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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/umyazu">
    <title>Umyazu - A Working Library</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T07:06:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/umyazu</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Reading is the art of attention. What a mess we’ve made of that word. From the earnest effort of a mind reaching for the world to a mindless, exasperated skittering through the slop. The attention economy is misnamed. Our attention is not being harvested but rather suppressed, flattened out, demeaned into submission. We do not attend anything when we doomscroll or binge watch or tap tap tap one notification after another; we abandon—ourselves, our bodies, our kith and kin.

Nor do we read when we slip through the stream or flick through the feed. Reading is an awakening of attention, not a deadening of it. We read to come alive to ourselves, not to forget who we are or what we are doing, or what is being done to us without our consent. We read to encounter the world, to connect what we know to what we do not know yet, knowing all the while that such understanding is always temporary, lovely precisely because it is transient. The suspension of disbelief that a reader brings to a text is an openness to becoming someone new, to shedding old selves and wriggling into new ones. It is an invitation to change.

This, of course, presumes that what we are reading is the product of a mind, that the reading is itself a gathering of minds. For each writer is really many writers. When we read Le Guin, we are also reading Woolf, Kropotkin, Lao Tzu. We are reading Le Guin’s reading of Woolf, and Woolf’s reading of Shakespeare, and adding our own readings to theirs. But when we read a text created by fake intelligence, we find not a mind but a forgery, and a glib one at that—a thin, transparent skin wrapped around an empty void. We are right to be repulsed. That revulsion is our bodies asserting their right to reality, to the knowledge that there can be no mind without a body, anymore than there can be a body without a mind.

Yet in the stream we seem to lose that body. We dissolve, dissipate, spread the edges of our selves out until we lose integrity. Here is a curious paradox: when we read, we make ourselves vulnerable, open ourselves up to being changed in ways we cannot predict or control. But when we venture into the stream, we more often than not go armed and wary, aware that we are in a place of danger. We are vigilant, alert, attuned to the predators that lurk below our thumbs. Yet it is there that we are worn down and disintegrated, that constant vigilance like a vibration that shakes all our atoms loose and tumbles them ever downstream.

Maybe there’s a clue in the way we talk of paying attention, rather than giving it. An older form of that verb also means to appease. We pay attention to the angry gods of capitalism in the hope that they will turn their anger elsewhere. Like most gods, they refuse us. We pay and pay again: each refresh and reaction like a hidden fee or interest charged. We check the boxes and agree to the terms (which we do not read), because what are our other options? Coercion was long ago rebranded as consumer choice.

In The Telling, the last of Le Guin’s novels set in the Hainish universe, a young Terran observer named Sutty sets out for the planet Aka. In the forty years it takes for her to arrive, the main continent’s literary and democratic culture is supplanted by a capitalist state, intent on speed-running through industrialization. Books are pulped and writing banned; libraries are closed. The old languages and gestures are outlawed, along with homosexuality, home-cooked food, bartering. Citizens become “producer-consumers” and must orient all of their lives to those two actions. Ordinary life becomes subsumed into regimented, surveilled, and homogenized routines.

Bewildered and heart sore, Sutty finds life in the capital city to be difficult. Her skill in language and literature has no outlet, the need to hide her sexuality rankles, and the people all seem like smooth plastic surfaces which she can’t reach. But then the envoy makes an invitation: the Akans will permit her to leave the capital and visit the mountain villages, where she might learn if anything remains of the former culture. It’s a risky venture, but there’s nothing for her in the city; she boards a riverboat and is soon on her way.

In Okzat-Ozkat, she disembarks and wanders a while, the great white cliffs of Mount Silong rising above her. When she ventures to speak to some of the people, she finds inklings of the former Aka. A boy calls her “yoz,” a word that means fellow person, a common address in the old days, since banned. An herbalist works in a shop where writing, faded but still visible, adorns the walls. When she begins to speak the words, the old man slams one hand on the counter and covers his mouth with the other. “Not aloud, yoz,” he says.

Soon, Sutty is invited to join the maz on their evening gatherings. “Maz” means “educated person” or “teacher.” The maz are couples (of any gender) who dedicate their lives to the Telling—the recitation of story, fable, poem, song, instruction, history, chant. The Telling isn’t one thing, but many, infinite things. Sutty is first inclined to call it a religion, then a philosophy, or perhaps a religion-philosophy, a “religion of process,” as the Hainish term it. But even that seems inadequate. It has no gods, no heaven or hell, no binaries of good and evil, no creator. In the end, it is only The Telling.

Each evening, the people of Okzat-Ozkat gather in the homes of the maz to hear the Telling, one person stationed outside to keep an eye out for the Monitors who would imprison them for such a transgression. Each evening, they pay “by the word,” trading a few copper coins or small bills for the songs and tales and histories. Young children join for free, until they reach adolescence, at which point they too are expected to pay their way. These payments are not donations, not charity. There is “no shame in the transaction on either side,” no sense of manipulation or rent-seeking: “cash was paid for value received.”1

This is payment without appeasement, without coercion. The yoz freely pay in order to give their attention; the maz receive that payment in order to tell, the telling itself a way of reading, reading as understanding and learning and making sense, reading as attending the world. The attention is paid but it isn’t exploited. Sutty records her observations:

<blockquote>[O]n Aka, reward, whether spiritual or fiscal, was immediate. By his performance of a maz’s duties, Siez was not building up a bank account of virtue or sanctity; in return for his story-telling he would receive praise, shelter, dinner, supplies for their journey, and the knowledge that he had done his job. Exercises were performed not to attain an ideal of health or longevity but to achieve immediate well-being and for the pleasure of doing them. Meditation aimed toward a present and impermanent transcendence, not an ultimate nirvana. Aka was a cash, not a credit, economy.

    Therefore their hatred of usury. A fair bargain and payment on the spot.

    Le Guin, The Telling, page 171</blockquote>

By contrast, the attention economy is all credit: the user pays twice.

There’s a prevailing narrative that says we’ve lost our ability to pay attention, that we need drugs or discipline or sternly-worded warnings about the dangers of social media to deal with this growing public health threat. This narrative completely obscures the fact that annihilating attention is a political project with clear benefits for the billionaire class: if we cannot attend the world, neither can we intercede in it. We become passive recipients of their worldbuilding, disenfranchised from our own responsibility to make sense of—and therefore to remake—the world around us.

The abrupt emergence of the Akan capitalist state turns out to be the Terran’s doing: a religious-fundamentalist sect from Earth visited Aka and shared technological knowledge that triggered rapid industrialization, and the equally rapid rejection of all the old ways. The technology included the book banning, the patriarchal order, the authoritarian surveillance. To receive the technology was to receive the worldview it reproduced. (This is of course how all technology works.) That worldview depended on a people too busy working and shopping to be curious about how things are and how they came to be. Because once you are curious about capitalism you must reject the bargain: if the price of the comfort of the few is the immiseration of the many than the price is too damn high. It is the skill of reading that hones that curiosity, sharpens our ability to notice what is before us, what is real and what is not, which bargains are fair and which are usurious. Reading is how we attend the world, which is also how we change it.

I want to posit that the reading economy, like the umyazu—places where the Telling took place—still exists, hidden amidst the ruins of capitalism. It isn’t captured in GDP, of course, but then neither is housework, and yet everyday millions of people do the dishes, make the bed, dust the shelves. It overlaps with capitalism, in the form of large, commercial publishers who often care more for profit than words, but who still manage to publish a good many good books; and it escapes capitalism with worker-owned publishers, anarchist collectives, infoshops, personal blogs, radical literary magazines, neighborhood bookstores, used books given and sold and given again, libraries big and small and free, and with every pen put to paper or keyboard to verse, and every reader who reads and creates the text anew.

Every contribution to the reading economy—every dollar snatched from anesthetizing streaming services, from platforms that siphon money away from artists in order to fuel machines of war; every dollar given in exchange for a book or zine or illustration made with hand and heart and eye; every gaze diverted from the slop and turned instead to the gifts of the artist and the writer and the painter and so on—is not only a contribution taken from the attention economy but a repudiation of it, whole and entire. Every contribution to the reading economy is two less for its nemesis: once in cash, a second time in the resurrection of attention, in the art of reading, in the gift paid in return for the gift. A fair bargain, and payment on the spot.

—————
1. Le Guin, The Telling, page 109 ↩︎"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces">
    <title>A Discussion on the New Novel 'Palaces of the Crow' (with Ray Nayler) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T05:19:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” Ray Nayler examines human nature through the lens of caring and community amidst the often hidden horrors of World War II."

...

"“We tell the stories that perpetuate the narrative or the myth we want, and we erase the others,” Chris Hedges states in this interview with Ray Nayler about his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” which centers around four teenagers from varying backgrounds who struggle to survive during World War II. The war, Nayler says, fundamentally reshaped the world geopolitically, technologically and socially in ways that have profoundly impacted the environment in which we live today. Critical lessons from that moment in time are being lost, with media and governments covering up the deep and long-lasting wounds inflicted upon tens of millions of people. Nayler says that “We can’t move away from that time period before understanding it.”

During World War II people were trapped in unimaginably horrible circumstances and were forced to make difficult, and at times self-sacrificial, decisions. The story of the “ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers” is rarely told, Nayler says.

In Nayler’s novel, crows play an essential role in the story. Like humans, crows are social animals. He describes the crows’ niche as the flock and the flock as a type of organism whose niche is the forest, much like the human’s niche is society and our society’s niche is the world. Contrary to their typical association with death and destruction, Nayler utilizes them as “a symbol of cooperation and group living and non-violence.” From this viewpoint, one sees that human connection, cooperation, nonviolence and mutual aid are fundamental to survival.

The theme of connection, “a primal sense of togetherness,” is central to the story of the four teenagers thrown together under hostile conditions. This connection allows people, and other animals, to find common ground and get along despite their different cultures. Civilization, which Nayler portrays as “being inside a painted box and trying to ignore what’s out there,” is an obstacle to connection that prevents us from recognizing reality. We erase the reality that humans are social, nonviolent, interconnected and caring beings at our own peril."

...

"Ray Nayler: Well, in a way, this book for me is a kind of response to a certain way of seeing human nature, right? I was very surprised when I found out that William Golding’s “Lord of the Flies” was based on a real event. That there really was a group of shipwrecked boys who survived for a long time on an island alone. They all went to a boarding school, right? And their teachers were not with them, so they were forced to form a society on this island and cooperate and find some way through. The difference between the book and reality is that in reality, nobody died. The boys divided the chores up between themselves, set up housekeeping, and lived very peacefully on that island together in a state of mutual aid and cooperation.

But that’s not the story that gets told in Lord of the Flies, of course. The story that gets told in Lord of the Flies is one of the strong against the weak, and this sort of perverted miniature version of the society that William Golding perceived us as living in in his day. Golding responds to that criticism in an interesting way and, at the contemporary moment when he wrote the Lord of the Flies, he says, “Well this is not a story about those boys. This is a story about British schoolboys and how they would form a society on an island.” And I take that point, but at the time, I think, there’s so many books that are written about people destroying one another in times of adversity. And one of the things that’s forgotten about World War II, for example, is that probably most of the people involved in World War II tried to protect both themselves and other people around them. And many, many people in World War II actually sacrificed their lives to protect other people, knowingly gave their lives up in order to shield other people from oppression. And that’s a story that we don’t talk about, I think, enough about the ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers."

...

"Chris Hedges: I know from your wonderful book about the octopus that you probably didn’t make up anything about these crows. But set against this horror, and it is a horror that these four teenagers are attempting to hide from and survive through, is our relationship to the animal, to animals, in this particular case, crows. And one of the things I found interesting is that they kind of live in this underground shelter that had been previously occupied by a veteran of World War I and a hermit who had been very, very kind to the flocks of crows in the forest. And it raises that question of whether there was some kind of reciprocity. But I want you to talk about the use of crows that are a constant theme in the book. And at the end, I won’t spoil it, but I mean, there becomes a decision by one of them, I mean, to risk their life to save the crows that are trying to save her.

Ray Nayler: I think Corvids are fascinating. And crows, in particular, but other Corvids like ravens and rooks. One of the things that’s really interesting about them for me is that within the space that humans create, this very damaged space, urban spaces and suburban spaces and all of the spaces in which we’ve sort of invaded nature to some extent, many animals have been destroyed by that movement into nature by human beings. Crows, on the other hand, are one of the groups of animals whose numbers have increased along with humans and who seem very suited to taking advantage of our damaged liminal spaces.

I think we have a strong association with crows and negativity, right? We see their call as a sign sometimes of death, right? They’re associated with disease and war and all of these other things, but I think precisely because when humankind has gone into battle, historically crows have been there to take advantage of the food that we leave behind for them on the battlefield, right? And so, crows are creative and intelligent creatures themselves, of course. And these crows in this book are sort of an extension just of the tool use and intelligence that crows have. And crows are also an animal that has a direct weaving relationship with human beings. They’ve been with us as a symbol, probably throughout our entire history. We’ve, I think, learned a lot from them. And they learn from us. They watch us do things and imitate us. They exchange gifts with us. They remember our faces. They’ve clearly evolved alongside us for a long time.

I was on the beach with my daughter, and we were tide pooling and we were sort of standing there looking at some things. And I saw the crows come down off of the sea cliffs and start gleaning from the tide pools. And I asked the ranger what the crows were doing there because you don’t usually see crows right at the seashore. They’re usually driven away by gulls. And the ranger said, “Well, there was a student group here. There were children. It was a kindergarten group. And the crows know that when the children come through the tide pools, they’re not very careful about where they put their feet and they kill a lot of small animals and snails and things. And so, the crows watch from the forest above the beach, and they wait for children to come through the tide pools and then they go and they pick up what the children have left behind.” And I thought, that’s such a good summation of what much of the crow-human relationship has been historically. We make a mess. The crows take advantage.

But there’s also in the book, mutual care that emerges between the humans and the crows. And this is something that we see with human-animal relationships. And you see it with crows. People who treat injured birds, especially the more intelligent species like Corvids, will often find that they’ve gained a lifelong friend, right? And that bird will introduce them to other birds from their flock and soon they have a relationship with a whole group of birds. And so that thread of care that proceeds from the man who takes care of some crows and is kind to them, and then the children who come along and need help and the crows give it to them, and then later in the book, what the adults will do for the crows. All of that is for me a way of showing how care can move through species, through generations and build some kind of a system of care, right? Grow and grow, if it’s given that space to grow."

...

"Ray Nayler: You know, again, crows are an interesting species. They can be cruel. They can seem cruel to us. They certainly have these famous moments of having trials of other crows and for whatever reason deciding to kill one of their number and it’s completely unclear to us from the outside. No biologist can tell you why this happens, what has been done, because we don’t understand what their culture is and what the violation might have been. But crows show concern for one another, for the injured, for the weak, and they will protect a wounded crow. They will protect a fledgling fallen from the nest against predation. Crows will band together to drive off predators, even when those predators are not a direct threat to them. They will do it just for the sake of other crows, of other members of their group. And they risk their lives to do this. Driving a hawk off is a dangerous activity and it puts one at risk. And so, to do that as a crow, not for the sake of oneself, but for the sake of the flock, really shows the sort of mentality that exists. And I use that word in that exact sense of mentation and a sort of vision of the world or a picture of the world. In the crows’ picture of the world, it is worth risking one’s life for the other virtually at all times.

Chris Hedges: Well, in the book, they risk their lives for the children.

Ray Nayler: Yes. And I think that the implication is that in some way they’ve been able to extend this care out to the children because they have formed a relationship with one of them, Neriya, who has for many seasons been playing with them and interacting with them and building a kind of friendship with them. And so, on that foundation and on the foundation of the relationship that they had with this man before, they have a reason to extend that care to an interspecies level."

[Direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjZ35_Rin3U

"(0:00) Intro  
(2:25) Why WWII? 
(4:21) Clash of totalitarians 
(6:13) The four characters 
(10:19) The symbology of crows 
(15:58) Karma and resurrection 
(19:46) Kropotkin’s naturalism 
(25:04) The complexity of crows
(27:53) Transgenerational communication 
(30:59) Rootlessness and evil 
(33:03) Human-animal communication 
(38:55) The myth of childhood 
(44:05) The forgotten history of WWII
(51:21) Trauma of veterans 
(52:11) Outro"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/we-cooperate-to-survive-but-if-no-ones-looking-we-compete">
    <title>We cooperate to survive. But, if no one’s looking, we compete | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T00:14:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/we-cooperate-to-survive-but-if-no-ones-looking-we-compete</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An age-old debate about human nature is being energised with new findings on the tightrope of cooperation and competition"

...

"This proclivity for developing new strategies to compete is part of the social brain hypothesis, originally formulated by the psychologist Nicholas Humphrey. In his seminal paper on the topic in 1976, Humphrey argued that the primary function of the human intellect is to navigate the social, rather than the physical, environment.

One implication of the social brain hypothesis is the assumption that every society hosts opportunistic people who may follow local norms for only as long as it is beneficial to do so. Elsewhere, I have called these people ‘invisible rivals’. For example, religious zealots and political adherents across the world may observe all the rules linked with their group – whether ritual or ideological – until they reach a position of power. Thereafter, they can exploit others and act selfishly as it suits them. This may help to explain why studies show that people with psychopathic tendencies are more likely to enter positions of power, for example in corporate or political systems. Following rules without believing in them is an effective strategy for gaining power.

Admittedly, these arguments make our world sound hopeless. It’s tempting to think that, if the story of human evolution isn’t the rosy picture of cooperation, fairmindedness and mutual aid championed by thinkers for more than a century, we can’t expect much from our future. There are just too many problems – from raging inequality and low public trust to a rapidly warming planet and the growing risk of technology like AI – to hope that a species with a dark and ignoble past can overcome itself and create a better future.

I think, however, that this pessimism is misplaced, and that facing ourselves honestly is the first and most important step we can collectively take. This requires adopting a realistic perspective about the kind of animal that Homo sapiens is. First, we are not inherently cooperative but have the capacity for cooperation – just as we have the capacity for exploitation and selfishness. What matters at the individual level is the way we choose to behave towards others.

Second, just as there is no such thing as a cooperator, there is no such thing as a free-rider. These are behaviours that we apply in models and experiments for convenience. How people behave – and critically, how we describe social behaviours – is a matter of circumstance. The same person who behaves ethically in one circumstance may not do so in another, as research into moral credentialing shows. Our behavioural plasticity, or ability to adapt the way we act to context, is one of our defining features. The evolved psychological processes driving our decisions cannot be captured by simplistic models or games. Anyone can be an invisible rival.

