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    <title>Mapping the ADL’s Origins in Settler-Colonial Liberalism, State Power, &amp; Civil Rights as Cover... - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T06:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we are joined by Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the ADL as a Cold War neoconservative institution. Gelman excavates the Anti-Defamation League's origins as a white, settler colonial institution founded by German-Jewish elites—not to combat antisemitism broadly, but to manage class respectability and suppress Eastern European Jewish immigrant socialists whom they viewed as a racial and social threat. 

 Gelman looks back at how early Jewish settlers had built fortunes through participation in 19th-century US territorial expansion, Indigenous dispossession, and slavery's economic system, understanding themselves as white Europeans racially distinct from the "vermin" arriving from the Pale of Settlement. The ADL and its predecessor, the American Jewish Committee (founded 1906), operated as Progressive Era eugenicist charities designed to "correct and fix" rather than support self-determination, preemptively capturing Jewish political identity to prevent autonomous radical organizing.

 Gelman traces how the ADL evolved from an instrument of McCarthyite purges—coordinating mass firings of Jewish leftists in 1951, offering its services to McCarthy committee members, and abandoning Julius and Ethel Rosenberg to execution while denying antisemitism played any role in their prosecution (the judge who sentenced them sat on the ADL's Civil Rights Committee)—into a key architect of Cold War anti-communism and neoconservative "democracy promotion." The organization attacked Arab League representatives speaking about Zionist violence in Palestine as early as 1946, treating Palestinian and Arab organizing as "foreign insurgency" while framing Jewish fundraising for Israeli settlement as natural civic participation. After Israel's 1967 military victory, the ADL strategically re-racialized Jews as non-white within the framework of race liberalism, allowing it to cast Israeli militarism as defensive racial liberation and Arab calls for refugee return as antisemitic rather than anti-colonial. This racial pivot occurred precisely as European Jews had achieved economic whiteness through the GI Bill, suburbanization, and the collapse of university quotas—benefits systematically denied to Black populations through redlining.

 Emmaia Gelman is the author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the Anti-Defamation League as a Cold War neoconservative institution (UC Press, 2026) and co-editor of The Anti-Defamation League: A Critical Reader (Pluto Press, 2026). She co-hosts the podcast Unpacking Zionism. Emmaia is co-chair of the American Studies Association Caucus on Academic and Community Activism, and a longtime activist in New York City.

 She is the founding director of the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism, which examines the political and ideological work of Zionist institutions in Palestine and transnational contexts. She researches the history of ideas about race, queerness, safety, and rights, and their production as levers in surveillance, “anti-terror”, and war. Her teaching spans academic and community spaces."

[also here:
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/mapping-the-adls-origins-in-settler-colonial-liberalism-state-power-civil-rights-as-cover-with-emmaia-gelman 

See also:

The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, by Emmaia Gelman (2026)
https://www.ucpress.edu/books/the-anti-defamation-league-and-the-racial-state/hardcover 

Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism
https://criticalzionismstudies.org/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-despite-9-figure-infusion-from-silicon-valley-abundance-still-seeks-popular-support">
    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: Despite 9-Figure Infusion from Silicon Valley, Abundance Still Seeks Popular Support</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-02T01:36:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-despite-9-figure-infusion-from-silicon-valley-abundance-still-seeks-popular-support</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this news brief, we catch up with Dylan Gyauch-Lewis, senior researcher at the Revolving Door Project, to discuss Abundance's PR problems, why this latest neoliberalism rebrand isn't catching on and how Silicon Valley billionaires still see 'Abundance' as their best chance to counter populist forces in the Democratic Party."]]></description>
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    <title>Dancing the Revolution: From Dancehall to Reggaetón - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-01T08:27:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cgPns2rB238</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this documentary created for Dancing the Revolution: From Dancehall to Reggaetón, scholars and artists from Kingston, Jamaica, and San Juan, Puerto Rico, discuss the power of dancehall and reggaetón as transformative music genres and cultural movements. Interspersed with footage from inside dancehalls and clubs, the exhibition video brings you into the energetic spaces that have inspired countless artists across decades.   

Dancing the Revolution: From Dancehall to Reggaetón is a major exhibition that explores and expands the visual, political, and spiritual histories of dancehall and reggaetón through contemporary art—two dynamic genres that have transcended their grassroots origins to shape global culture. From Kingston to San Juan through Panama, New York City, and London, Dancing the Revolution positions music and dance as a revolutionary practice for collective liberation rooted in the struggle against colonial oppression.

Dancehall and reggaetón are not only musical genres but cultural practices and powerful expressions of resistance and joy—reminders of the Caribbean’s centuries-old traditions of dance and music as means of liberation and protest rooted in Black Atlantic history and culture. Dancing the Revolution showcases pivotal moments and themes from these histories, starting with the sound system, a mobile disco that embodies both a community experience and a vital civic institution.

Presenting work across varied mediums, Dancing the Revolution includes painting, sound sculptures, installations, photographs, and video, showcasing how artists have been and continue to be inspired by these histories and the visual forms that emerge from them. The exhibition features more than forty contemporary artists, including Isaac Julien, Edra Soto, Alberta Whittle, Carolina Caycedo, and Lee “Scratch” Perry. A special commissioned mixtape project by Juan Rivera invites visitors to learn about the evolution of these popular genres in Panama and hear the iconic songs that have paved the way for the global phenomenon of reggaetón.

Dancing the Revolution considers music and dance as powerful tools for sexual and political liberation. The exhibition’s title is inspired by the shifting RPMs (revolutions per minute) that mark the tempo and history of Caribbean popular music, as well as by the historic events now known as the Verano del 19, or Summer of 2019, in San Juan, Puerto Rico; multisectoral protests demanding the resignation of then-Governor Ricardo Roselló. On July 17, the same day that Roselló resigned, LGBTQ+ and feminist activists led perreo combativo, or “combative twerking” on the steps of San Juan Cathedral, transforming reggaetón’s characteristic dance into a form of political protest. This reclamation of public space through dance—an act deeply rooted in dancehall history and culture—demonstrates how music and dance can serve as bold acts of collective resistance and emancipation.

