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    <title>The Problems With Democracy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-18T02:37:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5JEJ_L_Zjg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does democracy really mean? What are its flaws? And what might it take to move beyond democracy and toward freedom?

Introduction - 0:00
Defining Democracy - 1:48
"Real Democracy" - 8:30
What's Wrong With Democracy? - 15:51
Enter: Anarchy - 30:44

Sources & Resources:
From Democracy to Freedom by Crimethinc - https://crimethinc.com/2016/04/29/feature-from-democracy-to-freedom
On Democracy by Robert Dahl - https://newuniversityinexileconsortium.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Robert-A.-Dahl-On-Democracy-1998-1.pdf
Anarchy After Leftism by Bob Black - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/bob-black-anarchy-after-leftism
Remaking Society by Murray Bookchin
Fragments of An Anarchist Anthropology by David Graeber - https://www.eleuthera.it/files/materiali/David_Graeber_Fragments_%20Anarchist_Anthropology.pdf
There Never Was a West Or, Democracy Emerges From the Spaces In Between by David Graeber
Anarchism, Marxism and the Future of the Left by Murray Bookchin
Anarchists Against Democracy by Various - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/various-authors-anarchists-against-democracy
The Soul of Man under Socialism by Oscar Wilde - https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/wilde-oscar/soul-man/
Statism and Anarchy by Mikhail Bakunin - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/mikhail-bakunin-statism-and-anarchy
Revenge of the Return of Anarchy and Democracy (Revisited) by Shawn P. Wilbur
Anarchy Alive! by Uri Gordon
Debunking Democracy by Bob Black
A Day in the Life of a Socialist Citizen by Michael Walzer, found in Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War, and Citizenship by Michael Walzer
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Council-of-Five-Hundred-ancient-Greek-council
We Don’t Agree On Capitalism by Frank Miroslav - https://wedontagree.net/essays/we-dont-agree-on-capitalism-essay/
Nightmares of Reason by Bob Black
Why Democracy Is Not Compatible With Anarchism by Lazar M - https://www.reddit.com/r/DebateAnarchism/comments/1pz3tok/i_felt_inspired_today_and_decided_to_try_to_write/
A New Glossary by Shawn P. Wilbur - https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/glossary/a-new-glossary/
The Abolition Of Rulership Or The Rule Of All Over All? By William Gillis - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/william-gillis-the-abolition-of-rulership-or-the-rule-of-all-over-all
The Difference by Scott E Page
C4SS Mutual Exchange Symposium: Anarchy and Democracy - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/center-for-a-stateless-society-anarchy-and-democracy "]]></description>
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    <title>Trauma is a Time Machine: A Cinematic Primer with Kwasu D. Tembo - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-08T05:32:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n1-hhZUcGJY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If you could go back in time, would you change the past, even if it meant changing who you are? Is existing in time itself traumatic? Is power over time a cinematic endeavour, and what makes a good director an even better time traveller? This week on Acid Horizon we're joined by Kwasu D. Tembo to talk about his latest book Trauma in 21st-Century Time Travel Cinema, discussing the philosophy of time travel in films such as Primer, Timecrimes, and Predestination; as well as how the experience of time transcendentally conditions the structure of the psyche.

Buy Baz's book, Trauma in 21st-Century Time Travel Cinema
Being (a)Part: https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/trauma-in-21stcentury-time-travel-cinema-9781978768734/

<blockquote>Kwasu D. Tembo unites approaches from disciplines as wide-ranging as physics, mathematics, cinema, philosophy, and media theory to pose critical questions concerning time, change, and (un)becoming in contemporary time-travel cinema.

In his analyses of 21st-century cinematic time-travel narratives, Tembo situates human life in time as a palimpsest, with time acting as scriptor and stylus. A time machine, then, functions as a fantasy that allows for this pace to be slowed or accelerated so as to appear entirely suspended, with the potentials of the “Now” (re)opened to the traveler.

As the manipulation of time lends the traveler increased agency-and perhaps the conditions to see themselves more clearly amid a claustrophobic sea of information and content-Tembo contends that we must carefully consider the psycho-emotional affectivity of both the motivations and the potentially traumatic consequences of such a jarring shift in perspective. The results lend critical insight into human understandings of how we experience time and, ultimately, what these understandings permit and disallow in terms of how (it is) to be in time.</blockquote>

Phasmid Press: https://phasmidpress.org/ "]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/06/a-brief-introduction-to-catholic-social-teaching/">
    <title>A Brief Introduction to Catholic Social Teaching - Front Porch Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-05T23:41:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/06/a-brief-introduction-to-catholic-social-teaching/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["At the heart of CST is the title of Pope Leo XIV’s encyclical: magnificent humanity"]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexsoslet catholicism catholicchurch 2026 popeleoxiv rerumnovarum popeleoxiii christianity humanity magnificahumanitas catholicsocialteaching ai artificialintelligence towerofbabel annarowlands human humans jesus christ jesuschrist solidarity participation participatory socialconditions commongood commons encyclicals humandignity dignity layapostolates socialjustice universaldestinationofgoods justice love religion</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/building-strange-oases">
    <title>Building Strange Oases - Beautiful Eccentrics</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-05T05:34:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/building-strange-oases</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What we often call creativity, innovation, research, or artistic practice may be understood as socially sanctioned forms of play. The adult does not stop playing; the adult learns to disguise play under other names.

This realization has important implications for participatory art. Too often, participatory projects assume that they must teach participants something entirely new. But perhaps the task is subtler. Perhaps the role of participatory art is not to introduce play into people’s lives but to reveal forms of play that are already present there.

In this sense, participatory art resembles the Platonic concept of anamnesis: the idea that learning is not the acquisition of new knowledge but the recollection of something we already possess. The teacher does not deposit knowledge into the student. Rather, the teacher creates the conditions through which the student recognizes something that was already latent within them.

The same may be true of participation. A successful participatory artwork does not force people into unfamiliar territory. It helps them become conscious of capacities they already exercise every day: imagining alternatives, inhabiting different perspectives, negotiating rules, collaborating with others, and navigating uncertainty. The artwork becomes a mirror in which participants encounter forms of knowledge they already possess but rarely have the opportunity to see.

I sometimes wonder whether the growing interest in participation, interactivity, social practice, and collaborative forms of art reflects a broader condition of contemporary life. We spend much of our time being evaluated, measured, categorized, and asked to justify our actions through tangible outcomes. Under such conditions, spaces in which exploration can occur without immediate consequence become increasingly rare.

What artists often create, consciously or unconsciously, are temporary refuges from these pressures. Not escapes from reality, but suspensions of some of reality’s demands. Spaces in which people can momentarily set aside the need to be correct, efficient, productive, or certain.

The most successful participatory works are rarely those that ask people to do something entirely unfamiliar. Rather, they offer recognizable frameworks—stores, libraries, classrooms, games, celebrations, performances, archives, playgrounds. We know how to inhabit these forms. The artist’s task is not to invent a world from nothing but to subtly reorganize a familiar one.

Play grants us permission. Permission to imagine alternatives. Permission to experiment without certainty. Permission to occupy different roles. Permission to ask “what if?” Permission, for a moment, to stop performing adulthood and to engage with the world through curiosity rather than obligation.

In this sense, the artistic oasis is not a place where we become children again. It is a place where we remember capacities that adulthood has taught us to conceal.

That, I believe, is the deepest promise of participatory art. Not that it teaches us something we did not know, but that it helps us recognize something we have known all along.

Perhaps that is why Pessoa’s garden continues to resonate. It was never simply a place from childhood. It was a reminder that somewhere within ordinary life there remains a territory governed by different rules. We enter it briefly, and then return. But for a moment, play is its master."]]></description>
<dc:subject>pablohelguera art play 2026 participation participatory interactive interaction uncertainty socialpracticeart collaboration life society exploration permission adulthood children childhood reseacrh innovation johanhuizenga homoludens playgrounds rules dwwinnicott jeromebruner psychology education action improvisation experimentation hypotheticals entertainment federicodamorais marianpedrosa eugenfink fernadopessoa álvarodecampos intelligence joy museums thinking howwethink freedom agency artwork</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://pmic2026.wordpress.com/submissions/">
    <title>Submissions – Performativity(ies) of Memory(ies) Interdisciplinary Conference 2026</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T05:15:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pmic2026.wordpress.com/submissions/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Recommended topics:

• Shared memory of experiences and knowledge
• Participatory research and practice as testimony of (the) memory
• Community-generated memory and political identity(ies)
• Representation of memory and practice-as-research
• Processes of re-creation/re-contextualization
• Identity, narrative(s) and memory sharing
• Artificial and digital memory
• From “stock memory” to “flux memory”
• Memory and the irruption of the Real]]></description>
<dc:subject>memory knowledge 2026 sharedmemory participatory research identity narrative</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ba297dfb0b00/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://cswr.hds.harvard.edu/publications/plants-fungi-2025/symbiotic-koeva">
    <title>Symbiotic Resonances: Sounding More-than-human Worlds | Center for the Study of World Religions</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-09T19:00:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://cswr.hds.harvard.edu/publications/plants-fungi-2025/symbiotic-koeva</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Elitza Koeva, Postdoctoral Fellow with the Thinking with Plants and Fungi Initiative, Harvard CSWR

The Anthropocene, a contested term to describe our species’ footprints on the earth, is both a crisis and an opportunity, an epoch whose defining challenge is the necessity of becoming-with a pluriverse of others—plant, fungal, animal, mineral, machinic—in cooperative and sympoietic ways. Amidst mass extinction and the collapse of planetary boundaries, can we learn to listen and reattune to the environment, learning from cultures and species that have long known how to world otherwise?

This chapter argues for the generative potential of attuning to the vibratory, the interstitial, the entangled. From birdsong to forest symphonies indexed by bioelectric sensors, and planktonic chimeras at the root of all life, sound mediates relations that challenge the fixity of boundaries, the conceits of mastery, and the fiction of the autonomous self."]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:javierarbona 2025 sound morethanhuman multispecies listening elitzakoeva plants fungi anthropocene sympoiesis ursulaleguin ursulakleguin donnaharaway lynnmargulis scottgilbert birdsong birds animals sensors senses plankton stevenfield acoustics acoustemology epistemology trees daviddunn isabellestengers monicagagliano heidiappel rexcocroft zoëschlanger resonance riccupples communication oceans atmosphere ryuichisakamoto environment music activism ecology buddhism andreitarkovsky shirotakatani christiansaedet biosignals worldmaking improvisation risk speculative human-animalrelations human-animalrelationships human art wind water coexsitence solidarity hope haptics participatory restoration foucault michelfoucault resistance bodies humility openness stefanhelmreich creativity sounds audio indeterminacy johncage yellowmagicorchestra jenniegottschalk</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6952e2446ab8/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democracy-on-the-ground-in-venezuela-with-gabriel-hetland/id1624843324?i=1000742328853&amp;l=es-MX">
    <title>Democracy on the Ground in Venezuela with Gabriel Hetland - Sur-Urbano - Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T18:31:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democracy-on-the-ground-in-venezuela-with-gabriel-hetland/id1624843324?i=1000742328853&amp;l=es-MX</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Even within the already brutal record of the Trump administration, the escalating threats of military intervention and extrajudicial killings of civilians in Venezuela stand out as a disturbing return to the most repressive eras of U.S. imperialism. As of this recording, 99 civilians have been assassinated, while the United States has begun amassing thousands of troops and warships in the Caribbean and has ordered a blockade of Venezuela’s oil industry. Earlier this month, Trump released a new National Security Strategy announcing a so-called “Trump Corollary,” which asserts a U.S. right to revive the Monroe Doctrine in order to “restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere and protect our homeland and access to key geographies throughout the region.”

This military imperialism, and the continued perpetuation of war crimes, must clearly be rejected unequivocally. And at the same time, I side with my Venezuelan friends and comrades in recognizing that the fact that Maduro appears to be the target of an US intervention does not erase the profound violence that his regime has waged upon Venezuelans. This violence has been used not only against Opposition activists, who have been murdered, tortured or imprisoned in the dozens over the last 10 years, but also against the labor movement whose rights to collective bargaining and striking have effectively been abolished. It has also been used against indigenous activists resisting extractivist projects in Perijá and the Gran Sabana, and youth in the barrios executed by police in the hundreds. 

Our episode today speaks about a different political moment:  when, around fifteen years ago, Venezuela was the site of an incredible experiment in participatory democracy, simultaneously pushed from above and from below, that generated such a strong consensus that even sectors of the Opposition were drawn into participating.

I interview Gabriel Hetland, associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany, who explores the conditions for leftist hegemony in his book Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn. 

While the book is a comparison between Venezuela and Bolivia, we primarily focus on Venezuela, observing participatory reform in cities governed by the Left and Right. The Venezuelan city ruled by the left, Torres, was lauded as “the most democratic city in the world”, dedicating its entire investment budget to a radical and inspiring participatory budgeting effort. But surprisingly, Sucre – a city ruled by the right opposition – also undertook a similar participatory reform, leading Gabriel to argue that for a while, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution – led by Hugo Chavez – managed to consolidate hegemony: when the ruling political force forces its opponents to play the game of politics on its terrain, in this case, the terrain of popular power. 

Just this week, the far-right won Chile’s presidential elections, joining Argentina’s Milei, and similar right-wing shifts in Ecuador and Bolivia, joining the rise of the right in the United States and Europe. In a moment of an appearing right-wing hegemony, it is more important than ever to insist upon the conditions not only for leftist resistance, but also the construction of alternative hegemonies.

 Gabriel’s clear-eyed analysis, which draws from Gramscian theory but also a very rich ethnographic field work of over two years, shows the potential as well as the contradictions in populist politics, and has lessons for building democracy on the ground in this moment in which it is so sorely needed. 

Gabriel Hetland is associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany. He has written extensively about politics and social movements in Latin America and the US for scholarly and popular outlets including The Washington Post, The Guardian, The Nation, Jacobin, and elsewhere."

[also here:
https://open.spotify.com/episode/12WylzVHKFgP5ltW1Qciwz ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>sur-urbano 2025 gabrielhetland venezuela chavismo hugochávez nicolásmaduro democracy participatory participatorydemocracy participatorybudgeting bolivia evomorales left right antoniogramsci hegemony governance politics government margaretthatcher tonyblair neoliberalism donaldtrump caribbean trumpism perijá bolivarianrevolution populism ethnography javiermilei argentina joséantoniokast chile ecuador us europe rightwing farright gransabana isabelpeñarandacurrie via:javierarbona warcrimes imperialism nationalism opposition labor work workers indigenous indigeneity extractivism power popularpower juliochávez johnnymurphy ernestolaclau michaelburawoy maxism fieldwork participation movementleft sucre primerajusticia carora cochabama mobilization demobilization socialmovements monroedoctrine socialism passiverevolution leftpopulisthegemony popularparticipation socialspending massimomodonesi transformismo popularmobilization mexico torres mariacorinamachado zohranmamdani barackobama sanctions</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/">
    <title>7 Principles of Zapatismo to Consider in Community Building - The Mixed Space</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T06:38:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On January 1, 1994, the concept of Zapatismo arrived when a resistance group took up arms and seized several towns in Chiapas, Mexico. The group primarily consisted of a band of separate and mixed Indigenous tribes with their own customs including Ch’ol, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolobal, Mam, and Zoque. The event made headlines worldwide and sparked a movement for Indigenous rights, autonomy, and social change.


The Zapatista Revolution’s uprising, which occurred on the day the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect, was a revolutionary movement led by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in the southern state of Chiapas, Mexico. Zapatistas, as they are commonly known, emerged from decades of organizing among Indigenous peoples to address the systemic issues of poverty, discrimination, and lack of representation faced by Indigenous communities in Mexico. They demanded that the government recognize their rights to land, autonomy, and self-determination and called for a new political and economic system that would benefit all Mexicans, not just the wealthy elite.


The Zapatistas’ uprising was a call to action for marginalized communities worldwide and continues to inspire movements for Indigenous rights and social change. Though their initial spark in 1994 came with physical conflict with the Mexican military, the Zapatistas have since focused their efforts on building autonomous communities that are centered around their Indigenous traditions while seeking to create what they refer to as “‘Un Mundo Donde Quepan Muchos Mundos’ (‘A World Where Many Worlds Fit’) by emphasizing the dignity of ‘others,’ belonging, and common struggle, as well as the importance of laughter, dancing, and nourishing children.”


There is much to learn from the Zapatista Revolution and movement, like the demand for equity and belonging and the honoring of all that is ancestral. Let’s take a closer look at the seven Zapatista principles and how they can be incorporated to make a more equitable and suitable world for everyone.

1. Obedecer y No Mandar (To Obey, Not Command)

This Zapatista principle emphasizes the importance of executing the will of the people, while holding a position of leadership. In Zapatista autonomous communities, leadership positions are short-lived. This reflects the need for leaders to obey the collective desires of the community rather than command them from a position of power.

2. Proponer y No Imponer (To Propose, Not Impose)

Humility is a key part of life for the Zapatistas and aligns with their practice of debate and self-reflection. Therefore this principle is birthed from Zapatista culture of proposing a path forward and not imposing one.

3. Representar y No Suplantar (To Represent, Not Supplant)

Deriving from the Zapatista understanding that before the colonizer arrived, Indigenous people governed themselves. This principle is guided by the importance of self-governance for the Zapatistas and is grounded in the collective trust of the community to represent what the community wants.

4. Convencer y No Vencer (To Convince, Not Conquer)

The principle to convince not conquer is important to the Zapatista practice of dialogue and assembly. For the Zapatistas convincing requires logical argument, reflection, consideration of many viewpoints, and open discussion.

5. Construir y No Destruir (To Construct, Not Destroy)

The fifth principle is rooted in an ethic of anti-destruction and an end to exploitation. This principle is a practice in creating the institutions and the world that we want. This includes the unique Zapatista view of both relationships to humans and the land.

6. Servir y No Servirse (To Serve Others, Not Serve Oneself)

A traditional value for the Indigenous people of Chiapas is humility. The Zapatista slogan, ‘Para todos todo, para nosotros nada’ (Everything for Everyone, Nothing for Ourselves), is at the core of this principle. Every Zapatista must find a balance in serving others for the collective while taking care of their individual family work.

7. Bajar y No Subir (To Work From Below, Not Seek To Rise)

In Zapatista communities ‘trabajo colectivo’ (collective work), is a way of life. This seventh principle aligns with the mentality of working at the grassroots level for the benefit of your community.

Overall, the principles of Zapatismo can serve as a guide for people to navigate complex social issues and strive for equality and justice. It is favorable to listen to and respect the voices of marginalized communities, engage in dialogue and collaboration, and strive for progress and unity rather than division and destruction. If you are seeking to adopt some of these principles for yourself, please internalize the words directly from the Zapatistas: “Zapatismo is not a new political ideology or a rehash of old ideologies. Zapatismo is nothing; it does not exist. It only serves as a bridge to cross from one side to the other. So everyone fits within Zapatismo, everyone who wants to cross from one side to the other. There are no universal recipes, lines, strategies, tactics, laws, rules, or slogans. There is only a desire – to build a better world, that is, a new world.”"

[via:
https://nonprofitquarterly.org/zapatismo-at-30-an-indigenous-rights-movement-faces-perilous-times/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>zapatistas ezln nafta zapatismo 1994 principles indigeneity indigenous politics economics anarchism autonomy hierarchy horizontality community maya consent service leadership servantleadership governance participation participatory socialchange grassroots chiapas mexico</dc:subject>
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    <title>Zapatismo at 30: An Indigenous Rights Movement Faces Perilous Times | Nonprofit Quarterly | Civic News. Empowering Nonprofits. Advancing Justice.</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T05:57:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nonprofitquarterly.org/zapatismo-at-30-an-indigenous-rights-movement-faces-perilous-times/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Although the EZLN had its roots in Marxist insurgencies not unlike those seen elsewhere in Latin America, the movement has never fit neatly into an ideological mold. Its communiques are known to drift into poetry. Governance is based on communal participation and consent, and seven principles of mandar obedeciendo—which literally means “obeying by following,” but is more aptly described as servant leadership.

Specifically, these principles, described in greater detail in English here [https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/ ], are as follows:

1. To obey, not command
2. To propose, not impose
3. To represent, not supplant
4. To convince, not conquer
5. To construct, not destroy
6. To serve others, not serve oneself
7. To work from below, not seek to rise"

["1. Obedecer y No Mandar (To Obey, Not Command)

This Zapatista principle emphasizes the importance of executing the will of the people, while holding a position of leadership. In Zapatista autonomous communities, leadership positions are short-lived. This reflects the need for leaders to obey the collective desires of the community rather than command them from a position of power.

2. Proponer y No Imponer (To Propose, Not Impose)

Humility is a key part of life for the Zapatistas and aligns with their practice of debate and self-reflection. Therefore this principle is birthed from Zapatista culture of proposing a path forward and not imposing one.

3. Representar y No Suplantar (To Represent, Not Supplant)

Deriving from the Zapatista understanding that before the colonizer arrived, Indigenous people governed themselves. This principle is guided by the importance of self-governance for the Zapatistas and is grounded in the collective trust of the community to represent what the community wants.

4. Convencer y No Vencer (To Convince, Not Conquer)

The principle to convince not conquer is important to the Zapatista practice of dialogue and assembly. For the Zapatistas convincing requires logical argument, reflection, consideration of many viewpoints, and open discussion.

5. Construir y No Destruir (To Construct, Not Destroy)

The fifth principle is rooted in an ethic of anti-destruction and an end to exploitation. This principle is a practice in creating the institutions and the world that we want. This includes the unique Zapatista view of both relationships to humans and the land.

6. Servir y No Servirse (To Serve Others, Not Serve Oneself)

A traditional value for the Indigenous people of Chiapas is humility. The Zapatista slogan, ‘Para todos todo, para nosotros nada’ (Everything for Everyone, Nothing for Ourselves), is at the core of this principle. Every Zapatista must find a balance in serving others for the collective while taking care of their individual family work.

7. Bajar y No Subir (To Work From Below, Not Seek To Rise)

In Zapatista communities ‘trabajo colectivo’ (collective work), is a way of life. This seventh principle aligns with the mentality of working at the grassroots level for the benefit of your community.

Overall, the principles of Zapatismo can serve as a guide for people to navigate complex social issues and strive for equality and justice. It is favorable to listen to and respect the voices of marginalized communities, engage in dialogue and collaboration, and strive for progress and unity rather than division and destruction. If you are seeking to adopt some of these principles for yourself, please internalize the words directly from the Zapatistas: “Zapatismo is not a new political ideology or a rehash of old ideologies. Zapatismo is nothing; it does not exist. It only serves as a bridge to cross from one side to the other. So everyone fits within Zapatismo, everyone who wants to cross from one side to the other. There are no universal recipes, lines, strategies, tactics, laws, rules, or slogans. There is only a desire – to build a better world, that is, a new world.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=596dU6pDEU8">
    <title>Could 'degrowth' save the world? | BBC News - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-13T07:17:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=596dU6pDEU8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A group of academics and activists are questioning the possibility of endless economic growth on a finite planet and are advocating a bold solution: degrowth. 

Originating in France, the degrowth movement has spread to places like Japan, the UK and Barcelona, taking root in academia, grassroots organisations and among university students. 

The movement argues for a 'democratisation of the economy' and for collectively managing key resources, like housing. 

Critics argue that opposing economic growth is impractical and warn of negative consequences, especially for the most vulnerable. 

We take a look at the theory - and ask what the practice might look like.

00:00 Intro
02:32 The Barcelona School of Ecological economics: the roots of degrowth
05:39 Is GDP a good measure of our economies?
06:45 Could the economy be more democratic?
08:07 A net-zero housing cooperative
10:16 What can grow, and what needs to degrow?
12:31 Could green growth be a solution?
13:29 Degrowth and social justice
17:18 Challenging degrowth"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q8ZR9-y4ik8">
    <title>How AI Will Translate Human Creativity as Sci-Fi and Reality Converge | The Futurology Podcast - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-04T18:43:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q8ZR9-y4ik8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first machines mimicked our muscles. Today, they’ve learned to mirror our minds. Now they’re beginning to imitate something even closer to the core of our humanity – imagination itself. Sci-fi author, translator, and technologist Ken Liu calls this new medium the Noematagraph: a tool for capturing creativity and collaborating with AI in the same way cinema tells stories with actors, sound and a splash of light on a screen.

In this episode of Futurology, Liu joins Berggruen Press’ Executive Editor Nils Gilman to explore how AI blurs the line between artist and audience, code and consciousness. They discuss why storytelling has always been humanity’s most powerful technology and how machines, by learning to tell their own stories, may change what it means to express emotion in the AI age."]]></description>
<dc:subject>kenliu nilsgilman ai artificialintelligence creativity human humans humanism sciencefiction scifi art audience humanity emotion language communication biography emotions storytelling vladimirnabokov conversation orality rephrasings writing howwewrite dictionaries linguistics llms context consciousness meaning meaningmaking creativewriting translation ursulakleguin ursulaleguin coding feeling legal law legalwriting process voice style ernesthemingway hemingway fiction speculativefiction technology futurism stories dreams interiority unconscious reality collectiveunconscious science frankenstein maryshelley myth fantasy mythology photography film filmmaking cinema thoughts cinematograph georgesméliès noematograph augustelumière louislumière movement lumièrebrothers history narrative though subjectivity machinelearning participation participatory mediation affordances sociability personalization proteinfolding metaphysics metaphor simulation embodiment self existence text languange adaptation inte</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/email/44fb8141-f053-45ed-8de3-1ea6829a8fcb/">
    <title>Crisis Response</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-30T17:48:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/email/44fb8141-f053-45ed-8de3-1ea6829a8fcb/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For a while, I didn't quite know the differences between liberals and the left. But over time, these differences became clearer: while each camp has its own diagnoses of societal problems and prognoses of what's to come, what's struck me most is how their suggested treatments differ.