That is precisely why local social norms matter so much. If cooperation isn’t a fixed trait but a fragile, context-dependent outcome, then the real question is what kinds of environments make it easier to do the right thing – and harder to get away with quiet defection. The Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom argued that local social norms are the bedrock of any serious effort to promote cooperation: look at how people behave in their immediate surroundings to understand their methods for restraining unbridled selfishness. Just as organisms evolve immune defences against selfish cells that quietly undermine the whole, societies need norms – and the institutions that uphold them – that can detect and restrain rivalries that flourish out of sight.

Fostering community-level interdependence – and the norms that evolved to help them function cooperatively – is therefore essential for combatting the exploitation that results from invisible rivalry. Never try to enforce cooperation from above. Instead, just as the economist Noreena Hertz argues we should replace ‘greed is good’ maxims in the capitalist framework with a community-oriented, cooperation-promoting mindset, appreciating that we are all better off when we work together is the critical insight needed for building a prosocial and equality-focused environment for the future.

Education is where this begins, not as moral uplift but as collective self-knowledge: it helps us see our own temptations clearly and translate that insight into practical scaffolding – laws, schools and civic rules that reward cooperation and raise the costs of exploitation. Cheating will never vanish, and some people will always look for an edge, but our distinctive intelligence lies as much in recognising exploitation and organising against it as in exploiting in the first place. Invest in that knowledge and in the local institutions that make fairness both appreciated and rewarded, and we will widen the space in which cooperation and equality can endure."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work">
    <title>Dying to Work | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:23:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Byung-Chul Han and the legacy of the Catholic Worker"

...

"The issues that occupied the Catholic Worker movement beginning in the 1930s are, in some obvious ways, still with us: the injustice of laissez-faire capitalism, communism, factory industrialism, and mechanized society. Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin confronted these upheavals, taking Catholic social teaching as the basis of their philosophy and inflecting it with the insights of Marxists, critical theorists, anarchists like Pyotr Kropotkin and Nikolai Berdyaev, the English distributists, and French personalists such as Emmanuel Mounier. But the critiques developed out of these influences might seem hard to apply to a socioeconomic climate that has changed so quickly and so destructively over the past century. Does their work still speak to a world dominated by social media, finance capital, artificial intelligence, and virtual reality?

One contemporary philosopher stands out as a bridge connecting the Catholic Worker worldview to the contemporary world. Born in South Korea and educated in Germany, Byung-Chul Han has produced more than twenty short books during the past ten years. This considerable body of work has made him one of the leading European philosophers of his generation, but he is still not as well-known as he should be in the United States. His books bring continental philosophy to bear on late modern culture, especially in its economic and technological aspects. Han, himself a Catholic, brings out the fact that the Catholic Worker’s deepest critique of our present regime operates not on the level of economic theory at all but in its prodigal way of life.

*** 

Taking his cue from the Marxist tradition, Han sees contemporary society as dominated by the means of production. The order of the day is incessant work in service of maximal productivity, and this industrial ideal has slowly spread throughout the culture. Even as most workers, in developed countries like the United States at least, have left the physical confines of the factory behind, the factory-like spirit of totalized work has come to dominate us. Efficiency, Han argues, is our ideology, incarnate in the ubiquitous technology that just is the contemporary world, and in whose image we remake and enslave ourselves.

We know this in our bones, if not in our heads. We feel guilty for relaxing; we are constantly harried in the name of productivity; we calumniate those, like the homeless, we suspect of laziness; and we fill our lives and homes with as much “smart” technology as possible to maximize efficiency and convenience. A good “work ethic” and financial prudence are among the top values we want to instill in our children. The very fact that we talk about morality in terms of our “values” reflects the primacy of the economic. All this, for Han, indicates that the industrial ideal has taken up bodily residence in us. We live to work.

This is a familiar line of argument for Catholic Workers. It extends the personalist critiques of Mounier and Arthur Penty—two of Maurin’s biggest influences—who saw technocracy colonizing not only the external world but our affects, habits, and tastes as well. Han’s critique also echoes that great line of Rerum novarum: industrialism had produced conditions “little better than slavery itself.” 

Han consistently argues that the move to the digital world is not a move away from the factory drudgery with which Marx and Day contended, but rather its totalization. We no longer spend our time producing only things, but, internalizing the factory ethos, we unendingly produce ourselves. “Accordingly,” he writes in his book Psychopolitics, “industrial capitalism has now mutated into neoliberalism and financial capitalism, which are implementing a post-industrial, immaterial mode of production…. People are now master and slave in one.” Life online demands constant optimization of our image, portfolios, profiles, platforms, credit ratings, histories, etc., to the point that we become our own products. So “now the illusion prevails that every person—as a project free to fashion him- or herself at will—is capable of unlimited self-production.” We spend our lives selling ourselves, and unlike in the factory, we do this work under self-supervision and, if we’re not self-monetizing influencers, for free. Self-oppression, or self-slavery, becomes today’s dominant social form. We are approaching the prospect of the fully capitalized human being. 

Here, Han puts his finger on a theme that the social encyclicals, and especially distributists like G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, have occasionally broached but never systematically developed. Work, Han points out, is at base concerned with the preservation of bodily life; it is necessary for our survival. In this way, it is intimately connected with the possibility and fear of death. When we are working to acquire the means to life, we are working to push death away, whether we think of it that way or not. The goal of work is the maintenance of what Han, following the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, calls “bare life.”

Han contrasts bare life with other forms of life that have usually been recognized as essential for genuinely human life: art, beauty, literature, philosophy, liturgy, community, the spirit, relationships, and contemplation. These cultural expressions arise not out of a concern for the body or a fear of death but from leisure, celebration, festivity, play, enjoyment, fun, devotion, and love. “As forms of play, festivals…are characterized by an excess, an expression of overflowing life that does not aim at a goal,” Han writes in The Disappearance of Rituals. “This is what lies behind their intensity. They are an intense form of life. In the festival, life relates to itself instead of subordinating itself to exterior purposes.” These forms of life are what the encyclicals call “higher goods,” and Berdyaev and Mounier call “the life of the spirit.” They are not concerned with efficiency, and they are about much more than “mere” biological life and the means necessary to reproduce it. 

They are, you might say, prodigal in the face of death and the body’s requirements. For when we engage in these forms of life, we are often wasteful—and sometimes extravagantly so—of time and materials that could be used to prevent death. Think of the building of our churches or the expenditures of a symphony. In these activities, we are not just staying alive; we are living. But when work becomes totalized, the mundane, mere biological existence, bare life, becomes all-important. It colonizes our minds, becoming the unconscious goal of all we do until we can no longer live in the prodigal sense but only work. 

In these circumstances, work and the accumulation of capital come to seem like a defense, even an antidote, to death. We are under the illusion that if work holds off bodily death by what we get from it, then the more we do of it—the more we apply it to every facet of our lives—the more resources, and hence the more life, we have. “We produce against the feeling of lack,” Han writes in his book Vita Contemplativa. “Capital is a form of survival. Capitalism is nurtured by the illusion that more capital creates more life, increases the capacity to live. But this life is a bare life, a survival.” This logic of totalized work to fend off a totalized fear of death, Han argues, governs our cultural discourse, occupations, and institutions. They concern themselves with the mere maintenance of bodily life through production and consumption. Deriving their legitimacy from the fear of death, they instill that fear in us all the more deeply.

This account both underwrites key insights of the Catholic Worker philosophy of work and extends it, showing the tradition to be more applicable today than ever. Day and Maurin, in concert with the social encyclicals, always stressed that there was a kind of work that is a created good. They even developed a certain spirituality around it. The Catholic Worker promoted the revitalization of small-craft economies, manual labor, and a return to the land, in service of a “functional society” where economic activity is subordinated to those noneconomic “higher” goods of the local community enumerated above. Like Gandhi, Maurin thought that everyone should do at least some manual labor, and alluding to Marx, he wanted the “workers to be scholars and the scholars to be workers.” This kind of work was to be distinguished sharply from the degraded factory work available under industrialism. Day and Maurin positively encouraged people to get out of those jobs. 

Han shows how much more challenging working for higher goods has become today. The transmuted factory of “self-production” usurps ever more of our opportunities to work collectively at a small scale. Without small-scale contributions to a functional economy in service of festivity and worship, we fall short of genuinely human culture and submit ourselves to totalized capitalism.

***

Han also helps us see the way that Catholic Worker theory and practice are related. The most radical critiques of our social order, he shows, come from those who refuse to submit to the demand that we spend our lives trying to get out of life alive. In this way, Day’s and Maurin’s prodigal lives made them walking rejections of the order of totalized work. 

The early Catholic Workers took as their heroes the first Christian communities and set themselves to the literal practice of the Sermon on the Mount. They shared what little they had, embraced and preached voluntary poverty (including recommending it to families), and lived in community with the poor. They had no insurance, no budget, and Day’s financial plan was “another miracle please, St. Joseph.” She lived in close proximity to bodily harm, fights and weapons being commonplace at St. Joseph’s House. And yet, consistent with her pacifism, she placed a strict ban on calling the police. Such laid-back prodigality is a “festive” or “playful” way of life—in stark contrast to the anxious capital accumulation and obsession with health and safety so typical of our age. Han pinpoints exactly what made Day’s life so radical: she refused to try to work her way free of death. 

The totalized factory-society aims not only at limitless production but at total controlby technical, financial, and, as Han argues in Psychopolitics, psychological means. But Catholic Workers, by their precarious, “irresponsible” existence, lived against this totalized work ethic by living out of control. Here is not tightfisted accumulation, but “taking no thought for tomorrow.” Here are not health and security clung to desperately, but, as Day often said, abandonment to divine providence. 

By living outside the frenzy of production and self-production, Day represents a form of what Han calls “the politics of inactivity.” In Vita Contemplativa, he writes:

<blockquote>Capital is the pure form of activity. It is the transcendence that takes hold of the immanence of life and exploits it completely. From life, it separates bare life, life that works. The human being is degraded into an animal laborans. Freedom is exploited, too. According to Marx, free competition is nothing but “the relation of capital to itself as another capital”…. The politics of inactivity [by contrast] liberates the immanence of life from the transcendence that alienates life from itself. Only in inactivity do we become aware of the ground on which we rest.</blockquote>

Inactivity, in this sense, is what distinguishes those noneconomic practices that make life truly human. Catholic Workers’ lives are fundamentally playful and celebratory, heedless of the conventional (factory) wisdom of maximizing control, optimizing efficiency, and living by holding off death. 

Of course, Day’s life simply was her practice of Catholicism, living the age-old but radical precepts of the Gospel. It’s important not to construe her faith, as is sometimes done, as an instrument for reforming the social order or the economy. That would be to reinscribe it within totalized capitalism, to place it in the service of an order in constant retreat from death. Rather than flight from death, the Gospel represents an embrace of death.

Together, Day and Han help us remember that this embrace structures Christianity from top to bottom. In her journals and chronicles of her daily life and travels, Day regularly refers to the martyrs, to the need to put ourselves to death, and to the embrace of the cross itself. With Han’s help we can see that Day’s prodigal practices—voluntary poverty and the sharing of possessions—are intelligible only as part of a community constituted by its liberation from the hegemony of death. The radical precepts of the Sermon on the Mount are just the “economic” application of the way of the cross. The radical forms of economic life Day encouraged are the concrete and quotidian way Christians go about believing in the Resurrection. 

In other words, by being “irresponsible” with her money and her physical safety, Day was refusing the lie that we must try to ensure our lives turn out right by submitting to the current economic order. Her refusal to abide by the dictates of economic efficiency and to let her life be run by “risk” are training in martyrdom. She reminds us that the early Christians were not simply martyred for a “religious belief” detachable from their daily lives; they went to their deaths prepared by an alternative social life that spurned the fear of death. 

Han’s work thus not only demonstrates the continued—and even heightened—relevance of the Catholic Worker’s philosophy of labor for a digital age. He also unearths the intimate connection between radical Christian social practices and the very center of our faith—the Paschal Mystery. If those practices sometimes seem a little too radical for us ordinary Christians, it’s worth recalling that Day herself often pointed out that the way she lived was not for the religious elite, but for everybody. Her own inspiration came from the simple truths Christians share and with which we are marked in our baptism: we have already died, and so we have nothing to lose; we have already risen, and so we can live without fear.  "]]></description>
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    <title>The Anarchist Ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:16:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLq-WE157NQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Conversations on Anarres, we talk with Dr. Sergio Gallegos, who teaches philosophy at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice for the City University of New York, about the anarchist ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón.  

A key figure in the development of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Flores Magón was deeply inspired by anarchist thought and worked to organize workers on both sides of the Mexican/U.S. border.  He fled from Mexico into the United States during the revolution and inspired labor struggles among Mexican American workers.  Flores Magón died in a US prison in 1921.

Gallegos focuses his work on the ethical theory of Flores Magón, which we reconstructs from numerous sources, including Flores Magón's political writing, journalism, and plays.  Gallegos argues that Flores Magón offers a unique ethical outlook that urges us to take action against poverty and pervasive structural inequality that robs the majority of people of liberty.  He believes that these ethical lessons have a lot to tell us about how to frame social movements today."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r73s-YMcNTI">
    <title>Ursula Le Guin's Anarchist Alternative - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-02T16:10:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r73s-YMcNTI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this Conversation on Anarres, we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the publication of Ursula K. Le Guin's classic novel, The Dispossessed. We talk with Dr. Alexis Shotwell who is working to spell out Le Guin's anarchist philosophy. Shotwell speculates as to the features of "Odoian anarchism"--what values it expresses and how it is related to other classical anarchist thinkers such as Emma Goldman and Peter Kropotkin-- and she envisions what lessons it might have for our political organizing today."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTp7TILYfkE">
    <title>Ranking the Myths of the System - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-06T02:39:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTp7TILYfkE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The world runs on myths—viral ideas we mistake for truth. They shape what we believe is possible, normal, even inevitable. Let's rank some of the most destructive ones and imagine the stories that could set us free.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Sex - 2:52
Myth of Scarcity - 4:41
Myth of Universal Human Nature - 6:46
Myth of Work - 8:13
Myth of Meritocracy - 10:06
Myth of Schooling - 12:22
Myth of Trickle Down - 13:39
Myth of Freedom - 14:20
Myth of End Times - 17:03
Myth of Separation - 18:30
Myth of Authority - 20:06
Myth of The Only Way - 23:43
Conclusion - 24:32"

...

"Sources & Resources:
The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins
Beyond Civilisation by Daniel Quinn
33 Myths of the System by Darren Allen
The Cambridge Encyclopedia Of Hunters and Gatherers by Richard B Lee and Richard Daly
Sex Redefined: The Idea of 2 Sexes Is Overly Simplistic - https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/sex-redefined-the-idea-of-2-sexes-is-overly-simplistic1/
Race, Monogamy, and Other Lies They Told You by Agustín Fuentes
The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire
Huge 20-Year Study Shows Trickle-Down Is a Myth, Inequality Rampant - https://www.businessinsider.com/how-bad-is-inequality-trickle-down-economics-thomas-piketty-economists-2021-12
https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/glossary/a-new-glossary/
Words of A Rebel by Peter Kropotkin
At The Cafe by Errico Malatesta
Prefigurative Politics by Paul Raekstad and Sofa Saio Gradin"

[See also:

"How Gaza Exposes The Myths Of The System"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-uYmxsyQwA

"On how the blatant and brutal genocide in Gaza has exposed four key myths of this system for all to see.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Law - 2:16
Myth of Neutrality - 4:53
Myth of Peace - 6:11
Myth of Ethnosupremacy - 8:27
Conclusion - 10:59"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewism 2025 myths stausquo sex gender scarcity humannature universalism endtimes separation authority hierarchy work labor capitalism neoliberalism schools schooling education trickledowneconomics economics society civilization freedom ethnosupremacy ethnonationalism law legal international neutrality peace resistance oppression zionism antizionism moderates centrism centrists politics policy colonialism colonization settlercolonialism hierarchies wealth inequality billionaires government governance democracy repression exploitation gaza palestine unschooling deschooling genocide ethniccleansing warcrimes ecososystems latecapitalism elitis statusquo meritocracy merit patriarchy sexism systems systemsthinking ecosystems change revolution deprogramming anarchism anarchy rights civilrights power state stateviolence violence resources inequity police policing property choice liberation collectivism productivity bullshitjobs expertise influence coercion courts rulers subordination supremacy conflict competition</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/">
    <title>Tolstoy’s Christian Anarchism - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-18T16:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fateful visit to a market in Moscow entirely upended Tolstoy’s view on life and society—and changed the trajectory of his work and purpose."

...

"On a visit to Moscow in 1881, Count Leo Tolstoy was horrified at the destitution he encountered. He’d seen poverty before, had witnessed beggars and country dwellers barely eking out a living from the land, burdened by taxes and rents. But he wasn’t prepared for the magnitude and raggedness of the city’s poor, nor for the extent of their persecution by the police. He was horrified to realize that the beggars in the streets had to ask for alms with caution lest they be arrested. On the advice of a friend, he went to the Khitrov Market, a center of poverty and homelessness. What he saw there permanently changed his outlook on life and society. Following the crowds of tattered men and women, he entered the free night-lodging house and spoke to those seeking shelter. Afterwards, he returned to his servants and opulent town house and sat down to a five-course meal.

The disjunction between these two worlds, that of the rich and that of the poor, disgusted him. He grew irritated at the thought of well-kept horses, decadent table spreads, and the lavish entertainment of theaters.

“I could not help seeing, in contrast to all this,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? (1886), “those hungry, shivering, and degraded inhabitants of the night-lodging-house. I could never free myself from the thought that these conditions were inseparable—that the one proceeded from the other.”

At first, Tolstoy attempted to alleviate the suffering of the poor through charity. He took up collections and joined the census in order to find the needy on whom to bestow the alms of the rich. Yet he found money to be insufficient. Not only were many not in direct, desperate need of it, simply handing out bills only exasperated the system of exploitation and warped values that generated poverty.

“It is not enough to feed a man, dress him, and teach him Greek,” he wrote. A whole shift in values was necessary, one in which all learned “how to take less from others and give them more in return.”

Thus, Tolstoy began to question the very foundations of Russian society, a path of inquiry that led him ultimately to criticize the very basis of civilization as commonly understood. Combining such reflections with a radical, though idiosyncratic, Christianity, he articulated a new politics with prophetic fervor, a belief system best described as Christian anarchism.