Dancing the Revolution: From Dancehall to Reggaetón is curated by Carla Acevedo-Yates, former Marilyn and Larry Fields Curator and Director of Curatorial Initiatives, with Cecilia González Godino, former Marjorie Susman Curatorial Fellow, Iris Colburn, Curatorial Associate, Nolan Jimbo, Assistant Curator, and nibia pastrana santiago, Curatorial Consultant. The exhibition is designed by SKETCH | Johann Wolfschoon, Panamá."]]></description>
<dc:subject>dancehall raggaetón 2026 via:javierarbona music kingston jamaica sanjuan puertorico culture politics isaacjulien edrasoto albertawhittle carolinacaycedo leeperry scratchperry ricardososelló 2019 history nyc london panamá resistance joy workingclass caribbean dance sexuality social society jdnegro félixrodrríguez andrésramos djvelcro nibiapastranasantiago matthewmccarthy maxinewalters donnahope geraldlevy bogle sonjahstanleyniaah ninjaman gabreselassie danieldíaz pórodil identity gender bodies thenoise catholicchurch catholicism conservatism revoltion underground perreo censorship criminalization</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQDPXgB00pw">
    <title>Israel's dream of ruling the region is over, its decline has begun | Mustafa Barghouti |UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-28T00:32:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQDPXgB00pw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""Now Netanyahu has failed. Iran was not broken. Arab countries now realise that relying on Israel is a death sentence."

In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC, we sat down in studio with Mustafa Barghouti, Palestinian physician, leader of the Palestinian National Initiative and co-founder of the Palestinian Medical Relief Society. Barghouti argues that Israel's two strategic goals, imperial domination of the Middle East and normalisation with Arab states, have both collapsed, and that this marks the beginning of its decline.

Across the conversation he sets out the scale of the atrocity in Gaza, the slow strangulation of life in the West Bank, and the transformation of Israeli society towards what he describes as fascism. He explains why the regional war with Iran ended in strategic failure for Netanyahu, why Oslo and the 2005 Gaza disengagement were traps rather than concessions, and why he refuses to accept any framing that places oppressor and oppressed on equal footing.

Barghouti also turns to the question of survival and resistance, from the 90 midwives employed in the first weeks of the war to the clinics rebuilt multiple times under bombardment, and makes the case that Palestine has become the global measure of commitment to justice. Despite everything, he ends on a note of defiance and hope.

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim.

00:00 Intro highlights
01:37 Welcome to the show
03:09 Did you expect this enemy
04:55 Fascism inside Israeli society
06:05 What two years brought
08:30 The scale of atrocity
10:36 How Oslo deceived everyone
13:48 What you do not see
15:25 Strangling the West Bank
20:38 The two state hypocrisy
22:30 Did the Iran war backfire
24:01 Netanyahu's two imperial goals
27:17 Netanyahu has failed
28:47 Steadfastness as resistance
32:30 Sumud with resistance
33:54 The demographic battle
34:47 Why Palestinians must stay
37:12 Disarming Palestinian leadership
38:24 Authority without authority
42:18 The Beijing declaration
44:38 Do not blame victims
46:06 Shifting opinion in the West
48:45 Refusing the false equivalence debate
52:42 The 2005 Gaza disengagement trap
57:32 The miracle Israel cannot kill
1:03:03 Final thoughts
1:03:48 Palestine, the global justice issue"]]></description>
<dc:subject>mustafabarghouti ashfaaqcarim palestine israel gaza genocide ethniccleansing settlercolonialism zionism imperialism colonialism colonization apartheid 1948 westbank occupation benjaminnetanyahu history atrocity deception resistance authority 2025 2023 2026 2024 globaljustice settlers settlements ramallah sumud demographics society antizionism arabstates normalization fascism oppression war intifada firstintifada secondintifada palestinianauthority unrwa osloaccords dispossession nakba displacement jerusalem eastjerusalem twostatesolution bds boycott divestment sanctions internationalwar warcrimes accountability icc icj southafrica iran lebanon falseequivalence geopolitics syria golanheights itamarben-gvir un greaterisrael middleast expansion expansionism iraq iraqwar hillaryclinton ehudbarak us egypt reconstruction assassination leadership torture hamas beijingdeclaration operationalaqsaflood publicopinion fatah racism supremacy tuckercarlson candaceowens piersmorgan islamophobia marjorietayorgreene megynkell</dc:subject>
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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hammerandhope.org/article/world-cup-soccer-class">
    <title>How the Working-Class Man’s Game Became an Elite Sport in the U.S.</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T07:29:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hammerandhope.org/article/world-cup-soccer-class</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The path to the World Cup is accessible to only a narrow slice of American soccer players."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lbJR-G8CsR0">
    <title>Why LA will never get a Mayor Zohran Mamdani - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-19T10:11:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lbJR-G8CsR0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With the election of Zohran Mamdani in New York City, big-city mayors have once again become a focal point of national politics. 

Now, in Los Angeles, the mayoral race in November is heating up with Councilmember Nithya Raman edging out reality TV star Spencer Pratt to secure her candidacy against incumbent Mayor Karen Bass. And Raman, a Democratic Socialist like Mamdani, is zeroing in on housing and affordability as defining issues of local politics.

But beneath the promises to take on hot-button issues that plague Angelenos, a persistent question remains: Why can’t the LA mayor get anything done?

Part of the answer takes us back to the creation of the LA city charter, a product of the turn-of-the-20th-century progressive movement that emerged in response to the corrupt politics that plagued cities like New York and Chicago.

Despite the radical and experimental origins of LA’s decentralized governance approach, a weak mayoral office may no longer be the best way to serve the people of Los Angeles today. Even if LA elected a progressive, Mamdani-esque candidate, the mayor’s office still has an uphill battle with fragmentation and decades of mounting red tape designed to favor negotiators over visionaries for mayor.