The liberals want technocrats and daddies. They call on the public to trust "the adults in the room," who will solve our problems through sheer intelligence — and an obliging sense of responsibility. The left sees no saviors, no daddies. It's through organization and solidarity that we will collectively save ourselves.

This week at Current, we see both sides (hehe):

• Matt Takaichi, Stephanie Reist, and Shyan Izadian report on the working-class people who mobilized in opposition to Trump's threatened ICE surge [https://bayareacurrent.com/scene-report-bay-area-fights-against-threat-of-federal-agent-surge/ ]

• Cole Sherlock Hersey attended SF Tech Week's block party for tech's supposed do-gooders. He couldn't find the party. Nor the good. [https://bayareacurrent.com/sf-tech-week-party/ ]"]]></description>
<dc:subject>left liberals liberalism leftism technocracy technocrats patriarchy 2025 organization authority solidarity participation participatory matttakaichi stephaniereist shyanizadian colesherlockhersey sanfrancisco bayarea ice donaldtrump maga magaism trumpism authoritarianism resistance olesherlockhersey</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hcn.org/issues/57-10/inventing-habitats/">
    <title>Inventing habitats - High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-24T20:02:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hcn.org/issues/57-10/inventing-habitats/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Reconciliation means meeting a landscape on its own terms."

[in Spanish:
https://www.hcn.org/issues/57-10/inventando-habitats/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/when-pilgrimage-becomes-form">
    <title>When Pilgrimage Becomes Form - Beautiful Eccentrics</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-18T06:09:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/when-pilgrimage-becomes-form</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On peripatetic practices."

...

"I started walking intently, as the writer Lori Waxman calls it, sometime during the pandemic in 2020. The pandemic forced us to radically limit our mobility to the most immediate surroundings. During that period my mind reverted to my childhood, when I was not allowed to leave the house unattended and was dependent of an adult to go beyond a few blocks. Stores and restaurants were closed, and even some public parks; no public transportation was available nor taxicabs. For many of us New Yorkers without a car, the only way to rebel against that imprisonment was to go out and walk through our neighborhoods. The activity became not only a form of exercise, but an attempt to improve our mental health.

Over the past five years this practice has deepened for me, leading to three realizations:


1. Movement and knowledge are inseparable; the act of going toward something generates its own kind of understanding.
2. Art is pilgrimage, and pilgrimage itself is a form of art.
3. Getting lost is not failure but a necessary and undervalued condition.

To survive as human beings requires the ability to move. Our earliest ancestors, 300,000 years ago, depended on hunting and gathering. Immediately, we can understand that this process of gathering is itself a form of learning—whether in a nomadic or sedentary community. The hunter or gatherer requires knowledge of the landscape, ecological systems, and the resources of their environment. What they observe must be shared and transmitted to their community, making this process of gathering an eminently social act.

Movement also connects to another kind of knowledge: spiritual knowledge—the knowledge of the pilgrim. As is well known, the principal reason that pilgrims walk the Camino de Santiago is spiritual, since the lessons gained suggest that difficulties and setbacks must be confronted rather than avoided.

But pilgrimage is not only an act of spiritual realization—it is also an act of knowledge. This is manifest in the Baroque period, ironically in the work of a Hieronimite nun who never traveled outside of the New Spain. I am referring to Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz’s masterpiece, Primero Sueño. In that poem, the narrator imagines her soul rising from her body while dreaming, at which time she is able to capture the totality of divine and human knowledge. But, it being a dream, this knowledge is also an illusion, and she wakes up with that realization.

In art, the way walking has been domesticated, if you will, is by turning it into an act of spiritual/touristic pilgrimage to specific sites.

The museum, often seen as a mausoleum, in other contexts becomes a kind of sanctuary or altar. The experience of visiting an artwork is a hybrid of tourism and spiritual pilgrimage.

Artworks in museums often undergo a double consecration. First, they become commodities, circulating through systems of value until they are enshrined as priceless treasures. Second, once housed in institutions, they acquire the aura of relics: objects to which we make pilgrimages. To stand before the Mona Lisa, for instance, is less an act of aesthetic contemplation than a ritualized performance — waiting in line, jockeying for a glimpse, documenting the encounter with a smartphone. As Benjamin suggested, the museum amplifies aura by staging artworks as sacred presences, and as Carol Duncan has argued, the visit itself functions as a civilizing ritual. Yet in the society of the spectacle (Debord), this ritual is commodified: tourism, ticket sales, and the circulation of selfies transform reverence into revenue. The museum pilgrimage becomes indistinguishable from a consumer experience, a sacred encounter repackaged as leisure.

It was precisely against this cycle of idolatry and fetishism that process-based art emerged. In Happenings, Kaprow shifted attention away from the object and toward the event; performance artists made the body itself the medium; land artists inscribed gestures into the landscape rather than onto a canvas. What mattered was not the relic but the act — the lived moment of participation, risk, or movement.

Walking as an art form crystallizes this ethos. Richard Long’s A Line Made by Walking (1967) turned the most ordinary of actions into a sculptural trace, reimagining the artwork as a fleeting imprint in the landscape. Hamish Fulton built an entire practice on the motto “no walk, no work,” treating walking itself as both medium and message, where the journey is the art. Francis Alÿs, in works such as The Collector (1991) or The Green Line (2004), extended walking into poetic and political registers, where the act of moving through urban space becomes a way of narrating history and conflict. Unlike the pilgrimage to the museum shrine, these works propose a pilgrimage without object: not a journey toward a sacred relic, but toward oneself. To walk as art is to recognize that the sacred lies not in commodities enshrined behind glass, but in the embodied act of moving through the world, where every step is both process and reflection, both artwork and awakening.

In other words: in museums, artworks often become sacred relics. We line up to see them, as if on pilgrimage — think of the Mona Lisa. But this pilgrimage is commodified: ticket sales, gift shops, selfies. The ritual of reverence is packaged as leisure.

Process-based art broke away from that cycle and shifted value from the object to the act. What mattered was the gesture, the event, the body in time.

My own practice has been guided by this spirit. For me, walking is also learning. It is not centered on an object, but it generates many forms: documentation, markers, narratives. The School of Panamerican Unrest was one such walk — a journey from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, where each stop became a classroom, each encounter a lesson. The project was less about reaching an end point than about creating a living archive of dialogues across the Americas.

So when I walk, I walk to learn. The artwork is not a relic to be enshrined, but a process of exchange — a story that unfolds with every step.

Whenever I think of the act of getting lost, I often think about the Calzada del niño perdido (lost child Causeway) in Mexico City, a street whose name stems from a colonial-era story about an anonymous boy who got lost and was later murdered. The street is today part of the modern-era Eje Central Lázaro Cárdenas in downtown Mexico City.

While getting lost is often associated with anxiety and tragedy, being lost does not constitute failure. On the contrary, it can be the point. As we know, the Situationists sought it intentionally and celebrated it as the dérive—drifting through the city without direction, letting the streets themselves guide you. To lose the map is to let go of habit, to break from the familiar circuits of daily life.

Displacement, whether intentional or accidental, is deeply generative. When we are out of place, we see differently. The city rearranges itself. Our assumptions are unsettled. Suddenly, a side street, a fragment of conversation, a corner café becomes a revelation.

For me, this has always been central: walking is not about efficiency, it is about discovery. To be displaced is to be invited into new ways of perceiving, to reframe perspective and re-examine reality. It is in those moments of disorientation that the real work of art—and of learning—emerges. So walking also means accepting disorientation. Displacement—whether by design or accident—is productive: it unsettles our habits, shifts our perspective, and opens us to what we would otherwise overlook.

To walk, to learn, even to lose our way: these are not detours from art, but the very conditions for it. In displacement we reframe reality; in drifting we encounter the world anew.

For the artist, in particular being lost, more than constituting failure, is condition. To be dislocated, to stand at the margins, is to step into the role of outsider. Walking is our most direct instrument for this task, the line we draw across the world to register where we are and who we are becoming. Each step is a cartography of reality, a way of sketching our fragile bond with place and time.

And it is in the unease of this dislocation — the vertigo of not quite belonging — that some of the most meaningful works of art are made. For to be out of place is also to see differently, to sense more sharply, to discover what the familiar conceals. Walking teaches us that the shrine is not ahead of us, waiting in a temple or a museum. The shrine is the path itself, the movement, the detour, the drift. It is the moment of being lost, and the act of finding anew.

The peripatetic tradition—from Aristotle to Sor Juana, from psychogeography to contemporary art—reminds us that learning and creating are acts in motion.

I close with one last but important note:

In Maurice Maeterlinck’s The Blue Bird, two children set out on a long journey to find happiness. They travel through strange lands—of memory, of night, of the future itself. And when they return, after all that wandering, they realize the blue bird was at home the whole time.

Walking, too, is this kind of quest. We walk not just to get somewhere, but to lose ourselves, to dislocate ourselves, to let the world rearrange itself before our eyes. And yet, at the end, what we discover is not some distant treasure. It is the nearness of what was already here.

The lesson of The Blue Bird is not that the journey was unnecessary. It is that the journey was the only way to truly see what home means. To walk is to go outward in order to return inward. To walk is to trace, step by step, the cartography of belonging. All these distances I walk daily (21,000 daily steps, or 10 miles), that search of happiness of sorts, this long pilgrimage, I have come to realize, is nothing other than an effort to come back to myself. The bird we seek is not distant; it waits quietly at home. The pilgrimage is the form, and the form is the return."]]></description>
<dc:subject>pablohelguera pilgrimage 2025 form loriwaxman pandemic coronavirus covid-19 2020 walking mobility childhood movement knowledge understanding art arts moving caminodesantiago place museums artworks commoditization carolduncan guydebord ritual tourism walterbenjamin idolotry fetishism process happenings allankaprow bodies participation participatory risk richardlong francisalÿs hamishfulton relics objects acts time dialogue derive dérive situations situationist displacement reality dislocation aristotle mauricemaeterlinck happiness journeys quests sorjuanainésdelacruz drifting learning howwelearn psychogeography drift</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://kottke.org/25/10/what-makes-for-a-healthy-society">
    <title>What Makes for a Healthy Society?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-07T00:42:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/25/10/what-makes-for-a-healthy-society</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a 2014 preface for his 1978 book The Ohlone Way, a description of how the indigenous peoples of California’s Bay Area lived before Europeans arrived, Malcolm Margolin shared a list of what he thought constituted a healthy society:

• Sustainable relationship with the environment. In a healthy society, the present generation doesn’t strip-mine the soil, water, forest, minerals, etc., leaving the future impoverished and the beauty of the world degraded.

• Few outcasts. A healthy society will have relatively few outcasts — prisoners, homeless, unemployed, insane.

• Relative egalitarianism. The gap between those with the most wealth and power and those with the least should be moderate, and those with the least should feel protected, cared for, or rewarded in some other way.

• Widespread participation in the arts.

• Moderation or control of individual power.

• Economic security attained through networks of family, friendship, and social reciprocity rather than through the individual hoarding of goods.

• Love of place. The feeling that one lives with emotional attachment to an area that is uniquely beautiful, abundant in natural resources, and rich in personal meaning.

• Knowing one’s place in the world. A sense, perhaps embodied in spiritual practice, that the individual is an insignificant part of a larger, more abiding universe.

• Work is done willingly, or at least with a minimum of resentment.

• Lots of laughter."]]></description>
<dc:subject>indigeneity indigenous ohlone 1978 malcolmmargolin society sustainability environment ecology soil water forests minerals mining outcasts homeless homelessness unemployment mentalhealth imprisonment incarceration prisonabolition place placebased arts art participation participatory egalitarianism wealth equality happiness inequality moderation power economics security stability families friendship laughter work labor coercion reciprocity civilization mutualaid hoarding sharing accumulation resources naturalresources meaning meaningmaking purpose spirituality individuals interdependence</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.koozarch.com/essays/fundamentals-on-design-as-a-transformative-process">
    <title>Fundamentals: On Design as a Transformative Process – KoozArch</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T05:48:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.koozarch.com/essays/fundamentals-on-design-as-a-transformative-process</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is uncanny to read how many architecture and design classrooms and studios are still heavily focused on training architects to deliver “completed” objects, from the scale of the spoon to that of the building. Although such pursuits might be imbued with the most high-tech solutions in terms of sustainability, relatively few of these face up to the facts of capitalism's short sighted definition of sustainability to the technosphere. Bound up in economic models of growth and backed by certifications that frequently focus on the operational energy of a building, seldom considering its life cycle, most current construction industry models justify demolishing and erecting new buildings, under the assumed pretext that ‘new’ equals ‘more sustainable’. What this model conveniently forgoes is the extractive hollowing that such “new” endeavours incur, both in terms of the “Carboniferous/Jurassic/Cretaceous; deep/shallow reserves” from which we are extracting1 but also the presumed holes we are shaping which will bury the exhausted shells — now potentially toxic waste — of our supposedly sustainable “completed” buildings, whose life span today is generally designed to be of less than 50 years. A built environment which is made of human-made bricks, mortar, concrete, and glass is not designed to be easily taken apart but rather demolished by brute force2, leaving little much more than useless rubble — to the extent that almost 30% of materials delivered to a construction site ends up as waste. It is of course a fact that worldwide, some 40% of all total solid waste is attributed to the construction industry. As the construction sector is set to grow significantly in the coming years, the number of holes that we will need to bury our sins within the depths of Gaia leaves one reeling."]]></description>
<dc:subject>pedagogy design transformation process materials koozarch education sustainability unmade unproduct nonproduct subversion assembly disassembly architecture ecology community participation participatory openstudioproject lcproject empowerment federicazambeletti</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/">
    <title>Tolstoy’s Christian Anarchism - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-18T16:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fateful visit to a market in Moscow entirely upended Tolstoy’s view on life and society—and changed the trajectory of his work and purpose."

...

"On a visit to Moscow in 1881, Count Leo Tolstoy was horrified at the destitution he encountered. He’d seen poverty before, had witnessed beggars and country dwellers barely eking out a living from the land, burdened by taxes and rents. But he wasn’t prepared for the magnitude and raggedness of the city’s poor, nor for the extent of their persecution by the police. He was horrified to realize that the beggars in the streets had to ask for alms with caution lest they be arrested. On the advice of a friend, he went to the Khitrov Market, a center of poverty and homelessness. What he saw there permanently changed his outlook on life and society. Following the crowds of tattered men and women, he entered the free night-lodging house and spoke to those seeking shelter. Afterwards, he returned to his servants and opulent town house and sat down to a five-course meal.

The disjunction between these two worlds, that of the rich and that of the poor, disgusted him. He grew irritated at the thought of well-kept horses, decadent table spreads, and the lavish entertainment of theaters.

“I could not help seeing, in contrast to all this,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? (1886), “those hungry, shivering, and degraded inhabitants of the night-lodging-house. I could never free myself from the thought that these conditions were inseparable—that the one proceeded from the other.”

At first, Tolstoy attempted to alleviate the suffering of the poor through charity. He took up collections and joined the census in order to find the needy on whom to bestow the alms of the rich. Yet he found money to be insufficient. Not only were many not in direct, desperate need of it, simply handing out bills only exasperated the system of exploitation and warped values that generated poverty.

“It is not enough to feed a man, dress him, and teach him Greek,” he wrote. A whole shift in values was necessary, one in which all learned “how to take less from others and give them more in return.”

Thus, Tolstoy began to question the very foundations of Russian society, a path of inquiry that led him ultimately to criticize the very basis of civilization as commonly understood. Combining such reflections with a radical, though idiosyncratic, Christianity, he articulated a new politics with prophetic fervor, a belief system best described as Christian anarchism.

The nineteenth century saw a flowering of anarchist thought with figures such as Proudhon, Fourier, Kropotkin, Rousseau, and others. Tolstoy was thus not unique in his espousal of the doctrine, though he gave it his own particular flavor. While there are no perfectly identical principles common amongst these thinkers, the political scientist R. B. Fowler observes that nineteenth-century anarchists can be broadly characterized by a “rejection of the familiar norms and structures, especially the political ones, of their age” and a belief that humanity ought to live free of government structures and in accord with nature—meaning both the environment and human nature more specifically. While nature was variously defined by different anarchists, most agreed that human nature ought to guide civilization and that human beings are basically good, intrinsically capable of harmony. Nature, therefore, and not individual will or desire, ought to be the guide. As Fowler outlines, in contrast to much contemporaneous Liberal thought, anarchists believed that personal liberty was best pursued socially, in a community free of government and living peacefully with the wider environment.

While for many nineteenth-century anarchists, human nature was understood in scientific terms, Tolstoy understood it religiously. His guiding principles were derived from his interpretation of Christianity, though he rejected much of orthodox doctrine, including Jesus’s divinity, the existence of angels, and the validity of the church. Instead, Tolstoy saw the meaning of Christianity primarily in Christ’s Sermon on the Mount. As the economist Robert Higgs writes, the sermon can be summarized by the commandments “to love others as one’s self and to abstain from the use of force or violence.” These teachings, Tolstoy believed, formed the true essence of Christianity, which had been distorted by the church in order to protect its own interests. He thus rejected much Christian tradition, stating in The Kingdom of God Is Within You that “the churches are placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed—the one excludes the other.”

This isn’t to say, however, that Tolstoy denied the existence of God or the necessity of the divine in human life. Rather, his whole conception of human nature and Christian life was based on the presence of God within each individual person, particularly in reason and conscience. As Fowler writes, Tolstoy believed “in the authority of the divine vested in man’s conscience.” It’s not so much human nature understood in isolation that serves as the basis for Tolstoy’s anarchism, then, as it is the presence of God within that nature, guiding reason and conscience toward a conception of life based on the love of all. True human freedom, for Tolstoy, consisted not in autonomy or power over one’s circumstances, “but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth…and becoming the free and joyful participator in the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world.”

With this basis, and in keeping with the larger anarchist tradition, Tolstoy rejected many of the social structures of his time. In What Is to Be Done?, he described how his experiences with the Moscow poor led him to abhor the class divides that kept so many in poverty. He came to believe that the injustice he witnessed was caused by the refusal of the rich to labor. Having taken by force the goods of the peasants in taxes and rent, the rich congregated in cities. The peasants followed out of a need to earn a living, but they were frequently corrupted by the ideals of luxury and idleness exemplified by the rich, further driving them into poverty.

It was not only those wealthy enough to shun work who were at fault, moreover. For Tolstoy, the most important labor was that which contributes to material existence. “Man’s duty to acquire the means of living through the struggle with nature will always be unquestionably the very first,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? All other activity, from running a business to producing unnecessary luxuries (including, notably, literature), were thus unethical, even parasitical, to the extent that one’s time ought to be spent in useful production, especially agriculture. He didn’t deny the value of art and science (understood as the pursuit of knowledge broadly) or of their promulgation through education. Indeed, as the scholar of Slavonic literatures and essayist Milivoy S. Stanoyevich points out, Tolstoy wasn’t against scientific or artistic pursuits, only those that are neither useful to nor wanted by the laborers.

“He combats those intellectual castes which, having destroyed the old ruling [castes] of the church, the state, and the army, have installed themselves in their place, without being able or willing to perform any service of use to humanity,” Stanoyevich wrote in 1926. The primary duty of labor may be overcome, then, only by the free agreement of the laborers that such pursuits are desirable enough to give of the fruits of their work to support it.

The accumulation of wealth that allowed some to live off the labor of others was thus the root of the problem in Tolstoy’s eyes, and he believed that money itself had been created as a means of exploiting the working classes. As Stanoyevich outlined (and criticized), Tolstoy held that money isn’t merely a medium of exchange but a means of exploitation. While it was true that money could represent labor, as soon as it was accumulated by violence, it began to represent stolen labor; he believed this was the state of affairs from the very beginning of currency, which was insisted upon by dominant groups as a convenient means of carrying away the produce of those whom they exploited. The value of money, moreover, was maintained not by its inherent desirability, but by “law and government, and these institutions are based chiefly on deceit, or represent organized force,” wrote Stanoyevich. Thus, governments supported, or rather imposed, money as a medium of exchange primarily to have a convenient form of taxation, which was, in Tolstoy’s eyes, robbery of the workers.

Tolstoy felt that the rich must give up their wealth, give the land to those who would work it, and begin to labor themselves. As the literary and cultural historian Irina Paperno writes, this led him, “much to the dismay of his family and servants,” to return home and begin engaging in as much personal labor as possible. He took out his own chamber pot, chopped his own wood, made his own boots, scythed and plowed in the fields. Historian Kenneth C. Wenzer notes that he also tried to give away his property but was prevented from doing so by his wife out of concern for the family’s welfare.

In throwing himself into such labor, Tolstoy didn’t stop writing, though he largely abandoned fiction, choosing instead politics and ethics, as well as an occasional piece of “folk literature.” In 1894 he published The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in which his vision finds arguably its most eloquent and prophetic expression, famously influencing Mahatma Gandhi. The primary concern of the book was pacifism—the rejection of all violence, even to combat evil. Tolstoy argued that such a stance was more than a personal, ethical choice; it was central to the Christian conception of life, one that lives in the truth of universal love and undermines all government and exploitation. All previous understandings of life had been based, he held, on self-love. Even the social, nationalist conception was merely the extension of self-love to one’s community or one’s nation; to progress, humanity must transcend such selfish motives. Christianity was thus poised as the natural evolution of human society, and it was in recognizing the “divine spark” in oneself, which makes each person a “Son of God,” that one is enabled to love.

“The consciousness of being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of the social conception of life had been brought,” he wrote.

By refusing to participate in violence, Tolstoy believed Christians could undermine the state, which was built on slavery. Initially, he proposed, government came about as the lesser of two evils. It was built to suppress the violence of a given population, and it did that by claiming a monopoly on force. But as “the disposition of individuals to violence” diminished, the state was no longer needed to suppress such behavior and instead became its primary instigator. Having been put in a position of power, however, government continued to perpetuate itself to protect its own interests. It did this by maintaining military, police, prisons, courts, and so on to intimidate and punish; by hypnotizing the public through education and religious dogma; by exploiting their resources through taxation; and finally, by brutalizing the people by forcing them to become members of the machinery of violence through mandatory conscription. The means for undermining this system were found in the refusal to participate in it, the refusal of all violence, in accord with the teachings of Christ. Tolstoy believed that once public opinion had progressed enough in the direction of those teachings, the whole state edifice would crumble.

While Tolstoy seemed to consider such resistance primarily an individual task in The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in his later life he began to advocate full-scale social reform, especially championing the system of the American economist Henry George. As Wenzer outlines, Tolstoy differed from George in many respects, especially rejecting the latter’s desire to build a highly technical, industrial society. Nevertheless, he believed that George’s system was the best conceivable, particularly in its insistence that all land ownership be abolished. Productive land should instead be divided for agricultural use and all taxes reduced to a single land tax determined by the quality of the earth in question. Tolstoy’s last novel, Resurrection (for which he was finally excommunicated), was written largely to articulate and advocate for Georgist land reform. The book’s protagonist, Nekhlyudov, preaches Georgism to the peasants, stating that

<blockquote>the earth is no man’s; it is God’s…. The land is common to all. All have the same right to it, but there is good land and bad land, and every one would like to take the good land. How is one to do in order to get it justly divided? In this way: he that will use the good land must pay those who have got no land the value of the land he uses.</blockquote>

Such a project was for Tolstoy intrinsically religious, moreover, and, as Wenzer states, “[t]he Georgist commune was to eventually develop into what Tolstoy envisioned as a mirror image of heaven on an earth with man and all creatures living in concord.” Through the rejection of violence and the building of a peaceful agrarian society in accordance with Georgist principles, Tolstoy believed that the Christian task of creating the kingdom of God could be accomplished, not as a longed-for afterlife, but as a living, historic reality.

In the decade leading up to Tolstoy’s death, Russian society spiraled in ever-greater unrest. Peasants rose up against the authorities, socialists and communists proliferated, and the government used horrific violence to control the populace.

“Tolstoy’s fears had become a monstrous reality,” writes Wenzer. “People were suffering even more, and blood was pouring in the streets.” Tolstoy, then in his late seventies, continued writing at a furious pace in a desperate effort to save his country. He went so far as to write letters to Tsar Nicholas II and Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich advocating for Georgist land reform. He scorned socialist and democratic solutions, believing that only the tsar could solve the situation by unilaterally going above government hierarchy to implement the reforms that could save Russia before it was too late.

Tolstoy died, at eighty-two, in a railway station on November 20, 1910, his words unheeded. Within the decade, Russia slipped into full-scale revolution, culminating in the Bolshevik seizure of government and the violence of the Soviet regime. The cycles of oppression led only to more bloodshed, with one government replacing another while the people suffered. Yet it’s unlikely that Tolstoy’s reforms would have proved the panacea to Russia’s ills, as complicated and systemic as they were. It’s equally questionable to what extent his positions can be implemented today. As commentators have pointed out, many of Tolstoy’s ideas about economics and politics are shallow, even incoherent. Higgs, for instance, though admiring Tolstoy’s critiques of the state, calls his understanding of economics “abysmal.” Tolstoy’s approach is frequently emotional, moreover, literary rather than intellectual.

And yet it’s precisely Tolstoy’s appeal to the heart as well as the head, to the conscience as the spark of divinity in every person, that makes his words reverberate down to the present. While we might question the specifics of his platform, his criticisms of injustice and vision of an equitable society retain much of their relevance and power. Few have cared so deeply for the poor and exploited or taken the quest to both know and live out truth more seriously than he, and harmony can’t be achieved otherwise. History will go on; not even a Tolstoy could shift its bloody wheels. But we can always seek truth. As Tolstoy wrote, “The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the recognition and profession of the truth.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80">
    <title>Evgeny Morozov: Democracy, Technology and the City - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-13T16:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.cccb.org/en/activities/file/democracy-technology-and-city/217682

"Which challenges and threats emerge as public spaces "smart", integrating sensors, cameras, and various means of algorithmic regulation? Technology companies, having optimized the public sphere, are increasingly offering to optimize our cities. Yet the terms of such "optimization" remain ambiguous and opaque, often presenting the business agendas of technology vendors as inevitable features of digitization. As we transition to the post-Snowden era, the costs of ubiquitous computing left in the hands of private companies have become painfully clear. How could cities take advantage of digital technologies without succumbing to the optimization excesses of the "smart city"?