The nineteenth century saw a flowering of anarchist thought with figures such as Proudhon, Fourier, Kropotkin, Rousseau, and others. Tolstoy was thus not unique in his espousal of the doctrine, though he gave it his own particular flavor. While there are no perfectly identical principles common amongst these thinkers, the political scientist R. B. Fowler observes that nineteenth-century anarchists can be broadly characterized by a “rejection of the familiar norms and structures, especially the political ones, of their age” and a belief that humanity ought to live free of government structures and in accord with nature—meaning both the environment and human nature more specifically. While nature was variously defined by different anarchists, most agreed that human nature ought to guide civilization and that human beings are basically good, intrinsically capable of harmony. Nature, therefore, and not individual will or desire, ought to be the guide. As Fowler outlines, in contrast to much contemporaneous Liberal thought, anarchists believed that personal liberty was best pursued socially, in a community free of government and living peacefully with the wider environment.

While for many nineteenth-century anarchists, human nature was understood in scientific terms, Tolstoy understood it religiously. His guiding principles were derived from his interpretation of Christianity, though he rejected much of orthodox doctrine, including Jesus’s divinity, the existence of angels, and the validity of the church. Instead, Tolstoy saw the meaning of Christianity primarily in Christ’s Sermon on the Mount. As the economist Robert Higgs writes, the sermon can be summarized by the commandments “to love others as one’s self and to abstain from the use of force or violence.” These teachings, Tolstoy believed, formed the true essence of Christianity, which had been distorted by the church in order to protect its own interests. He thus rejected much Christian tradition, stating in The Kingdom of God Is Within You that “the churches are placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed—the one excludes the other.”

This isn’t to say, however, that Tolstoy denied the existence of God or the necessity of the divine in human life. Rather, his whole conception of human nature and Christian life was based on the presence of God within each individual person, particularly in reason and conscience. As Fowler writes, Tolstoy believed “in the authority of the divine vested in man’s conscience.” It’s not so much human nature understood in isolation that serves as the basis for Tolstoy’s anarchism, then, as it is the presence of God within that nature, guiding reason and conscience toward a conception of life based on the love of all. True human freedom, for Tolstoy, consisted not in autonomy or power over one’s circumstances, “but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth…and becoming the free and joyful participator in the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world.”

With this basis, and in keeping with the larger anarchist tradition, Tolstoy rejected many of the social structures of his time. In What Is to Be Done?, he described how his experiences with the Moscow poor led him to abhor the class divides that kept so many in poverty. He came to believe that the injustice he witnessed was caused by the refusal of the rich to labor. Having taken by force the goods of the peasants in taxes and rent, the rich congregated in cities. The peasants followed out of a need to earn a living, but they were frequently corrupted by the ideals of luxury and idleness exemplified by the rich, further driving them into poverty.

It was not only those wealthy enough to shun work who were at fault, moreover. For Tolstoy, the most important labor was that which contributes to material existence. “Man’s duty to acquire the means of living through the struggle with nature will always be unquestionably the very first,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? All other activity, from running a business to producing unnecessary luxuries (including, notably, literature), were thus unethical, even parasitical, to the extent that one’s time ought to be spent in useful production, especially agriculture. He didn’t deny the value of art and science (understood as the pursuit of knowledge broadly) or of their promulgation through education. Indeed, as the scholar of Slavonic literatures and essayist Milivoy S. Stanoyevich points out, Tolstoy wasn’t against scientific or artistic pursuits, only those that are neither useful to nor wanted by the laborers.

“He combats those intellectual castes which, having destroyed the old ruling [castes] of the church, the state, and the army, have installed themselves in their place, without being able or willing to perform any service of use to humanity,” Stanoyevich wrote in 1926. The primary duty of labor may be overcome, then, only by the free agreement of the laborers that such pursuits are desirable enough to give of the fruits of their work to support it.

The accumulation of wealth that allowed some to live off the labor of others was thus the root of the problem in Tolstoy’s eyes, and he believed that money itself had been created as a means of exploiting the working classes. As Stanoyevich outlined (and criticized), Tolstoy held that money isn’t merely a medium of exchange but a means of exploitation. While it was true that money could represent labor, as soon as it was accumulated by violence, it began to represent stolen labor; he believed this was the state of affairs from the very beginning of currency, which was insisted upon by dominant groups as a convenient means of carrying away the produce of those whom they exploited. The value of money, moreover, was maintained not by its inherent desirability, but by “law and government, and these institutions are based chiefly on deceit, or represent organized force,” wrote Stanoyevich. Thus, governments supported, or rather imposed, money as a medium of exchange primarily to have a convenient form of taxation, which was, in Tolstoy’s eyes, robbery of the workers.

Tolstoy felt that the rich must give up their wealth, give the land to those who would work it, and begin to labor themselves. As the literary and cultural historian Irina Paperno writes, this led him, “much to the dismay of his family and servants,” to return home and begin engaging in as much personal labor as possible. He took out his own chamber pot, chopped his own wood, made his own boots, scythed and plowed in the fields. Historian Kenneth C. Wenzer notes that he also tried to give away his property but was prevented from doing so by his wife out of concern for the family’s welfare.

In throwing himself into such labor, Tolstoy didn’t stop writing, though he largely abandoned fiction, choosing instead politics and ethics, as well as an occasional piece of “folk literature.” In 1894 he published The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in which his vision finds arguably its most eloquent and prophetic expression, famously influencing Mahatma Gandhi. The primary concern of the book was pacifism—the rejection of all violence, even to combat evil. Tolstoy argued that such a stance was more than a personal, ethical choice; it was central to the Christian conception of life, one that lives in the truth of universal love and undermines all government and exploitation. All previous understandings of life had been based, he held, on self-love. Even the social, nationalist conception was merely the extension of self-love to one’s community or one’s nation; to progress, humanity must transcend such selfish motives. Christianity was thus poised as the natural evolution of human society, and it was in recognizing the “divine spark” in oneself, which makes each person a “Son of God,” that one is enabled to love.

“The consciousness of being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of the social conception of life had been brought,” he wrote.

By refusing to participate in violence, Tolstoy believed Christians could undermine the state, which was built on slavery. Initially, he proposed, government came about as the lesser of two evils. It was built to suppress the violence of a given population, and it did that by claiming a monopoly on force. But as “the disposition of individuals to violence” diminished, the state was no longer needed to suppress such behavior and instead became its primary instigator. Having been put in a position of power, however, government continued to perpetuate itself to protect its own interests. It did this by maintaining military, police, prisons, courts, and so on to intimidate and punish; by hypnotizing the public through education and religious dogma; by exploiting their resources through taxation; and finally, by brutalizing the people by forcing them to become members of the machinery of violence through mandatory conscription. The means for undermining this system were found in the refusal to participate in it, the refusal of all violence, in accord with the teachings of Christ. Tolstoy believed that once public opinion had progressed enough in the direction of those teachings, the whole state edifice would crumble.

While Tolstoy seemed to consider such resistance primarily an individual task in The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in his later life he began to advocate full-scale social reform, especially championing the system of the American economist Henry George. As Wenzer outlines, Tolstoy differed from George in many respects, especially rejecting the latter’s desire to build a highly technical, industrial society. Nevertheless, he believed that George’s system was the best conceivable, particularly in its insistence that all land ownership be abolished. Productive land should instead be divided for agricultural use and all taxes reduced to a single land tax determined by the quality of the earth in question. Tolstoy’s last novel, Resurrection (for which he was finally excommunicated), was written largely to articulate and advocate for Georgist land reform. The book’s protagonist, Nekhlyudov, preaches Georgism to the peasants, stating that

<blockquote>the earth is no man’s; it is God’s…. The land is common to all. All have the same right to it, but there is good land and bad land, and every one would like to take the good land. How is one to do in order to get it justly divided? In this way: he that will use the good land must pay those who have got no land the value of the land he uses.</blockquote>

Such a project was for Tolstoy intrinsically religious, moreover, and, as Wenzer states, “[t]he Georgist commune was to eventually develop into what Tolstoy envisioned as a mirror image of heaven on an earth with man and all creatures living in concord.” Through the rejection of violence and the building of a peaceful agrarian society in accordance with Georgist principles, Tolstoy believed that the Christian task of creating the kingdom of God could be accomplished, not as a longed-for afterlife, but as a living, historic reality.

In the decade leading up to Tolstoy’s death, Russian society spiraled in ever-greater unrest. Peasants rose up against the authorities, socialists and communists proliferated, and the government used horrific violence to control the populace.

“Tolstoy’s fears had become a monstrous reality,” writes Wenzer. “People were suffering even more, and blood was pouring in the streets.” Tolstoy, then in his late seventies, continued writing at a furious pace in a desperate effort to save his country. He went so far as to write letters to Tsar Nicholas II and Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich advocating for Georgist land reform. He scorned socialist and democratic solutions, believing that only the tsar could solve the situation by unilaterally going above government hierarchy to implement the reforms that could save Russia before it was too late.

Tolstoy died, at eighty-two, in a railway station on November 20, 1910, his words unheeded. Within the decade, Russia slipped into full-scale revolution, culminating in the Bolshevik seizure of government and the violence of the Soviet regime. The cycles of oppression led only to more bloodshed, with one government replacing another while the people suffered. Yet it’s unlikely that Tolstoy’s reforms would have proved the panacea to Russia’s ills, as complicated and systemic as they were. It’s equally questionable to what extent his positions can be implemented today. As commentators have pointed out, many of Tolstoy’s ideas about economics and politics are shallow, even incoherent. Higgs, for instance, though admiring Tolstoy’s critiques of the state, calls his understanding of economics “abysmal.” Tolstoy’s approach is frequently emotional, moreover, literary rather than intellectual.

And yet it’s precisely Tolstoy’s appeal to the heart as well as the head, to the conscience as the spark of divinity in every person, that makes his words reverberate down to the present. While we might question the specifics of his platform, his criticisms of injustice and vision of an equitable society retain much of their relevance and power. Few have cared so deeply for the poor and exploited or taken the quest to both know and live out truth more seriously than he, and harmony can’t be achieved otherwise. History will go on; not even a Tolstoy could shift its bloody wheels. But we can always seek truth. As Tolstoy wrote, “The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the recognition and profession of the truth.”"]]></description>
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    <title>James C. Scott, the Ambivalent Anarchist | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-02T03:49:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/society/james-c-scott-the-ambivalent-anarchist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The radical anthropologist offered not only incisive studies of the state but also a vision of what life looked like beyond it."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/to-survive-the-chaoscene-we-will-need-resilient-communities">
    <title>To survive the Chaoscene, we will need resilient communities | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-25T05:14:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/to-survive-the-chaoscene-we-will-need-resilient-communities</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The climate crisis is here. In order to thrive in these dangerous and precarious times, we must build resilient communities"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fsXD5h88_xo">
    <title>The Anarchist Imaginary: Nicolas de Warren on Glissant, Levinas, and a New Radical Ethics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-25T18:54:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fsXD5h88_xo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are joined by philosopher Nicolas de Warren to explore his concept of the anarchist imaginary, drawn from his essay "Anarchism, the Shock from Elsewhere: Glissant and Levinas". Together, we unpack how anarchism operates not merely as a political program, but as an ethical and temporal force—a heterotopia that resists monolingualism, sovereign authority, and the foreclosure of otherness. Nicholas discusses the right to opacity, indirect reciprocity, and an anarchist ethics of reading that dismantles institutional power while cultivating new forms of literacy and solidarity. Drawing on the work of Glissant, Levinas, Derrida, and others, this conversation maps a terrain where impossibility becomes the site of political and philosophical renewal. We also reflect on the prospects for anarchist institutions, public pedagogy, and the future of thought in an age of digital unthinking."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pBKRNbe9Wxs">
    <title>Peter Thiel Unmasked: From Lapsed Libertarian to Architect of the New Right - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-16T23:00:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pBKRNbe9Wxs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peter Thiel began his career as a libertarian idealist, championing free markets and techno-utopian escape from politics, but his trajectory has led him into the heart of reactionary power. From PayPal to Palantir, his vision has shifted from decentralization to a fusion of state and corporate control, aligning himself with the rising forces of the new right. In this episode, we examine his 2009 essay The Education of a Libertarian, tracing the contradictions in his ideology and the deeper implications of his political influence today. Joined by Dr. Gregory Sadler, we explore Thiel’s evolution, his role in shaping contemporary conservatism, and what his vision means for the future of democracy and governance."]]></description>
<dc:subject>acidhorizon peterthiel libertarianism paypal paypalmafia siliconvalley rightwing farright palantir gregorysadler ideology politics influence power technosolutionism technooptimism surveillance corporations corporatism newright democracy welfarestate redistribution capitalism suffrage government governance cybernetics seasteading individualism liberty decentralization elonmusk 2025 labor regulation deregulation monarchism freedom conservatism 2009 2016 donaldtrump reactionaries 2024 westernchauvinism westernsupremacy military cia ai artificialintelligence kimstanleyrobinson cyberspace mars greenland jdvance death posthumanism spacecolonization colonialism colonization robertnozick rights oligarchs billionaires leostrauss renégirard modernity liberalism pierremanent oswaldspengler antipolitics maga alasdairmacIntyre johnhospers johnlocke hegel kant rousseau voltaire immanuelkant thomashobbes greatdepression robberbarons coercion enslavement eugenics race racism libertarians values whig history alexanderdugin</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:046dc72ae66e/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VKcoi4camxI">
    <title>E104: Is 2025 Europe’s Last Chance? Yanis Varoufakis and Srećko Horvat on Palestine, Syria and more - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-11T20:42:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VKcoi4camxI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["2024 has been a year of upheaval and awakening, marked by climate disasters, rising inequality, and a geopolitical landscape in turmoil. From the ongoing war in Ukraine to the genocide in Palestine and widespread protests across Europe, it's been a tough year for many. Meanwhile, political paralysis and a sense that decisions about our future are being made behind closed doors have left citizens feeling powerless.

In this live conversation, Yanis Varoufakis and Srećko Horvat, together with host Mehran Khalili, will reflect on the defining moments of 2024, and look ahead to 2025. 

And we'll be asking: How can we build a Europe that works for everyone, not just the powerful few? And how can we ensure that 2025 becomes a turning point for democracy, peace, and justice everywhere?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pxHeRqphOzg">
    <title>Real Anarchism Has Never Been Philosophized: An Interview with Catherine Malabou - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-14T01:05:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pxHeRqphOzg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Acid Horizon, we had the privilege to discuss the metaphysics of anarchy with Professor Catherine Malabou of the European Graduate School and the Centre for Research in Modern European Philosophy. In the interview, we use the introduction to Reiner Schürmann's work "Heidegger on Being and Acting: From Principles to Anarchy" as a jumping-off point to discuss the question of an activity without principles, a unity of theory and practice which supersedes all structures of obedience and commandment. We talk with Professor Malabou about the historic failure of Western Philosophy to realize the riskiness of its metaphysical anarchisms in political terms, and the pleasurable plasticity of the anarchic formation of new modes of living. We are left with the pertinent question; has anarchism ever been truly philosophized? Thinkers in the discussion include Schürmann, Ranciere, Foucault, Deleuze, Aristotle, Reich, Stirner, Heidegger, Hegel, Derrida, Agamben, Proudhon, Marx, and many, many more!"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2021 acidhorizon anarchism philosophy reinerschürmann order heidegger being acting foucault michelfoucault deleuze artistotle agamben proudhon karlmarx hegel rancière jacquesrancière gillesdeleuze jacquesderrida louisalthusser althusser maxstirner wilhelmreich nothingness ignorance praxis theory marxism étiennebalibar state politics polis ows occupywallstreet oligarchy nietzsche government governance power democracy communities rules monasticism monasticcommunities norms franciscans freedom liberation pleasure peterkropotkin éliséereclus death freud thomashobbes hobbes tiqqun blotinus mikhailbakunin zapatistas rojava humanism ideology postanarchism postanarchists authority revolution resistance insurrection obedience domination citizenship communes consensus principle principles fluidity catherinemalabou pierre-josephproudhon craiglaubach zapatismo emilianozapata chiapas mexico autonomy indigenous indigeneity ezln</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw">
    <title>Chris Hedges: The Cost of Resistance - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T02:54:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video is a recording of a talk given by Chris Hedges at the Kairos Club London on September 11, 2024. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of resistance and repression, Hedges detailed the methods we need to adopt to defeat the powerful interests, including the fossil fuel industry and the animal agriculture industry, which have placed their profits above the protection of our species and all life on earth. 

Hedges’ talk is preceded by an audio intro from Roger Hallam. Hallam is part of the “Whole Truth Five,” who are five members of Just Stop Oil who were sentenced last month to the longest ever prison sentences for non-violent protest.

Following their conviction, the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst said “Today marks a dark day for peaceful environmental protest, the protection of environmental defenders and indeed anyone concerned with the exercise of their fundamental freedoms in the United Kingdom.”"

[transcript here:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-cost-of-resistance ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/printing-anarchy/">
    <title>Printing Anarchy - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-10T03:49:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/printing-anarchy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The stock figure of the “anarchist” is a bomb-thrower or assassin, but political scientist Kathy E. Ferguson argues it should be a printer."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://kpfa.org/episode/against-the-grain-june-5-2024/">
    <title>Ukrainian Anarchist | KPFA</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-23T00:29:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kpfa.org/episode/against-the-grain-june-5-2024/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the years following the Russian Revolution, a popular resistance movement sprang up in Ukraine that drew its inspiration from a man named Nestor Makhno. Makhno went on to organize a seven-million-strong anarchist polity amidst the chaos and brutality of the Russian Civil War. Charlie Allison describes Makhno’s appeal, his political beliefs, and his rejection of Bolshevism.