Read more about the Los Angeles mayoral position:

How much power does the mayor of LA really have? (Spectrum News): https://spectrumlocalnews.com/ca/california/inside-the-issues/2022/02/25/how-much-power-does-the-mayor-of-la-really-have-

The 100th anniversary of the Los Angeles City Charter holds lessons for today’s LA (Haynes Foundation): https://haynesfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Essay-100th_Anniversary_of_Charter_Election.pdf

How We Got This Way (Los Angeles has Always Been Suburban) (PBS SoCal): https://www.pbssocal.org/shows/lost-la/how-we-got-this-way-los-angeles-has-always-been-suburban

Proposition 13's Hidden Effects On the Built Environment (PBS SoCal): https://www.pbssocal.org/history-society/proposition-13s-hidden-effects-on-the-built-environment

Coming in 2028: “The second most powerful person in California” (Harvard Kennedy School): https://www.hks.harvard.edu/more/student-life/student-stories/coming-2028-second-most-powerful-person-california "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2026/06/some-hard-factual-truth-about-the-needless-brutality-of-the-lurie-budget/">
    <title>Some hard, factual truth about the needless brutality of the Lurie budget - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T00:17:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2026/06/some-hard-factual-truth-about-the-needless-brutality-of-the-lurie-budget/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My social media feeds are filled with posts that say San Francisco’s budget is “bloated,” that the city spends more per-capita than most other city, and that there must be terrible mismanagement here.

There is, indeed, mismanagement and waste in San Francisco. There is no such thing as a $16 billion budget, in the public sector or the private sector, that doesn’t have some waste. (A friend who worked for a prominent US business for many years, including in management, told me once that he was proud he never fired anyone: “This is a big corporation, and we can always find something for someone to do to keep their job, even if they aren’t really good at anything.” His reviews always cited his exceptional management skills.)

But that’s not the point. Let’s look at some comments:

<blockquote>San Francisco’s government is bringing in a staggering $20,000 to $24,000 per capita, with an annual budget of roughly $16 billion spread across a population of around 750,000 to 830,000 residents. This per-capita government revenue and spending is among the highest in the country, dwarfing the figures of other major municipalities. Yet despite that we have a close to a billion deficit. How is that possible? Perhaps we have an issue of mismanagement?</blockquote>

I have heard this argument many times before. Joe Eskenazi, who now works for Mission Local, did a long piece in 2010 saying the SF was the worst run city in the US, citing the per-capita costs of public services.

I worked with an intern who had extensive background in economics, and we proved him largely wrong. I have reprinted my Bay Guardian story below. Then we all went on Forum and debated it.

Good times.

Some important points on the cost of local government: SF is a city and county, the only one in CA, so handles two types of government expenses. We have both a sheriff and a police department; no other city in California pays for both. You get arrested in the city of LA, the LA County sheriff holds you in jail; the LA County district attorney prosecutes you. The LA County public defender takes your case. None of that is in the LA City budget.

People who live in Berkeley and Oakland take AC Transit to get around. AC Transit is a distinct agency, with its own board and budget. That doesn’t show up in the budget of Alameda County’s cities. In SF, Muni is entirely a city and county agency, and every penny it costs is in the city budget.

We run a massive public hospital and a skilled nursing facility; both bring in much of their budget from Medicare and insurance, but the full cost—not adjusted for revenue, that’s another line—is still in the city “budget.”

We run an airport, that costs the taxpayers nothing; the full $1.5 billion budget is paid for by the airlines. But it’s still in the city “budget.”

Philadelphia is also a city and county, with an airport (run by a separate authority—not in the city budget) and a robust transit system (run by the Southeast Pennsylvania Transit Authority, so full cost is not in the Philly city budget).

New York has two airports, under the budget of the Port Authority of New York—not in the city budget.

You get the point: For a lot of technical reasons, San Francisco counts as part of its budget a lot of things that other cities provide, but that aren’t in the municipal fund.

We have to pay city workers well, or we wouldn’t have any: Three tech booms embraced by two generations of mayors have driven up the cost of living so high that teachers, cops, firefighters and other crucial workers can’t live here on “ordinary” civil service pay. Meanwhile, 60 billionaires live here and pay the city very little in taxes (thanks to Prop. 13, many pay only a tiny fraction of the worth of their homes in property taxes.)

If you actually do the math, and I have done this, when you remove SFO, the Port, SF General’s Medicare funding, etc., SF’s budget per capita is about the same as most large cities.

Meanwhile, San Francisco has, with about the same money as other large cities, taken on a lot of things that the federal government used to fund, like affordable housing, HIV services, public health for indigent people, and public education. (The SF Public Schools are not in the city budget, nor is City College, but the city’s General Fund gives money to both.)

You want to look at “waste?” The most overpaid city employees are not providing social services. They are cops and deputy sheriffs, making so much money on overtime that it’s hard to believe they could possibly work that money hours.

So the budget is not about waste and bloat; it’s about priorities. Lurie wants cops and “clean” streets to serve the technorati, not the working people who live here.

A final note: The city’s budget deficit, including Muni’s deficit, could easily be eliminated with a simple city income tax on the top 5,000 richest residents.

Here, since the web links went down when the former owners closed the Bay Guardian, is the text of our story from 2010:

The truth about San Francisco’s budget 

Guess what? SF actually spends about what other big cities do 

By Melanie Ruiz and Tim Redmond 

“San Francisco,” SF Weekly recently proclaimed, “is arguably the worst-run big city in America.” That’s a hell of a claim — the levels of corruption and mismanagement in urban America are legendary. But the Weekly‘s Benjamin Wachs and Joe Eskenazi set out to prove their case — with a series of mostly anecdotal points that looked at the usual targets: Nonprofits. Unions. And one senior Newsom administration staffer who pretty much everyone agrees was a horrible manager. 

We were tempted to just let it go. Sure, there’s plenty of incompetence and waste in the Newsom administration. There’s a need for more accountability in some of the nonprofits that get city money. The police union got too big a raise in 2007. 

That pattern also exists in a lot of other big cities. You wanna make a big headline by claiming SF is the very worst? Whatever. 

But the heart of the Weekly‘s factual analysis was a chart that purports to show that San Francisco spends vastly more per capita than other “comparable” cities. That’s a claim we hear all the time, one that the more conservative political forces constantly use to argue against higher taxes (and in favor of big spending cuts). So it’s worth exploring a little further. Because when you look at all the facts, the Weekly analysis is just wrong. 

Comparing cities is a complex task — urban areas in America are governed in very different ways. You can’t, for example, compare San Francisco to any other city in California because San Francisco is the only combined city and county. Get arrested in Berkeley, and the Alameda County sheriff locks you up, the Alameda County district attorney prosecutes you, the Alameda County public defender takes your case, and the Alameda County courts adjudicate it. And if you win, you ride home on AC Transit — a separate system that isn’t in the budget of either the city or the county. 