Opening lecture of the series "Open City", in which will also participate Josep Maria Benet i Jornet, Marta Segarra, Manuel Forcano, Bruce Bégout, Rafael Chirbes, Erri de Luca, Richard Sennett and Kamila Shamsie.

Presenters: Joan Subirats

Participants: Evgeny Morozov

This activity is part of Open City, The Barcelona Debate"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>evgenymorozov democracy technology cities opencity urban urbanism 2014 smartcities ubicomp smartcity via:javierarbona politics policy siliconvalley police policing privatization bigtech cisco twitter smartobjects networkedurbanism iot internetofthings transportation transit administration problemsolving obseity health publichealth individualism collectivism solidarity systemsthinking delegation problems amazon google drones shipping commerce data bigdata mobility 3dprinting manufacturing urbanspace accessibility segregation sanfrancisco control regulation access identity biometrics profiling civildisobedience fascism cybernetics centralization prediction urbanunrest riots repression power smartbuildings sensors datacollection ukraine protests poltics infrastructure efficiency powerbalance autocracy authoritarianism homeless homelessness openness opendata civics participation participatory economics economy monetization rentseeking labor work profits datacapture commons personalization freedom waronterror soci</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Untold Story of Black Mountain College | S9, E2 | DIALOGUES - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-31T18:42:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fnavbftmpr8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The history of a radical cooperative farm at Black Mountain College that defined both daily life and pedagogy at the birthplace of American art education. David Silver, an expert on the farm at Black Mountain college, tells the story of how Black Mountain students collaborated in order to survive. 

David Silver is a professor of environmental studies and urban agriculture at the University of San Francisco and the author of the newly released book, The Farm at Black Mountain College."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA">
    <title>Late Fascist Aesthetics [Katie Ebner-Landy]: A Theory of the Online Forum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-24T20:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When we think of “early fascist” aesthetics, we think of uniforms, visual symbols, and crowds. “Late fascist” aesthetics – though not without symbols and crowds – has another tool at its disposal: the online forum. Join us to examine the use of the online forum by the contemporary far right to move from fiction to reality in ways that other political aesthetics have long dreamed of."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>aesthetics fascism 2025 katieebner-landy fascistaesthetics forums online internet web socialmedia aiaesthetics nationalsocialism nazis italy benitomussolini racism bureaucracy state mussolini authoritarianism violence enlightenment hierarchy gender families race sexism patriarchy farright india brasil brazil us albertotoscano socialcohesion authority capitalism neoliberalism culture uniforms crowds socialpractices society johannchapoutot nazism ethics ideology culturalrevolution latefascism 4chan discord gab onlineforums virtual reality 2016 2024 memes ukraine whitesupremacy donaldtrump israel palestine conspiracytheories antisemitism feminism rightwing pizzagate qanon 1993 history japan otaku identity status disaffected christopherpoole 2chan 2008 scientology greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis power anonymous wikileaks julianassange 2010 arabspring ows occupywallstreet 2012 manosphere masculinity incels depression betas neets misogyny 2013 liberalism reactionaries zoequinn games gaming videogames doxing ga</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.anti-security.org/the-security-abolition-manifesto">
    <title>The Security Abolition Manifesto | The Anti-Security Collective</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-21T20:21:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.anti-security.org/the-security-abolition-manifesto</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Taking as our springboard the insights of The Communist Manifesto, we argue for a wide-ranging and polemical critique of security, offering nothing less than a manifesto for security abolition."

[About page from
https://www.anti-security.org/about

"About

This is the website of a group of scholars and activists that since 2010 have been working together as The Anti-security Collective. Our common goal is to develop a critique of security in its role fabricating capitalist social order.

Our Story

The Anti-security Collective was formed in 2010 in Ottawa, Canada. We are committed to a radical critique of police power, taking on both the material and ideological hegemony of security under capital.

Influenced by the unfinished radical critiques of security that emerged in the 1960s and 70s and were pursued further by some Marxists in the early years of this century, and simultaneously frustrated by the stifling conceptual and intellectual  unassailability of security logics in the so-called post-9/11 world,  our project is devoted to providing the conceptual tools for both  an analytical and political dismantling of security.

The first collective project of Anti-security was the edited anthology Anti-security (2011), following our meeting in Ottawa. The volume was prefaced by a document called ‘Anti-security: A Declaration,’ that crystallized our call for political and intellectual resistance to security. The ‘Declaration’ has since been translated into several languages, helping foster an expanded international awareness of the key tenets of our project. Further meetings followed in Brighton, Genoa, Nicosia, and again in Ottawa, and a new volume called Destroy, Build Secure: Readings on Pacification (2017). These provided the foundation for Anti-sec members to undertake both collective and individual projects toward empirical and philosophical critiques of security. In 2023, we met in Maine, to complete the writing of The Security Abolition Manifesto. The Manifesto is available free on this page.

Today, our collective critique has reached a historic crossroads.  Anti-sec’s central tenets have gone from the radical margins to the revolutionary mainstream. Calls for abolition have galvanized a new generation of activists who have experienced first-hand the brutality of police power and the myriad forms of violence meted out by state and capital. But there is a danger that this revolutionary moment might slip away, captured and co-opted once again as yet another police reform initiative in the name of security. Yet there is another way. Our Security Abolition Manifesto sets out our position.

From the Manifesto

“Security tells us that we are obstacles to each other’s freedom, rather than the realization of it."

"The goal of security is not protection or safety but the maintenance of a system of capital accumulation that continually undermines itself through the scarcity that constitutes private property."

"Security is the supreme concept of bourgeois society. As such, it underpins all existing structures of power."

"Anti-security calls out the lie of security. The liberatory truth is that there is no security. There is only solidarity, mutual aid, and the struggle for a good life in common.""

[via:

"Pacification: Social War and the Power of Police with Mark Neocleous" (MAKC)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EScpPTz6-5M ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>security police policing state 2025 manifestos makneocleous power control capitalism anti-security 2011 1960s 1970s marxism 2010 collectivism participation participatory democracy canada politics resistance abolitionism abolition policebrutality mutualaid solidarity</dc:subject>
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    <title>COMMUNIA 02: Educació i (falsa) innovació - Amb Marta Venceslao i Jordi Solé | CGT EN RED - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-21T19:11:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y03qOqL0CuY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Al segon episodi del Communia, el programa d'entrevistes de CGT Catalunya a La Veïnal, entrevistem als professors Jordi Solé i Marta Venceslao, experts en l'àmbit educatiu. Parlem d'innovació educativa, de l'estat de l'escola pública i de noves pedagogies."
]]></description>
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    <title>Series: History of the Chilean student movement | Episode 1: FECH in the 1920s. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-31T23:10:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=40FNfadJ-_8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Welcome to a new series ‘History of the Chilean student movement’ in this first episode we will go from the founding of the Student Federation of Chile in 1906 to the consequences of the so-called ‘War of Don Ladislao’ and the ‘Trial of the subversives’. Did you know that students in the early 20th century also had to deal with inequality, jingoistic mobs and brutal persecutions? In this tour we will see a generation of young people who, from their classrooms and the streets, confronted the government and the secular system, founded the Federation of Students of Chile, allied themselves with workers' movements and even rebelled against absurd invented wars. Go and have a mate and get to know strikes, takeovers, stoning of rectors and how the Chilean student movement became an example of rebellion for the whole of Abya Yala. 

0:00 Introduction
2:05 Contribute to the channel
2:25 Chapter 1.- Roots of rebellion: FECH is founded
6:56 Chapter 2.- Influences of the Manifesto of Cordoba
10:32 Chapter 3.- War of Don Ladislao
20:06 Chapter 4.- The Student Roar

≛ Sources consulted:
⁜ ‘El movimiento estudiantil chileno: más de cien años de lucha en torno a las mismas demandas’ | Rocío Zepeda Majmud - Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Católica Argentina, 2021.
⁜ ‘Manifiesto de la Universidad Popular “Lastarria” a los obreros’ | Revista Claridad, 30 April 1921.
⁜ ‘A hundred years after the Cordoba reform, 1918-2018 The era, the events, the legacy’ | Álvaro Acevedo Tarazona.
El Congreso Internacional de Estudiantes celebrado en México y los acuerdos de la convención estudiantil chileno’ by Daniel Schweitzer, Claridad, year II, no. 50. Santiago, May 6, 1922.
⁜ ‘Sobre Reforma estudiantil’ | Claridad: year 2, number 58, July 1, 1922.
⁜ ‘El movimiento estudiantil argentino (1918-1940)’ Tomo I | Edition of Centro de estudiantes de ingeniería, La Plata, 1941. 
⁜ ‘Arde la patria: Los trabajadores, la guerra de don Ladislao y la construcción forzosa de la nación (Chile, 1918-1922)’ | Pacarina del Sur - Víctor Manuel Muñoz Cortés.
Apuntes para una historia del movimiento estudiantil chileno, parte I’ | CEME: Centro de Estudios Miguel Enríquez - Archivo Chile.
⁜ ‘The Student Movement in Chile. Aproximaciones y antecedentes para el estudio de la Reforma Educativa’ : Darío Salinas Figueredo , Carolina Tetelboin Henrion
⁜ ‘On the origin and development of the political consciousness of the Chilean university student movement.  From its anarchist consciousness to its anti-neoliberalism. 1906-2012’ | Rivas Castro, G. and Seiffer, T.(2021)."]]></description>
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    <title>Mean Tweets - by Harmony Holiday</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-09T01:46:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://harmonyholiday.substack.com/p/mean-tweets</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Meditations on who we might have been or used to be before the Internet’s public squares and immutable feasts and why I like us better now.

***

Just say it out loud just to see how it feels. — Ye

Before the void opened like a new ancient continent gender reveal, vengeance of the discarded myths, (before the Internet became what it is and networked us into a different liberation prison), many of us were tender exiles harboring our most healing and damaging opinions, sentiments and thought forms in silence. We were silenced by unspoken coercion; we were threats. In finding flaws in our environments we became enemies to the analog status quo, but there was no glimmering crevice through which we could suggest a new world, we were the old ways’ stolen inheritance. We were nowhere and forming mute armies of the unseen. We became musicians, painters and poets but we were still invisible voices or scatological debris from a collapsing tower of babel. Privacy, while wonderful, held us hostage in dystopian circumstances that speech acts weren’t allowed to name or decode.

Those closest to us experienced our subterfuge as true love, waiting.

I was rude to the infirm. Their outbursts were inconvenient and humiliating. I thought they were liars, performers, scandals. Many of them were, their madness the only behaviorism that compelled bystanders to touch and squeeze them into a warmer region, it became their romance and my nightmare. I would not give in to embracing somebody at the exact moment when they realized suffering could be exploited for affection. I would not join their chorus for lack of my own. My mother and my sister would not render me complicit with an aesthetics of pain in the pleasure principle. Fetal and feral with refusal, I rose above their grand hysterias to make my getaway, like a suspect does, like prey does— praying unsentimental prayers to the hushed and haunting thrill cresting my footsteps.

[image: Kanye West tweet from 20 July 2020: "Kim was trying to fly to Wyoming with a doctor to lock me up like in the movie Get Out because I cried about saving my daughters life yesterday"]

Later, I was ruthless toward the depraved, those who were near insanity but couldn’t quite reach it or relinquish it, and had to settle for being sociopaths until they found a psychiatrist to label them bi-polar. Have you seen what happens to the brains of men on lithium all those years? They become ulcerated stomachs hunched under maggots begging to be consumed. They transmute self-revulsion into seduction and women like me call them geniuses, and then eventually gypsies with no stumbling beads or routines, until finally, we call them daddy and that reminds us to leave. They exert Funkadelic spasms of yes and never again and for now and why not and goodbye. Perhaps I wasn’t ruthless enough, Ima keep trying. Ima keep chanting.

I was naive on purpose with the charming ones, I didn’t realize that in concealing their hysterias, all of that concerted smoothless that feels like vaseline on the teeth movies and loses its battle with shine, they were abiding their tantrums’ pressure to grow, a tantric reckoning was approaching and so premeditated it might be mistaken for passion upon arrival. Have you heard of the battle of O.J. Simpson, have you heard what happens to people who never cry aloud, and dream in color? They end up worse than the lachrymose, they end up begging you to hurt them, paying you to hurt them, sobbing in their own blood, charmed by their punishment.

Then finally, there was a place on the Internet where the em dash between hypothetical and real lives extended for eternties and if you could survive it, your favorite what ifs might become a reality, a mafia of virtual occurrences or one long summery-winter day orbiting the disaster earth as ruler of your own heart. It was the madness outside trapped inside, flickering like insects, aware it was performing, sharing and charging its self-awareness in bouts of virality and outrage that could be mistaken for poems if you had never lived in a poem. It felt like home once had, a familiar amalgam of performance and restraint, insanity and banality. We had to be there and had to leave in equal quotients. It was a poet’s duty to enter that drafted underground and also mangle it into pillars of salt, of looking too far back and forward, or being chased toward revelation when you simply wanted to get high and dissociate in style.

[image: Kanye West tweet from 1 May 2016: "This new generation is obsessed with looking successful instead of actually being successful."]

We are teaching oblivion to think like a reborn city and where else would we say these things, so frivolous they feel like recess in suspended adolescence, so serious they turn virtual leisure into a series of petit baptisms by fury, defeat, rebirth. The song playing on repeat is Stevie Wonder’s “They won’t go when I go.” We mistook the intifada for infidels obeying whims and only joined when atrocities against the intended other became so unbearable to watch from afar that our comforts felt like hallucinations and the victims of the distant murders followed bureaucrats to brunch and home to pay the maid and into the screen-glow to pay the onlyfans tab and back to the office to be paid for knowing what to say at dinner or how to manage the facile ironies of scorned workers. If the Internet survives genocide it can survive anything, the machines hiss, grunt, gather more data about massacres, the assassin, discount name-brand trash, the gentry, organic groceries, the 3-d printed steak, the low-stakes coups of states whose names will outlast and capsize the maps. We can’t go back to how it was before, when we were the ruins. I had forgotten my very own theory, that ruined things are the best survivors. We coveted the shambles which would finally outgrow symbolism and come alive as the masterminds of the next world.

And all the cruelty I had internalized as self-criticism, or being ‘hard on myself.’ (I never placate those who are too easy on themselves when they can help it, I find it obscene), but now I could name the offenses I was witnessing in the world, I could prove I was a reliable witness, and forgive myself retroactively for dismissing the madness and sycophantic determinism in the field, in real time, and in my feelings. We come together inside machines to storm gates and terrify the stodgy gatekeepers and if we dare become them by falling into the dumb trap of replicating everything we condemn, or now that many have, we interrogate and depose those versions of ourselves just as well. The song intervening is Burial’s “Shell of Light” I saw your light, now it burns forever, its antecedent lures, nearing too much shimmer. Only seeking involvement with what won’t allow me to hide from myself and shrink into the cache like a child on the wrong side of childhood, escaping the collective digital footprint feels like betrayal or retreat into the shame I’ve fought my way past. And remaining feels like a decision to offend God just enough to live in service to a version of that higher power, in the exact way I was intended to. My fantasies are about approaching what I’m expected to run from while it chases the decoy of my would-be hiding place and gets trapped there. Our avatars let us become decoys, despots, bots, bait, but also self-actualized myths of ourselves, legends of nowhere land. The flesh rots in pictures the avatar can scroll past like disclaimers.

High or in a stupor together, semi-fixated on the broken anguish of strangers, our affinities are much flimsier, we’ve confessed so many fake secrets we cannot remember, screams come in laughter, none of the news is accurate, none of the music is—I love it here because we are grinding illusions into dust, there are no more heroes and idols, none that will survive ‘transparency,’ and all we have to replace them with is more derelict machines hoping to replace us again. There’s no time to mourn the slow-burning melancholy we used to know, sitting in a room quietly clutching a diary, journal or cordless phone, and did it ever really appreciate we who obliged it with tact? I prefer a world wherein everyone has a speaking role, (which makes me tragically American), because it’s a very slick graveyard for the world I used to know, where honest speech was annexed to passive aggressive behaviorism or surly radio syndication and I was overflowing with testimony I thought I’d never give.

[embedded video]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://diymethods.net/">
    <title>DIY Methods 2024 (also info about 2022 and 2023)</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-24T23:43:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://diymethods.net/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A Mostly Screen-Free, Zine-Full, Remote-Participation Conference on Experimental Methods for Research and Research Exchange

As the past years have proven, the methods for conducting and distributing research that we’ve inherited from our disciplinary traditions can be remarkably brittle in the face of rapidly changing social and mobility norms. The ways we work and the ways we meet are questions newly opened for practical and theoretical inquiry; we both need to solve real problems in our daily lives and account for the constitutive effects of these solutions on the character of the knowledge we produce. Methods are not neutral tools, and nor are they fixed ones. As such, the work of inventing, repairing, and hacking methods is a necessary, if often underexplored, part of the wider research process.

This conference aims to better interrogate and celebrate such experiments with method. Borrowing from the spirit and circuits of exchange in earlier DIY cultures, it takes the form of a zine ring distributed via postal mail. Participants will craft zines describing methodological experiments and/or how-to guides, which the conference organisers will subsequently mail out to all participants. Feedback on conference proceedings will also proceed through the mail, as well as during optional workshops and discussion sessions on Zoom during the zine-making process.

The conference itself is thus an experiment with different temporalities and medialities of research exchange. As a practical benefit, this format guarantees that the experience will be free of Zoom fatigue, timezone difficulties, travel expenses, and visa headaches. More generatively, it may also afford slower thinking, richer aesthetic possibilities, more diverse forms of circulation, and perhaps even some amount of delight. The conference format itself is part of the DIY experiment.


Conference Format
Prospective participants will submit approximately 300-500 word pitches to lowcarbonmethods@gmail.com by April 15th, describing their proposed topic and format. These submissions will be juried, with conference acceptance determined through a combined assessment of potential analytic merit, aesthetics, and the viability of the project plan.

Completed zines will be due on July 29. Participants will have the choice of either printing and mailing copies of their zine to the conference team, or sending in a print master or digital file to the conference team for print production. Printed zines will be packaged and mailed en masse to all conference attendees in September, along with pre-addressed envelopes and a subsidy for postage to help you craft replies to your fellow participants. A digital volume containing all the zines (the conference proceedings, if you will) will also be published online via the Low-Carbon Research Methods Group’s website, allowing for wider circulation and archiving. Let us know if you would like to receive an update once conference proceedings have been published online."]]></description>
<dc:subject>academia activism art climate climatechange emmlab zines sarahtayner annepasek 2023 conferences form exchange covid-19 coronavirus pandemic travel sustainability lowtech zero-carbonconferences publishing mail mailart correspondence sharing usps emissions flight flights carbonfootprint environment decarbonization biennials virtual inclusivity regional local openaccess carbonneutrality carbonemissions globalwarming airplanes airtravel aviation zoom streaming participation participatory access zoomfatigue 2024 2022 diymethods</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://emmlab.info/Resources_page/EMMLAB_WhitePaper_ZineBasedConferencing_2023.pdf">
    <title>Zine Based Conferenceing: A Guide, an EMM Lab White Paper by Sarah Rayner and Anne Pasek [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-24T23:27:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://emmlab.info/Resources_page/EMMLAB_WhitePaper_ZineBasedConferencing_2023.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://www.are.na/block/25555435 ]

"RATIONALE
WHY CONDUCT A CONFERENCE BY MAIL?

At first this may seem to be an anachronism. The history of academic research exchange can be told as one of progressive technological advances.1 Letters to distant colleagues were a useful (and often sole) option in the early history of universities, configured by post and print into a Republic of Letters. However, with the rise of trains, cars, and airplanes, academics have been keen passengers on an ever-wider itinerary of in person meetings and lectures. And, when the COVID-19 pandemic put a (seemingly temporary) halt on this, we quickly upped the technological ante with streaming video talks and workshops.

This confluence of technologies and mobilities have shaped our expectations around what ‘good’ research exchange looks like.We expect academic talks to look a certain way (prim powerpoints) and for networking to happen under certain conditions (in a rush after a panel, in the hallway of a conference hotel, or—indeed—at the hotel bar).

When the pandemic threatened the continuity of this system, we rushed to rebuild it online, mimicking our old norms as closely as possible. This has only been a partial success; while more people than ever can enjoy a wide variety of conferences and talks from their laptops, complaints about poor attention, lost connections, and (of course) Zoom fatigue abound.

What’s more, it’s not clear that our old norms were doing the work we hoped them to do—at least, not for everyone. Conference travel is expensive, time-consuming, and often requires border crossing and visas. This shapes the kinds of academics who are likely to show up at conferences (namely those with favorable funding, passports and familial care arrangements) and thus the kinds of voices that dominate our fields.2 It also limits the way we express and receive ideas: most often, one slide after another,3 followed by a clipped and chaotic Q&A.4 Finally, it’s clear that all this travel5 (and perhaps too, all this video streaming6) is unsustainable for the climate system. If we want to cut our carbon emissions, and increase the equity and conviviality of our gatherings, we’ll need to try something different.

Mail offers a low-tech, low-carbon, high-fidelity, screen-free alternative. It’s also a usefully unusual format to academics today, free of formal expectations for what research exchange and collegial participation should look like in the medium. If you wanted to convey your research-in-progress on the page, but not yet as a formal journal publication, what would be the best way to do so? And how should your audience best share their response with you in turn? These questions matter so much at this moment because they are unanswered.

We (the Experimental Methods & Media Lab + the Low-Carbon Research Methods Group) explored one set of possible answers in running DIY Methods, a zine-based conference. Our first year was 2022, culminating in an exchange between over 90 academics in 7 different countries. Everyone got over 1 kg of zines in the mail detailing different methodological experiments and provocations in a variety of printed formats. Many involved participatory elements, soliciting their reader to fill out prompts, response forms, and to send postcards back to the author. The conference materials were also digitized and uploaded to H-Commons, where anyone could access them.

It was a lot of fun. Conference contributors made beautiful, exciting work, and reported feeling more enthusiastic about participating in the event than in their regular conferences. The zines were insightful, weird, and frequently delightful. No one got Zoom fatigue.

It was also a fair bit of work for the conference organizers. To be fair, so is every conference ever organized. But there are a fair few peculiarities to working with zines and the postal service, and plenty of lessons learned along the way. To remind our future selves, and to support the development of other such experiments, we decided to write a white paper outlining logistical and social considerations in organizing conferences by mail. We aim here to share both our enthusiasm, experiences, and a few cautionary tales. We hope that it inspires and supports many more experiments in accessible and sustainable research exchange.


...

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Rationale 1
Conference Timeline 4
Call-for-Zines 4
Supporting Zine Development 8
Receiving Submission s 10
Printing 11
Mailing 16
Digital Distribution 19
Online Exchanges 21
Budget Breakdown 26
Conclusions 27
Bibliography / More Resources 29"]]></description>
<dc:subject>zines sarahtayner annepasek 2023 academia conferences form exchange covid-19 coronavirus pandemic travel sustainability lowtech zero-carbonconferences publishing mail mailart correspondence sharing usps emissions flight flights carbonfootprint environment decarbonization biennials virtual inclusivity regional local openaccess carbonneutrality carbonemissions climatechange globalwarming airplanes airtravel aviation zoom streaming participation participatory access zoomfatigue emmlab diymethods</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.lostprophets.org/p/5-ella-baker-septima-clark-and-the">
    <title>#5. Ella Baker, Septima Clark, and The Highlander Folk School (ft. Stephen Lazar and Daniel Marshall)</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-20T21:41:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.lostprophets.org/p/5-ella-baker-septima-clark-and-the</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The lost prophets who saw organizing, education, and empowerment as part of the same participatory democratic process"

...

"This episode takes us into the long history of the Civil Rights Movement as we talk about the methods and legacies of two long-distance runners, Ella Baker (1903-1986) and Septima Clark (1898-1987).

Baker was a legendary organizer who espoused a group-centered form of leadership and insisted that deep change required the long-haul “spadework” of community organizing. Clark, known as “the teacher of the Civil Right movement,” built a network of Southern Citizenship Schools, which were crucial to the emergence of Black voting power in the early 1960s.

We also discuss the influence of the famous Highlander Folk School (today the Highlander Research and Education Center) in New Market, TN—and the role of its workshops as a seedbed of activism since the labor struggles over coal mining in the 1930s.

For this conversation, we invited two guests whose work has been inspired by the organizing culture of Highlander and the Civil Rights Movement:

Stephen Lazar teaches public school students Social Studies and English all over through NYC Public Schools’ Virtual Learning Classroom programs.  He is also a Ph.D. candidate in history at the CUNY Graduate Center working on a dissertation on Septima Clark and Bernice Robinson. His writing on  education policy, practice, and history has been published by the New York Times, Washington Post, Education Week, Chalkbeat, and Albert Shanker Institute.

Daniel Marshall is the founder and director of the Sand Mountain Cooperative Education Center (in Gunstersville, AL), whose Highlander-inspired mission is to house and support programs that facilitate freedom, community centered-development, and cooperative education in the South.

Takeaways from our conversation:

Baker and Clark were two leaders, both master teachers, whose work exemplifies how the work of organizing and teaching are often inter-related. They were part of a powerful but mostly invisible network of Black women activists whose achievement are now recognized, no longer in the shadow of charismatic male leaders.

How these grassroots organizations become strong through identifying and raising up organic leaders—ordinary people who become inspired to do great things they had never imagined before.

A grand-daughter of slaves, Ella Jo Baker was born into a relatively prosperous family in North Carolina amidst a philosophy of racial “uplift” which she came to question after moving to Harlem in 1927 as the Harlem Renaissance in full swing.

Baker helps George Schuyler found the Young Negroes Cooperative League (YNCL) in 1930. As national director, she becomes Schuyler’s behind-the-scenes support, a role she played with growing frustration for numerous dominating Black male leaders.