Charlie Allison, No Harmless Power: The Life and Times of the Ukrainian Anarchist Nestor Makhno PM Press, 2023"

[See also:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nestor_Makhno ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>nestormakhno anarchism ukraine russia 2024 2023 charlieallison russianrevolution history peterkropotkin mutualaid modernschools ferrerschools bolshevism leninism stalinism workers authoritarianism marxism federation decentralization anti-authoritarianism prisonabolition state antistate power politics organizing local labor autonomy self-determination horizontality crimea collectives collectivism communes bolsheviks selfdetermination</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/what-happened-to-david-graeber/">
    <title>What Happened to David Graeber? | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-23T05:26:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/what-happened-to-david-graeber/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>davidgraeber 2024 crispinsartwell economics politics culture anthropology anarchism anarchy peterkropotkin marshallsahlins marcelmauss claudelévi-strauss davidwengrow occupywallstreet ows horizontality thomaspiketty williamgodwin mikhailbakunin emmagoldman morality violence coercion agriculture history kandiaronk voltaire diderot marxism rousseau turgot universalism mollyfischer jeremycorbyn johnmcdonnell claudelevi-strauss denisdiderot</dc:subject>
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    <title>Anarchism in America (1983) - Documentary on the American Anarchy Movement. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-14T18:32:36+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Distributor: www.pacificstreetfilms.com
A colorful and provocative survey of anarchism in America, the film attempts to dispel popular misconceptions and trace the historical development of the movement. The film explores the movement both as a native American philosophy stemming from 19th century American traditions of individualism, and as a foreign ideology brought to America by immigrants. The film features rare archival footage and interviews with significant personalities in anarchist history including Murray Boochkin and Karl Hess, and also live performance footage of the Dead Kennedys."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/nota-al-calce-171-ni-dios-ni-amo-ft-jorell-a-mel%C3%A9ndez-badillo/id1373561170?i=1000632567226">
    <title>Plan de Contingencia: Nota al Calce 171: &quot;Ni dios ni amo&quot; ft Jorell A. Meléndez Badillo on Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-27T21:32:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/nota-al-calce-171-ni-dios-ni-amo-ft-jorell-a-mel%C3%A9ndez-badillo/id1373561170?i=1000632567226</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["En la historia de Puerto Rico el anarquismo ha sido un tema marginal a pesar de su importancia en la formación del movimiento obrero. Junto al profesor y sociólogo Gary Gutiérrez, nos sentamos con el profesor Jorell Meléndez Badillo, estudioso del anarquismo, para conversar sobre sus orígenes y su desarrollo en Puerto Rico.

Plan de Contingencia es un podcast producido en Puerto Rico por Esteban Gómez y Guarionex Padilla donde discutimos temas de actualidad nacional e internacional."

[Also here:

https://open.spotify.com/episode/3OuBhdyuQwTUxPP8eGaqra

https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/plan-de-contingencia/episodes/Nota-al-Calce-171-Ni-dios-ni-amo-ft-Jorell-A--Melndez-Badillo-e2b19gd ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:javierarbona anarchism history plandecontingencia labor workers work organizing estebangómez garygutiérez jorellmeléndezbadillo puertorico palestine israel media socialmedia counternarrative solidarity colonialism colonization endtimes messias protestantism evangelicalchristians deathcults christianity religion catholicism liberation antisemitism zionism occupation settlers settlements settlercolonialism iraq authority authoritarianism josephproudhoun canons marxism socialism order trotsky collectivism hierarchy horizontality power noamchomsky leninism stalinism maoism mikhailbakunin class state mutualaid internationalism praxis malatesta libertarianism capitalism anticapitalism society economics individualism neoliberalism alexandriaocasio-cortez argentina anarcho-capitalism eurocentrism decolonization ideology javiermilei rousseau zapatistas ezln indigeneity indigenous spain españa latinamerica racialcapitalism france us uruguay cuba haiti dominicanrepublic revolution unions luisacapetillo m</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://reason.com/2017/04/22/the-decentralist/">
    <title>The Decentralist: A look back at the idea that small is beautiful, by John McClaughry</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-15T03:21:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://reason.com/2017/04/22/the-decentralist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Thirty-seven years ago, Kirkpatrick Sale set out to write a comprehensive compendium of the evils of things pushed far beyond their natural "scale," coupled with pungent arguments for why these baneful developments are destructively anti-human. The result, Human Scale, weighed in at a hefty-scaled 523 pages. The present work, Human Scale Revisited, is a slimmed down and updated reissue, adding a plethora of examples of things that Sale believes have run far beyond our ability to comprehend, cope, and pay for.

Sale is an independent journalist whose ideological proclivities are difficult to characterize. Depending on the passage, he can appear as a Bill McKibben environmentalist, a Peter Kropotkin anarchist, a Wendell Berry communitarian, an Albert Jay Nock libertarian, and, now and then, a crypto-authoritarian. His other volumes range from SDS, the definitive history of Students for a Democratic Society, to Rebels Against the Future, a defense of the Luddite anti-industrial movement in England. His most recent cause has been to put forth the case for secession ("harmony through division") as a way to protect human communities whose values are threatened by rampaging bigness.

The heart of Human Scale, then and now, is Sale's judgment that "to save our planet and its civilizations…we must work toward a decentralization of institutions, the devolution of power, and the dismantling of all large scale systems that have created or perpetuated the current crisis. In their place, smaller more controllable, more efficient, more sensitive, people-sized units, rooted in local environments and guided by local citizens. That is the human-scale alternative."

Sale builds his case on what he calls the Beanstalk Principle: "For every animal, object, institution, or system, there is an optimal limit beyond which it ought not to grow." He ransacks history and human experience for supportive examples, many of them compelling. Among the thinkers he favorably cites are Aristotle, Lewis Mumford, Arnold Toynbee, Alexis de Tocqueville, Robert Putnam, Thomas Jefferson, and Sale's mentor, the late Austrian economist Leopold Kohr.

Of particular interest is Sale's no-holds-barred attack on governments grown too big, too costly, too corrupt, too invasive, and too prytanogenic—a Sale-coined Greek neologism meaning "damage caused by the state."

"Guided by a liberal mania that government is able to solve all problems," he writes, "Washington's reach extends into virtually every nook of the society; where it does not control, it influences, where it does not dictate by virtue of law, it persuades by reason of power.…Beyond a modest size a government cannot be expected to perform optimally, and the larger it gets the more likely it is that it will be increasingly inefficient, autocratic, wasteful, corrupt and harmful."

What is remarkable about this broadside is that Sale has been since college a man of the left. He has published in Mother Jones and The Nation (and also The American Conservative). But unlike the followers of, say, Bernie Sanders, to whom government in control is ever the solution, Sale is clear-eyed about what that would mean and wants no part of it.

Indeed, he is even moved to observe that "the ascendancy and triumph of Donald Trump in the 2016 election was only the most recent demonstration of the antipathy to government that runs deep in America beyond the reach of all the do-gooding boosters and the high-pressure media to alter or cure."

Big Socialism sucks, but Sale is equally scornful of Big Capitalism. As it has developed in practice, he argues, capitalism has put the advanced industrial societies into mortal peril through its roughshod exploitation and waste of resources, its "ecocide," its social burdens, its social irresponsibility, its instability, and its overgrowth. His alternative to global capitalism consists of human-scale economic units, self-definition of jobs, self-scheduling of time, small group work based on consensus and cooperation, and autarkic self-sufficiency. He praises family farms, communal agriculture, worker-run cooperatives, kibbutzim, and, in a final Luddite supernova, "abandoning as unnecessary and undesirable almost everything manufactured at the factory level anywhere and anyhow."

Not surprisingly for a lifelong partisan of the left, Sale has little to say about the evils produced by Big Labor. He does, however, keep faith with his thesis by quoting the economist Mancur Olson caustically criticizing union coercion. When describing a workplace self-management experiment at the Rushton coal mine in Pennsylvania, he seems saddened that the United Mine Workers killed it off for its own petty reasons.

Although he notes approvingly the merits of "telework" and "telemedicine" for the decentralist life, Sale provides little discussion of the role of the internet, social media, and other digital technologies (including currencies) that permit the interaction of people beyond normal face-to-face settings. Here the author's Luddite tendencies do not serve him well.

Possibly most troubling is Sale's unfamiliarity with science. He is relentlessly scornful of nuclear energy, which he associates with huge, dangerous, capital-consuming edifices kept afloat by subsidies. There is something to be said for that point of view, but there are already on the horizon new, modular-built, economical, proliferation-proof, waste-consuming, and walkaway-safe Generation IV nuclear plants—notably the liquid fluoride thorium reactor—which would have displaced the light-water dinosaurs 30 years ago had the dinosaur lobby not persuaded the federal government to stop them in their tracks.

Sale is also dead set against petroleum fracking, despite what most would see as its obvious economic benefits to society. His ultimate cure-all for the energy needs of a human-scale society is the sun. In 1980 he gave much space to solar thermal applications, since solar photoelectric was then far from cost-effective for most uses. Today his enthusiasm for solar has reached greater heights. Solar, he argues, is small-scale, decentralized, flexible, economical, safe, and communitarian, and the fuel is free. Sale naturally favors communal solar heating and microgrids with electricity storage. That obliquely recognizes that solar only works when the sun shines, but it leaves open the question of locally created electricity storage technology.

You have to wonder how a committed decentralist dedicated to small-unit self-sufficiency can view as the energy solution photovoltaic panels made of rare earth metals mined and processed in China, shipped across the Pacific, trucked to the local solar outlet, and controlled by electronic systems, a concept far beyond the imagination of even our mid-20th century forebears.

Finally, Sale's paean to the small, harmonious, face-to-face democratic community of friendship and shared values needs a hard look in light of too many small communities' discrimination, intolerance, and cruelty against the "different."

Sale acknowledges witch burning and lynch mobbery as regrettable aberrations, but he argues that communal responsibility, a convergence of values, the pain of ostracism, and ultimately the "secession, migration and relocation" of the minority to start over somewhere else are useful correctives to repressive tendencies in the small communities of the future. Well, yes, this worked, more or less, for the Umayyads, Mormons, Puritans, Tuscarora, and Zionists, to name a few, but it does require finding an accessible destination more congenial than the place departed from.

What will deter these small communities from oppressing others? That's the central question in G.K. Chesterton's wonderful little novel The Napoleon of Notting Hill. His sad conclusion was: probably nothing. Perhaps the best answer was Kohr's: Conflicts between small principalities will always recur, but they won't do a lot of damage—certainly far less than conflicts between megastates and their war machines.

Sale's historical showcase is the little town of Lucca. For 800 years, "surviving ups and downs and feasts and famines, it was one of the most prosperous places on the entire Italian peninsula, not to mention the entire European continent." That came to an end with Napoleonic imperialism, but its experience produced "Lucca's Law": "Territories will be richer when small and self-sufficient than when large and dependent." The other historical models he invokes include New England and Swiss canton town meetings, Jefferson's proposed (but never activated) ward republics, tiny nations like Liechtenstein and San Marino, and the more exotic (but less convincing) examples provided by the Dinka, Basarwa, Tiv, and Lugbara.

Back in 1980 I hoped Human Scale might attract a segment of the left, drawing them away from socialism and sociopathy. I was disappointed. Although I continue to believe millions of Americans favor a human-scale future at least in principle, I see no evidence of a coherent movement.

But let's give Sale his credit. He has defined an organizing principle for a world he believes would be more conducive to human happiness, prosperity, and freedom, and he has marshaled every conceivable argument for why this posited world is better than a globalized empire of bigness. Sale says this book is not a blueprint. It may, however, inspire some people, somewhere, under some conditions, to seize upon its insights and use them to improve their lives."]]></description>
<dc:subject>small kirkpatricksale 2017 wendellberry billmckibben environment environmentalism peterkropotkin anarchism albertjaynock libertarianism decentralization capitalism johnmcclaughry scale sustainability aristotle lewismumford arnoldtoynbee alexisdetocqueville robertputnam thomasjefferson leopoldkohr government governance state autocracy corruption waste donaldtrump antipathy socialism statesocialism ecocide grwoth famrs farming place local kibbutzim cooperatives rural agriculture communalism communism luddism cooperation consensus self-sufficiency luddites kibbutz</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://freedomthistime.wordpress.com/notes-on-anarchism/">
    <title>Notes on Anarchism | freedom this time</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-15T03:06:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freedomthistime.wordpress.com/notes-on-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A friend recently asked me to put together some sort of suggested “reading list” for anarchist political philosophy, which I may as well share here 🙂


Famous symbol denoting order “O” emerging from anarchy “A”. Anarchy is not “chaos” since “Liberty is the mother, not the daughter, of order” — Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

I tried to pick a set of short essays, by various “anarchist” authors, with the idea being to let somebody new to the concept of “anarchism” get rapidly acquainted with some of its core ideas and key thinkers, without having to soldier through any doorstop sized tomes. I didn’t try to be comprehensive, but rather to provide some hyper-links (click the titles) to essays I’ve particularly enjoyed reading. They’re all available for free online. Yay internet! I stuck to one per author. Of course, each of the authors here has a lot more to say for themselves, but I tried to pick something concise and representative for each of them. Here we go then! But first, a couple of “warm-up” contemporary intros before the more heavyweight “historical” material!

_____________________________________________

Are You an Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You! by David Graeber

A fun little “warm-up” essay to introduce the rough idea of “anarchy” (before you begin with the “proper” essays below), by social anthropologist, Occupy activist and anarchist David Graeber, author of the fascinating book on economic and monetary history “Debt: the First 5000 Years” (free introductory essay here).

Also, this 1976 interview with Noam Chomsky (by Peter Jay) makes for an excellent brief introduction to some anarchist ideas.

_____________________________________________

Now onto the more “heavy-going” (but hopefully not too much! I tried to keep to brief-ish!) material of “anarchy proper”:

What is Property?, by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

Classic essay arguing that, amongst other things, “property is theft” – if something is collectively produced it should not be individually owned, and to the extent property laws allow this they legalise a form of theft. Proudhon was the first to declare himself an “anarchist”, stating that:

“Whoever lays his hand on me to govern me is a usurper and tyrant, and I declare him my enemy.”

Keywords: Mutualism, Market Anarchism

Revolutionary Catechism, by Mikhail Bakunin:

Bakunin’s 1866 “manifesto” for an anarchist society, outlining anarchism as an alternative means of social organization. Bakunin’s conception of anarchy is as a libertarian socialism, since:

“liberty without socialism is privilege, injustice; socialism without liberty is slavery and brutality”

Libertarian Socialism is an alternative vision of society in which, as Bakunin has it:

“The political and economic organization of social life must not, as at present, be directed from the summit to the base — the center to the circumference — imposing unity through forced centralization. On the contrary, it must be reorganized to issue from the base to the summit — from the circumference to the center — according to the principles of free association and federation.”

Keywords: Libertarian Socialism, Social Anarchism

Discourse on Inequality, by Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Interesting essay arguing that “civilisation” has corrupted man, because:

“the savage lives within himself, whereas the citizen, constantly beside himself, knows only how to live in the opinion of others”

Takes considerable liberties with anthropological fact no doubt (Rousseau’s individualist savage living in an idealized “state of nature” likely never existed – humans are social animals) but has some very quotable passages! For example:

“An unbroken horse erects his mane, paws the ground and starts back impetuously at the sight of the bridle; while one which is properly trained suffers patiently even whip and spur: so savage man will not bend his neck to the yoke to which civilised man submits without a murmur, but prefers the most turbulent state of liberty to the most peaceful slavery. We cannot therefore, from the servility of nations already enslaved, judge of the natural disposition of mankind for or against slavery; we should go by the prodigious efforts of every free people to save itself from oppression.

I know that the former are for ever holding forth in praise of the tranquillity they enjoy in their chains, and that they call a state of wretched servitude a state of peace: miserrimam servitutem pacem appellant. But when I observe the latter sacrificing pleasure, peace, wealth, power and life itself to the preservation of that one treasure, which is so disdained by those who have lost it; when I see free-born animals dash their brains out against the bars of their cage, from an innate impatience of captivity; when I behold numbers of naked savages, that despise European pleasures, braving hunger, fire, the sword and death, to preserve nothing but their independence, I feel that it is not for slaves to argue about liberty.”

Keywords: Anarcho-primitivism, Anarchist Individualism.

Limits of State Action (Chapter III), by Wilhelm Von Humboldt.

The third chapter of this classic of classical liberal thought really sets out Humboldt’s view of human nature – man as an end in himself, not as a tool of the state – and labour as craftsmanship, as a means of self-actualisation, not a means to an end:

“Man never regards what he possesses as so much his own, as what he does; and the labourer who tends a garden is perhaps in a truer sense its owner, than the listless voluptuary who enjoys its fruits…In view of this consideration, it seems as if all peasants and craftsman might be elevated into artists; that is, men who love their labour for its own sake, improve it by their own plastic genius and inventive skill, and thereby cultivate their intellect, ennoble their character, and exalt and refine their pleasures. And so humanity would be ennobled by the very things which now, though beautiful in themselves, so often serve to degrade it.”

Beautiful stuff. Private Property was intended to defend the above conception of man, not destroy it. Shows how anarchist ideas grew out of the pre-capitalist roots of classical liberalism, though adapting these somewhat in response to the political challenges of a capitalist economy.

Keywords: Classical Liberalism.

Civil Disobedience, by Henry David Thoreau.

Thoreau, of Walden fame, opens this classic essay with the argument that:

“I heartily accept the motto,That government is best which governs least; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which I also believe,That government is best which governs not at all; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.”

The remainder of the essay outlines how men are to be “prepared for it” in Thoreau’s view.

Keywords: Individualist Anarchism, Civil Disobedience

On Anarchism, by Leo Tolstoy

Short but excellent essay arguing for a pacifist form of anarchism and putting Tolstoy’s own Radical Christian spin on matters. Echoes of Latin America’s influential liberation theology movement can be heard in Tolstoy’s work. Gandhi was a big fan too, I hear. Some nice comments on how parliamentary systems co-opt radicals – by turning them into “cultivated microbes” Tolstoy argues.

Keywords: Anarcho-pacifism, Christian Anarchism

Anarchist Morality, by Peter Kropotkin

A kind of potted version of the far longer book Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution. Kropotkin sets out to demolish the Social Darwinist ideas that Darwin himself so hated, and sets out his argument that, for a social species such as ourselves, “survival of the fittest” means survival of the most cooperatively sociable (not ruthlessly individualistic) and argues for a morality based upon this. Or as Wendell Berry put it:

“Rats and roaches live by competition under the laws of supply and demand; it is the privilege of human beings to live under the laws of justice and mercy.”

Keywords: Anarchist Communism, Mutual Aid

The Soul Of Man Under Socialism, by Oscar Wilde.

Wilde argues that the abolition of private ownership of productive property (a.k.a. “socialism”) will allow the full development of free, self-perfecting individuals, of the sort Humboldt described a century before. He calls this the new individualism, to contrast it with classical liberalism’s tragically flawed pursuit of individual development through the means of private property. For Wilde (and I agree wholeheartedly):

“The recognition of private property has really harmed Individualism, and obscured it, by confusing a man with what he possesses. It has led Individualism entirely astray. It has made gain not growth its aim. So that man thought that the important thing was to have, and did not know that the important thing is to be. The true perfection of man lies not in what man has, but in what man is.

Private property has crushed true Individualism, and set up an Individualism that is false. It has debarred one part of the community [the poor] from being individual by starving them. It has debarred the other part of the community [the rich] from being individual by putting them on the wrong road [materialism], and encumbering them.”