In San Francisco, all those things are in the same city budget. 

But Wachs and Eskenazi decided to get beyond that. “Any time someone tries to point out that San Francisco has serious systemic problems, the response (from the Mayor’s Office, from city bureaucrats, and sometimes even from city activists) is that ‘San Francisco is both a city and a county,’ as if that explained everything,” Wachs told us in an e-mail. ”So the comparison was already being made as part of the city’s defense: San Francisco is a city-county, and what appear to be systemic problems are actually just features of being a city-county. 

“We proved that isn’t the case: San Francisco’s per capita spending is significantly out of line even when compared to other large city-counties.” 

Actually, it’s more than just the city-county distinction. The large cities-counties SF Weekly chose are so dramatically different in the services they do — and don’t — provide that the comparison comes close to being meaningless. Ken Bruce, a partner in the Harvey Rose Accountancy Firm, which serves as San Francisco’s budget analyst and does similar work in other cities, is no fan of wasteful spending. But he told us he wasn’t impressed with the Weekly chart: “I have yet to see a rigorous analysis done comparing San Francisco to other cities,” he said. 

And the way the Weekly added up the numbers was, at best, misleading. 

For starters, San Francisco runs (and includes in its city budget) an airport, port, public transit system, county hospital, and skilled nursing facility (Laguna Honda), for a total of more than $2 billion. None of the comparison cities do all those things. Or rather, some do those same things — but they aren’t in the local budget. 

In Philadelphia, for example, the public transit system is a regional agency. Philly chips in $63 million from its general fund to help the Southeast Pennsylvania Transit Authority (SEPTA). SF pays almost three times that much to run its own Muni, because the overhead costs are included in the local budget. Philly taxpayers spend much more than $63 million on SEPTA — it just comes out of a different budget and funding stream, so it isn’t in the figures the Weekly used. Denver’s transit system is regional too, and thus not in the city-county budget. 

In Indianapolis, the city transit system, Indygo, is far less complicated than ours. Jenny Brown, a spokesperson for Indygo, told us she was amazed her city was being compared to San Francisco: “Our transit system is not in the same league as yours,” she said. 

Philadelphia also does not pay for a county hospital or include its port or airport in its budget. Neither does Denver. 

There’s also a difference in most municipalities between the general fund (locally allocated spending) and the total budget, which includes federal and state money, self-sustaining departments, etc. In Philadelphia that’s a big distinction — more than $3 billion a year — but the Weekly compared Philly’s general fund to SF’s total budget (something Wachs admitted to us was his mistake). 

So we took this a step further. First, in Chart A, we compare apples to apples — general funds to general funds. It turns out SF and Philly are relatively close in per capita spending. Then we adjusted the budgets to account for the fact that SF includes in its budget a lot of services other cities and counties budget somewhere else. That makes all the comparison cities a lot closer. 

But can you really compare San Francisco — with its diverse and complex population and urban problems — to Indianapolis or Nashville? Even Denver? If even the folks in Indianapolis think that’s kind of bogus, we figured we could do better. So we set out to find some cities that make a more fair comparison. We included Philadelphia, but added Los Angeles and Chicago (New York, by the way, is so big, so complex, and has so many counties, boroughs, and budget items, that it’s not fair to compare that city to any other — even though is would help our case). To account for the city-county issue, we added to the L.A. and Chicago city budgets a percentage of the L.A. County and Cook County, Ill. spending equal to each city’s percentage of the county population. (Not a perfect yardstick, but pretty close). 

As Chart C shows, all four big cities are within about 30 percent of each other in terms of per capita spending. 

But there’s another big factor — cost of living. The vast majority of the budgets of these cities goes to employee pay and benefits — and it stands to reason that a city with a higher cost of living would have to pay its employees more. And San Francisco has by far the highest cost of living (according to the latest figures from the Council for Community and Economic Research’s ACCRA Cost of Living Index) of all the cities in this chart. 

So we adjusted per capita spending by the cost of living index (SF = 169, L.A. 145.4; Philadelphia, 124.1; and Chicago, 110.8) and discovered that in fact all four big cities spend roughly the same per capita — although San Francisco spends the least. 

So is San Francisco a service-rich city (like L.A., Philadelphia, and Chicago)? Absolutely. Is SF’s spending far out of whack with what other similar municipalities spend? No, not at all. All things considered, it’s a little low. 

PS: The Weekly spent much of its article attacking the lack of accountability in the city’s $500 million’ worth of nonprofit spending. That’s a huge issue, but oddly, the Weekly didn’t quote a single person who supports the system San Francisco uses to distribute services through nonprofits. 

We’ve been critical of many individual nonprofits, and some are over-funded, wasteful, and of dubious value. But overall, as labor activist Robert Haaland told us: “The fact that an individual nonprofit isn’t performing up to standard doesn’t mean that the services aren’t needed.” 

And there are many who say the San Francisco model is, in fact, a national standard. Margaret Brodkin, former director of the Mayor’s Office for Children, Youth, and Families, helped develop the current system of nonprofit accountability in that office. She has been invited to speak all over the country about the standards and data system they developed. “Others have replicated the data system we had in place. It’s held up as a national model, the data system as well as the standards,” she explained. 

So it’s not so simple — and to use a few anecdotes and some inaccurate and misleading figures to call San Francisco the worst managed city in the nation is, well, a bit of a stretch. To say the least."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.tiktok.com/@usa.mary.miller/video/7608538711621438734">
    <title>Crazy New York City Subway gate fare System🤪😂🚇#funnyvideos #nyc #su... | fare evading nyc | TikTok</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-06T00:45:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tiktok.com/@usa.mary.miller/video/7608538711621438734</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.tiktok.com/discover/mta-new-turnstile-bypass-nyc ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>nyc subways fareevasion mta publictransit transit transportation 2026</dc:subject>
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    <title>The ADL is An Actual Psyop with Emmaia Gelman and Mama Ganuush - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T02:38:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0zSRGBqy8A0</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/05/waymo-self-driving-cars/687119/">
    <title>Save the Taxi Drivers - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T20:12:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/05/waymo-self-driving-cars/687119/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["People Who Don’t Like People Are Making All of Our Decisions: Robotaxis are the beginning."