Baker’s job with the WPA’s Worker Education Project in 1936 gives her the experience of creating and running political education programs. She befriends several Marxists but never toes the party line, always remaining skeptical of all kinds of ideology.

As field secretary of the NAACP (1940-1946), Baker’s tireless canvassing grows the field membership from 50,000 to almost 450,000. Along the way, she is always aiming to decentralize branch supervision in order to enable grassroots initiatives.

Baker’s slogan: Give people light and they will find a way.

The 1955 Montgomery bus boycott is often viewed as a spontaneous event, but Baker saw it as the fruit of organizing and a sign that mass actions were possible and necessary, especially for a community which still lacked the vote.

Baker warns Civil Rights leaders about “getting hung up” in legal successes, dependent upon the courts and charismatic or professional leadership.

Like the Montgomery bus boycott, the spontaneous outbreak of lunch counter sit-ins by Black students inspires Baker to harness their potential in a new, student-led organization, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), becoming their chief advisor for four years (1960-1964).

She once told the SNCC team members, “I want you all to think about the fact that there’s a direct relationship between us not having money and the fact that we’re doing something real.” Later funding changed the culture, inspiring the criticism: “From SNCC to slick.”

Baker’s prescient advocacy for a participatory democracy with three emphases: 1) grassroots involvement; 2) minimizing of hierarchy and over-emphasis on expertise in leadership; 3) a call for direct action as an answer to fear and alienation. These themes are taken up later by SDS’s founding Port Huron document, among other adopters.

Septima Clark

Born in Charleston SC, Clark gets a teaching degree at Avery Institute in 1916 before becoming a public school teacher and joining the NAACP. She participates in a campaign to force the city to hire Black teachers in its segregated public schools.

Clark’s teaching job in Columbia, SC (1928) draws her into the early circles of influence around the coming New Deal’s proposals for social service infrastructure.

In 1934, Clark attends a federal conference convened by Harold Ickes on Black educational issues with Eleanor Roosevelt as keynote speaker. The main topic is citizenship education without stating what this training might lead to, given the right to vote.

Clark becomes involved in voter education and voter registration, attending in 1954 a workshop on school integration at the Highlander Folk School (HFS), one month after the Supreme Court’s Brown decision. Impressed by the HFS’s emphasis on raising up organic leaders, she begins working with them to develop the Citizenship Schools, the most successful program in the school’s history. Rosa Parks attends a workshop and then refuses to give up her bus seat only four months later—a sign of HFS’s effectiveness, as Clark noted.

Clark’s literacy program includes learning to write letters, read the Bible, fill out a catalog order form, do household arithmetic, as well as reading and understanding the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights (posted on the wall) by the end of school. No more taking the white man’s word for what the document says.

Clark comes to realize how class prejudice also works in Black communities and remains committed to cultivating white allies in interracial coalitions.

In 1956, Baker invites Clark to a meeting with Coretta Scott King. They agree on the need to focus on grassroots leadership potential and collaborate on the formation of SNCC in 1960.

Clark’s curriculum combines a focus on literacy with voter rights and citizenship, producing 25,000 plus graduates and a foundation for MLK’s non-violent movement in the South. Its grads also help start a credit union, a nursing home, a kindergarten, and a low-income housing project.

By 1964, Clark has almost 900 Freedom Schools operating, with tens of thousands of students, on a shoestring budget. The 1965 Voting Rights Act inadvertently undermines the school’s agenda by eliminating literacy tests. The Head Start program, part of President Johnson’s War on Poverty, picks up much of the Freedom School’s work.

As the Civil Rights movement shifted focus in the 1960s, from rural to urban, Clark lamented its tendency to replace genuine education with direct action.

At her death, King eulogizes her as “the grandmother of the Civil Rights movement.”

Recommended:

Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement (2005), Barbara Ransby

Freedom’s Teacher: The Life of Septima Clark (2012), Katherine Mellen Charron

I’ve Got the Light of Freedom (2007), Charles Payne

The Long Haul: An Autobiography (1991), Myles Horton, with Judith Kohl and Herbert Kohl

Starting with People Where They Are: Ella Baker’s Theory of Political Organizing (2022), Mie Inouye

Ella Baker and the Origins of “Participatory Democracy” (2004), Carol Mueller

Fundi: The Story of Ella Baker (1981), documentary about Ella Baker

You’ve Got To Move: Stories of Change in the South (1985), documentary about the Highlander Folk School"]]></description>
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    <title>‘It does not have to be this way’: the radical optimism of David Graeber | Books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-13T18:28:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2024/nov/07/david-graeber-optimistic-anarchist-rebecca-solnit</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a new collection of his writing is published, Rebecca Solnit remembers her friend, the late activist and anarchist who believed ordinary people had the power to change the world"

...

"David Graeber was a joyful, celebratory person. An enthusiast, voluble, on fire with the possibilities in the ideas and ideologies he wrestled with. Every time we met – from New Haven in the early 00s to London a few years before his death in 2020 – he was essentially the same: beaming, rumpled, with a restless energy that seemed to echo the constant motion of his mind, words tumbling out as though they were, in their unstoppable abundance, overflowing. But he was also much respected in activist circles for being a good listener, and his radical egalitarianism was borne out in how he related to the people around him.

He was always an anthropologist. After doing fieldwork among traditional peoples in Madagascar, he just never stopped, but he turned his focus to his own society. Essays such as Dead Zones of the Imagination: On Violence, Bureaucracy, and ‘Interpretive Labor’ and his book Bullshit Jobs came from using the equipment of an anthropologist on stuff usually regarded as boring, or not regarded at all – the function and impact of bureaucracy. His 2011 bestseller on debt reminded us that money and finance are among the social arrangements that could be rearranged for the better.

He insisted, again and again, that industrialised Euro-American civilisation was, like other societies past and present, only one way of doing things among countless options. He cited times when societies rejected agriculture or technology or social hierarchy, when social groups chose what has often been dismissed as primitive because it was more free. And he rejected all the linear narratives that present contemporary human beings as declining from primordial innocence or ascending from primitive barbarism. He offered, in place of a single narrative, many versions and variations; a vision of societies as ongoing experiments, and human beings as endlessly creative. That variety was a source of hope for him, a basis for his recurrent insistence that it doesn’t have to be this way.

As Marcus Rediker wrote in his review of David’s posthumous book Pirate Enlightenment, “Everything Graeber wrote was simultaneously a genealogy of the present and an account of what a just society might look like.” He was concerned about inequality of all kinds, including gender inequality in this society and others, and the violence that enforces inequality and unfreedom, as well as how they might be delegitimised and where and when societies might have escaped them. He focused, in short, on freedom and its impediments.

He was often credited with coining the Occupy Wall Street slogan “We are the 99%”, but he insisted on paring his credit down to having contributed the 99% part to a phrase so compelling that “the 1%” remains a widely used description of the uppermost elite. “The 99%” is a hopeful phrase, in opposition to the old layer-cake description of the working, middle, and upper classes. It’s an assertion that the great majority of us are working, and often financially struggling or precarious; that most of us have a lot in common – and a lot of reasons to oppose the super-rich.

David took joy in his work, and in how that work intersected with actualities on the ground – especially with the radical movements of the late 1990s and the new millennium, including the anti-corporate-globalisation movement that peaked with the shutdown of the World Trade Organization ministerial conference in Seattle in 1999, the Zapatista uprising in Mexico that began in 1994, and the many forms of radical egalitarianism manifesting as direct-democracy experiments and resistance to unjust institutions and governments, especially 2011’s Occupy Wall Street, in which he was deeply involved.

That joy: maybe this is how everyone should feel about ideas and the ways that they open up or close off possibilities. The way that, as he wrote, “The ultimate hidden truth of the world is that it is something we make and could just as easily make differently.” If you truly believe that, if you perceive a world that is constructed according to certain assumptions and values, then you see that it can be changed, not least by changing those assumptions and values.

We have to recognise that ideas are tools that we wield – and with them, some power. David wanted to put these tools in everyone’s hands, or remind them that they are already there. Which is part of why he worked hard at – and succeeded in – writing in a style that wasn’t always simple but was always as clear and accessible as possible, given the material. Egalitarianism is a prose style, too. Our mutual friend the writer, film-maker, and debt abolitionist Astra Taylor texted him: “Re-reading Debt. You are such a damn good writer. A rare skill among lefties.” He texted back that August, a month before his demise: “Why thanks! Well at least I take care to do so – I call it ‘being nice to the reader,’ which is an extension of the politics, in a sense.”

In order to believe that people can govern themselves in the absence of coercive institutions and hierarchies, anarchists must have great faith in ordinary people, and David did. A sentence Lyndsey Stonebridge wrote about Hannah Arendt could apply equally well to him: “To fixate on her exceptional mind is to miss something that is important about her lessons in thinking: thinking is ordinary, she teaches; that is its secret power.”

He had a strained academic career, despite his brilliance and originality – or because of them. In the first book of his that I read, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, a tiny book bursting with big ideas, he wrote, “In the United States there are thousands of academic Marxists of one sort or another, but hardly a dozen scholars willing openly to call themselves anarchists … It does seem that Marxism has an affinity with the academy that anarchism never will. It was, after all, the only great social movement that was invented by a PhD, even if afterwards, it became a movement intending to rally the working class.” And then he argues that anarchism was not, by comparison, an idea created by a few intellectuals; instead, “the basic principles of anarchism – self-organisation, voluntary association, mutual aid” – have been around “as long as humanity.”

David’s recurrent rallying cry as both a scholar and an activist was: “It does not have to be this way.” Where academia can be cool and guarded, pulling away from direct engagement, he was warm and enthusiastic, wanting to see ideas lead to actions that could change the world. Taylor notes: “While he despised the tedium of academic bureaucracy, he loved activist meetings, savouring the ideological debates and revelling in various forms of planning, scheming, and mischief.” He was hopeful, not foolishly so, but due to the evidence he had amassed that human societies have taken myriad forms, that the people who are supposedly powerless can together wield quite a lot of power, and that ideas matter. One of my favourite scraps of information in Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology is about Madagascar’s Sakalava people, who officially revere dead kings – but these kings make their wishes known “through spirit mediums who are usually elderly women of commoner descent.” That is, a system officially led by elite men is controlled by non-elite women.

Hope is a tricky business among intellectuals and activists. Cynicism, though it’s often inaccurate about both human nature and political possibilities, gives the appearance of sophistication; despair is often seen as sophisticated and worldly-wise while hopefulness is seen as naive, when the opposite is not infrequently true. Hope is risky; you can lose, and you often do, but the records show that if you try, sometimes you win.

His essay Despair Fatigue opens: “Is it possible to become bored with hopelessness?” David’s superpower was being an outsider. He did not proceed from widely shared assumptions but sought to dismantle them, urging us to see they’re arbitrary, confining and optional, and inviting everyone into the spaces this opens up (while saluting those already there). So much of his writing says, in essence, “What happens if we don’t accept this?” – if we dissect it to see its origins and impacts, or if we reject it, if we lift it off like some burden we don’t have to carry, some outfit we don’t have to wear? What happens is we get free."]]></description>
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    <title>Works of urban graffiti are not vandalism, but public monuments | Psyche Ideas</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-03T22:34:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psyche.co/ideas/works-of-urban-graffiti-are-not-vandalism-but-public-monuments</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["They might appear to have little in common with statues or obelisks, but graffiti images serve a vital public function"
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://futuress.org/stories/anthropology-is-a-way-of-being/">
    <title>“Anthropology Is a Way of Being”</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-29T18:16:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://futuress.org/stories/anthropology-is-a-way-of-being/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Farah Hallaba on bridging academia and community through participatory research.

]]></description>
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    <title>Walking as Inactivity - by Thomas J Bevan - The Commonplace</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-18T22:44:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thomasjbevan.substack.com/p/walking-as-inactivity</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sunday. The day of rest. I’m down by the Quayside, walking. It’s near lunchtime and the walkways on either side of the water’s edge are teeming with couples and clusters of families, both on foot and on pushbikes. There are pedaloes cutting through the still water and waitresses running out trays of tall lattes to eager pensioners nestled under the parasols jutting out from the centre of round metal tables. Beyond them a seersuckered trad jazz band blow away to the mild delight of a smattering of swaying onlookers. The sun is out, the sky is clear and blue and the breeze is a gentle comfort against the heat. And yet something isn’t quite right. Despite the day, despite the time of year and the favourable, couldn’t-be-better weather there is a tension here, just below the surface.

I stroll the banks but I am the only one who is strolling. As I amble and look and linger at the sight of various waterbirds I am overtaken time and again. I watch the cable ferry for a minute, I contemplate the various centuries old brick buildings and imagine what this place would’ve been like when it was a place of sail ships and exchange and empire. And I am overtaken and overtaken as if there were a minimum speed limit that I was flagrantly disrespecting by moving so slowly. See, though this is a place of leisure and today is the designated day of rest people are marching purposefully as if they have somewhere else to be. Rigid gait, eyes on the path ahead, stimulant of choice at hand- either takeaway coffee or sickly sweet cake or both, while some of the university age walkers forgo these and instead blow vape-pen clouds into the cloudless sky. There is something going on here. Am I the only one who knows how to bimble, how to promenade, how to saunter? Is this now a lost art? And if so, what does this mean, what does this say about us and the way we are living?

The vital thing to understand- and the point that I want to stress the most- is that walking is not an activity. Or rather, it should not be conceptualised as and reduced to being a mere activity. It is much more than that because it is much less than that. Walking is one of the great forms of inactivity and in a world of striving and consumerism and grasping and impatience it is one of only very few potential forms of inactivity left. It is that makes it precious.

You see, when you walk slowly and with no real destination in mind you are not doing, you are just being. Such walking, such contemplation is the beginning of freedom, it is the necessary pre-condition for having your own thoughts and as such for truly living your own life.

Which is why it is such a shame when people pollute their potentially edifying walks by turning to their ever-present phones. When I walk the streets and alleys of my city I constantly see people either shouting inanities into their phones1 or else using them to wirelessly pump music or podcasts into their eager ears. Walking thus becomes reduced to a mere mode of transportation for the carless and these reluctant pedestrians become- like so many other one-person-per-vehicle drivers- detached and isolated units moving through space2. The audio and the journeying cancel each other out and it all bleeds into one, it becomes a blur that blots out the boredom of not being at your destination yet. Worse still is when this is combined with step counting apps or wristwatches which tragically instrumentalise the beautiful art of wandering around and turn walking into a metricated means of merely keeping the body alive and in some sort of working order. Such devices reduce us to machines, and one of the great tricks of Capitalism or The System or however you want to conceive it is that it not only turns us into machines for consumption and generating wealth for The Economy, but it also burdens us with the upkeep of the machinery that we have been reduced to becoming.

It reminds me of the great rant that the anarchist Bob Black got into about free time in his seminal essay The Abolition of Work3

“Free time is mostly devoted to getting ready for work, going to work, returning from work, and recovering from work. Free time is a euphemism for the peculiar way labor, as a factor of production, not only transports itself at its own expense to and from the workplace, but assumes primary responsibility for its own maintenance and repair. Coal and steel don’t do that. Lathes and typewriters don’t do that.”

When you start tracking your step count when you go for your daily constitutional you turn the walk into ‘free time’ in this sense. It becomes an Activity, something that is Good For You. And this only compounds if you listen to some manner of Educational Podcast as you do so. The thrillingly, daringly subversive non-activity of moseying around the neighbourhood for no reason other than the sheer pleasure of being alive, able to walk and out of doors degenerates into just another means of being visibly productive. Because eking out maximum amounts of productivity from every moment of our days has been working out so great for us thus far. All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy and we are all so play-deprived that many of us are becoming passive, disembodied viewers of our own on-screen lives.

It may seem that I am getting worked up about a series of trivialities here. To point out how people turn their recreational activities into photoshoots of themselves acting out their recreational activities may strikes some as petty. To highlight the ubiquitous phones and SUVs that people use to transport them the short distances to and from the walking spots may even seem a little mean spirited. Like I am nit-picking relatively unimportant and unremarkable things to try and find some significance in them. But I truly think that there is a lot more going on here. Everyday things are worthy of serious consideration because they are so common and unremarked upon.

So what does it say then when walking- something that is already complete and requires no thought or effort or expense- is polluted and diminished into just another opportunity to consume and document said consumption? What does it say when we so thoughtlessly desecrate our leisure like this? I would argue that to do these things is more than a little dehumanising.

Animals survive and act and react but only humans can opt out of this cycle and into the higher realm of inactivity. Just as silences make music more beautiful and pauses make conversations richer in meaning, it is inactivity- that is the moving beyond doing into being- that makes life human. Responding to stimuli alone, satisfying needs as they arise alone makes life nothing more than a cycle of biological survival.

The beauty is in the gaps. Art and culture arise from the blank spaces (which may be why these vital spheres in particular seem to be diminishing in this time of always on, always available activity). Uselessness and purposelessness4 are true luxury, true wealth. Look at any heart-stirring ceremony or custom or event- they are filled with detours and excesses, they are far from efficient. You could easily workshop a way of getting to the same basic endpoint much, much quicker and in doing so you would kill everything that made that ceremony unique and beautiful and, well, ceremonial.

The luxury of the aimless walk is one of the most accessible and readily available blank spaces we have. It is no coincidence that such a stroll will all of itself produce ideas and insights and new observations. In the absence of a task the mind will begin to play. It will be free. This is why walking and creativity go absolutely hand in hand. Insight comes to the contemplative and contemplation comes from inactivity, from not trying to generate insights, or indeed trying to do much of anything at all. In a try-hard world this is a difficult truth to convince people of. Because it asks for patience. It asks for more than mere effort. It asks for participation in the world as it is, which for the mind that has always trained itself to be busy is a big ask indeed. But it is the only way to be free."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.shapingsf.org/">
    <title>Shaping San Francisco</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-09T15:47:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.shapingsf.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Shaping San Francisco, enjoying its 25th year in 2023, is a participatory community history project documenting and archiving overlooked stories and memories of San Francisco. We do this in a variety of ways. We have a vast digital archive at foundsf.org where we invite everyone to contribute to our shared history. We held Public Talks regularly at 518 Valencia; during the pandemic we came up with our new preferred activity: the Urban Forum: Walk 'n' Talk, where we explore little visited hilltops, neighborhoods, stairways, and more all over the city. We co-host history programming with other organizations around the Bay Area. We conduct walking and bicycle history tours at least a half dozen times each season, and have two seasons of Talks and Tours each year. And we often partner with local university classes, helping students to produce new historical research that we incorporate into our online archive.

Our roots lie in the "new social history" which emerged in the Annales School in the 1930s and was further developed in the 1960s as a way to go beyond the traditional history of "great men" which many of us were spoon-fed in public school.  We have produced three anthologies (published by City Lights Books) offering grassroots perspectives on social movements, significant events, and decisions that have led us to the San Francisco that we see and experience today. Our most recent book, Hidden San Francisco, was published by Pluto Press in February 2020. We also gather oral histories from ordinary San Franciscans whose memories help us understand the complex fabric of life at various times in history. 

For us, history is a participatory, creative act, a shared project of shaping our sense of life. Shaping San Francisco seeks to bring out the historian in everyone.  Naturally, each individual will have an unique take on and different experience of events of which they are a part.  Thus we welcome diverse contributions from the public, with their multiple perspectives, to the canon of history.  Our online archive, FoundSF.org, uses a wiki-based platform, and is open to additions, enhancements, corrections, and edits.  Collectively we are smarter than we are acting as individuals, and we hope that any gaps, omissions, and errors will be pointed out and changed by the community. 

FoundSF.org
Our online archive, FoundSF.org is a place to discover and shape San Francisco history. We focus on the history of the labor movement, the relationship between urban development and the natural environment, housing, food, water, racial politics in San Francisco, land use, the history of women and feminism, immigration from many parts of the world, the emergence of gay San Francisco, the artistic life of the City, and of course, the specific history of each neighborhood.

We also explore the ways San Francisco's urban development has always depended on the transformation of the land and the Bay-Delta ecosystem. Comprised of over 2,100 pages, and 10,000 historical photos—and continually growing— FoundSF.org is a product of hundreds of contributors, and well over 25,000 volunteer hours from writers, researchers, photographers, artists, computer programmers, community organizers, and, most importantly, regular people who were compelled by the chance to investigate some piece of this City's past. 

We offer a wide range of histories in FoundSF.org, some excerpted from professional histories, and many others taken from amateur sources. We have many examples of a traditional historical essay, fully footnoted, relying heavily on pre-existing documentation to establish the truth of its point of view. And we have writings that are based on journalistic sources, anecdotes, and oral histories. Many new historians of the past few decades have sought to legitimize other sources and other voices as plausible evidence for understanding the past. Racial minorities, workers, the impoverished underclass, women, all have been overlooked in traditional histories, largely because the rules of history required that there be documentation as proof. But that is a highly class-biased and self-selective system of rules of evidence, which automatically excludes that large majority of the world's population who didn't--or weren't able--to record their histories in the past. We believe that history can be a process that grows naturally from our desire to understand the world, and that history can be de-professionalized, made into a popular, participatory process.

Where We Started, Where We've Been
The idea for a multimedia archive emerged in late 1994, the first computer iteration of FoundSF.org – then also known by the name Shaping San Francisco—was demonstrated in 1995, and the first official version was released as a CD-ROM alongside the publication of Reclaiming San Francisco, in 1998. The current version using MediaWiki debuted in 2009.

In 2003 the Bay Area Center for Art and Technology, of which Shaping San Francisco was a project, merged with 848 Community Space to form CounterPULSE. CounterPULSE opened its doors as a theater at Mission and 9th Streets, operating as a catalyst for art and politics in 2005. In 2006 Shaping San Francisco began a free Public Discussion Series held on Wednesday nights at CounterPULSE from September to May.  City Lights Foundation partially underwrites the series.  In 2007 our Bicycle History Tours, led by Chris Carlsson since 1995, began to be offered a half dozen times a year.  Also in 2007 the Bicycle History Tours were awarded “Best Cruise Through the Past” as part of the San Francisco Bay Guardian's Best of the Bay. (We won it again in 2014.) With funding from the California Story Fund of the California Council for the Humanities, we showcased discussions and reflections on the history of Bay Area ecological activism in 2010 as Ecology Emerges.  Four public programs were based on 26 oral histories.  A grant from The Seed Fund allowed us to expand Ecology Emerges in 2011.  Building on a San Francisco Arts Commission Cultural Equity Grant Chris Carlsson received in 2010, we published Ten Years That Shook the City: San Francisco 1968-1978, a collection of first-person and historical essays with City Lights Foundation in 2011. Ten Years was awarded a California Book Award Gold Medal for Contribution to Publishing and is currently in its second printing.

In July 2012 Shaping San Francisco moved its operations to the Eric Quezada Center for Culture & Politics, and became a fiscally-sponsored project of Independent Arts & Media."

[tours:
https://www.shapingsf.org/tours.html ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/">
    <title>What Is Education For? - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-05T21:22:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Today, these technologically oriented, vocational approaches to education and the problem of inequality leave almost no room for the civic alternative. It is not that civic education is incompatible with professional training, but policymakers, education specialists, and many parents—including low-income parents, whose children are most likely to see their civic education shortchanged—have narrowed their focus exclusively to the economic field. In the process, they have lost sight of the full range of inequalities from which our society suffers and which well-rounded education could alleviate."

...

"Participatory Readiness

So what exactly is participatory readiness, and how can education help people achieve it? To answer these questions, we first need to understand what students should be getting ready for: civic agency. While there is no single model of civic agency dominant in American culture, we can identify a handful at work.

Following philosopher Hannah Arendt, I take citizenship to be the activity of co-creating a way of life, of world-building. This co-creation can occur at many social levels: in a neighborhood or school; in a networked community or association; in a city, state, or nation; at a global scale. Because co-creation extends beyond legal categories of membership in political units, I prefer to speak of civic agency instead of citizenship.

Such civic agency involves three core tasks. First is disinterested deliberation around a public problem. Here the model derives from Athenian citizens gathered in the assembly, the town halls of colonial New Hampshire, and public representatives behaving reasonably in the halls of a legislature. Second is prophetic work intended to shift a society’s values; in the public opinion and communications literature, this is now called “frame shifting.” Think of the rhetorical power of nineteenth-century abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe, of Martin Luther King, Jr., or of Occupy Wall Street activists with their rallying cry of “we are the 99 percent.” Finally, there is transparently interested “fair fighting,” where a given public actor adopts a cause and pursues it passionately. One might think of early women’s rights activists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage.

The ideal civic agent carries out all three of these tasks—disinterested deliberation, prophetic frame shifting, and fair fighting—ethically and justly. Stanton is an example of this ideal at work. At the Seneca Falls Convention, she was in deliberative mode for the debate about the text of the Declaration of Sentiments. However, before the convention’s deliberations, when she drafted that text, she was in the prophetic mode, just as she was in her innumerable speeches. Finally, in campaigning for legal change, as in the adoption of the Woman’s Property Bill in New York and similar laws in other states, she was operating as an activist.

Yet if these three are the rudimentary components of civic agency, they do not in themselves determine the content of any given historical moment’s conception of citizenship. There is no need for each of these functions to be combined in a single role or persona, nor is there any guarantee that all three will be carried out in each historical context. These tasks can also become separated from one another, generating distinguishable kinds of civic roles. This is the situation today, as roles have been divided among civically engaged individuals, activists or political entrepreneurs, and professional politicians.

The civically engaged individual focuses on the task of disinterested deliberation and actions that can be said to flow from it. Such citizens pursue what they perceive to be universal values, critical thinking, and bipartisan projects. Next comes the activist, who seeks to change hearts and minds by fighting fairly for particular outcomes, often making considerable sacrifices to do so. Finally, the professional politician, as currently conceived, focuses mainly on fighting, not necessarily fairly. In contemporary discourse, this role, in contrast to the other two, represents a degraded form of civic agency; for evidence one has only to look at Congress’s all-time-low approval ratings.