Keywords: Individualist Anarchism, Libertarian Socialism

Government in the Future, by Noam Chomsky.

Mindblowingly good lecture in which Chomsky weaves together some of the above essays and much more besides to give a sense of the historical currents of anarchist thought and its continuing relevance to the future development of society. Completely changed the way I thought about “politics”. By the way, “notes on anarchism”, the title of this post, is also an essay by Chomsky.

Keywords: Mindblowing Lecture, Classical Liberalism, Libertarian Socialism, State Socialism, State Capitalism

The Dispossed, by Ursula K. Le Guin.

I know, I know, I said no books. But I simply cannot bring myself to leave out this wonderful novel on “an ambiguous utopia” which is replete with quotable passages that bring out the insanity of the present political systems we endure and the beauty and promise of anarchist ideals. Makes an interesting “sci-fi utopia”companion to 1984’s “sci-fi dystopia” – the book has a similar idea to “new-speak” but this time exploring the possibilities for language constructed to express freedom rather than repress it (that’s just one idea in the book – it’s packed full of ideas!). One of my favorite novels.

Keywords: Utopian Fiction, Anarchist Communism.

_____________________________________________

So that’s the end of my “potted anarchist history”. I’ll probably try to write something similar on the contemporary anarchist currents of thought at some point. David Graeber has argued (here, for example) that it offers the best source of hope and inspiration for revolutionary movements of the future and I would tend to agree with that. And if some or most of the above essays appealed to you, here is one “anarchist informed” recently founded contemporary project worth checking out, IMO:

http://www.iopsociety.org/ "]]></description>
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    <title>Imagina a un anarquista - YouTube</title>
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    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Llg4BoDBVU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["El anarquismo es un universo ideológico complejo y en Chile ha tenido una larga tradición, que ha estado ligada, más que a la violencia, a la solidaridad, al feminismo y al desarrollo cultural. Este capítulo es sobre anarquismo y, más precisamente, anarquismos. Sobre su historia en Chile y su presente. Participa el historiador Eduardo Godoy, autor del libro Llamaradas de rebelión: breve historia del anarquismo en Chile, 1890-2000 (Eleuterio, 2020); el músico y diseñador Joaquín Contreras, vocalista de la banda Marcel Duchamp; y Slavia Maggio, parte de Editorial Eleuterio, sello dedicado a la difusión del pensamiento ácrata."]]></description>
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    <title>Anarchist Cybernetics by Thomas Swann – The Institute for Anarchist Studies</title>
    <dc:date>2023-04-12T05:44:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://anarchiststudies.org/acybernetics/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What can anarchist engagements with the cybernetic science of self-organization, buried in an obscure anarchist journal from the 1960s and written by an elusive computer scientist, reveal about the effective functioning of anarchist organization?"

[See also:
"Towards an anarchist cybernetics: Stafford Beer, self-organisation and radical social movements" (Thomas Swan)
https://ephemerajournal.org/contribution/towards-anarchist-cybernetics-stafford-beer-self-organisation-and-radical-social ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anarchist_symbolism#Black_flag">
    <title>Anarchist symbolism - Wikipedia [#Black_flag]</title>
    <dc:date>2023-04-10T06:33:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anarchist_symbolism#Black_flag</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The black flag has been associated with anarchism since the 1880s, when several anarchist organizations and journals adopted the name Black Flag.

Howard J. Ehrlich writes in Reinventing Anarchy, Again:

<blockquote>The black flag is the negation of all flags. It is a negation of nationhood ... Black is a mood of anger and outrage at all the hideous crimes against humanity perpetrated in the name of allegiance to one state or another ... But black is also beautiful. It is a colour of determination, of resolve, of strength, a colour by which all others are clarified and defined ... So black is negation, is anger, is outrage, is mourning, is beauty, is hope, is the fostering and sheltering of new forms of human life and relationship on and with this earth.</blockquote>

The origins of the black flag are uncertain. Modern anarchism has a shared ancestry with—amongst other ideologies—socialism, a movement strongly associated with the red flag. As anarchism became more and more distinct from socialism in the 1880s, it adopted the black flag in an attempt to differentiate itself. It was flown in the 1831 Canut revolt, in which the black represented the mourning of liberty lost.

The French anarchist paper, Le Drapeau Noir (The Black Flag), which existed until 1882, is one of the first published references to use black as an anarchist color. Black International was the name of a London anarchist group founded in July 1881.

One of the first known anarchist uses of the black flag was by Louise Michel, participant in the Paris Commune in 1871. Michel flew the black flag during a demonstration of the unemployed which took place in Paris on March 9, 1883. With Michel at the front carrying a black flag and shouting "Bread, work, or lead!," the crowd of 500 protesters soon marched off towards the boulevard Saint-Germain and pillaged three baker's shops before the police arrested them. Michel was arrested and sentenced to six years solitary confinement. Public pressure soon forced the granting of an amnesty. She wrote, "the black flag is the flag of strikes and the flag of those who are hungry".

The black flag soon made its way to the United States. The black flag was displayed in Chicago at an anarchist demonstration in November 1884. According to the English language newspaper of the Chicago anarchists, it was "the fearful symbol of hunger, misery and death." Thousands of anarchists attended Kropotkin's 1921 funeral behind the black flag."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism symbols blackflag flags symbolism history howardehrlich solidarity transnationalism internationalism humanism us france chicago peterkropotkin pariscommune louisemichel black colors color meaning death mourning beauty hope negation anger outrage revolution revolt resistance</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.rogerebert.com/interviews/Cyril-Sch%C3%A4ublin-unrest-interview-2022">
    <title>Fight the Power: Cyril Schäublin on Unrest | Interviews | Roger Ebert</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-24T18:41:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.rogerebert.com/interviews/Cyril-Sch%C3%A4ublin-unrest-interview-2022</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The idea of decentralizing these famous figures comes through in the filmmaking both narratively (Kropotkin and Josephine both say they are not protagonists in dialogue) and in the actual framing of individual scenes where use wide shots that literally decenter the characters. “Unrest” has this almost Altman- or Haneke-like voyeuristic perspective.

It’s also just the way I like to make films and the way that I like to watch [them]. It goes a long way back that I came up with this way of creating an image so that when you watch the movie, you are aware that you’re watching a movie. It’s transparent that it’s a made up thing. Maybe this could sound Brechtian, but it’s not really. And also to give liberty [to the audience] of what to choose from this big tableau image, and what to do with it—but also to give the people who appear in the film, which are all non-professional actors, space to just do what they what they do and not be too [restrictive to them].

Kind of the exact opposite of Kubrick. He would keep one particular shot over and over again until he got what he eventually wanted.

He worked with actors, and I work with people. It’s very fragile, and delicate. I have to work a lot with them and tell them "don’t act" or "don’t play." But then they are suddenly just doing it. It’s like a situationist approach.

And of course, situationists have a connection to the anarchist movement, as well. It sounds like your natural aesthetic instinct tied well into this particular story where you, as you say, have this big name in “Unrest”—Peter Kropotkin. He’s not in a huge amount of the movie, he doesn’t have that many lines, he’s not a central character, and it’s certainly not a biopic.

The guy who acts as Kropotkin (Alexei Evstratov) is a very avid Kropotkin guy. I mean, he’s really into him. And he said to me at the end, "I didn’t say that much!" But he told me the way we were doing the film, and how the film was organized, and how we talked to each other, he felt [it took a] mutual aid approach. That was really interesting for me.

Could you elaborate on what he meant by that?

Finding out together how to [tell this story]. Just simple gestures. I mean, we were cooking for each other. There’s a lot of help involved now in filmmaking: people made his hair, his beard. They helped him with the clothes, the microphone. It was very important for me to have a gentle, open feeling between people, and that we could talk in the breaks.

It’s unusual, because I think filmmaking is one of those places where there’s a presumption that it has to be run in a quite clear, hierarchical manner, but it sounds like you were able to be more collaborative.

A lot of people came to me because this was the first big film that I made. The first film we made for 60,000 francs—only friends acted in it and it was very low budget. With this film, we had much more. So we had people who worked professionally for 30 years come to us and say, "Oh my God, this was the kindest set we’ve ever seen. How do you do it? What’s happening?" It was funny. Everybody thought it was really nice. For me, it was really tough, because it’s always tough to make a film as a directing person. Just really intense. But it was nice. Good feelings.

It sounds like even if it was difficult for you, you made it a good environment for other folks. Earlier, you mentioned cadence, the sense of rhythm of working life. And obviously this is a ubiquitous motif in "Unrest," where you have ticking clocks, stopwatches, the winding of the camera. For my part, it seemed to reflect the mechanical nature of industrial society, but also this sense of social progression. Could you talk a bit more about what these ideas mean to you?

I think it was something that fascinated me with watchmaking. Because it’s a very simple machine, you know, that creates two events, the tick and the tock [from] which you can count and compare to other events. And it’s crazy how we integrated this machine, or industrial time, into our bodies. We have a feeling [that] ten minutes have passed by. We really think it’s 4:30. We believe it’s true. It’s so concrete. And I think this is interesting, because it’s such a construction. It’s so made up. With this film, I really try to show the construction of this machine. The four different time [zones the watchmakers had to keep track of] were real, but it’s absurd from an outsider’s point of view. I think if that is a construction, other capitalist mythologies are also constructions. And I think it’s important not to forget that, that we live in a made [world] and not an ultimate finished truth or anything.

That’s one of the things I find really interesting about the film. As you say, narratively, it’s not about Kropotkin or any of the characters in particular. But it is thematically about Kropotkin’s ideas. Kropotkin, contra Karl Marx or Adam Smith or even some other anarchists, believed in the abolition of any kind of wage labor whatsoever—that there was no way to meaningfully compensate somebody’s labor, to quantify it in such a way that you can pay them a wage. In "Unrest," the exact opposite is happening. You have this constant refrain about wages being paid for particular amounts of time and for particular amounts of work. The incongruity of that notion is really laid bare.

Yeah, of course. There’s an interesting thing that we did that in the end didn’t [make it] into the film. But one of the first demands of the anarchist union in this town was that they wanted to be paid for the time when they were not allowed to work. They were like, "We want to get money for the Sundays that you don’t let us work because of your religious conviction. Or Christmas." This demand completely shows this whole thing is crazy, no? Who can say when you work and for what, when, and how?

Another aspect that came up quite a bit in “Unrest” was this idea about photography and portraiture. Throughout the movie, the authorities are trying to document the town through photos, and the police are constantly trying to move anarchists out of the shot as if they’re not part of the town, or they’re not important enough to record. The local amateur photographer is perfectly happy to photograph them, but the official authorities exclude them. Meanwhile, the anarchists are trading photos of famous revolutionary figures as if they were baseball cards.

Yeah, they really did [trade and sell] pictures of martyrs. They were selling pretty well, I guess. First, I thought this idea of who can create objective reality, or say this is true, this is our village, this is how we organize society in the beginning of the nation state, is interesting. With photography, that was funny and strange to me. Who can say, "We’ll take a picture of this town, this is how it looks"? And then they print postcards and there are no women on it, only men, or no people at all. This made sense to me to show. And of course, this idea of the anarchists to create a parallel public space, or to kind of hack into these new technologies. It was this attempt to create an anarchist identity, or an anarchist community, with technological means—with photography, there was a clear strategy, and of course with the telegraph. There’s this bit in the movie [that came about when] Florian Eitel found out that many of the factory directors and owners were subscribing to anarchist newspapers, because they were much better connected internationally than the normal press."

...

"So some of the people in the film actually are watchmakers themselves?

Quite a few. Yeah. The main actor, Josephine (Clara Gostynski), is an architect. And she really likes Kropotkin, as well, and Simone Weil, and she spent a lot of time with one of the other actors who explained to her the mechanics. As an architect, she really could build on that.

The nationalist versus anarchist perspective in “Unrest” is most obvious when they’re running the two lotteries in parallel, one managed by the industrialist and the other by the anarchist community as a fundraiser. Later, when they’re voting, there’s a nice illustration of something that Errico Malatesta talks about, which is essentially that you have this direct marriage between capital in the state which necessarily excludes certain people (usually the powerless, the poor) from participating in governance. With all these ideas in mind, we’re in a moment where we’re seeing a revitalization of the labor movement across the globe. Unions across the United States, strikes in the UK and Europe, all in response to extreme societal precarity. Where do you see this film fitting into the current discourse about nationalism versus internationalism, workers and the state?

Big question. I wonder if internationalism is still a word that will affect us because nations are a concept that I don’t think will prevail. I don’t think it will make sense, really. But I think this is not for us or for the film to explain. I think this is just obvious. And I think our close surroundings will become much stronger—our experience of neighborhoods and direct mutual aid. And I think with cyberspace, the concept of nation and what you should have in common with all these people will fade at one point, I’m sure. There’s a lot of open question marks. [laughs]

I think also what’s really important is how we organize information. I think that is the main thing for me right now, maybe also with this film. Like [the question the workers face] in the movie, do you want to reenact a medieval battlefield? Or do you want to reenact the Paris Commune? This is a question we’re also [facing] right now. What information do we take and reproduce and turn into reality?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S1Nm64OOPm8">
    <title>Funeral of Peter Kropotkin-1921 [Eng] - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-09T06:02:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S1Nm64OOPm8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pyotr Kropotkin's funeral took place from 10th to 13th of February 1921, and it was documented by "Section of social chronicles of all-Russian cinema and photo publishing".

English translation: ABC-Belarus
Turkish translation: Sosyal Savas"]]></description>
<dc:subject>peterkropotkin 1921</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/">
    <title>Between Chaos and the Man: How not to become an anarchist, by Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-09T10:23:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I first heard of anarchism around forty-five years ago, as a teenage member of the Science Fiction Book Club. One day the U.S. Postal Service delivered a novel by Ursula K. Le Guin called The Dispossessed, which I read as soon as it arrived and immediately declared my favorite book—even better than Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood’s End or Loren Eiseley’s The Immense Journey, which had until that moment shared the honor. Then I dug out a moldy volume of our old World Book Encyclopedia and read about the history of anarchism.

My enthusiasm soon—I almost said faded, but that’s not quite right: lacking a point of focus, it diffracted. I retained my enthusiasm but didn’t know where to direct it. I hold Le Guin partly responsible, because she was too intelligent and honest a writer to portray her anarchist society as anything but “an ambiguous utopia,” as a cover blurb of a later edition put it, in a formulation that would eventually become the effective subtitle of the book. Even an anarchist society is made up of human beings, and we all know the warping that inevitably happens when that crooked timber is one’s primary building material. Le Guin made anarchism beautiful but also human—and therefore questionable.

I also came to feel increasingly strongly that I lived in a country dominated by two parties, two parties that could not be dislodged, and that could not be persuaded to take anarchist ideas seriously. Again and again I watched third-party candidates who deviated only slightly from political orthodoxy spring up and then wither away, along with the movements in which they were rooted; what chance, then, did something as bizarre as anarchism have? Anarchism was, I decided, fascinating in science fiction but irrelevant to the world in which I actually lived.

That was the story I told myself, anyway. Looking back, I see that there were other forces at work: a disinclination to marginalize myself; a reluctance to follow paths of thought that might lead to discomfort, or to unpleasant choices; and perhaps most important, an inchoate sense that I didn’t hold anarchism’s view of human nature. But none of this caused me to forget anarchism’s appeal.

Since that encounter with The Dispossessed I have read a great deal in the history of this subject. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was pedantic; Peter Kropotkin was sometimes stimulating but often dreary; Murray Bookchin was my best guide through the thickets of intra-anarchist divisions and hostilities, but he couldn’t help me cut them down to a reasonable density. Sometimes I felt that the most useful readings came not from self-declared anarchists but from anarchism-adjacent scholars such as Marshall Sahlins, whose Stone Age Economics makes a charming and largely convincing defense of the leisurely lives of hunter-gatherers—though it didn’t help me understand how I could adopt, even in a distant way, their approach to the basic problem of staying fed and clothed with the least possible expenditure of energy.

Sahlins’s argument is more than half a century old now, so I looked forward to reading a “new history of humanity,” The Dawn of Everything, by David Graeber and David Wengrow (a book completed just before Graeber’s sudden death in September 2020, at the age of fifty-nine). Their dismantling of the established sequence of social development that progresses from hunter-gatherer bands to agricultural tribes to urban kingdoms to our very own modern nation-states convinced me; they make clear through innumerable examples that the sequence is simply a myth. But I didn’t know where to take their ideas. Graeber and Wengrow are like Sixties gurus telling me to free my mind. Okay, so my mind feels freer now—what do I do with my freedom? Why am I even still drawn to this stuff? Trying to understand my own curious addiction, I decided to reread The Dispossessed.

The novel begins in a place called Anarres—the moon of the planet Urras—where we meet Le Guin’s protagonist, a physicist named Shevek. One of the most profound ambiguities of The Dispossessed involves the poverty of Anarres: its people live at scarcely better than a subsistence level, in dramatic contrast to the wealth and luxury experienced by many on Urras. But cause and effect are uncertain here. The Anarresti are the descendants of a revolutionary anarchist movement that arose on Urras two centuries earlier—they are called Odonians, after a political philosopher and revolutionary leader named Odo. The result of the Odonians’ revolution was not the rule of their own world, but rather the granting of exclusive residence on the arid and barely habitable Anarres. Their collective life is a kind of gift, and a kind of exile.

It is easy and partly correct to say that the resource-poor environment of Anarres ensured that its residents would live simply; but it is equally true to say that simplicity was what the Odonians preferred. They stood a better chance of adhering to that preference, and of remaining anarchist, on a world that never tempted them with a lush life and (therefore) a more differentiated social order. Ample natural resources and hierarchical political structures—such as existed on Urras, especially in the nation called A-Io—lead to innovation and productivity; but they also lead to inequality, injustice, and the exploitation of the world and its creatures, including its human creatures.

Every social order comes with trade-offs. The Odonians of Anarres know they have given up comforts that those on Urras would deem necessities. Most of them warmly accept those sacrifices, and indeed don’t think of them as sacrifices, because they believe themselves to be amply compensated by their freedom and egalitarian social solidarity. When Shevek visits A-Io, and meets some of its residents, he thinks, “They knew no relation but possession. They were possessed.” By contrast, the Anarresti have been dispossessed by Urras—and by themselves.