[archived: https://archive.is/fBr8e ]

"In the beginning, God created Man and Man created cities. And from these cities sprang forth a service to cart Man around: the taxi. And it was good. So good that, over centuries, it barely changed. Visitors to ancient Rome could hail a cisium. In 17th-century France, they could take a fiacre. And 19th-century England had the hackney coach. Automobiles eventually replaced horse-drawn carriages, but other than that, the experience remained the same: Passengers hailed a driver who would help them load their luggage and perhaps make small talk about the city while ferrying them to their destination.

Then, in 2009, Man made the ride-share app. And it was very good. Many of the nuisances of taxis that had seemed unavoidable were eliminated overnight. Waiting in the cold with your hand in the air scanning for available cabs? Drivers refusing to take you somewhere after you’d already gotten in their vehicle? Cabs refusing to stop because of your race? Losing items, never to see them again? All problems that were gladly ushered into the past. The act of schlepping around a city was changed forever.

Ride-sharing has its own flaws: surge pricing in inclement weather, incessant rate hikes, late or canceled rides. But in all of the ways I’ve imagined improving upon the modern taxi, eliminating drivers themselves has never crossed my mind. And yet, the powerful minds of Silicon Valley and the investors who fund them are trying to do just that.

Earlier this year, Tesla, which already has a driverless-taxi service, announced that its Gigafactory in Texas would begin producing robotaxis devoid of steering wheels or pedals. Waymo, the Alphabet-owned driverless-taxi service that launched commercially in 2020, recently raised $16 billion, and plans to expand into more than 20 cities. In November, Los Angeles and San Francisco, where Waymos were already operating, started allowing the vehicles to travel on highways and to certain airports. Waymo now has its sights set on America’s taxi mecca: New York City.

The pitch for driverless taxis follows the familiar contours of many of Silicon Valley’s recent technological advances: We should all be excited about a “dream” from the future finally being realized. The thrill of inevitable progress! A safer, easier tomorrow!

Driverless taxis are the next step toward tech’s hopes for broad adoption of driverless cars in general. Uri Levine, a co-founder of Waze, predicts that Generation Beta will not drive. “A generation after that,” he told Business Insider, if you tell a young person “that you used to drive cars yourself, they will not believe you.” One of the arguments for self-driving cars is that they would be free of the human errors that lead to crashes. “It’s going to be such a great technology,” Sebastian Thrun, the roboticist and former head of Google’s self-driving project, said recently. “Think of the 1.2 million lives we lose each year (to car crashes), mostly because they’re not paying attention. Think if we could get some of those lives back.”

That number is correct. But that figure is global, and more than 90 percent of the fatalities occur in low- and middle-income countries (ones that are not part of Waymo’s or Tesla’s expansion plans). Trade organizations such as the Autonomous Vehicle Industry Association, which advocates for “the safe and timely deployment of autonomous driving technology,” insist that driverless cars will save lives. But groups such as the Union of Concerned Scientists are more skeptical, pointing out that “studies have shown that automated vehicles are less able to detect people of color and children.” They also worry that the cars could “displace millions of people employed as drivers, negatively impact public transportation funding, and perpetuate the current transportation system’s injustices.”

More certain than safety are profits. When companies talk about safety, it’s not just because they care about people, but because they want to sell their product. Self-driving cars are projected to be an $87 billion industry by 2030. And the robotic “passenger economy,” which includes driverless taxis and robot deliveries, could generate as much as $7 trillion by 2050.

Chances are slim that the average American will benefit much financially from any of that money. But we will lose something, as Big Tech yet again destroys human interaction and calls it “convenience.”

Most of us live in silos, clustered together with people whose jobs, educations, incomes, languages, and faiths are similar to or the same as our own. We have few occasions to brush against other ways of living, few ways to interact with people of different backgrounds. These moments are meaningful and rare, and the taxi cab is one place where they regularly happen.

Every new city that I visit comes with a personalized introduction from a taxi driver. Like the guy who used to do stunts in Hollywood and now has to pick up shifts driving cabs who regaled me with tales of stars and action movies in a more flush time in Los Angeles. Or the 60-something Navy vet who took up driving after his restaurants closed during the pandemic. He drove me to the airport in Pittsburgh and told me about having recently connected with a son he never knew he had, who’d found him on Ancestry.com. Or the young driver from Pakistan who was nervously preparing for his upcoming wedding. He got some free advice, as well as a nice tip.

Many of these drivers are immigrants. Many are people whom the economy has left behind—people who started driving to supplement day jobs and struggling businesses, or because they’re juggling caregiving responsibilities. Perhaps, Big Tech thinks that riders won’t miss them when they’re gone. Drivers can be annoying. They can talk too much. They can play music you don’t like. But they can also be generous and kind and surprising. Human interaction, imperfect as it is, is what makes us human.

And maybe that’s the problem for the titans of Silicon Valley. Compared with robots, humans take a lot of effort. “I cannot imagine having gone through figuring out how to raise a newborn without ChatGPT,” Sam Altman, the CEO of OpenAI, said recently. Artisan, an AI start-up, advertises its services with the explicit slogan “Stop Hiring Humans.” We are living in the ultimate revenge of the nerds, driven by a crew of socially awkward tech bros who won’t stop until the society that they never quite fit into is obliterated.

Do we want these people dictating profound changes in our society? Technology advances, in part, because a small number of entrepreneurs or scientists get really hyped about something, and another small number of investors gets even more hyped about the massive financial opportunities that development represents. But the rest of us do have a say: We have a choice as to whether we want to adopt that technology or not. We can consider our preferences, and the long-term societal implications. We can resist the old-fashioned corporate greed that gets wrapped in the language of pro-humanistic societal advancement and care.