In the current condition, we have lost sight of the statesman, a professional politician capable of disinterested deliberation, just frame shifting, and fighting fair. And, even more importantly, we have lost sight of the ideal ordinary citizen, who is not a professional politician but who has nonetheless developed all of the competencies described above and who is proud to be involved in politics.

If we are to embrace an education for participatory readiness, we need to aim our pedagogic and curricular work not at any one of these three capacities but at what lies behind all of them: the idea of civic agency as the activity of co-creating a way of life. This view of politics supports all three models of citizenship because it nourishes future civic leaders, activists, and politicians. Such an education ought also to permit a reintegration of these roles.

The United States has a history of providing such an education: it is called the liberal arts. How, you may ask, can the seemingly antique liberal arts be of use in our mass democracies and globalized, multicultural world? Let us consider where we find ourselves and how we got here."

...

"Few among us pay adequate attention to the fact that almost all of our state constitutions guarantee a right to education. We pay even less attention to the fact that we have a right to civic education. Our state constitutions, in other words, are directed at the pursuit of equality. Through the acquisition of participatory readiness, a great diversity of citizens could tap into the power to challenge oligarchical social and political arrangements.

In the final analysis, the reliance on an exclusively vocational paradigm as the sole guide to education policy-making is a failure to meet the legal standard for securing a basic right. Precisely those parts of the K–12 curriculum most vulnerable during a recession—humanities, social studies, arts, and extracurricular activities such as debate and model UN—deserve rights-based legal protection. What is more, defending the right to civic education, and the kind of curriculum that delivers it, would benefit not only individual students but also society as a whole, advancing both political equality and distributive justice. This is an untapped source of advocacy around educational rights and on behalf of an egalitarian America."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/14/the-how-and-the-why-part-2/">
    <title>the how and the why, part 2 | sara hendren</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-15T04:55:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/14/the-how-and-the-why-part-2/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So we’ve looked at formation and freedom (https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/10/the-how-and-the-why/ ) in the college decision process. I want to examine next the framework of readiness in higher education to get at formation in another way — what should four years make a student ready for? I’ve written about this subject before (https://sarahendren.substack.com/p/a-classroom-is-for-readiness ), but today I want to restate the strengths and add some of the weaknesses of this frame.

Education as readiness is a heuristic developed by the philosopher (and erstwhile politician! (https://partnersindemocracy.us/ )) Danielle Allen, most succinctly laid out in her essay called What Is Education For? (https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/ ). For the last several semesters, I’ve had all my students in every class read this essay for Week 2 discussion, alongside this blog post about mental models (https://www.therealworldofcollege.com/blog/taking-advantage-of-college-before-its-too-late ) for students to think about their college experience. This is my small intervention to introduce Formation 101 for young people. It’s wonky and over their heads at first, but it creates a shorthand for us to unpack over the course of the term together.

Allen lays out “professional readiness” as the dominant model for much of higher education today, and she makes an extended argument that “participatory readiness” should include but ultimately supersede professional readiness. Job skills are important, she says, and yes, they create the crucial class mobility — for greater economic equality — that we need for realizing a more democratic society. But political equality, she says, is never achieved by simply equipping more people for more well-paying jobs. Citizens have to be actively enfranchised with habits and practices that enact shared freedom, and for that, education can be an ideal rehearsal space. The readiness to “participate” is what Allen calls for: civic agency, enjoining oneself to the means and ends of equality not just for oneself, but for the larger social fabric and in proper relationship to the nation state.

Allen describes three actions of the democratic civic actor that education should make students ready for: disinterested deliberation (think town halls, voting, and other deliberative governance), fair fighting (think protests and lobbying for causes), and my personal favorite, prophetic reframing (think rhetorical re-description of possible civic worlds, as in the speeches of Dr. King). Only true political geniuses regularly embody each of these three civic modes, but it’s critical for students to see the vital efficacy and tradeoffs of each one, both in history and in the present day. Unsurprisingly, Allen tells us that these practices are learned in the humanities and social sciences: rhetoric, history, political theory, literature, philosophy.

In my classroom, I use this essay to make a modest case for the liberal arts, even though that ship has kinda sailed. My institutions have been almost entirely about professional readiness. But it’s been both strange and oddly bracing to find that my students aren’t defensive about it or resistant to the liberating arts and participatory readiness. They’re not resistant because they’ve never heard this rationale. We’re starting over, at least in my settings. Usually one of them will say politely: Well, this sounds great, but given how much college costs, shouldn’t we be focused on the skills we need for jobs? We gotta pay bills. I see why this is their first-instinct response. But I say to them in return: Given how much it costs, shouldn’t you ask for that four years to give you something in addition to job skills? Some equipment for life ten, twenty years from now?

Even if you reject the idea of formation and think of college choice as a professional readiness proposition, I’d still argue that participatory readiness will make your kid more AI-proof than a narrowly scripted, industry-responsive, skills-led curriculum. It’s a tortoise-and-hare thing: They may learn the software to get them through the next five years, but what about after that? What ambitious projects might draw them, and what resources would they marshal to be ready?

So for my students, two kinds of readiness is an old idea that’s new, for them. But let’s talk about another conundrum. For my fellow professors, participatory readiness sounds all too easy, even already achieved. In my domains of engineering and design, the overwhelming trend of the last two decades has been to create literal “participation” at the core of our curricula. We mean it in a slightly different way, but for so many people in professional-readiness higher ed land, human-centered technology and design beautifully check the participatory readiness boxes. We ask people what they want! We consider unintended consequences! And most of all: we think about power!

“Thinking about power” has neatly swallowed a whole world of domains that create real readiness: the always-strange specificities of history, the global variation in poetic languages, the deep and wide realm of ethical reasoning, the vigorously debated ideas about the role of the state to provide for human affairs. The self-satisfaction of using a hand-wavey notion of power as an organizing principle ticks the boxes of participatory readiness for most people in my domains. Look for winners and losers, and you have won the day. It’s not just job readiness, they say; it’s alerting young people that power is always operative. Participatory readiness, done.

Do I need to say this? Power is always operative in civic life, but collapsing all contextual and participatory matters to transactions of power, with winners and losers, oppressor and oppressed, doesn’t help students deal with complex geo-political matters like what’s playing out in Gaza. In Allen’s terms, many professors are satisfied with encouraging students’ literacy in the “fair fighting” mode of civic agency — protests and speeches and demonstrations, with all the moral clarity they either reflect or seem to create — and meanwhile, the more slow and boring work of disinterested deliberation, and the more richly symbolic and subtle work of prophetic reframing, lie in atrophy. Professional readiness curricula, overlaid with a module here and there on ahistorical, monolithic ideas about power, just won’t suffice. Not for real participatory readiness.

There are signs of life in shoring up the deliberative side of participatory readiness. This civil discourse project at Duke (https://civildiscourse.duke.edu/ ) is representative of some of that effort. Civics education is generally experiencing another reinvigoration; I see lots of people talking about it. But in pre-professional settings like mine, there’s a tinderbox mix of mostly-job-skills, plus the thinnest layer of power, that stands in too handily for participatory readiness.

And even if we fortify the means and methods of disinterested deliberation, even if we diversify and enrich the participatory with greater humanities, fine arts, and social sciences exposure, another conundrum presents itself. Deliberation presupposes contested visions of the good life among democratic citizens. How are those visions, those strongly-held first principles that are the bedrock of our lifeworlds, to be formed? That’s next."

[Part 1:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/10/the-how-and-the-why/

Part 3:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/21/the-how-and-the-why-part-3/

Part 4:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/07/25/the-how-and-the-why-part-4/

Part 5:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/08/24/the-how-and-the-why-part-5/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>A Conversation with Lee Mingwei - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-17T22:17:26+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this conversation with Lee Mingwei, hear about the Lee Mingwei: Rituals of Care exhibition and the artist’s practice. Led by Claudia Schmuckli, curator in charge of contemporary art and programming, this talk explores Mingwei’s interactive installations and performances inspired by personal experiences and world events. 

About the speakers

Born in Taipei in 1964, Lee Mingwei immigrated to the US when he was a young child. He went to high school in San Francisco and graduated with a bachelor of fine arts in textile arts from the California College of Arts in 1993 before earning a graduate degree at Yale University in 1997. He is one of the most prominent Taiwanese American artists today, and his practice has been celebrated across Europe and Asia with recent major solo exhibitions at the Mori Art Museum, Tokyo; The Ullens Center for Contemporary Art Beijing; Centre Pompidou, Paris; and Gropius Bau, Berlin. Rituals of Care will be the artist’s first survey exhibition in the United States. 

Claudia Schmuckli joined the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco in 2016 as curator in charge of contemporary art and programming. Previously she was director and chief curator of the Blaffer Art Museum in Houston, where she forged a reputation as a pivotal figure in the presentation of contemporary art. Before coming to the Blaffer Art Museum, Schmuckli worked at the Museum of Modern Art and the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in New York. She holds an MA in art history from the Ludwigs-Maximilians-Universität in Munich.


Learn more about the exhibition:  https://www.famsf.org/exhibitions/lee-mingwei "]]></description>
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    <title>Anarchism in America (1983) - Documentary on the American Anarchy Movement. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-14T18:32:36+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Distributor: www.pacificstreetfilms.com
A colorful and provocative survey of anarchism in America, the film attempts to dispel popular misconceptions and trace the historical development of the movement. The film explores the movement both as a native American philosophy stemming from 19th century American traditions of individualism, and as a foreign ideology brought to America by immigrants. The film features rare archival footage and interviews with significant personalities in anarchist history including Murray Boochkin and Karl Hess, and also live performance footage of the Dead Kennedys."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tbBdy5VRoo8">
    <title>Cities After… Municipalism pt.1 - On its Anarchist Origins - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-24T02:49:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tbBdy5VRoo8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cities After… with Prof. Miguel Robles-Durán. A radical exploration into the capitalist contradictions of our urban world, and the many anti-capitalist futures to come.

This episode is part 1 of 2, where Prof. Robles-Durán discusses a growing trust in left-leaning urban activism towards Municipalist principles. As its name implies, Municipalism is a political ideology that promotes the reconfiguring the local level of government, or the municipality, as the site of political organization and decision-making. Advocating for political power to be held solely by ordinary citizens who are municipally organized and globally connected through confederations. Despite significant planetary challenges and ideological controversies across the left political spectrum, Prof. Robles-Durán is convinced that variations of Municipalist politics are a crucial goal for building an anti-capitalist future."

[part 2:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kmr1snUZ8-c

"This episode is part 2 of 2, where Prof. Robles-Durán attempts a deeper dive into the concept of Municipalism by examining its contemporary application through some key influences, and a few examples, including projects that he has had the privilege of working on. Prof. Robles-Durán also takes this opportunity to build upon Marx’s critique of Proudhon’s Mutualism, and Murray Bookchin's foundational work on Social Ecology to offer a fresh perspective on Municipalism's relevance, and the contradictions it faces as it seeks to address the complex challenges of our modern era. But most importantly, he argues for its theoretical and real-world potential for transforming the 21st century towards anti-capitalist dominance.

Please note that in episode one, where Prof. Robles-Durán laid out some of the core foundational arguments of Municipalism that are essential for following this episode. If you haven’t listened to it, we encourage you to do so before listening to this episode."]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://usurpatormag.com/A-Website-Can-Be-A-Poem-w-Chia">
    <title>A Website Can Be A Poem w/ Chia - USURPATOR</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-22T22:31:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://usurpatormag.com/A-Website-Can-Be-A-Poem-w-Chia</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["USURPATOR is joined by Chia Amisola, an ambient artist, designer,  organizer, and founder from the Philippines. During our conversation, we talk about the form of a website, the art of digital preservation, and how we can break down the common structures of the internet to create better spaces for ourselves and our communities."

[some of the audio doesn't seem to be in the transcript, at least at the very beginning:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/a-website-can-be-a-poem-w-chia/id1694186040?i=1000621318566 ]]]></description>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/know-your-enemy-the-right-kind-of-worker-with-gabriel-winant">
    <title>Know Your Enemy: The Right Kind of Worker, with Gabriel Winant - Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-13T15:16:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/know-your-enemy-the-right-kind-of-worker-with-gabriel-winant</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-right-kind-of-worker-w-gabriel-winant/id1462703434?i=1000559202154

previously boomarked
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9fec692b092c ]

"Gabriel Winant joins the podcast to discuss what the populist right gets wrong about the history of the American working class."

...

"Since Donald Trump was elected president—partially on the strength of white working-class support in the Rust Belt—we’ve heard that the GOP is a working-class party; that liberals sold out American labor to globalized capital; and that American workers are too socially and culturally conservative to remain within the increasingly progressive Democratic tent. According to the populist right, the culture war is itself a class war, waged on behalf of real workers against a secular, libertine professional elite who control the commanding heights of the economy, government, and media.

What’s wrong with this story? Labor historian and essayist Gabriel Winant joins Matt and Sam to answer that question. Using Gabe’s award-winning book The Next Shift: The Fall of Industry and the Rise of Health Care in Rust Belt America as a guide, we tell a different story about working-class formation in this country, about the forces that led to the decline of America’s industrial base, and about the prospects for renewing labor’s power relative to capital. Along the way, we take on figures of the newly labor-curious right—Oren Cass, Sohrab Ahmari, and others—explaining how their vision is based on ideologically motivated elisions that seek to resolve rather than energize class conflict.  It’s a hot one, folks!

Sources and further reading:

Gabriel Winant, We Live in a Society, n+1
https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/we-live-in-a-society/

Professional-Managerial Chasm, n+1
https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/professional-managerial-chasm/

Coronavirus and Chronopolitics, n+1
https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-37/politics/coronavirus-and-chronopolitics-2/

Strike Wave, New Left Review
https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/strike-wave

Sohrab Ahmari, How America Kneecapped Its Unions, Compact
https://compactmag.com/article/how-america-kneecapped-its-unions

Julius Krein, The Real Class War, American Affairs
https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2019/11/the-real-class-war/

Alexander Riley, Labor Betrayed by the Progressive Left, Chronicles
https://chroniclesmagazine.org/reviews/labor-betrayed-by-the-progressive-left/

Landon R.Y. Storrs, The Second Red Scare and the Unmaking of the New Deal Left, Princeton University Press
https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691153964/the-second-red-scare-and-the-unmaking-of-the-new-deal-left

Melinda Cooper, Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism, Zone Books
https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9781935408345/family-values

Alice Kessler-Harris, In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men, and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in 20th-Century America, Oxford University Press
https://www.thriftbooks.com/w/in-pursuit-of-equity-women-men-and-the-quest-for-economic-citizenship-in-twentieth-century-america_alice-kessler-harris/734250/item/18112756/#idiq=18112756&edition=3668411 "]]></description>
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    <title>Between Chaos and the Man: How not to become an anarchist, by Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-09T10:23:37+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I first heard of anarchism around forty-five years ago, as a teenage member of the Science Fiction Book Club. One day the U.S. Postal Service delivered a novel by Ursula K. Le Guin called The Dispossessed, which I read as soon as it arrived and immediately declared my favorite book—even better than Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood’s End or Loren Eiseley’s The Immense Journey, which had until that moment shared the honor. Then I dug out a moldy volume of our old World Book Encyclopedia and read about the history of anarchism.

My enthusiasm soon—I almost said faded, but that’s not quite right: lacking a point of focus, it diffracted. I retained my enthusiasm but didn’t know where to direct it. I hold Le Guin partly responsible, because she was too intelligent and honest a writer to portray her anarchist society as anything but “an ambiguous utopia,” as a cover blurb of a later edition put it, in a formulation that would eventually become the effective subtitle of the book. Even an anarchist society is made up of human beings, and we all know the warping that inevitably happens when that crooked timber is one’s primary building material. Le Guin made anarchism beautiful but also human—and therefore questionable.

I also came to feel increasingly strongly that I lived in a country dominated by two parties, two parties that could not be dislodged, and that could not be persuaded to take anarchist ideas seriously. Again and again I watched third-party candidates who deviated only slightly from political orthodoxy spring up and then wither away, along with the movements in which they were rooted; what chance, then, did something as bizarre as anarchism have? Anarchism was, I decided, fascinating in science fiction but irrelevant to the world in which I actually lived.

That was the story I told myself, anyway. Looking back, I see that there were other forces at work: a disinclination to marginalize myself; a reluctance to follow paths of thought that might lead to discomfort, or to unpleasant choices; and perhaps most important, an inchoate sense that I didn’t hold anarchism’s view of human nature. But none of this caused me to forget anarchism’s appeal.

Since that encounter with The Dispossessed I have read a great deal in the history of this subject. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was pedantic; Peter Kropotkin was sometimes stimulating but often dreary; Murray Bookchin was my best guide through the thickets of intra-anarchist divisions and hostilities, but he couldn’t help me cut them down to a reasonable density. Sometimes I felt that the most useful readings came not from self-declared anarchists but from anarchism-adjacent scholars such as Marshall Sahlins, whose Stone Age Economics makes a charming and largely convincing defense of the leisurely lives of hunter-gatherers—though it didn’t help me understand how I could adopt, even in a distant way, their approach to the basic problem of staying fed and clothed with the least possible expenditure of energy.

Sahlins’s argument is more than half a century old now, so I looked forward to reading a “new history of humanity,” The Dawn of Everything, by David Graeber and David Wengrow (a book completed just before Graeber’s sudden death in September 2020, at the age of fifty-nine). Their dismantling of the established sequence of social development that progresses from hunter-gatherer bands to agricultural tribes to urban kingdoms to our very own modern nation-states convinced me; they make clear through innumerable examples that the sequence is simply a myth. But I didn’t know where to take their ideas. Graeber and Wengrow are like Sixties gurus telling me to free my mind. Okay, so my mind feels freer now—what do I do with my freedom? Why am I even still drawn to this stuff? Trying to understand my own curious addiction, I decided to reread The Dispossessed.

The novel begins in a place called Anarres—the moon of the planet Urras—where we meet Le Guin’s protagonist, a physicist named Shevek. One of the most profound ambiguities of The Dispossessed involves the poverty of Anarres: its people live at scarcely better than a subsistence level, in dramatic contrast to the wealth and luxury experienced by many on Urras. But cause and effect are uncertain here. The Anarresti are the descendants of a revolutionary anarchist movement that arose on Urras two centuries earlier—they are called Odonians, after a political philosopher and revolutionary leader named Odo. The result of the Odonians’ revolution was not the rule of their own world, but rather the granting of exclusive residence on the arid and barely habitable Anarres. Their collective life is a kind of gift, and a kind of exile.

It is easy and partly correct to say that the resource-poor environment of Anarres ensured that its residents would live simply; but it is equally true to say that simplicity was what the Odonians preferred. They stood a better chance of adhering to that preference, and of remaining anarchist, on a world that never tempted them with a lush life and (therefore) a more differentiated social order. Ample natural resources and hierarchical political structures—such as existed on Urras, especially in the nation called A-Io—lead to innovation and productivity; but they also lead to inequality, injustice, and the exploitation of the world and its creatures, including its human creatures.

Every social order comes with trade-offs. The Odonians of Anarres know they have given up comforts that those on Urras would deem necessities. Most of them warmly accept those sacrifices, and indeed don’t think of them as sacrifices, because they believe themselves to be amply compensated by their freedom and egalitarian social solidarity. When Shevek visits A-Io, and meets some of its residents, he thinks, “They knew no relation but possession. They were possessed.” By contrast, the Anarresti have been dispossessed by Urras—and by themselves.

Dispossession initiates a particular kind of order. Proudhon, in the middle of the nineteenth century, asserted that liberty is “not the daughter but the mother of order,” and that “society seeks order in anarchy.” Anarchists do not reject order or rule or governance but insist that in a healthy society these things cannot be imposed from above—from some arche, some authoritative source. Rather they emerge from negotiations between social equals. When complex phenomena arise from simple rules distributed throughout a large population—as can be seen best in social insects and slime molds—modern humans tend to be puzzled. For a long time scientists thought that there had to be intelligent queens in bee colonies giving directions to the other bees, because how else could the behavior within colonies be explained? The idea that the complexity simply emerges from the rigorous application of a handful of simple behavioral rules is hard for us to grasp. Bees and ants demonstrate how anarchy is order. It’s a shame that Proudhon did not know this.

On Anarres, “negotiations between social equals” happen within the ambit of a particular task or project or profession. Shevek, for example, is part of a self-organizing and self-maintaining syndic of scientists, in which responsibilities are typically assumed by volunteers. Shevek wants to work on highly technical problems of theoretical physics, which makes him grateful that others are willing to take on the inevitable administrative tasks. One of these others is a man named Sabul, who serves as the conduit through whom scientific papers move from Anarres to Urras, Urras to Anarres. For the student of anarchism, Sabul may be the novel’s most significant character.

It is often said—not least by central figures in the history of anarchist thought—that anarchism as a political philosophy depends on a belief in the essential goodness of human beings. In an essay titled “Are You An Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You!,” Graeber poses the following question: “Do you believe that human beings are fundamentally corrupt and evil . . . ?” He continues, “If you answered ‘yes,’ then, well, it looks like you aren’t an anarchist after all.” But much hinges here on what is meant by “fundamentally corrupt and evil.” I don’t believe that everyone is wicked altogether; I don’t believe that without the restraint of law we would have what Thomas Hobbes called the “War of every man against every man.” But I do believe that everything we human beings do is to some extent infected by selfishness, by pride, by the often unconscious desire to make ourselves superior to others in some way—perhaps in wealth, perhaps in power, perhaps in virtue. Does this mean that I can’t be an anarchist after all?

Anarchism depends, Kropotkin claims in his seminal book Mutual Aid, on the belief that cooperation and reciprocity come more naturally to humans than competition and a desire for dominance do. When I first read Kropotkin’s argument, decades after encountering The Dispossessed, I found it unconvincing—because I remembered Sabul.

I remembered Sabul because, however strongly and sincerely he may affirm Odonian principles, he is not at all cooperative. He is, rather, intensely protective of his little field of authority. Jealous of Shevek’s more powerful mind, he gums up the works, preventing, as best he can, any real communication between Shevek and physicists on Urras. Indeed, the crucial events of the book are set in motion by Shevek’s decision to travel to Urras, and he makes that decision only because of Sabul’s petty obstructionism.

For those who associate anarchism with a belief in the cooperativeness of human beings, the key word in that sentence will probably be “obstructionism.” Does not Sabul’s jealousy of Shevek, and his determination to achieve and maintain control, suggest that a society built on the assumption of voluntary, emergent mutual aid is a pipe dream?

For me, though—a person with an exceptionally low anthropology, a skepticism about human motives that borders on the cynical—the key word is “petty.” The decentralized character of Anarresti society means that, however tyrannical Sabul may be in temperament, he does not and cannot exercise tyranny. In a more structured and hierarchical society he would be far more dangerous. As I reflected on these matters, it seemed to me that—whatever Graeber and Kropotkin may have thought to the contrary—anarchism may well be the ideal political philosophy for those of us who believe in original sin.

In every sector of society we are afflicted by a hierarchical centralization, a concentration of power in the hands of a few, typically a few who are directly accountable to no one—least of all to us, the people. Standards and canons of efficiency have come to rule all: the era in which “mechanization takes command”—the title of a 1948 book by Sigfried Giedion—has given way to the era of what Nikil Saval has called “self-Taylorizing,” the psychological internalization of the impulse toward efficiency and productivity. And only anarchic order, as far as I can tell, offers any real hope of rescue.

An accurate assessment of the character of the moment is needed here. Those of us drawn to any scheme of decentralization, either anarchism or the Distributism of G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, are often treated to a litany of the gifts of modern civilization that would be absent in an anarchist society. One could argue about the quality of those gifts—the meaning of the German word Gift comes to mind: poison—but I think it more expedient to waive the point. I am not at all certain that any of us are better off with iPhones than we were without them but, sure, let’s posit that iPhones are wonderful, gifts in the English sense rather than the German. Without contesting that point let’s simply say: enough is enough.

As I noted earlier, I was fascinated but also somewhat confused by The Dawn of Everything. It was meant—before Graeber’s untimely death—to be the first of several volumes. Maybe Wengrow will write the successors, and maybe they will clarify the path forward, but in the interim, I found myself knowing very well what it means to be interested in anarchism but not at all what it means to become an anarchist. I found myself wondering whether “How do I become an anarchist?” is even the right question. Maybe (I thought) becoming an anarchist is a very un-anarchistic thing to do.

Around the time The Dispossessed came out, Le Guin published a kind of pendant to it, a short story called “The Day Before the Revolution,” in which Odo spends the eve of the revolution that will lead to the colonization of Anarres not dreaming of the future but lost in her past. Living with her disciples, most of them much younger, she realizes that they dress in a way that would have been considered immodest in her youth. By contrast, she continues to dress in accordance with the conventions of her own upbringing. “They had grown up in the principle of freedom of dress and sex and all the rest, and she hadn’t. All she had done was invent it. It’s not the same.” When she speaks of her late “husband” Asieo, her followers grow uncomfortable. “The word she should use as a good Odonian, of course, was ‘partner.’ ” But, Odo reflects, “Why the hell did she have to be a good Odonian?” The leader of an anarchist movement has become uncomfortable as anarchy has settled into habit, into structure, into expectation. There is something livelier and more human about being Odo than there is about being an Odonian. Which may be another way of saying: something more anarchic.

One of the ways the Anarresti are dispossessed is through their language, called Pravic, which doesn’t dispense with possessive pronouns altogether but is idiomatically resistant to them. “To say ‘this one is mine and that’s yours’ in Pravic, one said, ‘I use this one and you use that.’ ” A child is encouraged to say not “my mother” but “the mother.” It is significant, though, that we are told all this about Pravic because a friend of Shevek’s, who learns that he plans to work with Sabul, warns him: “You will be his man.” The use of the possessive startles Shevek, but eventually he learns the ways in which that uncommon usage was appropriate. These tensions between Pravic and its speakers indicate what language can’t do; what politics can’t do; and what order, even the order that is anarchy, can’t do.