Dispossession initiates a particular kind of order. Proudhon, in the middle of the nineteenth century, asserted that liberty is “not the daughter but the mother of order,” and that “society seeks order in anarchy.” Anarchists do not reject order or rule or governance but insist that in a healthy society these things cannot be imposed from above—from some arche, some authoritative source. Rather they emerge from negotiations between social equals. When complex phenomena arise from simple rules distributed throughout a large population—as can be seen best in social insects and slime molds—modern humans tend to be puzzled. For a long time scientists thought that there had to be intelligent queens in bee colonies giving directions to the other bees, because how else could the behavior within colonies be explained? The idea that the complexity simply emerges from the rigorous application of a handful of simple behavioral rules is hard for us to grasp. Bees and ants demonstrate how anarchy is order. It’s a shame that Proudhon did not know this.

On Anarres, “negotiations between social equals” happen within the ambit of a particular task or project or profession. Shevek, for example, is part of a self-organizing and self-maintaining syndic of scientists, in which responsibilities are typically assumed by volunteers. Shevek wants to work on highly technical problems of theoretical physics, which makes him grateful that others are willing to take on the inevitable administrative tasks. One of these others is a man named Sabul, who serves as the conduit through whom scientific papers move from Anarres to Urras, Urras to Anarres. For the student of anarchism, Sabul may be the novel’s most significant character.

It is often said—not least by central figures in the history of anarchist thought—that anarchism as a political philosophy depends on a belief in the essential goodness of human beings. In an essay titled “Are You An Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You!,” Graeber poses the following question: “Do you believe that human beings are fundamentally corrupt and evil . . . ?” He continues, “If you answered ‘yes,’ then, well, it looks like you aren’t an anarchist after all.” But much hinges here on what is meant by “fundamentally corrupt and evil.” I don’t believe that everyone is wicked altogether; I don’t believe that without the restraint of law we would have what Thomas Hobbes called the “War of every man against every man.” But I do believe that everything we human beings do is to some extent infected by selfishness, by pride, by the often unconscious desire to make ourselves superior to others in some way—perhaps in wealth, perhaps in power, perhaps in virtue. Does this mean that I can’t be an anarchist after all?

Anarchism depends, Kropotkin claims in his seminal book Mutual Aid, on the belief that cooperation and reciprocity come more naturally to humans than competition and a desire for dominance do. When I first read Kropotkin’s argument, decades after encountering The Dispossessed, I found it unconvincing—because I remembered Sabul.

I remembered Sabul because, however strongly and sincerely he may affirm Odonian principles, he is not at all cooperative. He is, rather, intensely protective of his little field of authority. Jealous of Shevek’s more powerful mind, he gums up the works, preventing, as best he can, any real communication between Shevek and physicists on Urras. Indeed, the crucial events of the book are set in motion by Shevek’s decision to travel to Urras, and he makes that decision only because of Sabul’s petty obstructionism.

For those who associate anarchism with a belief in the cooperativeness of human beings, the key word in that sentence will probably be “obstructionism.” Does not Sabul’s jealousy of Shevek, and his determination to achieve and maintain control, suggest that a society built on the assumption of voluntary, emergent mutual aid is a pipe dream?

For me, though—a person with an exceptionally low anthropology, a skepticism about human motives that borders on the cynical—the key word is “petty.” The decentralized character of Anarresti society means that, however tyrannical Sabul may be in temperament, he does not and cannot exercise tyranny. In a more structured and hierarchical society he would be far more dangerous. As I reflected on these matters, it seemed to me that—whatever Graeber and Kropotkin may have thought to the contrary—anarchism may well be the ideal political philosophy for those of us who believe in original sin.

In every sector of society we are afflicted by a hierarchical centralization, a concentration of power in the hands of a few, typically a few who are directly accountable to no one—least of all to us, the people. Standards and canons of efficiency have come to rule all: the era in which “mechanization takes command”—the title of a 1948 book by Sigfried Giedion—has given way to the era of what Nikil Saval has called “self-Taylorizing,” the psychological internalization of the impulse toward efficiency and productivity. And only anarchic order, as far as I can tell, offers any real hope of rescue.

An accurate assessment of the character of the moment is needed here. Those of us drawn to any scheme of decentralization, either anarchism or the Distributism of G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, are often treated to a litany of the gifts of modern civilization that would be absent in an anarchist society. One could argue about the quality of those gifts—the meaning of the German word Gift comes to mind: poison—but I think it more expedient to waive the point. I am not at all certain that any of us are better off with iPhones than we were without them but, sure, let’s posit that iPhones are wonderful, gifts in the English sense rather than the German. Without contesting that point let’s simply say: enough is enough.

As I noted earlier, I was fascinated but also somewhat confused by The Dawn of Everything. It was meant—before Graeber’s untimely death—to be the first of several volumes. Maybe Wengrow will write the successors, and maybe they will clarify the path forward, but in the interim, I found myself knowing very well what it means to be interested in anarchism but not at all what it means to become an anarchist. I found myself wondering whether “How do I become an anarchist?” is even the right question. Maybe (I thought) becoming an anarchist is a very un-anarchistic thing to do.

Around the time The Dispossessed came out, Le Guin published a kind of pendant to it, a short story called “The Day Before the Revolution,” in which Odo spends the eve of the revolution that will lead to the colonization of Anarres not dreaming of the future but lost in her past. Living with her disciples, most of them much younger, she realizes that they dress in a way that would have been considered immodest in her youth. By contrast, she continues to dress in accordance with the conventions of her own upbringing. “They had grown up in the principle of freedom of dress and sex and all the rest, and she hadn’t. All she had done was invent it. It’s not the same.” When she speaks of her late “husband” Asieo, her followers grow uncomfortable. “The word she should use as a good Odonian, of course, was ‘partner.’ ” But, Odo reflects, “Why the hell did she have to be a good Odonian?” The leader of an anarchist movement has become uncomfortable as anarchy has settled into habit, into structure, into expectation. There is something livelier and more human about being Odo than there is about being an Odonian. Which may be another way of saying: something more anarchic.

One of the ways the Anarresti are dispossessed is through their language, called Pravic, which doesn’t dispense with possessive pronouns altogether but is idiomatically resistant to them. “To say ‘this one is mine and that’s yours’ in Pravic, one said, ‘I use this one and you use that.’ ” A child is encouraged to say not “my mother” but “the mother.” It is significant, though, that we are told all this about Pravic because a friend of Shevek’s, who learns that he plans to work with Sabul, warns him: “You will be his man.” The use of the possessive startles Shevek, but eventually he learns the ways in which that uncommon usage was appropriate. These tensions between Pravic and its speakers indicate what language can’t do; what politics can’t do; and what order, even the order that is anarchy, can’t do.

“State is the name for the coldest of all cold monsters,” Nietzsche writes in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. In the same passage he elaborates:

Every people speaks its own tongue of good and evil: this the neighbor does not understand. It has invented its own language of customs and rights. But the state lies in all the tongues of good and evil.

Is not Pravic, subtly yet necessarily, the tongue of a kind of state?

In “The Day Before the Revolution” Odo—an elderly woman, suffering the effects of a stroke—walks slowly through the city she lives in, and thinks, “There would not be slums like this, if the Revolution prevailed.” She continues:

But there would be misery. There would always be misery, waste, cruelty. She had never pretended to be changing the human condition, to be Mama taking tragedy away from the children so they won’t hurt themselves. Anything but. So long as people were free to choose, if they chose to drink flybane and live in sewers, it was their business. Just so long as it wasn’t the business of Business, the source of profit and the means of power for other people.

At another point in the story Odo quotes herself: “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice.” Is this statement profound—or fatuous? I think it’s fatuous in our current social order, in which choice is always already governed by the logic and power of consumption: that we choose is an illusion that it’s the business of Business to maintain. But if you ask yourself in what circumstances might this sentence be necessary wisdom, maybe it will look different. If the whole formulation strikes you as individualistic, perhaps you might reflect that one cannot truly have individualism until one has individuals. And if the question of what might serve to form genuine individuals is one that anarchism cannot answer—well, perhaps anarchy can.

Some years ago, Walter Mosley published a novella called Archibald Lawless, Anarchist at Large—in which, let me be quick to say, the titular character acknowledges the peculiarity of his last name, though he never explains it. Lawless does, however, freely and frequently state his convictions to his new scribe, Felix Orlean. He says, for instance, “I walk the line between chaos and the man.” He says, even more portentously,

I am, everyone is, a potential sovereignty, a nation upon my own. I am responsible for every action taken in my name and for every step that I take—or that I don’t take. When you get to the place that you can see yourself as a completely autonomous, self-governing entity then everything will come to you; everything that you will need.

I was in a pro-anarchist frame of mind when I first read this story, and so I tried to make the best of it, but no—this is the common caricature of anarchism: radically self-indulgent and “lawless,” without any order at all. Nevertheless, there’s something intriguing about that notion of walking the line “between chaos and the man,” between the absence of order and a rigid simulacrum of order imposed from above. Isn’t that, after all, what anarchy in practice is: a tightrope strung across a double abyss?

Trying to think these matters through, I found myself returning to Graeber’s voluminous writings, many of which appear on obscure websites. I was not wholly deterred by his suggestion that my cynicism debars me from being an anarchist; my obsession was not so easily dispelled. So I kept reading, and in a long essay titled “Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology” I came across this:

Anarchistic societies are no more unaware of human capacities for greed or vainglory than modern Americans are unaware of human capacities for envy, gluttony, or sloth; they would just find them equally unappealing as the basis for their civilization. In fact, they see these phenomena as moral dangers so dire they end up organizing much of their social life around containing them.

I like this; I think of it as Graeber opening his heart to reveal the secular Calvinist hidden within. And such clear-eyed awareness of our darker proclivities is surely a better ground for anarchist action than any celebration of the human propensity for cooperative action. The best reason to pursue anarchism, to walk that line between chaos and the man, is that none of us is free from greed or vainglory. Insofar as anarchism arises from that sober and constant awareness of the “moral dangers” our own libido dominandi present to social order, I am all for it.

Graeber also helps me to understand how to pursue it. One of his core concepts is “prefigurative politics”: action that practically instantiates what you hope for and therefore “prefigures” it. “Revolutionary action is not a form of self-sacrifice,” he writes, “a grim dedication to doing whatever it takes to achieve a future world of freedom. It is the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free.” But, I would say, that prefigured freedom should primarily be freedom not from the man out there but the man that I always, by nature, want to be.

There are many schools of anarchism, most only partly reconcilable with the others: anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-communism, primitivism, cooperativism, and so on. The most interesting thing they have in common, Graeber notes, is that they aren’t named for a person (Marxism) or an economic system (capitalism) but rather for modes of practice—ways of acting in the world. Somewhere down the line perhaps one becomes an anarchist of one description or another; but however that may be, to act in accordance with the better world imaginatively prefigured is an option for me, for each of us, right now.

So this is what I have come around to, this is how I have made sense of my obsession with anarchism: the first target of anarchistic practice ought to be whatever it is in me that resists anarchy—what resists negotiation, the turning toward the Other as neighbor and potential collaborator. I return to Odo’s line, “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice,” but I add this: The responsibility of choice arises when I acknowledge my own participation, in a thousand different ways, in the imposition of order on others. This is where anarchism begins; where the turning aside from the coldest of all cold monsters begins; where I begin. The possibility of anarchic action arises when I acknowledge my own will to power. Self-dispossession begins when I say to myself: Je suis Sabul."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KSQ3UYl29D0">
    <title>Capitalism &amp; the Apocalypse: Mike Davis in Conversation - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-04-16T03:24:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KSQ3UYl29D0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join Salvage and Haymarket Books for a discussion of Capitalism & the Apocalypse with writer and activist Mike Davis.

***

Ice shelves larger than the largest U.S. states collapse, and barely make headlines. Imperial powers return to brinksmanship and open conflict, and our politicians assure us they are ready and willing to build more charnel houses. Plague floats like a film over our collective future, and we’re asked to face it with a stiff upper lip for the sake of the Economy. And these are just the most recent of the festering horrors to grow from capitalism and threaten the very existence of humanity.As the profit system has spawned disaster after disaster, few analysts, pundits, or commentators can claim to have addressed the mounting number of catastrophes with as much insight or clarity as Mike Davis. And none have combined his unflinching honesty with an unwavering commitment to the necessity of a revolutionary break from our entire social system.From his magisterial City of Quartz, to the more recent The Monster Enters, Davis has been cataloging and raging against capitalism’s slow burning (though rapidly accelerating) apocalypse(s) in his invaluable books for decades. He will join our Salvage Live hosts, Annie Olaloku-Teriba and Richard Seymour, for an urgent discussion of the crises we face, and what it means to confront them with eyes open and desolation in our hearts.

***

Speakers:

Mike Davis is professor emeritus of creative writing at UC Riverside. He joined the San Diego chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality in 1962 at age 16 and the struggle for racial and social equality has remained the lodestar of his life. His City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles challenged reigning celebrations of the city from the perspectives of its lost radical past and insurrectionary future. His wide-ranging work has married science, archival research, personal experience, and creative writing with razor-sharp critiques of empires and ruling classes.

Annie Olaloku-Teriba is a writer and podcaster whose research focuses on how neoliberalism has transformed the theory and practice of ‘race.’

Richard Seymour is a writer and broadcaster from Northern Ireland and the author of numerous books about politics including Against Austerity and Corbyn: The Strange Rebirth of Radical Politics. His writing appears in The New York Times, the London Review of Books, the Guardian, Prospect, Jacobin, and innumerable other places including his own Patreon. He is an editor at Salvage magazine."]]></description>
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    <title>Anarchism as a Nationality - ahuehuete.org</title>
    <dc:date>2022-04-06T04:05:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ahuehuete.substack.com/p/anarchy-grivera?s=r</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[original Spanish here:
https://edicioneslasocial.wordpress.com/2017/04/09/escucha-anarquista-un-ensayo-para-despensar-el-anarquismo-desde-el-tercer-mundo/

another English translation here:
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/guadalupe-rivera-anarchism-as-a-nationality ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/12/the-power-of-anarchist-analysis">
    <title>The Power of Anarchist Analysis ❧ Current Affairs</title>
    <dc:date>2022-02-07T15:46:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/12/the-power-of-anarchist-analysis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I first fell in love with Anarchism when I took a college class called “Red Flags, Black Flags: Marxism v. Anarchism.” I couldn’t, when I began it, have told you anything about anarchism; to the extent I understood it, it just seemed a kind of mindless rejection of all government. The class, however, introduced me to it by way of a debate: an intra-left dispute between the anarchists and the Marxists. It is a debate that changed the way I think about everything.

First, the existence of anarchistic socialists instantly showed the idea of socialism as “state control” could not be true. In fact, economic socialism was about popular/worker/common control, and whether or not that was done through means of the state was a hot source of contention. But I liked the anarchists most because they asked penetrating and useful questions and refused to defer to authority. They warned that unless socialists had as strong a commitment to liberty as they did to equality, supposedly socialistic regimes might end up oppressing the people in the name of freeing them. Mikhail Bakunin warned that “socialism without liberty is slavery and brutality,” and “when the people are being beaten with a stick, they are not much happier if it is called ‘the People’s Stick.’” P.J. Proudhon, in a letter to Karl Marx, offered a prescient caution against left intellectuals seeing themselves as infallible proponents of new unquestionable dogmas:

<blockquote>Let us seek together, if you wish, the laws of society, the manner in which these laws are realized, the process by which we shall succeed in discovering them; but, for God’s sake, after having demolished all the a priori dogmatisms, do not let us in our turn dream of indoctrinating the people; do not let us fall into the contradiction of your compatriot Martin Luther, who, having overthrown Catholic theology, at once set about, with excommunication and anathema, the foundation of a Protestant theology… let us carry on a good and loyal polemic; let us give the world an example of learned and far-sighted tolerance, but let us not, merely because we are at the head of a movement, make ourselves the leaders of a new intolerance, let us not pose as the apostles of a new religion, even if it be the religion of logic, the religion of reason. Let us gather together and encourage all protests, let us brand all exclusiveness, all mysticism; let us never regard a question as exhausted, and when we have used our last argument, let us begin again, if need be, with eloquence and irony. On that condition, I will gladly enter your association. Otherwise — no!</blockquote>

It was a warning that many of those who flew the red flag ought to have listened more closely to.

Anarchists could be quarrelsome, and often impractical—a famous anarchist slogan is “demand the impossible.” But they were also wonderfully clear-sighted: An anarchist never conspired in the delusion that a clearly oppressive society was a place of freedom. There is a wonderful scene in the film Dr. Zhivago where Klaus Kinski has a cameo as an anarchist imprisoned on a train carrying forced laborers. Kinski’s anarchist declares himself “the only free man on the train” because he is the only one willing to call the guard a “lickspittle” and a “liar” to his face after the guard claims Kinski is there as a “voluntary” laborer.

[video]

When I read the writings of Peter Kropotkin, Alexander Berkman, Errico Malatesta, or Emma Goldman, I was impressed by their force and clarity. Goldman, in My Disillusionment in Russia, wrote frankly and honestly about how her hopes about the freedom to be found in the Soviet Union had been dashed during her visit to it:

<blockquote>I had come to Russia possessed by the hope that I should find a new-born country, with its people wholly consecrated to the great, though very difficult, task of revolutionary reconstruction. And I had fervently hoped that I might become an active part of the inspiring work. I found reality in Russia grotesque, totally unlike the great ideal that had borne me upon the crest of high hope to the land of promise… I saw before me the Bolshevik State, formidable, crushing every constructive revolutionary effort, suppressing, debasing, and disintegrating everything.</blockquote>

Importantly, though, Goldman’s disillusionment did not lead her to become a conservative anti-communist. She remained a revolutionary socialist, because she had a vision of socialism that was both anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian. I often think that anarchism’s slogan should be “Actually, Both of Those Things Are Bad,” because of its commitment to rejecting false dichotomies and declining to join one “camp” or the other.

 My appreciation of anarchism was deepened by my reading of Noam Chomsky, who identifies himself as operating within the anarchist tradition. Many anarchists are skeptical of whether Chomsky “is” an anarchist, because he endorses plenty of social democratic policies, thought you should vote for Hillary Clinton if you lived in a swing state, and is not a revolutionary. His political approach is highly pragmatic. His intellectual approach, however, is thoroughly anarchistic. He often speaks about the anarchist approach to the legitimacy of authority:

<blockquote>“Authority, unless justified, is inherently illegitimate and that the burden of proof is on those in authority. If this burden can’t be met, the authority in question should be dismantled.”</blockquote>

That doesn’t mean that there are no legitimate authorities. But it does mean that no authority is presumptively legitimate. The king’s orders might be good ones, but they are not good because he is the king, and their being good does not necessarily make kings good or necessary. Your professor may be right, but they are not right because they are your professor.