For two decades, I have watched us blindly fall for one sales pitch after another. Every app and advancement comes shrouded in promises of “progress” and “connectivity” and “convenience.” And in many early cases—such as the invention of ride-sharing apps—Silicon Valley truly did deliver a better mousetrap. But we’re getting diminishing returns. We are living in Silicon Valley’s future now, and we are lonelier, more anxious, and more polarized than ever before. Are the mousetraps better? Safer? Who knows. But the mice inside are miserable."]]></description>
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    <title>How car-loving American cities fell so far behind their global peers on public transit | US news | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-07T20:04:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2026/may/06/american-cities-cars-public-transportation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With most major European cities well-served by trains and buses, bringing US transit up to par would cost $4.6tn"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2024/12/car-free-disability-congestion-walkable-cities/">
    <title>Do Car-Free Zones Hurt Disabled People? We Asked Experts. – Mother Jones</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-29T05:21:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2024/12/car-free-disability-congestion-walkable-cities/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["City planners and advocates are seeing “accessibility used as a political football.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>walking pedestrians accessibility juliamétreaux vancouver britishcolumbia sanfrancisco disabilities disability annazivarts cars seattle maddyruvolo nyc sarahkaufman walkability goldengatepark inequality via:javierarbona transit transportation congestion</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://fieldnotes.christopherbrown.com/p/winter-in-the-feral-city">
    <title>Winter in the feral city - by Christopher Brown</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-26T07:53:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://fieldnotes.christopherbrown.com/p/winter-in-the-feral-city</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>feral christopherbrown 2022 nyc cities urban nature wildlife multispecies morethanhuman austin animals plants wildflowers trees birds texas chinamiéville chinamieville</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hixK06EykM">
    <title>Meet the Jewish ‘Troublemakers’ Who Zionists Hated - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T00:21:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hixK06EykM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In her new book Here Where We Live Is Our Country, Molly Crabapple does something both radical and disarmingly simple: she tells a story that was never supposed to be remembered.

Through years of research and her signature visual storytelling, Molly resurrects the world of the Bund – a once mass movement of Jewish socialist revolutionaries who were unabashedly anti-nationalist and insisted that liberation could only come through struggle and solidarity, wherever Jews already lived. In this new episode of ‘Beyond Israelism’, Molly Crabapple and Simone Zimmerman revive the Bund’s lost history and political tradition.

Bundists organized workers, built schools and summer camps, created art and literature, and fought against the competing forces of European fascism and the Zionist movement who were both urging Jews to flee Europe.

While most Bundists were murdered in the Nazi gas chambers and Soviet gulags, some, like Marek Edelman – a leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising – carried that commitment forward long after the Holocaust, insisting that Jewish identity demanded standing with the oppressed, including with Palestinians. It is for this reason — the Bund’s principled anti-Zionism — that they have been mostly excluded from history.

‘Beyond Israelism with Simone Zimmerman’ is a provocative new video podcast series from Tikkun Olam Productions, the team behind the viral and award-winning 2023 film Israelism. In this series, Simone will host bold and inspiring conversations that face, head on, the growing global reckoning with Zionism, the debates over Jewish identity, and the urgent struggle for Palestinian freedom. The episodes will unpack the myths of Zionism; dive deep into the meaning of Palestinian liberation, and through raw and fearless discussions examine the Jewish relationship with Israel.

Chapters:

0:00 Intro
01:05 The Bund
03:08 Molly Crabapple
09:00 History
16:47 Polish Gov’t
23:30 Research
33:00 Warsaw Ghetto
39:00 Gaza
49:50 Bundists vs. Zionism
55:50 Genocide
59:35 New York City"]]></description>
<dc:subject>mollycrabapple 2026 simonezimmerman zionism bund history judaism labor socialism warsawghettouprising fascism resistance israel gaza holocaust genocide ethniccleansing antizionism nyc poland yitzhakrabin settlercolonialism colonialism colonization palestine marekedelman europe solidarity struggle liberation revolution revolutionaries henrykehrlich theodorherzl imperialism davidben-gurion ze'evjabotinsky us warsawghetto russia</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://bodegacatsofnewyork.com/">
    <title>Bodega Cats of New York | NYC's Working Cats</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-18T05:41:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bodegacatsofnewyork.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://kottke.org/26/04/bodega-cats-of-new-york ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>cats nyc bodegas animals human-animalrelations human-animalrelationships multispecies morethanhuman photography 2026</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:665a6e72dbcc/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DmSEcJF3GUw">
    <title>Are Americans Finally Breaking Up With Israel? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T16:27:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DmSEcJF3GUw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Since the start of the Gaza genocide, support for Israel has plummeted among Americans – across the political spectrum and all ages. What could this mean for politics in the U.S., which is Israel’s biggest ally? Dena Takruri talks to Jewish writer and activist Simone Zimmerman to unpack the implications of this shift."]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri israel palestine gaza genocide ethniccleansing 2026 tuckercarlson maga donaldtrump us policy simonezimmerman iran war megynkelly marjorietaylorgreene aipac politics lobbying rubengallego apartheid zionism antizionism scottwiener zohranmamdani nyc elections democrats kamalaharris joebiden california gavinnewsom rightwing farright candaceowens americafirst right antisemitism joekent media power</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:87634a9203d7/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:tuckercarlson"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:donaldtrump"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZqVuNSx7sgs">
    <title>Waymo Says Its Cars Are Safe. Here’s What They Don’t Want You To Know. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T16:25:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZqVuNSx7sgs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If Waymo gets its way, 2 million workers will be out of work.

When Waymo gets a firm hold on a city, wages go down. Some drivers now have to work 12 hours day, 7 days a week just to get by.

This isn't inevitable — but Big Tech is spending millions to make you think it is."]]></description>
<dc:subject>avs waymo uber moreperfectunion labor drivers driving taxis transit transportation legislation law legal google 2026 nyc ericgardner outsourcing economics bigtech work workers employment economy local donaldtrump policy</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:bb397ea161b4/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.trainjazz.com/">
    <title>Every train, a note.</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-11T06:39:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.trainjazz.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Every dot is a real subway train. Eight hundred of them, give or take, form a small jazz combo (walking bass, piano, sax, vibes, brushes) that has been playing without pause for over a hundred years. On the platforms they are hot, screaming, full of complaint. This is the music inside the noise.

The harmony moves through a slow chorus. A note is placed precisely where the train happens to be along its route. Rush hour fills the band with held tones; at 3 a.m. the silences grow longer. Whatever is playing now has not played before and will not play again.

Share your location and the trains nearest you grow louder. The piece rearranges itself around your body. You are listening to a portrait of where you stand, played by the city you are standing in."]]></description>
<dc:subject>nyc trains subways music jazz maps</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:2e2c61e4ec83/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson">
    <title>Millennials Are Killing Capitalism: The Revolt Eclipses Whatever The World Has to Offer with Idris Robinson</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:20:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we are joined by Idris Robinson to unpack his book, The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer [https://massivebookshop.com/products/9781635902433?_pos=1&_sid=db620e222&_ss=r ], a searing meditation on race, revolt, civil war, and the psychic wreckage of American life.