“State is the name for the coldest of all cold monsters,” Nietzsche writes in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. In the same passage he elaborates:

Every people speaks its own tongue of good and evil: this the neighbor does not understand. It has invented its own language of customs and rights. But the state lies in all the tongues of good and evil.

Is not Pravic, subtly yet necessarily, the tongue of a kind of state?

In “The Day Before the Revolution” Odo—an elderly woman, suffering the effects of a stroke—walks slowly through the city she lives in, and thinks, “There would not be slums like this, if the Revolution prevailed.” She continues:

But there would be misery. There would always be misery, waste, cruelty. She had never pretended to be changing the human condition, to be Mama taking tragedy away from the children so they won’t hurt themselves. Anything but. So long as people were free to choose, if they chose to drink flybane and live in sewers, it was their business. Just so long as it wasn’t the business of Business, the source of profit and the means of power for other people.

At another point in the story Odo quotes herself: “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice.” Is this statement profound—or fatuous? I think it’s fatuous in our current social order, in which choice is always already governed by the logic and power of consumption: that we choose is an illusion that it’s the business of Business to maintain. But if you ask yourself in what circumstances might this sentence be necessary wisdom, maybe it will look different. If the whole formulation strikes you as individualistic, perhaps you might reflect that one cannot truly have individualism until one has individuals. And if the question of what might serve to form genuine individuals is one that anarchism cannot answer—well, perhaps anarchy can.

Some years ago, Walter Mosley published a novella called Archibald Lawless, Anarchist at Large—in which, let me be quick to say, the titular character acknowledges the peculiarity of his last name, though he never explains it. Lawless does, however, freely and frequently state his convictions to his new scribe, Felix Orlean. He says, for instance, “I walk the line between chaos and the man.” He says, even more portentously,

I am, everyone is, a potential sovereignty, a nation upon my own. I am responsible for every action taken in my name and for every step that I take—or that I don’t take. When you get to the place that you can see yourself as a completely autonomous, self-governing entity then everything will come to you; everything that you will need.

I was in a pro-anarchist frame of mind when I first read this story, and so I tried to make the best of it, but no—this is the common caricature of anarchism: radically self-indulgent and “lawless,” without any order at all. Nevertheless, there’s something intriguing about that notion of walking the line “between chaos and the man,” between the absence of order and a rigid simulacrum of order imposed from above. Isn’t that, after all, what anarchy in practice is: a tightrope strung across a double abyss?

Trying to think these matters through, I found myself returning to Graeber’s voluminous writings, many of which appear on obscure websites. I was not wholly deterred by his suggestion that my cynicism debars me from being an anarchist; my obsession was not so easily dispelled. So I kept reading, and in a long essay titled “Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology” I came across this:

Anarchistic societies are no more unaware of human capacities for greed or vainglory than modern Americans are unaware of human capacities for envy, gluttony, or sloth; they would just find them equally unappealing as the basis for their civilization. In fact, they see these phenomena as moral dangers so dire they end up organizing much of their social life around containing them.

I like this; I think of it as Graeber opening his heart to reveal the secular Calvinist hidden within. And such clear-eyed awareness of our darker proclivities is surely a better ground for anarchist action than any celebration of the human propensity for cooperative action. The best reason to pursue anarchism, to walk that line between chaos and the man, is that none of us is free from greed or vainglory. Insofar as anarchism arises from that sober and constant awareness of the “moral dangers” our own libido dominandi present to social order, I am all for it.

Graeber also helps me to understand how to pursue it. One of his core concepts is “prefigurative politics”: action that practically instantiates what you hope for and therefore “prefigures” it. “Revolutionary action is not a form of self-sacrifice,” he writes, “a grim dedication to doing whatever it takes to achieve a future world of freedom. It is the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free.” But, I would say, that prefigured freedom should primarily be freedom not from the man out there but the man that I always, by nature, want to be.

There are many schools of anarchism, most only partly reconcilable with the others: anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-communism, primitivism, cooperativism, and so on. The most interesting thing they have in common, Graeber notes, is that they aren’t named for a person (Marxism) or an economic system (capitalism) but rather for modes of practice—ways of acting in the world. Somewhere down the line perhaps one becomes an anarchist of one description or another; but however that may be, to act in accordance with the better world imaginatively prefigured is an option for me, for each of us, right now.

So this is what I have come around to, this is how I have made sense of my obsession with anarchism: the first target of anarchistic practice ought to be whatever it is in me that resists anarchy—what resists negotiation, the turning toward the Other as neighbor and potential collaborator. I return to Odo’s line, “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice,” but I add this: The responsibility of choice arises when I acknowledge my own participation, in a thousand different ways, in the imposition of order on others. This is where anarchism begins; where the turning aside from the coldest of all cold monsters begins; where I begin. The possibility of anarchic action arises when I acknowledge my own will to power. Self-dispossession begins when I say to myself: Je suis Sabul."]]></description>
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    <title>Access 2022 Thursday Binkley Memorial Lecture by Jordan Hale - YouTube</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KjYELKhtDJ8">
    <title>[Part 1] From Democratic Free Schools to Democratic Free Communities - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-09-16T15:08:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KjYELKhtDJ8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is Part 1 of a 2 part video series both introducing the basics of democratic free schools, an inspiring directly democratic, self-directed school model, as well as fleshing out a critique of certain hyper-individualistic trends within that movement. This critique comes from a place of love from within the free school movement, and can be summarized by the question "How can we spend so much effort building free, empowered, radically democratic, and communal personalities in our schools and then send the kids out into a broader society that is so profoundly unfree, disempowering, hierarchical, and atomized?" In this video, I call for advocates of democratic free schools to use our shared principles as a lens to look outward, in order to shape the broader world into "democratic free communities" fit for kids raised in freedom and autonomy.

Part 2 will further develop the internal criticism, as well as explore models for communities outside of the school walls that share the values that drive the democratic free school (namely direct democracy and shared power in community,  leadership through guidance and not authority, play, and the full freedom to explore one's individual passions and desires)

I apologize in advance for the shaky audio quality throughout this video. I finally rented a professional microphone, but due to unforseen circumstances, I had to record in several different rooms during the process, and each room has a unique character. I had to turn the microphone back in so I couldn't re-record it. Hope it isn't too big of a problem!

Thanks to Wondering School, the filmmakers behind "School Circles" for a large portion of the footage for this video!"

[Part 2
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5mlQCGSlgXo

"Our passion for freedom doesn't stop at our school walls. How do we build broader communities that apply the values we cultivate in Democratic Free Schools?

Who are our natural allies in this drive for greater autonomy in all aspects of our lives?"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DgWyGHrFGxs">
    <title>Pelin Tan: Decolonizing Architecture Education - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-08-04T21:29:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DgWyGHrFGxs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[slide from early in the talk:

"What is a collective process of education?
a destruction of hierarchy of dualist structures between teacher and student, teaching and learning.

Collective self-teaching, learning by acting together, rejecting the gab between theory and practice, deconstructing terms in education that are sustained by institution upside down, preserving traditional knowledge from earth and nature"]

"Pelin Tan speaks on Decolonizing Architecture Education, as part of the weeklong workshop and seminar series Toolkit for Today: Activisms. 

To learn more: https://www.cca.qc.ca/en/events/59715/pelin-tan-decolonizing-architecture-education

Tan is a sociologist, art historian, and was Associate Professor and Vice Dean of Architecture Faculty of Mardin Artuklu University from 2013 to 2017. She was subsequently a fellow of BAK, in Utrecht, and will begin an appointment as Visiting Professor at the University of Cyprus, in the fall of 2018. She is involved in artistic and architectural projects that focus on urban conflict, territorial politics, and the conditions of labour."]]></description>
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    <title>Speaking Out of Place: A Conversation on Reclaiming Our Political Voices - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-21T05:14:11+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Joined renowned scholars and activists David Palumbo-Liu and Robin D. G. Kelley as they discuss Palumbo-Liu's urgent new book Speaking Out of Place. Speaking Out of Place asks us to reconceptualize both what we think “politics” is, and our relationship to it. Especially at this historical moment, when it is all too possible we will move from Trump’s fascistic regime to Biden’s anti-progressive centrism. We need ways to build off the tremendous growth we have seen in democratic socialism, and to gather strength and courage for the challenges, and opportunities that lie ahead.

As Nick Estes said of the book, “It’s not enough to be against the rising tide of authoritarianism and climate chaos. David Palumbo-Liu examines how only through “a positive obsession with justice” and a collective willingness to learn to speak a new language and remake the places do we have a chance at saving the planet and building the world we all need.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2021/11/david-graeber-dawn-of-everything.html">
    <title>What David Graeber, ‘Dawn of Everything’ Author, Left Behind</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-12T23:15:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2021/11/david-graeber-dawn-of-everything.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Dawn of Everything author left behind countless fans and a belief society could still change for the better."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/05/kristin-ross-communal-luxury-paris-commune/">
    <title>The Meaning of the Paris Commune</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-27T05:19:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/05/kristin-ross-communal-luxury-paris-commune/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perhaps the greatest change can be detected in Marx’s trajectory after the Commune — a change that takes the paradoxical form of both a strengthening of his theory and a break with the very concept of theory. The Commune made it very clear to Marx that not only do the masses shape history but in so doing they reshape not just actuality but theory itself. This is, in fact, what Henri Lefebvre meant when he talked about the “dialectic of the lived and the conceived.”

The thought and theory of a movement is unleashed only with and after the movement itself. Actions create dreams, and not the reverse."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://groundings.simplecast.com/episodes/joy-james">
    <title>The Plurality of Abolitionism | Groundings</title>
    <dc:date>2021-01-02T21:37:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://groundings.simplecast.com/episodes/joy-james</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“EPISODE SUMMARY
Dr. Joy James joins the show to discuss the current state of the prison abolition movement, academia co-opting revolutionary organizing, the ‘captive maternal’, and why we must learn from children. 

EPISODE NOTES
Professor, writer, and activist Dr. Joy James joins the show to discuss her work around abolition. More specifically, we look at what Dr. James calls “academic abolitionism”, the role that academics play in halting or co-opting revolutionary organizing, the current state of the prison abolition movement, and why it is revolutionary to start our political organizing with one simple question: what do Black children need?

Felicia Denaud joins as co-host.”

[also here: https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/the-plurality-of-abolitionism/id1346441867?i=1000504088837 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T-FUogFD6bY">
    <title>A New Financial Order | Aaron Meets Yanis Varoufakis - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-12-23T21:45:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T-FUogFD6bY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>yanisvaroufakis 2019 economics politics finance predictions optimism jeremycorbyn brexit fascism democrats liberalism neoliberalism democracy participation participatory apathy uk elections moderation radicalism centrism eu hope socialjustice thatcherism progressivism government governance oligarchs greece us farright labor germany media liberaldemocrats davidcameron austerity tories propert propertyrights privatization borisjohnson redistribution globalfinancialcrisis greatrecession aaronbastani oligarchy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C32KGX6qP5s">
    <title>We Keep Each Other Safe: Mutual Aid for Survival and Solidarity - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-12-19T18:18:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C32KGX6qP5s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Live transcription is available at http://bit.ly/Mutual_Aid_Solidarity [https://www.streamtext.net/player?event=MutualAidSolidarity ]

Dean Spade in conversation with Mariame Kaba and Ejeris Dixon

Dean Spade’s new book Mutual Aid: Building Solidarity During this Crisis (and the Next) offers both a theoretical understanding of mutual aid and practical tools for sustaining this crucial movement work. Spade defines mutual aid as “collective coordination to meet each other’s needs, usually from an awareness that the systems we have in place are not going to meet them. Those systems, in fact, have often created the crisis.” Spade explores how mutual aid projects have been part of every powerful social movement, citing examples such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott in the 1950s, the Black Panther Party’s survival programs that provided free breakfasts and medical clinics in the 1960s and 70s, and the resource and skill-sharing that emerged in the Occupy encampments starting in 2011. In the contemporary moment of the widening wealth gap, a global pandemic, increasing storms, fires, and other crises resulting from climate change, as well as myriad other social inequities, Spade demonstrates how and why mutual aid is essential for meeting people’s needs and building big, transformative movements that get to the root causes of these crises.

Rather than numb out in the face of these overwhelming problems, Spade urges us to take up mutual aid work and to take part in the collective work of building the world we want.

“In my experience, it is more engagement that actually enlivens us—more curiosity, more willingness to see the harm that surrounds us, and ask how we can relate to it differently. Being more engaged with the complex and painful realities we face, and with thoughtful, committed action alongside others for justice, feels much better than numbing out or making token, self-consoling charity gestures. It feels good to let our values guide every part of our lives.” —Dean Spade

On Nov 12, Spade will be joined by anti-violence organizers Mariame Kaba and Ejeris Dixon to discuss mutual aid as an abolitionist project. Why is mutual aid key to practicing abolition? How does mutual aid relate to transformative justice and other anti-violence frameworks and practices? How can mutual aid help us to reimagine responding to harm and violence without relying on police?

Mutual aid is a key part of building a world in which we keep each other safe, a world in which we build collectively to meet each other’s needs. Join us on November 12 to celebrate the publication of Mutual Aid and for a conversation exploring its role in abolition, transformative justice, and addressing harm.

Accessibility

Live captioning and and ASL interpretation will be provided.

Please email any additional access needs to ekausch@barnard.edu.
This event is free and open to all.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>mutualaid deanspade mariamekaba ejerisdixon hopedector 2020 brandonkazen-maddox organizing justice transformativejustice solidarity survival organization collectivism participation participatory engagement democracy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jaesteduc.52.4.0049?seq=1">
    <title>The Arts and the Liberal Arts at Black Mountain College on JSTOR</title>
    <dc:date>2020-11-11T19:16:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jaesteduc.52.4.0049?seq=1</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[pdf: https://www.are.na/block/9459000 ]

[See also:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Apbl6Iuqkvc ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>jasonmiller blackmountaincollege bmc democracy art arts liberalarts johndewey johnandrewrice citizenship thinking howwethink pedagogy education highered highereducation college universities howweteach teaching learning howwelearn jaymiller philosophy academics discipline disciplines openstudioproject lcproject experience experientiallearning life artaslife artasliving living behavior progressive colleges seeing observation josefalbers usefulness tinkering utility interdisciplinary transdisciplinary hierarchy hierarchies pragmatism means ends endsandmeans process aesthetics canon participation participatory use justification inequality class socioeconomic economics training being</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Apbl6Iuqkvc">
    <title>Democracy in Action - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-11-10T02:27:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Apbl6Iuqkvc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“What did democracy mean for Black Mountain College?

Explore the democratic ideals and practices of BMC with Jay Miller, co-curator of the exhibition “Politics at Black Mountain College”, Professor of Philosophy, and Director of the Warren Wilson College Honors Program.”

[See also:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jaesteduc.52.4.0049
https://www.are.na/block/9459000 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>blackmountaincollege bmc democracy johndewey 2020 jaymiller education highered participatory experience experimentation experientiallearning learning howwelearn highereducation johnandrewrice liberalarts practice history consensus governance decisionmaking conflict inclusion inclusivity politics refuge immigration inclusiveness equality jasonmiller</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://anarchiststudies.noblogs.org/article-a-need-for-more-room-notes-on-colin-wards-ungovernable-urbanism/">
    <title>Article: A Need for More Room. Notes on Colin Ward’s Ungovernable Urbanism – AnarchistStudies.Blog</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-28T23:55:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://anarchiststudies.noblogs.org/article-a-need-for-more-room-notes-on-colin-wards-ungovernable-urbanism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“[This article first appeared in March 2020 as ‘Un besoin d’espace. Notes sur l’urbanité ingouvernable de Colin Ward’ as a new postface to the French Edition of Colin Ward’s The Child in The City, L’enfant dans la ville (translated by Léa Nicolas-Teboul), published by Etrerotopia France. You can read an interview on Freedom News between Alessio Kolioulis and Jim Donaghey about the new publication, Ward’s influences, his own subsequent scholarly and professional impact, and Ward’s reception beyond the UK.] 

The Child in the City [CiC] is a book about education and planning, two of Colin Ward’s lifelong interests. As examined in the book, these two fields of politics indicate the range of terrains where planners and teachers should rethink the relationship between children, young people and the society in which they grow.

In particular, the book has the merit of exploring the social and spatial constellation between a child’s home and the school. The street, a bridge between the bedroom and the classroom, is an extension of both places, especially for children with little privacy or no garden at home, and for those adapting to overcrowded classrooms. Obviously, Ward was uninterested in issues related to overpopulation, a discourse that has gained some attention in the current climate crisis. For him, the need for adequate houses and schools was a reflection of the quality of educational systems at a time of rapid urbanisation. These aspects remain critical, and some of the challenges that educators and planners face today are the same as those identified in CiC.

The Child in the City, published in 1978, appeared after Housing: An Anarchist Approach (1976)[1] and before Arcadia for All: The Legacy of a Makeshift Landscape (1984).[2] As a planner with a background in architecture and as a researcher investigating British cities in the post-war period, Ward is profoundly inspired by the action-research of the Garden City Movement founded by Ebenezer Howard, the same movement that gave birth to the Town and Planning Association, where he worked at the time of writing CiC.[3]

Being an unorthodox anarchist operating in institutional settings enabled Ward to become a vocal public figure. He collaborated with national and multinational organisations such as The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). These collaborations suggest a strategical belief in the institutionalisation of anarchism and its ideas. Ward was an advocate of the expansion of community and cooperative practices in the planning process. By trying to find a bridge between these spaces, Ward’s intervention in the development discourse of the late decolonial process of the 1970s was aimed at shifting institutional practices in a positive, but more-often-than-not difficult, dialogue with policy makers, prompting change through political education. The question of the role of education permeates Ward’s politics, and, in turn, its urban dimension.

Ward, who had expansive interests encompassing education, planning, architecture and politics, was often invited to give lectures, predominantly in anglophone countries, and he regularly attended conferences and events organised by progressive education groups. A fundamental collection that demonstrates Ward’s passion for renewed political education is the valuable Talking Schools.[4] Published by Freedom Press, the notable publisher for which Ward worked as editor of Anarchy, and which continues to operate in East London, the book collects ten lectures addressing teachers and educators, and is a noteworthy resource for those wanting to dig deeper into the issues raised in CiC.



In one of these lessons, Ward stressed that while writing CiC he was not interested in childhood, but in the politics of “land-use conflict”.[5] With this expression, Ward refers to the wide array of contested spaces that compose the city. The child can be at conflict with a city that systematically rejects the dreams and imaginations of those growing up in them.

On this point – the conflicts of and for urban space – Ward’s thinking was significantly influenced by Paul Goodman, another anarchist, and Goodman’s masterwork Growing Up Absurd directly and positively influenced CiC. Goodman was a New York-based writer, journalist and psychotherapist as well as a ferocious critic of the organised moral corruption at the heart of the “will to govern”. With his brother Percival, an architect, he wrote the seminal book Communitas, which, thanks to the supportive promotion of Lewis Mumford, was republished in 1960 with a chapter promoting a ban on cars. The focus on the development of infrastructures, argued the Goodmans, was accelerating the conurbation of city and country at the expense of the urban poor.[6] Instead of integrating the country, the city was pushing its margins ever further away.

Ashamed of the condition of towns and cities that North American society was leaving to its future generations, Paul Goodman argued that children can become conscious adults only if they learn how to shape their environments. In psychological terms, according to Goodman, children need “adequate objects” to experience the city.[7] Yet, cities in the US were being expanded and redeveloped under the systematic marginalisation of groups, which purposefully created chaotic and derisory living conditions. Such conditions were threatening the psychic organisation of the child.

Meanwhile, state-led interventions actively advanced the ethnic and class segregation of American cities, increasing what officials called delinquency. Anarchists like Goodman interpreted these official policies as an extension of the economy that created jobs for state apparatuses. Under a racist economic regime, excluding and controlling people was profitable. Thus, following Lewis Mumford’s 20-year long critique of New York’s City Planning Commission and its modern masterplans, in Growing Up Absurd Goodman denounced the farcical relocations of low-income families into inadequate blocks that characterised the regeneration projects of the first half of the twentieth century in New York. How can a teenager live in a small flat, day and night, where a family share one bedroom? Juvenile delinquency, argued Goodman, was manufactured by urban planners.

In addition to the early signs of an incoming planetary gentrification, worthwhile relational activities and manual work were demonised even by unions. When unions ceased to protest the loss of manual jobs in the name of fighting alienation, Goodman concluded, people not only accepted these new conditions, but forgot Marxism altogether.[8] This dual transformation – of cities and of jobs – produced a society in which young people struggled to be recognised. The lack of trust in them made children feel worthless and not listened to. But for children to grow into adults, they need to be taken seriously. This is among the key lessons of anarchist education, a message that is present throughout Goodman’s and Ward’s books.

While the Left was retreating from its usual terrains, Goodman and Ward witnessed the profound changes of working-class neighbourhoods in and beyond New York and London. Both anarchists studied the new class structure of the urban poor, quickly realising the need to look beyond the low schooling rates of migrant communities. With their background in planning, they moved their attention towards the impact of housing conditions on social outcomes. In addition, a process of de-industrialisation put pressures on richer and now adult migrants ready to enter better paid jobs, only to discover that these jobs were disappearing. As a consequence, for racialised communities such as Hispanic and African Americans in New York and Asian and Caribbean people in London, education was failing them.

Overcrowded schools maintained by underpaid teachers turned into waiting rooms or, worse, prisons. As Ward argues in CiC, working class families needed a form of education that was practical and that responded to immediate local needs. These were among the reasons why Ward advocated for curricula to be de-nationalised. Thus, at the end of the Fordist era, solutions had to be fought for and found at the grassroots level and outside the expertise of decision-making institutions.

In the preface to the American edition of his friend John Turner’s breakthrough book Housing by People, Ward summarises in a few beautiful lines the problem with experts.

The moment that housing, a universal human activity, becomes defined as a problem, a housing problems industry is born, with an army of experts, bureaucrats and researchers, whose existence is a guarantee that the problem won’t go away.[9]

Turner was among the first planners to celebrate the achievements of informal urbanism against the violence of slum upgrading and regeneration plans.

Once again, Ward’s mission is to educate planners and architects about the pragmatic solutions that people around the world were applying to growing cities and settlements. Ward’s books such as The Allotment: its landscape and culture[10] and Goodnight campers! The history of the British holiday camp[11] are testament to a strenuous research to document and map the possibility of autonomy within the city.

But there cannot be autonomy without progressive education. It is therefore important to look more closely at Ward’s anarchist approach to education. As Ward wrote, “the anarchist approach has been more influential in the field of education than in other fields of life”.[12] Progressive education was the major interest of the anarchist movement of the 1960s, as education was seen as a tool to expand people’s political participation. As Ward put it, “education should mean joy”, but, as the expression suggests, education too often fails children and young people by depressing their creativity and their desire to play. A question that accompanied Ward’s life was how to build a society in which each generation can live for itself, without the Moloch of the future.

Ward was deeply interested in the history of anarchist education and focused especially on the 19th century English and American contexts. In opposition to the conceptual framework offered by the revolutionary French rationalists, in which education was a priority and a task of a well-functioning state, Ward reflected on the imposition of a national education system that led to the suppression of working-class forms of education in 1860s Britain. With no bounds to the church or to the state, such schools were seen by families as close to the needs of their communities. They did not have registers and were flexible with punctuality. Furthermore, community education taught practical things rather than moral orders!

While Ward is interested in alternative education, such as Steiner’s anthroposophy and the Ferrer schools, there are two major influences that must be mentioned to sketch a fair portrayal of his educational philosophy: William Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft. For decades Godwin and Wollstonecraft were primarily known as the parents of Mary Shelley, author of Frankenstein. However, in an intellectual struggle to give voice to forgotten radicals, Ward had put some effort into the renovation of Godwin and Wollstonecraft’s ideas against a national education. Against Rousseau, the early anarchist approach Ward is interested in lies in the separation of society and state. Following Godwin’s effort to think of a non-governmental society, for Ward education should remain outside the remit of the state, as governments injure children with ideas of permanence and obedience. National curricula are too narrowly aligned with national governments.[13]

Finally, I would like to conclude with a more technical and critical note that may suggest some interesting trajectories, as well as gaps, in Ward’s philosophy. In the very short preface to the second edition of CiC published by Bedford Square Press in 1990, Colin Ward writes, almost with a tone of excuse, about the decision not to republish the photos by Ann Golzen included in the beautiful first edition of 1978.[14] There are three reasons for this choice. The first reason is economical, and concerns a greater accessibility and wider distribution of the book. The second reason is that the discussion with social workers and teachers that the book sparked in the twelve years following the first edition gave rise to a collective reflection on the possible consequences that images have on children. In retrospect, the collection seemed to be more “an overview of deprivation than a celebration of urban childhood”.[15] A third consideration addresses young adults, who no longer recognised themselves in the images contained in the book: fashions are transient and must be respected. A decade is enough to transform traits, looks and figures.



The notes on why this choice was made are worth some reflections that may be useful for grasping some of the characteristics of Ward’s thought, especially in relation to the absence, it would seem intentional, of a systematic review, or at least a chapter, dedicated to the theme of childhood and new technologies. If, in fact, CiC is structured around classic themes of the vast literature that deals with children, the technological question remains in the background and is never explicit. For instance, there is no criticism of mass media and their role in the reproduction of capitalist social relations. Nor is there any theoretical elaboration on the link between technological development and urbanisation.

A possible explanation of this important absence can be found in CiC’s rooted engagement with the anglophone scholarly tradition of anthropology. To a careful reader, CiC appears solidly anchored between the traditions of American cultural anthropology and British social anthropology. It is no coincidence that the introduction of CiC opens with the American anthropologist Margaret Mead’s famous expression “The child does not exist. There are only children”. Like Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa, CiC attempts a cultural study on childhood that remains, albeit somewhat uncomfortably, within the boundaries, and limits, of British structural functionalism.