Interestingly, Chomsky’s anarchistic approach is one way in which his twin intellectual endeavors (linguistics and political critique) are unified. Chomsky has always brushed aside the common question: “What connects your linguistic work with your analysis of U.S. foreign policy?” by correctly pointing out that there is almost nothing in common between “understanding the deep roots of human language use” and “criticizing the United States for dropping bombs on Vietnamese people.” However, one way in which these two parts of his life are united is that in each domain, he achieved his insights through applying the anarchistic “presumption against existing authority.” His influential critique of behaviorist explanations for the development of language, and his precipitation of a “revolution” in linguistics, came from a willingness to ask simple questions that challenged conventional wisdom. Likewise, Chomsky’s writings on U.S. foreign policy frequently focus on how powerful actors use euphemisms to cover up atrocities. He does not accept justifications for wars because they come from foreign policy think tanks, or because the person offering them has elite credentials and a binder in front of them labeled “evidence.” He points to simple questions that do not receive satisfactory answers. (For example, why was the Vietnam War not being classified as a “U.S. invasion of Vietnam,” even though that was plainly what it was? Why is an act committed by the United States never labeled terrorism even when it is identical to an act committed by one of our enemies?)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/05/kristin-ross-communal-luxury-paris-commune/">
    <title>The Meaning of the Paris Commune</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-27T05:19:30+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perhaps the greatest change can be detected in Marx’s trajectory after the Commune — a change that takes the paradoxical form of both a strengthening of his theory and a break with the very concept of theory. The Commune made it very clear to Marx that not only do the masses shape history but in so doing they reshape not just actuality but theory itself. This is, in fact, what Henri Lefebvre meant when he talked about the “dialectic of the lived and the conceived.”

The thought and theory of a movement is unleashed only with and after the movement itself. Actions create dreams, and not the reverse."]]></description>
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    <title>Mike Davis’s Forecast for the Left | The Nation</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://on-our-own-authority-publishing.square.site/product/zonneveld-why-anarchists-don-t-vote/25">
    <title>Zonneveld, WHY ANARCHISTS DON'T VOTE | On Our Own Authority! Publishing</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-23T21:50:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://on-our-own-authority-publishing.square.site/product/zonneveld-why-anarchists-don-t-vote/25</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["COMING SOON! Pre-order today! This collection of classic writings highlights and explains the anarchists' enduring critique of electoralism and representative government. Featuring writings by Michael Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Lucy Parsons, Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, Kotoku Shusui, a poem by Voltairine De Cleyre, and an afterword by Cindy Milstein."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchicsm voting elections anarchy 2020 andrewzonneveld electoralpolitics politics mikhailbakunin peterkropotkin lucyparsons emmagoldman alexanderberkman kotokushsui voltarinedecleyre cindymilstein</dc:subject>
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    <title>What’s the Point If We Can’t Have Fun?</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-04T07:44:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/salvos/whats-the-point-if-we-cant-have-fun</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>davidgraeber 2014 play evolution animals morethanhuman multispecies work labor productivity idleness originofthespecies charlesdarwin mutualaid henreyhuxley socialdarwinism richarddawkins selfishgene friedrichschiller danieldennett galenstrawson alfrednorthwhitehead charlessanderspeirce richardfeynman taoism peterkropotkin darwin schiller daoism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-ruth-kinna/">
    <title>Interview: Ruth Kinna – Freedom News</title>
    <dc:date>2020-04-29T02:45:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-ruth-kinna/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“What do you find most attractive about anarchism?

I like the starting point. Anarchists usually start with a critique of injustice and an assumption of social imperfection. I would say that the anarchist project is to identify the institutional barriers that inhibit groups and individuals from initiating change, knowing that any proposed remedy will throw up new injustices. That compares to conventional political philosophy which typically starts with an idea of justice and strives to discover the social arrangements or movements capable of delivering it.

I like the way that anarchists express themselves, the latitude anarchism has for expression and the faith anarchists place in each one of us to resolve our differences. I don’t think that faith is naïve: I think it’s often informed by an appreciation of human irrationality, bias, prejudice, self-interest and mistrust.”

…

“The idea of anarchising is borrowed from Émile Armand — an individualist anarchist and noted advocate of free love. It appeals to me because I think it sidesteps the familiar dichotomy between ‘revolution’ and ‘reform’. It rejects the idea of zero-sum and leaves the determination of the means of change open.

Armand’s idea was that all institutions and relationships could be anarchised, in the same way that they could be liberalised. The difference would be that liberalising would typically result in an extension or recognition of rights, leaving both mainframes and micro-expressions of power intact, whereas anarchising involves challenging prevailing principles of authority, systems of domination and entrenchments of power. I like it because I think it helps make huge problems seem more manageable or imaginable. For example, I find it difficult to contemplate what the abolition of capitalism or the state involves. I can begin to think about the anarchisation of consumption or transport or health or education. Mutual aid is a big part of it, in that it asserts some basic principles for rebuilding social relationships. But anarchising helpfully emphasises how the environmental dimensions of Kropotkin’s concept may be aligned to constructive dismantling of exploitative institutions and practices.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism ruthkinna institutions change injustice justice 2020 freedom prejudice bias expression irrationality mistrust trust self-interest society collaboration unschooling deschooling émilearmand peterkropotkin marraybookchina mutualaid mikhailbakunin karlmarx authority capitalism hierarchy horizontality decisionmaking collectivism pierre-josephproudhon tolstoy via:anne social exploitation power proudhon</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Last Man to Know Everything | Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2018-10-07T19:08:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bostonreview.net/class-inequality/troy-vettese-last-man-know-everything</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>mikedavis academia interdisciplinary 2018 writing howwewrite inequality class anthropocene cuba havana radicalism climatechange economics society policy politics nationalism troyvettese workingclass history marxism peterkropotkin lahabana</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://crapfutures.tumblr.com/post/153171362019/a-crap-futures-manifesto">
    <title>crap futures — A Crap Futures Manifesto</title>
    <dc:date>2016-11-21T04:57:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://crapfutures.tumblr.com/post/153171362019/a-crap-futures-manifesto</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Challenge #1: reverse this statement

‘We must shift America from a needs, to a desires culture, people must be trained to desire, to want new things even before the old had been entirely consumed. We must shape a new mentality in America. Man’s desires must overshadow his needs.’

Paul Mazur, Lehman Brothers, 1927

Challenge #2: reclaim the means - stop obsessing with the ends

‘Modern anthropology … opposes the utilitarian assumption that the primitive chants as he sows seed because he believes that otherwise it will not grow, the assumption that his economic goal is primary, and his other activities are instrumental to it. The planting and the cultivating are no less important than the finished product. Life is not conceived as a linear progression directed to, and justified by, the achievement of a series of goals; it is a cycle in which ends cannot be isolated, one which cannot be dissected into a series of ends and means.’

John Carroll

Challenge #3: (as things become increasingly automated) facilitate action not apathy

‘[W]hen it becomes automatic (on the other hand) its function is fulfilled, certainly, but it is also hermetically sealed. Automatism amounts to a closing-off, to a sort of functional self-sufficiency which exiles man to the irresponsibility of a mere spectator.’

Jean Baudrillard, The System of Objects

Challenge #4: bring an end to this vacuous celebrity designer BS

‘My juicer is not meant to squeeze lemons; it is meant to start conversations.’

Philippe Starck

Challenge #5: interrupt legacy thinking and product lineages

‘All inventions and innovations, by definition, represent  an advance in the art beyond existing base lines. Yet, most advances, particularly in retrospect, appear essentially incremental, evolutionary. If nature makes no sudden leaps, neither it would appear does technology.’

Robert Heilbroner

Challenge #6: rather than feed the illusion of invincibility, work from the reality of uncertainty and transience

‘Everywhere gold glimmered in the half-light, transforming this derelict casino into a magical cavern from the Arabian Nights tales. But it held a deeper meaning for me, the sense that reality itself was a stage set that could be dismantled at any moment, and that no matter how magnificent anything appeared, it could be swept aside into the debris of the past.’

J.G. Ballard, The Miracles of Life

Challenge #7: set aside the easier work of critique and take up the more difficult challenge of proposing viable alternatives

‘It is true that I can better tell you what we don’t do than what we do do.’

William Morris, News from Nowhere

Challenge #8: ask yourself (before putting things in the world): am I qualified to play God?

‘It’s not right to play God with masses of people. To be God you have to know what you’re doing. And to do any good at all, just believing you’re right and your motives are good isn’t enough.’

Ursula K. Le Guin, The Lathe of Heaven

Challenge #9: design ecologically

‘One merges into another, groups melt into ecological groups until the time when what we know as life meets and enters what we think of as non-life: barnacle and rock, rock and earth, earth and tree, tree and rain and air. And the units nestle into the whole and are inseparable from it … all things are one thing and one thing is all things – plankton, a shimmering phosphorescence on the sea and the spinning planets and an expanding universe, all bound together by the elastic string of time. It is advisable to look from the tide pool to the stars and then back to the tide pool again.’

John Steinbeck, The Sea of Cortez

Challenge #10: adopt a khadi mentality

‘True progress lies in the direction of decentralization, both territorial and functional, in the development of the spirit of local and personal initiative, and of free federation from the simple to the compound, in lieu of the present hierarchy from the centre to the periphery.’

Pyotr Kropotkin

Challenge #11: be patient for the quiet days

‘Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing.’

Arundhati Roy

Challenge #12: start building the future you want, with or without technology

‘People ask me to predict the future, when all I want to do is prevent it. Better yet, build it. Predicting the future is much too easy, anyway. You look at the people around you, the street you stand on, the visible air you breathe, and predict more of the same. To hell with more. I want better.’

Ray Bradbury, Beyond 1984: The People Machines"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://humaniterations.net/quotes/">
    <title>Anarchism 101 | Human Iterations</title>
    <dc:date>2015-01-02T22:42:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://humaniterations.net/quotes/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The freedom of all is essential to my freedom. I am truly free only when all human beings, men and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation." –Mikhail Bakunin

***

For anarchists who do know something about anthropology, the arguments are all too familiar. A typical exchange goes something like this:

Skeptic: Well, I might take this whole anarchism idea more seriously if you could give me some reason to think it would work. Can you name me a single viable example of a society which has existed without a government?

Anarchist: Sure. There have been thousands. I could name a dozen just off the top of my head: the Bororo, the Baining, the Onondaga, the Wintu, the Ema, the Tallensi, the Vezo… All without violence or hierarchy.

Skeptic: But those are all a bunch of primitives! I’m talking about anarchism in a modern, technological society.

Anarchist: Okay, then. There have been all sorts of successful experiments: experiments with worker’s self-management, like Mondragon; economic projects based on the idea of the gift economy, like Linux; all sorts of political organizations based on consensus and direct democracy…

Skeptic: Sure, sure, but these are small, isolated examples. I’m talking about whole societies.

Anarchist: Well, it’s not like people haven’t tried. Look at the Paris Commune, the free states in Ukraine and Manchuria, the 1936 revolution in Spain…

Skeptic: Yeah, and look what happened to those guys! They all got killed!

***

"The dice are loaded. You can’t win. Because when the skeptic says “society,” what he really means is “state,” even “nation-state.” Since no one is going to produce an example of an anarchist state—that would be a contradiction in terms—what we‟re really being asked for is an example of a modern nation-state with the government somehow plucked away: a situation in which the government of Canada, to take a random example, has been overthrown, or for some reason abolished itself, and no new one has taken its place but instead all former Canadian citizens begin to organize themselves into libertarian collectives. Obviously this would never be allowed to happen. In the past, whenever it even looked like it might—here, the Paris commune and Spanish civil war are excellent examples—the politicians running pretty much every state in the vicinity have been willing to put their differences on hold until those trying to bring such a situation about had been rounded up and shot.

There is a way out, which is to accept that anarchist forms of organization would not look anything like a state. That they would involve an endless variety of communities, associations, networks, projects, on every conceivable scale, overlapping and intersecting in any way we could imagine, and possibly many that we can’t. Some would be quite local, others global. Perhaps all they would have in common is that none would involve anyone showing up with weapons and telling everyone else to shut up and do what they were told. And that, since anarchists are not actually trying to seize power within any national territory, the process of one system replacing the other will not take the form of some sudden revolutionary cataclysm—the storming of a Bastille, the seizing of a Winter Palace—but will necessarily be gradual, the creation of alternative forms of organization on a world scale, new forms of communication, new, less alienated ways of organizing life, which will, eventually, make currently existing forms of power seem stupid and beside the point. That in turn would mean that there are endless examples of viable anarchism: pretty much any form of organization would count as one, so long as it was not imposed by some higher authority, from a klezmer band to the international postal service." –David Graeber

***

"See, what we always meant by socialism wasn’t something you forced on people, it was people organizing themselves as they pleased into co-ops, collectives, communes, unions.  …And if socialism really is better, more efficient than capitalism then it can bloody well compete with capitalism. So we decided, forget all the statist shit and the violence: the best place for socialism is the closest to a free market you can get!" –Ken Macleod

***

"But where would these ne’er-do-wells be taken, once they were brought into “custody”? Specialized firms would develop, offering high security analogs to the current jailhouse. However, the “jails” (or rehabilitation programs) in market anarchy would compete with each other to attract criminals.

Consider: No insurance company would vouch for a serial killer if he applied for a job at the local library, but they would deal with him if he agreed to live in a secure building under close scrutiny. The insurance company would make sure that the “jail” that held him was well-run. After all, if the person escaped and killed again, the insurance company would be held liable, since it pledges to make good on any damages its clients commit.

On the other hand, there would be no undue cruelty for the prisoners in such a system. Although they would have no chance of sudden unchaperoned escape (unlike government prisons), they wouldn’t be beaten by sadistic guards. If they were, they’d simply switch to a different “jail,” just as travelers can switch hotels if they view the staff as discourteous. Again, the insurance company (which vouches for a violent person) doesn’t care which jail its client chooses, so long as its inspectors have determined that the jail will not let its client simply escape into the general population and do harm." –Robert Murphy

***

"Knowledge is an immense power. Man must know. But we already know much! What if that knowledge should become the possession of all? Would not science itself progress in leaps, and cause mankind to make strides in production, invention, and social creation, of which we are hardly in a condition now to measure the speed?" –Peter Kropotkin

***

"To the daring belongs the future." –Emma Goldman

***

Primers

“Towards Anarchy” – Errico Malatesta, 1920
[http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/malatesta/towardsanarchy.html ]

“Anarchy Works” – Peter Gelderloos, 2010
[http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peter-gelderloos-anarchy-works ]

***

Theory

The Possibility of Cooperation – Michael Taylor
An influential work in game theory, Taylor covers how most of the collective action problems used to justify the state are misdiagnosed and/or solvable through alternative means. pdf torrent | amazon

Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective – Kevin Carson
A comprehensive survey of the economic dynamics that pressure for and against large organizations and hierarchies, as well as the historical and political causes of our present situation. full text | direct purchase | amazon

How Nonviolence Protects The State – Peter Gelderloos
How nonviolence is rarely responsible for the historical victories often claimed in its name, the difficulty of defining “violence” and the problems with absolutist constraints on tactics. full text | printable booklet | amazon

Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty – ed. Charles Johnson & Gary Chartier
A collection of pieces on a variety of topics, united by a focus on the centrifugal dynamics within truly freed markets that equalize wealth and facilitate broad resistance to power dynamics.  pdf | direct purchase | amazon | audiobook

Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice – ed. Edward Stringham
Writings on conflict mediation mechanisms in societies with polycentric social norms and arbitration courts. amazon | direct purchase"]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism mikhailbakunin favidgraeber introduction emmagoldman peterkropotkin robertmurphy kenmacleod theory primers anarchy petergelderoos kevincarson michaeltaylor edwardstringham charlesjohnson garychartier capitalism inequality power horizontality law legal nonviolence gametheory erricomalatesta malatesta</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@ayjay/the-devils-bargain-a4da217c733a">
    <title>The Devil’s Bargain — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2014-10-09T05:11:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@ayjay/the-devils-bargain-a4da217c733a</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The question Graeber wants to put to us is this: To what extent are our imaginations shaped — constrained, limited — by our having had to live with the technological choices made by the military-industrial complex — by industries and universities working in close collaboration with the government, in a spirit of subservience to its needs?

Or, to put it another way: How were we taught not even to dream of flying cars and jetpacks? — or, or for that matter, an end to world hunger, something that C. P. Snow, in his famous lecture on “the two cultures” of the sciences and humanities, saw as clearly within our grasp more than half-a-century ago? To see “sophisticated simulations” of the things we used to hope we’d really achieve as good enough?"

…

"As I noted earlier, this seems to cover a very different subject than his meditation on flying cars and the absence thereof — but it’s really about the same thing, which is: the impact of economic structures on imagination. For Graeber it could scarcely be accidental that a world devoted to utility-maximizing, acquisitive market-based behavior would create a theory that animals, indeed the very genes of creatures, invariably behave in a utility-miximizing, acquisitive way in the Great Market of Life."

…

"For those whose ideas have been shaped so thoroughly by the logic of capitalism, people like Prince Kropotkin who see mutual aid as a factor in evolution, or who would go still further and see play as simply intrinsic to being alive — Graeber doesn’t cite J. Huizinga’s Homo Ludens here, but he should — are just nuts. They’re not seeing the world as it obviously really is.

But, Graeber suggests, maybe what’s obvious from within the logic of late capitalism isn’t so obvious from another point of view; and maybe what’s nuts according to the logic of late capitalism is, again from another point of view, not necessarily nuts. Maybe there is more in heaven and earth, Professor Dawkins, than is dreamt of in your evolutionary biology.

In a famous passage from Pilgrim at Tinker Creek — the much-anthologized chapter called “Seeing” — Annie Dillard cites the naturalist Stewart Edward White on how to learn to see deer: “As soon as you can forget the naturally obvious and construct an artificial obvious, then you too will see deer.” That is, you have to learn to pick out certain now-and-for-you-insignificant elements in your visual field and reassign them to the realm of the significant. And this is true, not just for the visual but also for the mental field. But it is also and equally true that our constructions of the artificial obvious are not invariably reliable: sometimes they are wrong, and if we then forget that they are our constructions, and think of them as the natural obvious, as the way things just are … we’re screwed.

This is Graeber’s point. And you don’t have to agree with him about the playfulness of worms to see its importance. Our social and economic structures prompt us, every day and in a hundred different ways, to see certain elements of our mental field as significant while ever-so-gently discouraging us from noticing others at all. And when it comes to the constructions of our mental worlds, as opposed to our visual fields, we might be missing something more lastingly important than a guy in a gorilla suit.