Reflecting on the 2020 uprisings, Robinson challenges the myth of Black leadership, reframes racial violence through the lens of a “morbid libidinal economy,” and argues that revolution is as much a transformation of the human spirit as it is a political event. Drawing on the legacies of Black insurgency, Robinson interrogates liberalism, identity politics, and the hollowing out of American cities—while pondering on what it would take to make life human again in a society built to dehumanize. He argues that racial violence, especially spectacular acts of white supremacist brutality. cannot be adequately explained by frameworks like identity politics, intersectionality, or privilege theory. Instead, these acts emerge from repressed desires and psychic forces intrinsic to white supremacy. The 2020 uprisings, in this sense, exposed both emancipatory and repressive violence rooted in these deeper libidinal dynamics.

Robinson also reflects on his personal trajectory, from Occupy Wall Street through development as a theorist, where he grounds his meditation on revolt as humanizing forces. He argues that American capitalism produces profound isolation, psychic damage, and undead social beings, hollowed out by commodification. Uprisings momentarily restore humanity by breaking atomization and re‑creating collective meaning.
 
On strategy, Robinson challenges traditional socialist models of seizing the “means of production,” arguing instead that modern revolt must focus on logistics and infrastructure: transport hubs, electrical grids, supply chains, and urban circulation. He emphasizes blockades, control of space, and understanding the built environment as key to sustaining insurrection in a post‑industrial economy. We devote substantial attention to Robinson’s provocative argument that civil war is not a future possibility but a current condition in the United States. Drawing on classical theory, Black radical thought, and historical analogy, he frames civil war as the collision of public (political) and private (libidinal, racial, familial) spheres. While acknowledging its violence and trauma, Robinson argues that fracture and decentralization may paradoxically make revolutionary transformation more achievable, pointing to Reconstruction after the U.S. Civil War as the most emancipatory period in American history.

Idris Robinson is a philosopher from the New York hinterlands. For over a decade, he has written extensively on crisis and revolt. He is the author of The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer (MIT Press / Semiotext(e)) and Escritos desde la tierra baldía (Irrupción Ediciones). He is currently an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Texas State University, where he is completing a monograph-length study on the progression of Ludwig Wittgenstein’s philosophy. He is currently undergoing a legal battle with TSU after the school violated his constitutional rights by ending his contract after he gave an off-campus Pro-Palestine talk [https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine ]. 
 
If you like what we do and want to support our ability to have more conversations like this. Please consider becoming a Patron at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. You can do so for as little as a 1 Dollar a month. 
 
Links:

Order the book from Massive Bookshop
https://massivebookshop.com/pages/about-us

IdrisRobinson.me 
https://idrisrobinson.me/

About Idris Robinson's case against Texas State University
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine

Support Idris Robinson's Legal Fund
https://www.givesendgo.com/GKRFR "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america">
    <title>The Bills That Destroyed Urban America — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-01T04:17:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-bills-that-destroyed-urban-america</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The planners dreamed of gleaming cities. Instead they brought three generations of hollowed-out downtowns and flight to the suburbs."

[See also:


"The Demise of Real Neighborhoods Is a Story of Finance"
https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-demise-of-real-neighborhoods-is-a-story-of-finance

"America’s neighborhoods were once beautiful, unique, dense, and scaled for a communal life on foot. But obscure federal rules piling up over a century have made it nearly impossible for banks to finance new ones."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>josephlawler cities us 2026 urbanplanning urban cars stlouis automobiles policy markgelfand history middleclass transit publictransit transportation streetcars rail railways trains congress pruitt-igoe neighborhoods progressive progressivism catherinebauer housing mobility nyc lecorbusier rationalism paris villeradieuse slums density crime michaelbloomberg rudolphgiuliani edithelmerwood puertoricop sanjuan planning laws law legal 1937 detroit zoining howardhusock publichousing society roberttaft banking banks finance lawmaking robertomoses 1949 1954 1973 richardnixon poverty fha 1932 1934 1944 alexandervonhoffman morthages suburbs suburbia economics economy race racism brooklyn oarkslope boston southend 1849 housingact</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/dossier-playable-cities/">
    <title>Dossier: Playable Cities – Mediapolis</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-30T20:07:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/dossier-playable-cities/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dossier editors: Carolyn Birdsall, Linda Kopitz, and Alex Gekker

Carolyn Birdsall, Linda Kopitz and Alex Gekker, Playable Cities: An Introduction
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/playable-cities-intro/

The city is a playground. But is it really? This introduction to the Playable Cities dossier discusses how cities are built, how cities are navigated, and how cities are resisted with and through play.

Anthony T. Albright and Frans Willem Korsten, Urban Investors’ Play with Time: Stakes of the Game and Waiting as Playful Strategy
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/urban-investors/

Anthony Albright and Frans Willem Korsten discuss the playful appropriation of a vacant building by a squatters’ group as part of an effort to recapture urban environments from the profit-oriented ‘game’ of waiting by investors.

Alison Stenning, When Cities Aren’t Playable: Placing Children’s Play in Urban Environments
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/cities-playable/

Contrasting the visibility of playful art installations with a decline in funding for public infrastructures, Alison Stenning discusses how playability of ordinary urban environments is often ignored, devalued and undermined in urban planning.

Aylin Kartal, Come Out and Play: A Historical Exploration of Street Play and Urbanization in the Etiler Neighborhood in Istanbul
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/come-out-and-play/

Focusing on Istanbul’s Etiler neighborhood, Aylin Kartal follows different waves of urban transformation from the 1950s onwards, connecting street play, urban planning and collective memory.

Alia ElKattan, Seeing like a Skater: Skateboarding as Poetic Technology
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/seeing-like-a-skater/

Reflecting on her experiences of skateboarding in Cairo, New York and other cities as a form of ‘rolling ethnography’, Alia ElKattan positions ‘seeing like a skater’ as a new way to approach urban landscapes.