To understand this tradition in the urban terms of CiC, the capitalist structures of city development are what shape future adults. Children can find their autonomy in the built environment, but it is ultimately the interests of speculators that confine the potential of urbanism and education. CiC has underlying elements of a more radical humanistic approach in line with anarchist self-determination, for instance in the people’s histories that complement the book (this approach was already fully developed in the earlier Anarchy in Action). However, perhaps because of the more professional audience that CiC targets, the book offers a flight from capitalism only in the form of a subtraction from urban structural functionalism. Many of these books – especially the ones published by Freedom Press – are stylistically and methodologically different. It is important however to highlight the limits of CiC’s abundant literature.

Ward does not explore, more consciously than not, the concepts and theories that were emerging on the other side of the English Channel. If French post-structuralism offered the tools to understand the links between governmentality, security and control, Ward ignored the political issues of the production of subjectivities, lingering on a safer anthropological toolbox, in which men and women can build autonomy but relative to the social functions of a city.

More worryingly, CiC does not provide an acceptable gender analysis, something that today would simply be intolerable. CiC overlooks gender issues and therefore misses the role of social reproduction for the production of the city. The capitalist city cannot function without cleaners, carers and women forced to stay at home. By doing so, Ward adopted a depoliticised perspective on technologies and gender, especially in its relation to the politics of bodies, maintaining a view that sees technics as an intermediate variable that can be controlled. In other words, for British social anthropology technology is an implicit function of society.

In return, the missing engagement with continental philosophy in Ward’s work may suggest that the political conditions of 1970s Britain determined a more pronounced closure, compared to American universities, to theories and events coming from Continental Europe. Foucault, for instance, arrived in the UK via the US. Secondly, Britain’s 1968 took place only in the 1980s, as a response to Thatcherism. This distance is a somewhat missed opportunity, considering that a comparison of Foucault and Ward could give new life to a politics of ungovernability, at a time when the solution to the current crisis is more, and not less, governmentality.

A second absence is the missed confrontation with Henri Lefebvre (and the opposite is true, signalling a less connected era between politically engaged intellectuals). While CiC accommodates the innovative findings of the American planner Kevin Lynch, who claimed that people create functional mental maps of their surroundings, Ward prefers to stay away from the study of capitalism. Capital and economic determinism are either marginally discussed in CiC or remain in the background of the study. Ward ultimately opts for a sensitivity closer to people’s histories of cities and spaces, rather than on the capitalist production of space. To put it more simply, Ward’s focus is on political culture over economics. Under this light, it is perhaps clearer why his persistent emphasis was on education.

If, for some readers, this gap is a sign of a rational departure from the differences in approach that characterised the British Marxist debate of that period – divided schematically between the continental structuralist philosophy of Louis Althusser of which Perry Anderson was partly promoter, and the Historical approach of the communist intellectual Edward Palmer Thompson – it is perhaps, on the contrary, in this distance from Marxism and the Communism of Soviet Russia that the singularity of Ward’s urban philosophy can be found.

CiC is very rich in data, ethnographic work and statistics, which Ward masters to produce a general reflection on the crisis of urban education. The regionalist and ecologist vision adopted by Ward while employed at the Town and Planning Association offers a renewal of Peter Kropotkin’s anarchism by placing libertarian ideas in the loopholes of anglophone anthropology. Away from the bureaucracy of political parties and planning offices, Ward believed in the potential role of education to design more socially just cities.

Occasionally, it is hard to understand whether for Ward education can be an objective in itself or a means to build autonomy. It should probably be both, as autonomy is a continuous process of emancipation that relies on its expressive and spatial expansion to be successful for all. The “object-oriented” urbanism presented in CiC, an urban anthropology focused on the impact of the built environment on people’s lives, anticipated the advent of Latourian philosophies, but with an exception and a difference. It is children, future adults of a society, and not social technologies, who remain at the centre of Ward’s city.

To conclude, as discussed in this postface, it would be a mistake to search in Ward for a philosophy of the “place” of humanity in the “world”. Ward was attracted to the social self-determination of groups and people, to the autonomy and education of children, not of the child. Ward maintained an original interest in the social exploration of persons and their processual spatial expression. He documented and opposed the attack of speculators on the autonomous territories that compose a city. By talking to teachers, he understood the importance of learning the journey from and to homes, in order to appreciate the problems of families. For Ward, as the pioneer of popular urbanism Patrick Geddes once put it, a good city is one that welcomes the ungovernable need of a family for “more room”.



[1] Colin Ward. (1976). Housing: An anarchist approach. London: Freedom Press.

[2] Dennis Hardy and Colin Ward. (1984). Arcadia for all: The legacy of a makeshift landscape. London: Mansell. The 1982 book Anarchy in action was originally published in 1973.

[3] Somewhat interestingly, Colin Ward quit London after the publication of CiC and moved to the countryside in 1979.

[4] Colin Ward. (1995). Talking school: Ten lectures by Colin Ward. London: Freedom Press.

[5] Ibid. pp. 120-21.

[6] Conurbation is a term coined by architect Patrick Geddes, another key influence for Ward. Cf. Colin Ward. (1991). Influences: Voices of creative dissent. Bideford: Green Books, p. 106.

[7] Paul Goodman. (2011) [1960]. Growing Up Absurd. New York: New York Review Books Classics, p. 20.

[8] Ibid. p. 42.

[9] Colin Ward’s “Introduction” to John F.C. Turner. (1977). Housing by people: Towards autonomy in building environments. New York: Pantheon Books, p. xxxi.

[10] Colin Ward and David Crouch. (1988). The allotment: Its landscape and culture. London: Faber.

[11] Colin Ward and Dennis Hardy. (1986). Goodnight campers! The history of the British holiday camp. London: Mansell.

[12] Colin Ward. (2004). Anarchism: A very short introduction. Oxford: University Press, p. 61.

[13] Colin Ward. (1991). Influences: Voices of creative dissent. Bideford: Green Books, pp. 13-48.

[14] Colin Ward “Preface to New Edition” (1990). The Child in the City. New Edition. London: Bedford Square Press.

[15] Ibid.”]]></description>
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    <title>Arash Kolahi on Twitter: &quot;#AnarchismIs the belief that humans are most fulfilled when we are free, have a fair say in the decisions that affect our lives &amp;amp; our societal relationships are equitable. Anarchism seeks to end all illegitimate hierarchies &amp;</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-22T01:11:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1256288796414361600</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1256288796414361600.html ]

“#AnarchismIs the belief that humans are most fulfilled when we are free, have a fair say in the decisions that affect our lives & our societal relationships are equitable.

Anarchism seeks to end all illegitimate hierarchies & systematic injustices in all spheres of society. 1/20 
#AnarchismIs the maximization of *both* freedom & democracy.

Anarchism elegantly reconciles this seeming contradiction: people should have a say in the decisions that affect their lives in proportion to the degree the decision affects them. 2/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1125471207086649346 [or https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1125471207086649346.html ]

<blockquote>‘Freedom’ & ‘democracy’, two words that like many others have lost much of their meaning due to Orwellian doublespeak, intellectual dishonesty or just plain confusion. Their meanings have been so degraded, that it is difficult, if not impossible, to discuss them effectively. 1/11</blockquote>

If a decision only affects you with no effect on anyone else, then only you should have a say (maximize freedom).

But if a decision affects others, then they too should have a say (maximize democracy). How much of a say? A say proportional to the degree they are affected. 3/20

The corollary is that those who aren’t affected shouldn’t have any say in that decision.

When people have a say in decisions that don’t affect them or if they have more say than is proportional to the degree they are affected, they prevent others from having their fair say. 4/20 

#AnarchismIs nested decision-making counsels that embody these ideals. If a decision only affects you, only you get a say. If a decision only affects your family, only your family has a say. If a decision only affects your neighborhood, only your neighborhood has a say, etc. 5/20 

In many Anarchist economic traditions such as Anarcho-Syndicalism or newer anarchist frameworks like Participatory Economics, nested participatory democratic workers’ councils embody these ideals. 6/20 

For example, if a decision only affects one worker and no one else is affected: like if a worker wants to have a picture of a loved one on their desk, they can make that decision unilaterally. 7/20 

If, however, a decision affects a particular department, then that department can make that decision.

But, if a decision affects an entire workplace, then all workers in the workplace should have a say. 8/20 

Anarchist Participatory Budgeting models throughout the world also embody these ideals. They seek to give people a direct & fair say in government spending. They allow neighborhoods & communities to engage in matters of public budgeting to the degree they are affected. 9/20 

#AnarchismIs the end of alienation in the workplace by engaging workers with real participatory & democratic say in the decisions that affect them at work. 10/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1212842818286211072 [or https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1212842818286211072.html ]

<blockquote>Neuroscience proves what we’ve suspected all along: The reason we hate our jobs is… capitalism.

Work, Alienation & Fulfillment, Thread 1/23</blockquote>

In the political sphere, anarchism seeks these same ideals.

Give real decision-making power to those who are affected: nested participatory democratic bodies: from neighborhoods & communities to cities and beyond. 11/20 
#AnarchismIs the end of alienation in the political sphere.

Giving people a fair & participatory say in the decisions that affect them not only ensures decisions are made in our best interest (which is reason enough) but also increases fulfillment. 12/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1129054856470192128 

<blockquote>Based on our understanding of human nature, consciousness includes the cognitive ability to weigh options & make decisions for ourselves. Having a say in decisions that affect our lives is a source of fulfillment. Conversely, being removed from those decisions leads to alienation</blockquote>

In addition to maximizing freedom & democratic self-determination, #AnarchismIs equitable societal relationships. That means the benefits & burdens of all our societal relationships should be equitably distributed. 13/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1146165768356270086 [or https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1146165768356270086.html]

<blockquote>What’s fair is fair. But what exactly IS fair? (thread)

For those of us working for a more fair & just world, sometimes it makes sense to take a moment & define exactly what we mean by ‘fair’. 1/</blockquote>

In other words, if the lion’s share of the benefit of any relationship goes to one person/group/class while the lion’s share of the burden falls on another person/group/class, that relationship is inequitable.

#AnarchismIs equitable relationships. 14/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1223376621895323648 [or https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1223375405295386624.html ]

<blockquote>Humans have an innate conception of fairness & justice. When the benefits & burdens of our relationships are inequitable, meaning the lion’s share of the benefit goes to one party while the lion’s share of the burden to another, we feel injustice. 7/11 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1146165768356270086

<blockquote>
What’s fair is fair. But what exactly IS fair? (thread)

For those of us working for a more fair & just world, sometimes it makes sense to take a moment & define exactly what we mean by ‘fair’. 1/</blockquote></blockquote>

In my opinion, one of the greatest insights of Anarchism is that by focusing on power & equity dynamics of relationships, it is not inherently econo-centric or politi-centric.

#AnarchismIs the overthrow *all* unjust power, *regardless* of the sphere of society. 15/20 

Freedom, democracy & equity apply everywhere:

#AnarchismIs feminist ideals in the kinship sphere.
#AnarchismIs anti-racist ideals in the community sphere.
#AnarchismIs socialist ideals in the economic sphere.
#AnarchismIs participatory democratic ideals in the political. 16/20 

Anarchist ideals even translate to healthy & loving personal relationships. 17/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1244682169265483777

<blockquote>Love is fair. Love is equitable.

The benefits & burdens of loving relationships are equitably distributed.

Love is not the bulk of the benefits to one, while the bulk of the burdens to another. 3/19</blockquote>

Ultimately, #AnarchismIs a world where everyone has a fair say in the decisions that affect their lives & societal relationships are equitable…

A world where the goal is not profit & exploitation maximization, bur rather human fulfillment & potential maximization. 18/20 

Anarchism simultaneously puts faith in humanity by giving people control over their lives, while at the same time protecting against the corrupting effect of power by not giving anyone more power than their fair say. 19/20 https://twitter.com/ArashKolahi/status/1144014695952576512 [or https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1144014695952576512.html ]

<blockquote>“Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely” (thread)

Few maxims seem to so consistently & accurately describe a human condition as this does. But why? What insights do neuroscience & cognitive science provide in describing why power so thoroughly corrupts us? 1/16</blockquote>

The contributions from a long history of Anarchist thought & philosophy are more relevant than ever before.

As we seek a new vision of a better world, these insights will help ensure our next system is truly liberating, equitable & fulfilling.

#AnarchismIs our next system 20/20”]]></description>
<dc:subject>arashkolahi economics anarchism anarchy politics society mutualaid fairness horizontality democracy relationships decisionmaking misunderstanding participation participatory budgeting participatorybudgeting work labor ownership control neighborhoods communities community consciousness neuroscience equity equality inequality justice socialjustice corruption policy anarchosyndicalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf">
    <title>Imprisoned in the Global Classroom, by Ivan Illich and Etienneverne</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-14T23:01:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf

via: “Illich called it [lifelong learning] “permanent education.” Imprisoned in the Global Classroom (1976) contains this gem: “The institutionalization of permanent education will transform society into an enormous planet-sized classroom watched over by a few satellites.””
https://twitter.com/jen_stoops/status/1305600828946833408

posted here: https://www.are.na/block/8694798 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVTDahs2gFQ">
    <title>Cornel West, Phillip Agnew, Michael Brooks, Esha Krishnaswamy | Class Warfare | Harvard - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-21T08:02:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVTDahs2gFQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/gerikhere/status/1285443318344749058
"As a Christian Leftist I remember when I realized that my socialist values could coexist with my faith. But I feared that my faith would separate me from the left movement. Michael Brooks made me feel like I had a place. Rest in power brother @_michaelbrooks"
https://twitter.com/gerikhere/status/1285443485311664128

via: https://twitter.com/Syndicalist_Mia/status/1285460588727095297
"God Michael Brooks was such a fucking treasure. Cannot believe his brain is put to rest. There was so much more he wanted to do and say."]

“In 1912, Harvard armed its students to break a strike, using the motto “Defend Your Class.” On January 28, 2020, prominent progressives will gather at Harvard to discuss the past, present, and future of class struggle, and to envision the leftist movement that will arise from it. The 2020 primary is shaping up to be a referendum on the Democratic party, an ideological battle between the traditional, Biden-led wing of status quo politics and an emerging faction led by calls for the political revolution of Bernie Sanders. But the primary, like the 2020 election at large, is only the beginning.

The “Battle for the Soul of the Democratic Party,” features Dr. Cornel West (philosopher, author, Harvard professor), Michael Brooks (The Michael Brooks Show), Phillip Agnew (activist, Bernie 2020 national surrogate), and Esha Krishnaswamy (activist and host of historic.ly).”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/the-problem-with-solutions/">
    <title>The Problem with Solutions</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-17T23:24:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/the-problem-with-solutions/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We need to engage troubled landscapes without presuming to fix them. Notes toward a history of non-solutionist design."]]></description>
<dc:subject>robholmes 2020 via:javierarbona landscapes solutionism design fixing texas matagorda demilitarization water us mississippiriver missouririver florida everglades coloradoriver phoenix lasvagas socal southerncalifornia hooverdam glencanyon johnmcphee engineering terraforming geoengineering iceland losangles kareno'neill toddshallat jamescscott management dams damming evgenymorozov landscapesolutionism sunrisemovement greennewdeal yellowstone yukonconservation biodiversity extractivism energy food housing anthropocene elizabethmeyer mississippidelta saltonsea ecology stability equilibrium urbanization urban urbanism architecture landscapearchitecture policy politics economics continuity sacramentoriverdelta norcal sanjoaquinriver california californiadelta suisunbay californiaaqueduct losangeles sanfrancisco faming agriculture irrigation horstrittel melvinwebber environment sustainability northsea netherlands rivers deltaworks roomfortheriver lizzieyarina fieldwork jameslagro washingtonstate juliebargmann dirtst</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ada259b24340/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/Threadbare/status/1249602172276244480">
    <title>Flyndersticks 🌻🌹 on Twitter: &quot;The USPS was created with the express purpose of helping a far-flung citizenry communicate, learn, and participate in governance. The postal service isn't a business, it's a goddamn LIBRARY. https://t.co/SirRgm3FlZ&quot; / T</title>
    <dc:date>2020-04-22T19:02:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/Threadbare/status/1249602172276244480</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The USPS was created with the express purpose of helping a far-flung citizenry communicate, learn, and participate in governance. 

The postal service isn't a business, it's a goddamn LIBRARY."]]></description>
<dc:subject>usps libraries 2020 covid-19 coronavirus publicgoods government communication learning howwelearn participation participatory governance adamflynn publicgood</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a330e30ca403/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:adamflynn"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.e-flux.com/architecture/education/322673/deschooling-architecture/">
    <title>Deschooling Architecture - Architecture - e-flux</title>
    <dc:date>2020-03-13T21:02:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.e-flux.com/architecture/education/322673/deschooling-architecture/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“The late 1960s saw the birth of two radical ideas in the fields of education and environment. In education, the deschooling movement began with a seminar in Mexico entitled “Alternatives in Education.” For the scholars involved, schooling was an institution that perpetrated an unjust social order through a “hidden curriculum” and which had to be changed in order to achieve social justice. As a result of their meetings, two years later, Ivan Illich published Deschooling Society, where he advocated the abolition of schools and their replacement with “a new style of educational relationship between man and his environment.”

For Illich, the physical environment was a freely available resource where people could learn on their own terms. He loosely proposed an alternative system of entangled educational networks outside the remit of the school, combining educational objects, peer learning, mentorship, and reference services. His idea was to create a framework “which constantly educates to action, participation, and self-help.” The proposals of the “deschoolers”—including Illich, Paul Goodman, and Everett Reimer—were considered utopian and unscholarly at the time, but they became popular among progressive educators and the New Left, fueling a stream of libertarian educational practices worldwide.

Meanwhile, ecological disasters and the indiscriminate use of natural resources in the US inspired Wisconsin senator Gaylord Nelson in 1969 to organize an environmental “teach-in.” His aim was to encourage people, and especially youth, to become aware and involved in protecting the environment. Instead of taking a top-down approach, Nelson proposed that anyone could organize a meeting to teach others what they knew about the environment. A year later, in April 1970, Earth Day triggered a nationwide grassroots movement of peer-to-peer learning that brought millions to the streets, including 10,000 schools and 2,000 colleges and universities. An initiative that started as a local environmental education project created the first North American green generation and propagated the environmental movement.

The ripples of these two radical ideas reached Britain and materialized in the work of anarchist writer Colin Ward. With a background in architecture, education, and anarchist publishing, Ward combined the ideas of the environmental movement and the deschoolers, initiating a network of people, places, and pedagogies that used the environment as a tool for learning. However, rather than concentrating on the natural environment, as most projects did at the time, Ward advocated for the study of urban areas as a path to active citizenship.

One of the initiatives under Ward’s leadership, the Urban Studies Centres (USCs), triggered a grid of more than thirty self-organized urban learning centers across the UK to promote awareness of the built environment. Even though the USC’s main aim was to widen participation in the construction of cities and help people become “masters of their environment,” they also, as a side-effect, proposed a way to “deschool architecture” by making architectural and urban education publicly available.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@lindsayballant/bernie-hillary-and-the-authenticity-gap-a-case-study-in-campaign-branding-ef46845e11cb">
    <title>Bernie, Hillary, and the Authenticity Gap: A Case Study in Campaign Branding</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-27T03:37:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@lindsayballant/bernie-hillary-and-the-authenticity-gap-a-case-study-in-campaign-branding-ef46845e11cb</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Contrast that with the identity of Bernie Sanders’ campaign. The Sanders’ campaign identity was developed by Wide Eye Creative, lead by Ben Ostrower as their partner and creative director. Based on their site, Wide Eye Creative is a DC-based firm that specializes in communication for Democratic candidates, organizations, and causes. Its design aesthetic is clean, but rather expected in this realm — there’s nothing considerably memorable about it. The “Bernie” logo itself isn’t particularly remarkable or breaking new ground, though it does portray the candidate accurately. The use of the first name, and the name itself, “Bernie,” is inherently friendly and memorable; how many people named Bernie do you know? The choice of the Jubliat typeface, reminiscent of Clarendon, looks warm, affable, and is certainly out of the mainstream compared to most campaign branding. The lighter blue color is bold and positive, not staid or conservative like a darker blue would have been. Is the logo memorable or inspiring? Not so much. It’s a bit of an afterthought, but I would argue it’s doing its job perfectly — it doesn’t get in the away of the candidate and his message, which frankly, is not about him.

While Hillary’s visual campaign is inarguably successful by all traditional design principles, it’s also calculated, expected, and contrived. It reinforces the perception of establishment status, which is one of the main criticisms of her as a candidate. One of the consequences of a campaign so tightly controlled is the campaign feels so tightly controlled. This is best explained by a Sanders supporter, Aled Lewis, who observes:

<blockquote>One of the things that really stood out for me at the Iowa Jefferson-Jackson dinner was the signs, banners and t-shirts worn and displayed by Bernie supporters. In stark contrast to the fresh-out-the-box merchandise that was shipped in by the Hillary campaign. They looked like they were in uniforms. The official signs, the gimmicky light-sticks. It looked more like a product launch than a group of supporters.</blockquote>

Perhaps this is why the tone of Hillary’s rallies have been described as “dutiful” while Bernie’s rallies have been described as “passionate.” Perhaps this is why her campaign can’t shake the underlying perception that its youth outreach effort is a series of calculated branding tactics that “speak their language” in order to woo them over. Her campaign merchandise, while well-executed, feels more like the mass-market merchandise an Urban Outfitters would produce in an effort to imitate the look of an upstart indie fashion label. The location choice of Brooklyn for Clinton’s national headquarters was yet another example of “I’m hip; I’m in Brooklyn.”

In contrast, Bernie’s branding isn’t the model by any traditional design standards. Quite the contrary — his branding takes a back seat to the excitement his campaign has created.

Take the two most popular hashtags associated with each campaign. #FeeltheBern, used by supporters of Bernie Sanders, was vaunted into the 2016 election lexicon last year not by the Sanders’ campaign, but by an outside volunteer group supporting his candidacy. It quickly spread like wildfire over social media, solidifying Bernie’s supporters with a catchy, memorable phrase. In contrast, Hillary Clinton’s most popular hashtag for her supporters, #ImWithHer, is a social marketing campaign manufactured by the Clinton camp, rolled out when actor and writer Lena Dunham joined the campaign as a surrogate. This is yet another example of the clear contrast between the two campaigns — Bernie’s campaign has harnessed the enthusiasm of the supporters who are, in turn, shaping his message, while Hillary’s top-down campaign messaging dictates to their voter base that this election is about her — the celebrity, the icon — not them.

Furthermore, the Sanders campaign has been successfully harnessing the contributions of his supporters throughout this election season. He has captivated the artists’ hearts and minds, much in the same way that Obama captivated the artists and makers in 2008. “The Art of a Political Revolution,” an exhibition that started in L.A. and is currently touring throughout the U.S., features work from over 35 different independent artists across the country. The exhibition was a collaboration between the Sanders campaign and HVW8 Gallery, and is featured on their campaign website. Conversely, the Clinton campaign has partnered with fashion designers such as Tory Burch and Marc Jacobs, who designed t-shirt graphics for her official campaign shop. An important class distinction to note here is the difference between collaborating with relatively unknown artists, and collaborating with elite fashion designers.

To be fair, there are independent companies creating apparel inspired by the Clinton campaign. However, the most popular ones, such as Print Liberation and Look Human, are selling apparel for both candidates. In doing so, they appear to be more opportunistic than impassioned.

There are many more examples of Bernie inspiring creative expression. The techie platform Reddit, which has been a hotbed of Sanders’ support, initiated a competition in search of a new “Hope” poster for 2016. Designer Aled Lewis won the competition with his “Not Me Us” poster. “Not Me Us” has been a response to the Hillary’s “I’m With Her” slogan, focusing on the collective over the individual. The Sanders’ campaign liked it so much that they tied it into their own #AmericaTogether social media campaign and commissioned Lewis to create versions of his poster in 13 other languages. Several versions of a Bernie “icon” have been popping up all over the internet, another fan-made visual which features Bernie’s signature disheveled hair and glasses. The Captured Project is a book that features the tragic irony of “people in prison drawing people who should be.” It consists of portraits of CEOs whose companies committed some of the most egregious crimes against the environment and the economy and yet were never held accountable; portraits which were created by inmates serving time for much lesser offenses. The book’s authors are donating all of the proceeds from book sales to the Sanders’ campaign (there is currently a waitlist). Prints of Darkness, started by Vermonters Eric Olsen and Andrew Lakata in early fall of 2015, is selling a variety of tees inspired by classic punk, metal, and hip-hop music; a few examples include “Bernie Brains,” “Run DNC,” and “Master of Reality.” All profits of the sales are donated directly to the Sanders’ campaign. A visually striking, emotionally touching video in support of Sanders was made by (you guessed it) an independent design firm not affiliated with the campaign. “Together,” a video by New York-based creative agency HUMAN, has nearly 3 million views on Vimeo. And in what might be seen as the most direct echo of 2008 into 2016, Shepard Fairey himself endorsed Bernie Sanders for president, and created a t-shirt which is prominently featured in the campaign’s official store.

Why does all of this matter? Quite simply, it demonstrates the authenticity gap between the candidates. Hillary’s visual campaign is carefully constructed, disciplined, and scripted. But, as any person who’s savvy enough to sniff out marketing campaigns knows, you can’t script a movement. They don’t come down from on high. As she moves more to the left, echoing Bernie’s calls for a revolution, the centerpiece of her campaign remains the candidate herself: “Brand Hillary.” A campaign that sells the candidate’s signature as swag is a campaign that is, without question, selling its candidate as a brand. These optics, combined with the celebrity endorsements and the establishment status, completely contradict the populist movement-building message she is now attempting to co-opt as her own.