All of these reflections started with my reading of a 1945 article about the entanglements of the arts with universities, at a time when universities were in danger of becoming what they have since largely become: “social and technical service stations.” Let’s try now to get back to those concerns."

…

"My point is: I don’t like seeing journalism being drawn so consistently into the same self-justifying, self-celebrating circles that the American university itself was drawn into during and following World War II. As R. P. Blackmur rightly feared, the intimacy between universities and government did not end when the war ended; it only intensified, and the fact that those universities became our chief patrons of the arts, especially literary writing, at the very moment that they crawled permanently into bed with government and industry, cannot be without repercussions for artists.

The best guide to the rise of creative programs in particular is Mark McGurl’s The Program Era, and it’s fascinating how McGurl repeatedly walks right up to the edge of a clearly articulated critique of this system without ever crossing it. In the penultimate sentence of his book he writes, “Is there not more excellent fiction being produced now than anyone has time to read?” Then he starts a new paragraph before giving us the book’s last sentence: “What kind of traitor to the mission of mass higher education would you have to be to think otherwise?” Oh clever man!

Yes, there is a great deal of skillfully written post-World-War-II fiction available to us, indeed more than we could ever read. But how much of it embodies the kind of imaginative otherness that, as David Graeber reminds us, our social/cultural/economic contexts militate against? How much of it, shaped as it is in institutions that owe their continued existence to their affiliation with the military-industrial complex, envisions ways of life radically other than the ones we now experience? How much of it offers more than increasingly sophisticated simulations of worlds we already know, can predict, feel comfortable in? How much, in shirt, is conducive to genuine hope?

I guess what I’m asking for is pretty simple: for writers of all kinds, journalists as well as fiction writers, and artists and academics, to strive to extricate themselves from an “artificial obvious” that has been constructed for us by the dominant institutions of our culture. Simple; also probably impossible. But it’s worth trying. Few things are more worth trying.

And I am also asking universities to realize and to reconsider their implication in those dominant institutions. I don’t demand that schools sever their ties with those institutions, since that would be financially suicidal, and economic times for higher education are hard enough as it is. But there need to be more pockets of resistance: more institutions with self-consciously distinctive missions, and within institutions more departments or even just informal discussion groups who seek to imagine the so-far unimaginable.

Finally, I am asking all this of myself. I’m fifty-five years old. I’ve probably got twenty or so years to think and write at the highest level I’m capable of, and in those years I want to surprise myself. I don’t want merely to recycle and redeploy the ideas I have inherited. I know that this is easier for me, a white American man with a secure job, than it is for many others. But then, that’s all the more reason for me to do it.

Fifty years ago, Jacques Derrida gave a lecture that would become very famous, and created a stir even as he presented it. When the talk ended, the first questioner was Jean Hyppolite, and he asked Derrida what his talk was “tending toward.” Derrida replied, “I was wondering myself if I know where I am going. So I would answer you by saying, first, that I am trying, precisely, to put myself at a point so that I do not know any longer where I am going.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2014 alanjacobs education culture highereducation highered davidgraeber whauden rpblackmur louisalthusser adamkirsch militaryindustrialcomplex power funding academia creativity play economics imagination richarddawkins canon corporatization corporatism mutualaid peterkropotkin homoludens johanhuizinga seeing stewartendward anniedillard californiasundaymagazine technology siliconvalley capitalism latecapitalism journalism writing jacquesderrida jeanhyppolite markmcgurl context resistance utopia pocketsofresistance courage possibility transcontextualism paradigmshifts althusser transcontextualization auden</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://friendsofthemodernschool.org/">
    <title>Friends of the Modern School</title>
    <dc:date>2014-08-12T06:23:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://friendsofthemodernschool.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Between 1910 and 1960 a remarkable educational experiment took place in the United States under the aegis of the anarchist movement. For half a century anarchists from New York to Los Angeles carried on a venture in learning that was unique in American history. Inspired by the execution of Francisco Ferrer, the Spanish educator and martyr, more than twenty schools were established in different parts of the country where children might study in an atmosphere of freedom and self-reliance, in contrast to the formality and discipline of the traditional classroom.

These Modern Schools, as they were called, differed from other educational experiments of the same period in being schools for children of workers and directed by the workers themselves. Their founders, moreover, were anarchists, whose prophets were Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tolstoy as well as Rousseau, Pestalozzi, and Froebel, and who sought to abolish all forms of authority, political and economic as well as educational, and to usher in a new society based on the voluntary cooperation of free individuals."]]></description>
<dc:subject>modernschools modernschoolmovement anarchism tolstoy rousseau froebel franciscoferrer nyc losangeles education history schools us lcproject openstudioproject freedom mikhailbakunin pestalozzi emmagoldman willdurant alexanderberkman alexisferm elizabethferm peterkropotkin friedrichfroebel friedrichfröbel</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.academia.edu/7380841/_Fleeting_pockets_of_anarchy_Streetwork._The_exploding_school">
    <title>&quot;Fleeting pockets of anarchy&quot; Streetwork. The exploding school. | Catherine Burke - Academia.edu</title>
    <dc:date>2014-07-28T22:43:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.academia.edu/7380841/_Fleeting_pockets_of_anarchy_Streetwork._The_exploding_school</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Colin Ward (1924–2010) was an anarchist and educator who, together with Anthony Fyson, was employed as education officer for the Town and Country Planning Association in the UK during the 1970s. He is best known for his two books about childhood, The Child in the City (1978) and The Child in the Country (1988). The book he co-authored with Fyson, Streetwork. The Exploding School (1973), is discussed in this article as illustrating in practical and theoretical terms Ward’s appreciation of the school as a potential site for extraordinary radical change in relations between pupils and teachers and schools and their localities. The article explores the book alongside the Bulletin of Environmental Education, which Ward edited throughout the 1970s. It argues that the literary and visual images employed in the book and the bulletins contributed to the powerful positive representation of the school as a site of potential radical social change. Finally, it suggests that “fleeting pockets of anarchy” continue to exist in the lives of children through social networking and virtual environments that continue to offer pedagogical possibilities for the imaginative pedagogue."

…

"Paul Goodman’s work had particular relevance to the development of ideas expressed in Streetwork. Through his fiction, Goodman developed the idea of the “exploding school” which realised the city as an educator. Playing with the notion of the school trip as traditionally envisaged, he created an image of city streets as host to a multitude of small peripatetic groups of young scholars and their adult shepherds. This image was powerfully expressed in Goodman’s 1942 novel, TheGrand Piano; or, The Almanac of Alienation.

Ward quotes extensively from this novel in Streetwork because the imagery and vocabulary so clearly articulate a view of the city and the school that is playfully subversive yet imaginable. In a dialogue between a street urchin and a professor, Goodman has the elder explain:

<blockquote>this city is the only one you’ll ever have and you’ve got to make the best of it. On the other hand, if you want to make the best of it, you’ve got to be able to criticize it and change it and circumvent it . . . Instead of bringing imitation bits of the city into a school building, let’s go at our own pace and get out among the real things. What I envisage is gangs of half a dozen starting at nine or ten years old, roving the Empire City (NY) with a shepherd empowered to protect them, and accumulating experiences tempered to their powers . . . In order to acquire and preserve a habit of freedom, a kid must learn to circumvent it and sabotage it at any needful point as occasion arises . . . if you persist in honest service, you will soon be engaging in sabotage.</blockquote>

Inspired by such envisaged possibilities, Ward came to his own view of anarchism, childhood and education. Sabotage was a function of the transformational nature of education when inculcated by the essential elements of critical pedagogy. In this sense, anarchism was not some future utopian state arrived at through a once-and-for-all, transformative act of revolution; it was rather a present-tense thing, always-already “there” as a thread of social life, subversive by its very nature – one of inhabiting pockets of resistance, questioning, obstructing; its existence traceable through attentive analysis of its myriad ways and forms.

Colin Ward was a classic autodidact who sought connections between fields of knowledge around which academic fences are too often constructed. At the heart of his many enthusiasms was an interest in the meaning and making of space and place, as sites for creativity and learning."

…

"Fleeting pockets of anarchy and spaces of educational opportunity

The historian of childhood John Gillis has borrowed the notion of the “islanding of children” from Helgar and Hartmut Zeiher as a metaphor to describe how contemporary children relate, or do not relate, to the urban environments that they experience in growing up. Gillis quotes the geographer David Harvey, who has noted that children could even be seen to inhabit islands within islands, while “the internal spatial ordering of the island strictly regulates and controls the possibility of social change and history”. This could so easily be describing the modern school. According to Gillis, “archipelagoes of children provide a reassuring image of stasis for mainlands of adults anxious about change”.

Since the publication of  Streetwork, the islanding of childhood has increased, not diminished. Children move – or, more accurately, are moved – from place to place, travelling for the most part sealed within cars. This prevents them encountering the relationships between time and space that Ward believed essential for them to be able to embark on the creation of those fleeting pockets of anarchy that were educational, at least in the urban environment. Meanwhile, the idea of environmental education has lost the urban edge realised fleetingly by Ward and Fyson during the1970s. Environmental education has become closely associated with nature and the values associated with natural elements and forces

If the curriculum of the school has become an island, we might in a sense begin to see the laptop or iPad as the latest islanding, or at least fragmenting, device. Ward and Fyson understood the importance of marginal in-between spaces in social life,where they believed creative flourishing was more likely to occur than in the sanctioned institution central spaces reflecting and representing state authority. This was, they thought, inevitable and linked to play, part of what it was to be a child. The teacher’s job was to manage that flourishing as well as possible, by responding to the opportunities continually offered in the marginal spaces between subjects in the curriculum and between school and village, city or town. They believed that such spaces offered educational opportunities that, if enabled to flourish through the suggested pedagogy of Streetwork and the implications of the exploding school, might enrich lives and environments across the generations. It was in the overlooked or apparently uninteresting spaces of the urban environment that teachers, with encouragement, might find a rich curriculum. Today, we might observe such “fleeting pockets of anarchy” in the in-between spaces of social media, which offer as yet unimagined opportunities and challenges for educational planners to expand the parameters of school and continue to define environmental education as radical social and urban practice."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://landscape.blogspot.com/2013/03/a-brief-history-of-participation.html">
    <title>a brief history of participation</title>
    <dc:date>2013-03-06T19:32:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://landscape.blogspot.com/2013/03/a-brief-history-of-participation.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["These activities were not always congenial to the program of government reform towards democratization.  Many of them used participatory methods instead to net poor peoples into networks of debt and reliance on hierarchical authorities.
         
The reasons for the failures of participatory technology are actually quite specific.  

Participation was appropriated during the 1970s as a means of cheap development without commitment of resources from above. The theme of participatory ownership of the city, pioneered in discussions about urban planning in the West, remained strong in the context of the developing world, and even grew in a context of spiraling urbanization.  In India, the Philippines, and much of Africa and Latin America, postwar economies pushed peasants off of the land into cities, where the poor availability of housing required the poor to squat on land and build their own homes out of cheap building materials. At first, the governments of these towns collaborated with the World Bank to take out loans to provide expensive, high-rise public housing units.  But increasingly, the World Bank drew upon the advice of western advocates of squatter settlements, who saw in western squats the potential benefits of self-governance without interference from the state.  In the hands of the World Bank, this theory of self-directed, self-built, self-governed housing projects became a justification for defunding public housing.  From 1972 forward, World Bank reports commended squatters for their ingenuity and resourcefulness and recommended giving squatters titles to their properties, which would allow them to raise credit and participate in the economy as consumers and borrowers.  

Participatory mechanisms installed by the Indian government to deal with water tanks after nationalization depend on principles of accountability at the local level that were invented under colonial rule.  They install the duty of the locality to take care of people without necessarily providing the means with which to do so.  

We need developers who can learn from the history of futility, and historians who have the courage to constructively encourage a more informed kind of development.  "]]></description>
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    <title>Human Nature, Education, Ecology – Dewey, Darwin, Midgley, Kropotkin [Part I] « Lebenskünstler</title>
    <dc:date>2012-10-25T18:10:14+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[All but one of the parts in bold are here.]

"Our humanity is not expressed through developing our individual talents and abilities, but by building bonds outward into the world…"

"The good for the human species, like all species, emerges from within the evolutionary story, and is not independent or opposed to it."

"While education needs to foster growth, it also needs to help celebrate the meaning of the moment."

"The notion that we “have a nature,” far from threatening the concept of freedom, is absolutely essential to it."

"The very idea of dehumanization is predicated on the idea that there is a human essence which has, in some fundamental sense, been degraded."

"…equality is not sameness. A belief in sameness here is both irrelevant to the struggle for equal rights and inconsistent with the facts."

"We need the vast world…"

"Children, poets and scientists – that is, human beings who relate to life with a sense of humility and awe – have a particular prescience for wonder."]]></description>
<dc:subject>deschooling unschooling leisurearts society evolution humans human equalrights equality variety variation humility networks peterkropotkin marymidgley community connectivism attention presence present humanism dehumanization sameness scientists poets curiosity darwin diversity learning education ecology wonder religion eilonschwartz johndewey 2012 randallszott neoteny artleisure charlesdarwin</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://thenewinquiry.com/features/concerning-the-violent-peace-police-an-open-letter-to-chris-hedges/">
    <title>Concerning the Violent Peace-Police: An Open Letter to Chris Hedges – The New Inquiry</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-11T05:55:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://thenewinquiry.com/features/concerning-the-violent-peace-police-an-open-letter-to-chris-hedges/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the course of the next 40 years, Gandhi and his movement were regularly denounced in the media, just as non-violent anarchists are also always denounced in the media (and I might remark here that while not an anarchist himself, Gandhi was strongly influenced by anarchists like Kropotkin and Tolstoy), as a mere front for more violent, terroristic elements, with whom he was said to be secretly collaborating. He was regularly challenged to prove his non-violent credentials by assisting the authorities in suppressing such elements. Here Gandhi remained resolute. It is always morally superior, he insisted, to oppose injustice through non-violent means than through violent means. However, to oppose injustice through violent means is still morally superior to not doing anything to oppose injustice at all.

And Gandhi was talking about people who were blowing up trains, or assassinating government officials. Not damaging windows or spray-painting rude things about the police."

[Also here: http://www.nplusonemag.com/concerning-the-violent-peace-police ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>police resistance revolt revolution gandhi nonviolence activism protest violence history occupywallstreet chrishedges ows markrothko davidgraeber anarchist 2012 blackbloc peterkropotkin</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7b3a732e6996/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://vimeo.com/23538008">
    <title>Rebecca Solnit on Hope on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-05T18:48:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://vimeo.com/23538008</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Despair is a black leather jacket in which everyone looks good, while hope is a frilly pink dress few dare to wear. Rebecca Solnit thinks this virtue needs to be redefined.

Here she takes to our pulpit to deliver a sermon that looks at the remarkable social changes of the past half century, the stories the mainstream media neglects and the big surprises that keep on landing.

She explores why disaster makes us behave better and why it's braver to hope than to hide behind despair's confidence and cynicism's safety.

History is not an army. It's more like a crab scuttling sideways. And we need to be brave enough to hope change is possible in order to have a chance of making it happen."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mainstreammedia davidgraeber venezuela indigeneity indigenousrights indigenous us mexico ecuador anti-globalization latinamerica bolivia evamorales lula cynicism uncertainty struggle barackobama georgewbush humanrights insurgency hosnimubarak egypt yemen china saudiarabia bahrain change protest tunisia optimism future environment contrarians peterkro peterkropotkin worldbank imf globaljustice history freemarkets freetrade media globalization publicdiscourse neoliberalism easttimor syria control power children brasil argentina postcapitalism passion learning education giftgiving gifteconomy gifts politics policy generosity kindness sustainability life labor work schooloflife social society capitalism economics hope 2011 anti-authoritarians antiauthority anarchy anarchism rebeccasolnit brazil shrequest1 luladasilva antiglobalization</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://outrospection.org/2011/04/19/754">
    <title>Podcast: Empathy, mutual aid and the anarchist prince</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-25T03:50:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://outrospection.org/2011/04/19/754</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peter Kropotkin was one of the greatest thinkers of the nineteenth century, who managed to multi-task as a Russian prince, renowned geographer and revolutionary anarchist. In this interview with Phonic FM, a wonderful community radio station based in Exeter, I discuss how Kropotkin’s ideas about ‘mutual aid’ relate to my own work on empathy, and why Kropotkin is a prophet for the art of living in the twenty-first century. The interview lasts around 50 minutes."]]></description>
<dc:subject>peterkropotkin empathy anarchism romankrznaric outrospection mutualaid history 2011 podcasts tolisten philosophy science politics peacebuilding ethics interviews lcproject unschooling deschooling society policy law cognitiveempathy affectiveempathy perspective understanding radicalsocialchange socialchange conversation learning crosspollination crossdisciplinary strangers conversationmeals interdisciplinary facilitating connectivism connections generalists cooperation cooperativegroups</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3928f3e347b2/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:understanding"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:radicalsocialchange"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:conversation"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Kropotkin">
    <title>Peter Kropotkin - Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2011-02-21T07:14:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Kropotkin</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Prince Pyotr Alexeyevich Kropotkin (Russian: Пётр Алексе́евич Кропо́ткин; 9 December 1842 – 8 February 1921) was a zoologist, an evolutionary theorist, geographer and one of the world's foremost anarcho-communists. Kropotkin advocated a communist society free from central government and based on voluntary associations between workers. Because of his title of prince, he was known by some as "the Anarchist Prince". Some contemporaries saw him as leading a near perfect life, including Oscar Wilde, who described him as "a man with a soul of that beautiful white Christ which seems coming out of Russia."[1] He wrote many books, pamphlets and articles, the most prominent being The Conquest of Bread and Fields, Factories and Workshops, and his principal scientific offering, Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution. He also contributed the article on anarchism to the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition."]]></description>
<dc:subject>politics anarchism history wikipedia anarchy peterkropotkin anarcho-communism education</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Stelton Modern School: A Brief History of Fransisco Ferrer</title>
    <dc:date>2011-02-21T07:12:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.talkinghistory.org/stelton/historyofferrer.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The concepts of rational education did not grow out of a vacuum. [explained]  … The ideals of free education begin in response to the ideals of classical education that were particularly prevalent at that time.  The first part of the free education system begins with the belief that imitation and repetition perverted or inhibited the natural development of the pupil.  The learning of new skills, both simple and complex should instead be done in a natural fashion.  In contrast to the development of ivory tower scholarship, the proponents of rational education believed in knowledge derived from both experience of, and interaction with the world - "learning by doing.""]]></description>
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