension of this interview:

""Empire of AI": Karen Hao on How AI Is Threatening Democracy & Creating a New Colonial World"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1NzW3o8zFEc
(also here) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AbmQfmz7B98
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/6/4/karen_hao_empire_of_ai

"The new book "Empire of AI" by longtime technology reporter Karen Hao unveils the accruing political and economic power of AI companies — especially Sam Altman's OpenAI. Her reporting uncovered the exploitation of workers in Kenya, attempts to take massive amounts of freshwater from communities in Chile, along with numerous accounts of the technology's detrimental impact on the environment. "This is an extraordinary type of AI development that is causing a lot of social, labor and environmental harms," says Hao."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>karenhao ai artificialintelligence artificialgeneralintelligence agi openai samaltman chatgpt newzealand chile water energy power nuclearenergy maori environment dystopia eutopia cults markzuckerberg meta facebook elonmusk twitter xai colonialism colonization imperialism emprire data ip intellectualproperty communication computers computing language llms democracy scale computation china history immigration highereducation highered learning schools policy regulation deregulation donaldtrump siliconvalley nvidia microsoft protits society poverty inequality ownership privacy 2025 tennesse datacenters humanity climate climatechange globalwarming renewables healthcare health sustainability eu europe academia colleges universities labor reistance art work workers resistance law legal</dc:subject>
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Richard Osman and Marina Hyde interview the BBC journalist about his disappointment at modern television, unique approach to archival material and his thoughts on modern culture at large."]]></description>
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