“Bernie Sanders has famously stated that his campaign is about a “political revolution” that “will bring tens of millions of our people together” from all disparate walks of life. By doing so, he is trying to send a message that his campaign is larger than him — a message that appears to be resonating with those disaffected by politics as usual, as demonstrated in the polls. The corresponding visual optics, created from both inside and outside of the campaign, further reinforce (rather than contradict) the idea that the Sanders’ campaign is building a larger movement. It builds from the bottom up, which means it’s messy, it’s spontaneous, it’s reactive, it’s organic, it’s unscripted. It isn’t clean and tidy. It isn’t “good design.” But that’s what makes it, in a word, authentic.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theoutline.com/post/7656/candidate-graphic-design-buttigieg-harris-ocasio-cortez">
    <title>Sans serif, sans progressive policies</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-27T03:35:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theoutline.com/post/7656/candidate-graphic-design-buttigieg-harris-ocasio-cortez</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Obama campaign’s seemingly effortless emphasis on design set a high bar for all the Democratic candidates who have followed. Eight years after expressing shock over Obama’s graphic design, Bierut went on to design the logo for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign — a campaign that maintained a massive, meticulously thought-out style guide and a user interface design system known as Pantsuit UI. Republicans continue to get off easy: their visual branding is often hideous, but in a way that effectively stokes the nostalgia of the conservative base (see: the MAGA hat) and distinguishes them from the competition. For Democrats, however, effective design can make the difference between a non-starter and a campaign bound for improbable victory.

Such is the case of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who famously rose from near-total obscurity to defeat a powerful primary incumbent whose campaign outraised hers 10-to-1. While Ocasio-Cortez became an enduring media sensation overnight, her campaign branding garnered a news cycle of its own.

“At first I wasn’t sure if I was even looking at a campaign poster, but whatever it was, I knew I’d never seen anything quite like it,” n+1 publisher Mark Krotov said in an interview with Ocasio-Cortez’s designers shortly following her primary win. “That poster was the first I’d heard of Ocasio-Cortez, and she more or less had my vote right at that moment.”


Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign logo and print posters were products of Tandem NYC, a New York design firm founded by two of her friends. Krotov is right — the gold-and-purple color scheme, upward tilt, and speech bubble iconography make for an extraordinary and distinctive design, the sort of thing that might stop you in your tracks if you passed by it on the street. While its sleekness presents Ocasio-Cortez as a serious candidate intent on winning, the branding’s distance from the established Democratic visual language perfectly captures her spirit: a young radical, a political outsider, the person who everyone’s talking about.

The problem, of course, is that ostensibly hip, radical, “outsider” aesthetics are a tool that can be co-opted by those who, unlike Ocasio-Cortez, lack the politics to back them up. While a few establishment Democrats have held on to the safety of what worked last time — Joe Biden’s logo has been lampooned as a pale imitation of Obama’s, while Bill de Blasio appears to use Gotham, Obama’s signature font, in his logo — many have launched themselves in the opposite direction. In January, Sen. Kamala Harris entered the 2020 presidential election, unveiling a logo whose red-and-yellow color palette and condensed, boxy type paid homage to Shirley Chisolm’s campaign buttons.


Shirley Chisholm became the first black candidate and first woman candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972, after becoming the first black woman elected to Congress four years prior. A left-wing stalwart, Chisholm was fiercely anti-war, and refused to vote in favor of military budget appropriations during her time in Congress. Harris’s nod to Chisholm’s aesthetics in her logo feels momentous, and effectively projects the image of a valiant progressive interested in transformative politics. The image is, of course, unearned: Kamala Harris’s track record as a prosecutor, far from the “progressive” label she claims, is one of continual miscarriage of justice and expansion of the carceral state in California.

In pursuit of the grassroots’ ever-imperative support, candidates who have no business branding themselves as progressives or political outsiders are attempting to do just that, and design is increasingly serving as an easy shortcut for these efforts. This is how you end up with Wall Street-favored Kirsten Gillibrand winking at her detractors’ characterizations of her with a hot-pink accent color, or Pete Buttigieg opening his design vault to the masses while twisting himself into a pretzel trying to explain why those masses shouldn’t have access to free college. It’s hard not to get sucked in to the heart-tugging allure of a good brand, even if you know it’s a veneer for a far less inspiring agenda.

There may, however, be a natural limit to the efficacy of a carefully cultivated, unearned foray into outsider and populist aesthetics. Lindsay Ballant, the art director at The Baffler, compared the procession of cookie-cutter T-shirts and banners found at Hillary Clinton’s rallies to the handmade signs and fan art visible at Bernie Sanders’s in 2016. “Bernie’s campaign,” Ballant writes, “has harnessed the enthusiasm of the supporters who are, in turn, shaping his message, while Hillary’s top-down campaign messaging dictates to their voter base that this election is about her  —  the celebrity, the icon  —  not them.”

Political design is not immune to the pendulum effect; the trends of tomorrow’s candidates will likely emerge in direct response to what’s happening now. So long as current political dynamics remain the same, however, establishment Democratic candidates will still be pressed with the question of how to appeal to their increasingly left-leaning base without actually conceding to their policy demands. If the extensive coverage of 2020 candidates’ design choices is any indication, we’re entering a decade that will be shaped even more by visual branding than the last. It’s up to those on the left not to be fooled by those who use good design to obfuscate their milquetoast politics."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p9IJzXq5YLg">
    <title>Darren O'Donnell Interview - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-30T09:40:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p9IJzXq5YLg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This interview is a part of "Collaborating with Kids"

An online seminar with 5 artists/groups and their young collaborators. We have interviewed artists, children and young people about projects created in collaborations. What were the intentions? The expectations? What can children teach adults? Are adults and children different species? How? Or why not? What was good about the collaborations? 

Recorded in Berlin   23 April 2019"]]></description>
<dc:subject>children collaboration openstudioproject lcproject 2019 urban urbanism art glvo cities darreno’donnell maps mapping games play participatory participation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.e-flux.com/architecture/superhumanity/68717/spaces-of-the-learning-self/">
    <title>Spaces of the Learning Self - e-flux Architecture - e-flux</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-28T20:38:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.e-flux.com/architecture/superhumanity/68717/spaces-of-the-learning-self/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the 2015 UNESCO-sponsored policy paper entitled “The Futures of Learning,” notions such as “active learner,” “metacognitive development” and “participatory learning” are abound. The most important, however, seems to be the “personalization” and “customization” of learning, or even “learner-designed learning.” As if copy-pasted from Van der Ryn’s 1969 tract, the advice reads as follows: “With personalized learning, individuals approach problems in their own way, grasp ideas at their own pace, and respond differently to multiple forms of feedback.” Neuroscience research is cited to the effect that instead of preparing “lessons” (so old school), the task of a instructor should be “designing project-based forms of learning.” This proposition rests on the assumption that learners improve better on “core subject matter” and benefit from emphasis on “depth over breadth” when learning in a personalized environment. “Instructional design” is presumed to become the central agency of such infinitely customized collaborative pedagogy. The key instructional designer, however, is going to be the learner herself, equipped with networked hand-held devices: “Future learning processes will inevitably take place in environments in which learners select their own modes of learning and bring personal technologies into education,” thereby dissolving not only any difference between formal and informal learning, but also between inner and outer, psychic and physical spatialities of learning.

This exit from the old systems and architectures of both education and class and enter into mobile learning capsules, however they may be defined, has been a political project and designer’s dream since at least the 1960s. Yet considering Didier Eribon’s self-critical account of class flight into self-organized learning, Ruth Lakofski’s appreciation of the bag lady’s mode of spatializing her “exploring soul,” or Sim Van der Ryn’s proposals for an education revolution based on radical individualism, the vista of “pedagogy 2.0” and lifelong personalization (read: commodification) as is promoted today is truly disheartening. That said, the self still waits to be designed. Improved enclosures for enhanced learning experiences will be proposed, with no end in sight. The paradox of programmed autodidactism and the responsibilization of the neoliberal subject to watchfully manage their own lifelong learning curriculum will stimulate the knowledge industry of instructional design schemes. It might thus be convenient to recall what Ivan Illich, author of the influential 1971 Deschooling Society, self-critically wrote in retrospect when he called for “the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure.” Drug-like addiction to education, Illich bemoaned, would make “the world into a universal classroom, a global schoolhouse.” Something surely to be avoided, at all cost."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hyperallergic.com/525985/why-libraries-have-a-public-spirit-that-most-museums-lack/">
    <title>Why Libraries Have a Public Spirit That Most Museums Lack</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-08T04:28:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hyperallergic.com/525985/why-libraries-have-a-public-spirit-that-most-museums-lack/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A broad swath of society seems to feel more welcome in a public library rather than a museum. I examined the Brooklyn Public Library as a model of heightened engagement through collective knowledge creation."

...

"At a time when museums are being held accountable by a variety of publics for every aspect of their operations — from programming and exhibition-making to financial support and governance structures — perhaps it is useful to look at parallel institutions that are doing similar work for guidance on alternative ways of working.

I have spent a great deal of time thinking about the relationship between museums and public libraries, to understand what makes libraries feel different from museums. Why do they have a public spirit that most museums don’t? Why are there lines around the block at some NYC library branches at 9 am? I’ve been reading about the roots of both institutions in the United States, and they have evolved in similar ways; so how do they diverge? And is this divergence relevant to the ways in which a stunningly broad swath of society feels welcome within a public library and not a museum?

John Cotton Dana, the Progressive Era thinker and radical re-imaginer of public libraries, wrote a particularly important essay in 1917 titled “The Gloom of the Museum.” It includes a section about expertise that is particularly germane today:

<blockquote>They become enamoured of rarity, of history … They become lost in their specialties and forget their museum. They become lost in their idea of a museum and forget its purpose. They become lost in working out their idea of a museum and forget their public. And soon, not being brought constantly in touch with the life of their community … they become entirely separated from it and go on making beautifully complete and very expensive collections but never construct a living, active, and effective institution.</blockquote>

Museums and libraries in the US originated in similar places and via similar patronage models with their foundational collections coming largely from wealthy collectors of books and art objects, sometimes in conjunction with institutions of higher learning. However, the word “public” remains embedded in what we call the library. And while some branches are named for generous funders, these are secondary to the overall system. In fact, the Queens Public Library system, the largest in the nation, boasts of a branch within a mile of every Queens resident."]]></description>
<dc:subject>libraries museums public 2019 lauraraicovich community brooklyn brooklynpubliclibrary society welcome johncottondana corafisher jakoborsos kameelahjananrasheed participation co-creation engagement visitors participatory workshops sheryloring scoringthestacks ideas information</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.wordsinspace.net/designingmethods/spring2018/category/methods-toolkit/">
    <title>Methods Toolkit – Designing Methodologies</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-25T21:21:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.wordsinspace.net/designingmethods/spring2018/category/methods-toolkit/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>toolkits shannonmattern analysis design methods research syllabus ethnography oralhistory srg onlinetoolkit methodology epistemology critical criticalapproaches closereading howweread reading contentanalysis rhetoric discourse materials objects canon mediamaking histiry visual sound sonic designresearch actor-networktheory theory quantitative qualitative audience interviews irbs ethics focusgroups surveys howto tutorials sensoryethnography experimentation experiments autoethnography observation participation participatory participatoryaction sampling statistics digital digitalethnogreaphy writing howwewrite resources reference bibliographies</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.comunaltaller.com/">
    <title>Comunal: Taller de Arquitectura</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-19T15:59:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.comunaltaller.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“COMUNAL se funda en el año 2015 en la Ciudad de México por Mariana Ordóñez Grajales, arquitecta egresada de la Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán. En el año 2017 se asocia con el equipo la arquitecta Jesica Amescua Carrera, egresada de la Universidad Iberoamericana.

Para nuestro equipo, la arquitectura no es un objeto, es más bien un proceso social participativo, vivo y abierto, que permite a los pobladores expresar sus ideas, necesidades y aspiraciones, poniéndolos siempre en el centro de los proyectos y la toma de decisiones.

Abordamos los problemas de habitabilidad en comunidades rurales con una visión integral y compleja. Interesadas siempre en el planteamiento de soluciones adecuadas a las condiciones socioambientales de cada región, colaboramos con diversos profesionistas dependiendo de las necesidades de cada proyecto.

Nuestra labor conjuga la arquitectura y la ingeniería para la innovación tecnológica de sistemas constructivos con materiales regionales y la conservación de las tipologías vernáculas, lo cual resulta del intercambio de saberes entre pobladores, especialistas y técnicos.

Creemos firmemente en nuestra profesión como una herramienta que puede ayudar a mejorar la calidad de vida de las comunidades a través de procesos que detonen autonomía, empoderamiento y autosuficiencia.”

…

“MISIÓN
Colaborar en el mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida y el habitar de las comunidades rurales de nuestro país, así como en el rescate y fortalecimiento de la memoria territorial a través de procesos participativos integrales que detonen la valoración de los saberes locales, autonomía, intercambio de saberes, resiliencia y empoderamiento, poniendo siempre a los habitantes al centro de los procesos y la toma de decisiones

VISIÓN
Facilitar, de forma respetuosa y honesta, procesos comunitarios impulsados de forma autogestiva con el objetivo de mejorar las condiciones de habitabilidad de sus pobladores a través de un genuino intercambio de saberes.

FILOSOFÍA DE TRABAJO
Conscientes de la realidad que existe en las comunidades indígenas de nuestro país, en donde los derechos humanos básicos y constitucionales como la vivienda, la salud y la educación están muchas veces ausentes, cuestionamos y replanteamos el papel del arquitecto no solo como un profesional capaz de dar forma a espacios para dar refugio, sino como una entidad con la capacidad de responder a las necesidades de las comunidades a través de la gestión social, política y económica. Concebimos nuestro trabajo y compromiso de manera integral y sistémica, abordando todos los aspectos legales, políticos, sociales, económicos y ambientales necesarios para la consolidación de un proyecto comunitario.

PREMISAS DE TRABAJO
Creemos firmemente en nuestra profesión como una herramienta para mejorar la calidad de vida en las comunidades a través de procesos que detonan la autonomía, el empoderamiento y la autosuficiencia. En este sentido, nuestro trabajo se basa en las siguientes premisas:

1. Colocar a las comunidades como el actor principal de los procesos y la toma de decisiones en los proyectos que incidirán en su Hábitat.

2. Reconocer a los pobladores como sujetos de acción que tienen la capacidad de tomar las decisiones más adecuadas para su desarrollo. En este sentido, colaboramos con las comunidades para generar dinámicas de reflexión que abonen a dicha toma de decisiones.

3. Diseñar basándonos en los derechos humanos, así como en el rescate y la preservación de la sabiduría popular y la cosmovisión particular de las comunidades.

4. Partir de las capas culturales, ambientales, arquitectónicas y territoriales existentes en la región, tomando en cuenta los saberes constructivos tradicionales de los pueblos orginarios.

5. Fortalecer el diálogo y la conexión existente entre el territorio y las comunidades, a través de proyectos que aborden el uso de los bienes naturales mediante un enfoque sistémico.

6. Desarrollar estrategias sociales y arquitectónicas que detonen prácticas que influyan en las políticas públicas nacionales.

7. Promover proyectos enfocados al desarrollo comunitario integral y a la reducción de la vulnerabilidad en la región.

8. Generar mecanismos para que nuestro equipo colabore con las comunidades con la finalidad de generar autonomía y empoderamiento. Es decir, que las comunidades sean capaces de satisfacer sus necesidades de habitabilidad aún cuando nuestro equipo no se encuentre presente en la región.

9. Recuperar la construcción colectiva presente en la historia de las comunidades a través del tequio, faena o mano vuelta. Es decir, reconstruir no solamente el entorno físico sino también el tejido social.

VALORES
- Equidad de género
- Autonomía
- Autosuficiencia
- Solidaridad
- Empoderamiento
- Honestidad
- Respeto”]]></description>
<dc:subject>comuna architecture mexico mexicodf marianaordóñezgrajales participation participatory rural autonomy empowerment self-sufficiency mexicocity df</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://arstechnica.com/science/2019/09/college-students-think-they-learn-less-with-an-effective-teaching-method/">
    <title>College students think they learn less with an effective teaching method | Ars Technica</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-11T07:37:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://arstechnica.com/science/2019/09/college-students-think-they-learn-less-with-an-effective-teaching-method/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One of the things that's amenable to scientific study is how we communicate information about science. Science education should, in theory at least, produce a scientifically literate public and prepare those most interested in the topic for advanced studies in their chosen field. That clearly hasn't worked out, so people have subjected science education itself to the scientific method.

What they've found is that an approach called active learning (also called active instruction) consistently produces the best results. This involves pushing students to work through problems and reason things out as an inherent part of the learning process.

Even though the science on that is clear, most college professors have remained committed to approaching class time as a lecture. In fact, a large number of instructors who try active learning end up going back to the standard lecture, and one of the reasons they cite is that the students prefer it that way. This sounds a bit like excuse making, so a group of instructors decided to test this belief using physics students. And it turns out professors weren't making an excuse. Even as understanding improved with active learning, the students felt they got more out of a traditional lecture."

...

"Explanations abound
So why is an extremely effective way of teaching so unpopular? The researchers come up with a number of potential explanations. One is simply that active learning is hard. "Students in the actively taught groups had to struggle with their peers through difficult physics problems that they initially did not know how to solve," the authors acknowledge. That's a big contrast with the standard lecture which, being the standard, is familiar to the students. A talented instructor can also make their lecture material feel like it's a straight-forward, coherent packet of information. This can lead students to over-rate their familiarity with the topic.

The other issue the authors suggest may be going on here is conceptually similar to the Dunning-Kruger effect, where people who don't understand a topic are unable to accurately evaluate how much they knew. Consistent with this, the researchers identified the students with the strongest backgrounds in physics, finding that they tended to be more accurate in assessing what they got out of each class.

Whatever the cause, it's not ideal to have students dislike the most effective method of teaching them. So, the authors suggest that professors who are considering adopting active learning take the time to prepare a little lecture on it. The researchers prepared one that described the active learning process and provided some evidence of its effectiveness. The introduction acknowledged the evidence described above—namely, that the students might not feel like they were getting as much out of the class.

In part thanks to this short addition to the class, by the end of the semester, 65% of the students reported feeling positive toward active learning. That's still not exactly overwhelming enthusiasm, but it might be enough to keep instructors from giving up on an extremely effective teaching technique."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.pnas.org/content/early/2019/09/03/1821936116">
    <title>Measuring actual learning versus feeling of learning in response to being actively engaged in the classroom | PNAS</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-11T07:37:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.pnas.org/content/early/2019/09/03/1821936116</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Despite active learning being recognized as a superior method of instruction in the classroom, a major recent survey found that most college STEM instructors still choose traditional teaching methods. This article addresses the long-standing question of why students and faculty remain resistant to active learning. Comparing passive lectures with active learning using a randomized experimental approach and identical course materials, we find that students in the active classroom learn more, but they feel like they learn less. We show that this negative correlation is caused in part by the increased cognitive effort required during active learning. Faculty who adopt active learning are encouraged to intervene and address this misperception, and we describe a successful example of such an intervention."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/dgooblar/status/1159092886929125379">
    <title>David Gooblar on Twitter: &quot;I want to urge you to read @rtraister's extraordinary piece on Elizabeth Warren as a professor. If you, like me, are very interested in both the future of this country and the discipline of teaching and learning, it’s more tha</title>
    <dc:date>2019-08-09T21:05:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/dgooblar/status/1159092886929125379</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://hewn.substack.com/p/hewn-no-316 ]

“I want to urge you to read @rtraister’s extraordinary piece on Elizabeth Warren as a professor. If you, like me, are very interested in both the future of this country and the discipline of teaching and learning, it’s more than worth your time.
https://www.thecut.com/2019/08/elizabeth-warren-teacher-presidential-candidate.html

Traister’s argument: although one might think Warren’s professorial manner might be a liability on the campaign trail, she’s actually a *really good* teacher, and the way that she’s a good teacher might be the key to her success, both as a candidate, and as a political leader.

The way teaching is talked about here—by Warren, but also by Traister—gets to the heart of what it means to be an inclusive teacher, and (to me) draws a thicker line between teaching for social justice and plain old political action for social justice.

For instance: Warren, as a law school prof, relied on the Socratic method in her classes. The Socratic method means different things to different people, but in a law-school context, it usually means the relentless grilling of students, one at a time, to reveal their weaknesses.

There are a lot of problems with this mode of teaching, like: what are all the other students supposed to be doing while the one unlucky sap is being questioned?

Traister refers to “the seeming paradox of a woman known as a bold political progressive adhering to an old-fashioned, rule-bound approach to teaching.” But it’s not a paradox, because the way Warren conceives of the Socratic method is actually deeply progressive.

She worried that “traditional” discussion, in which the professor only calls on those students who raise their hands, inevitably reinforced privilege. “The reason I never took volunteers,” Warren tells Traister, “is when you take volunteers, you’re going to hear mostly from men.”

Instead, she adopted a cold-calling approach that made sure as many students were involved in each class period as possible. Here, Traister quotes one of Warren’s TAs, whose sole job during class was to keep track of who had spoken, and who hadn’t yet.

[image: “In this position, Ondersma remembered, she had one job: to make sure everyone got called on equally. “The whole idea was that she wanted everybody in the classroom to participate.” Ondersma would sit with the class list and check off every student who’d gotten a cold-call question. Then, in the last ten minutes of the class, “I’d hand her a notecard with the names of all the students she’d not yet called on,” and Warren would try to get to them all.”]

(A few years ago I wrote about cold-calling as a way to invite students into discussions. It’s a weird thing: it feels old-fashioned and authoritarian to many of us, but it can actually help ensure your discussions are more democratic.)

In line with that emphasis on reaching everybody, whenever a student would come to office hours before an exam with a question, Warren would ask the student to write the question down, so she could send it (and her answer) to every student.

Traister quotes one of Warren’s students: “it was very important to her that people were not going to have any structural advantage because they were the kind of person who knew to come to talk to a professor in office hours.” What a great idea!

I often tell faculty that teaching is much more defined by their mindset than by whatever teaching strategies they adopt. From what this piece tells us, it’s clear that Warren gets that, and that her mindset is the right one.

Look at how she talks about teaching:

[images:

““That’s the heart of really great teaching,” she said. “It’s that I believe in you. I don’t get up and teach to show how smart I am. I get up and teach to show how smart you are, to help you have the power and the tools so that you can build what you want to build.””

"But she explained to him the thinking behind hers: 90 minutes, she said, is a long time to sit and be talked to. The Socratic classroom as she handled it forced everyone in it to pay close attention not only to what she was saying but also to what their fellow students were saying. She was not the leader of conversation; she was facilitating it, prompting the students to do the work of building to the analysis.

It’s a pedagogical approach that Warren sees as linking all of her experiences of teaching. “It’s fundamentally about figuring out where the student is and how far can I bring them from where they are.”"]

Her approach to teaching begins with students, with thinking about the students’ experience, with consciously altering her approach so that as many students as possible can get as valuable an experience as possible. That is, at heart, an inclusive teaching practice.

But maybe even cooler is the way in which Traister goes beyond showing what a great teacher Warren was. She connects Warren’s pedagogical approach with her political one, in a way that really gets me thinking about the role of teaching and learning in our public life.

We often talk about politics in terms of communication—how well a certain candidate is getting her ideas across to potential voters—but the task is more complex than that typical lens suggests. It’s less communication than it is persuasion—persuading people to act.

Persuading people to vote for you, yes. But also persuading people that they are capable of action. Persuading people that they have agency, that they can do more than they currently think they can.

If you want to succeed at this kind of persuasion, you’d be wise to learn from the scholarship of teaching and learning, which is precisely concerned with these questions. How do we help other people do things—for themselves?

If learning is the work of students—if we can’t *make* students learn—then how do we help them do that work? What conditions can we create that make that work more likely to happen? That is the teacher’s task.

Likewise, if real political change is the work of citizens—many, many citizens changing the political reality, not a single politician—then how do we create the conditions in which that work is more likely to happen? That, Warren suggests, is the political leader’s task.

Elizabeth Warren can’t make us do the work of banding together to defeat corruption, inequality, injustice. But maybe she can use inclusive teaching methods to help us come to the conclusion—on our own—that such action is necessary, and possible. That is a wild sentence to type.

Traister does great work drawing parallels between Warren’s teaching practice and her campaign tactics. She quotes Warren talking about the challenge of teaching people about her proposed wealth tax, and why it’s not so radical:

[image: "When she was first doing town halls, after proposing a wealth tax, she said, “I’d look at the faces and think, I don’t think everybody is connecting. It’s not quite gelling. So I tried a couple of different ways, and then it hit me. I’d say, ‘Anybody in here own a home or grow up where a family owned a home?’ A lot of hands would go up. And I’d say, ‘You’ve been paying a wealth tax forever. It’s just called a property tax. So I just want to do a property tax; only here, instead of just being on your home, for bazillionaires, I want it to be on the stock portfolio, the diamonds, the Rembrandt, and the yachts.’ And everyone kind of laughs, but they get the basic principle because they’ve got a place to build from.”"]

Elsewhere, Traister brilliantly points out that Warren’s habit of calling individual donors on the phone—regular people who gave $50 or whatever—mirrors her cold-calling in class, ensuring that *more people* are being heard from than the usual men raising their hands.

This is partly because I’m really inspired by Warren in general, but the piece really underlines for me the value of inclusive teaching, the importance of the work teachers do, in helping students remake themselves, and remake their worlds.

Inclusive teaching practices are based on sturdy research on how students learn best. But they follow, 1st of all, from a choice the teacher makes. We must choose to be committed to every student, to put their development first, to be led by them, rather than the other way around

That is, I’m sorry to say it, a political choice. Not because we’re trying to get our students to vote a certain way. But because we help students believe in their own possibility, in their own agency. I happen to think it’s hugely important.

Anyway, I should probably have just written this as an essay (and I don’t want to quote/screenshot from it any more)—go read the piece! https://www.thecut.com/2019/08/elizabeth-warren-teacher-presidential-candidate.html

Oh, and the companion episode of The Cut on Tuesdays (one of the best podcasts going, by the way), is delightful. You get to hear Warren herself talk about teaching, including a truly excellent rubber band metaphor that I’m going to use in workshops.
https://cms.megaphone.fm/channel/thecut?selected=GLT3342909803

Also also: [image of Elizabeth Warren with her dog]“]]></description>
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