Paul O’Connor, Julian Mcallister Groves, Yingxin Du and Tina Sze Nga Ho, Colourful Play in Hong Kong’s Rainbow Estate
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/colorful-play/

From playable to instagrammable: Paul O’Connor, Julian Mcallister Groves, Yingxin Du and Tina Sze Nga Ho trace the ‘colorful’ history of the Choi Hung Public housing estate, and what that might mean for its future.

Laura Vermeeren, Babyccinos and Reel Making: Who Is Really Playing?
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/babyccinos/

A children’s menu, a play kitchen, a coloring book: Is that what makes a space #kidsproof? Laura Vermeeren explores how Instagram’s aestheticized content increasingly shapes what family leisure in the city should look like.

Conor Moloney, Beyond Nice: Mediating Urban Life through Play and Counter-play
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/beyond-nice/

Are we playing … or are we being played? In this conceptual contribution, Conor Moloney maps the tensions between public and counterpublic, culture and counterculture, play and counterplay in relation to urban experience.

Photini Vrikki and Giota Alevizou, Framing London: Vernacular Photography and the Playable City in Student Life
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/framing-london/

Seeing and knowing a city are not necessarily the same: based on an interactive workshop with international students in London, Photini Vrikki and Giota Alevizou position photographic practices as a critical part of urban play.

Hsin Hsieh, Too Rich City: A Sinofuturist Playground
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/too-rich-city/

The artwork Too Rich City transforms China’s housing crisis into a virtual playground, where NFT properties and augmented reality offer young people alternative forms of urban belonging. Hsin Hsieh both embraces and critiques this artwork.

Radmila Radojevic, Simeona Petkova and Núria Arbonés Aran, Defamiliarizing the City: Play, Affect, and the Activation of Imaginaries
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/defamiliarizing-city/

Play activates our imagination, but it can also fall short in fostering real change. Radmila Radojevic, Simeona Petkova and Núria Arbonés Aran reflect on this tension in relation to rapidly changing neighborhoods.

Christoph Borbach and Max Kanderske, Playful Resistance: The Politics of Sensor Counter-Practices in Urban Technospheres
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/playful-resistance/

Bringing together artistic interventions and urban acts of resistance under the umbrella of ‘sensor games,’ Christoph Borbach and Max Kanderske explore playful practices that strategically engage with and expose surveillance infrastructures.

Connor Cook, Gamespace Odyssey: Notes on the Procedural Transformation of Athens
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/gamespace-odyssey/

Games and cities are shaped by protocols and procedures. Drawing on the concept of ‘Gamespace,’ Connor Cook discusses how gamic principles are applied to urban planning and how these might be playfully resisted in turn.

Sam Hind, Playing Domains: Codes, Cities, and Cultures in the Viral World of Machine Learning
https://www.mediapolisjournal.com/2025/11/playing-domains/

What happens when cities become datasets for AI competitions? Sam Hind shows how machine learning’s scoreboards distance practitioners from the real-world impacts of their work."]]></description>
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    <title>From Miles Davis to the NYC Subway: The Forgotten Jazz Legend Kalaparusha Maurice McIntyre - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T15:10:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_z8DKrmtD28&amp;t=3s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Kalaparusha Maurice McIntyre once shared the stage with the legendary Miles Davis, helping redefine the landscape of avant-garde jazz. Yet when I met him, he was playing in the subways of New York City, his music reverberating through the tunnels like a lost echo from jazz’s golden age. As the story unfolds, Kalaparusha pours his heart into his final album, inspired by a song dedicated to the love of his life, Antoinette.

This film captures his story, his voice, and his music—bridging past and present in a raw, intimate portrait of a true jazz innovator.

🔹 Who was Kalaparusha Maurice McIntyre?
A pioneering saxophonist and a key figure in the Association for the Advancement of Creative Musicians (AACM), McIntyre shaped the free jazz movement. Despite his legendary status, he spent his later years as a street musician, bringing jazz to the people in the most unexpected places.

📌 Watch to discover:
✔️ Rare footage of Kalaparusha performing
✔️ His thoughts on jazz, life, and music history
✔️ The untold story of a jazz icon

🎶 If you love jazz, history, and powerful storytelling, this video is for you. Don’t forget to like, comment, and subscribe for more stories of hidden music legends!

Watch the 4K version here: https://vimeo.com/1060949403 "]]></description>
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    <title>Zohran Mamdani and the Sorcery of Soft Rebellion – Scalawag</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T06:28:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scalawagmagazine.org/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-and-the-sorcery-of-soft-rebellion/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Limits of Left Power Inside the Democratic Machine"

...

"The Rupture That Was Possible—and the Decision to Become Legible Instead

Here lies the wound.

Zohran Mamdani could have run as an independent. Not as fantasy, not as symbolism, but as a credible realignment candidate. New York remains one of the few American cities where a socialist candidacy, backed by unions, diasporic networks, and youth movements, could have cracked the bipartisan monopoly of legitimacy. A once-in-a-generation candidate, as Mamdani is heralded to be, does not ask the machine for permission; he forces history to respond to his refusal.

Had he chosen independence, three transformations might have followed:

1. A break in the monopoly of dissent: The line between Left and liberal would have been made visible, pushing the Democratic Party question from How do we reform the Party? to Why must emancipation seek permission from its captor?

2. The invention of a new political grammar: Even a loss could have inaugurated another political subject position within civic imagination and forged a space for Left politics untethered from The Party.

3. Immunity from institutional humiliation: To lose through a true political rupture is to preserve integrity over a compromised win that memorializes containment.

Instead, we were served the respectable primary, polite coronation, and calculated silence on genocide. The socialist enters the political arena not as a threat but as an ornament. The movement effectively traded confrontation for adjacency—the space where insurgency goes to die.

A socialist does not enter the machine to behave.
A socialist enters to terrify.
If you cannot terrify power, you become its décor.

What Is to Be Done? 

DSA Member Kelsea Bond's recent victory in Atlanta's City Council race mirrors Mamdani's ascent. Different geographies, same architecture. Both campaigns were endorsed by the DSA and Working Families Party,  and invoked affordability, equity, and safety as their moral lexicon. Bond's website ends with the line, "Paid for by Kelsea Bond for Atlanta (not the billionaires)." The slogan is charming, even sincere. But the omission is telling: no mention of (anti)capitalism.

Whether believer or cynic, every progressive or socialist who enters the Democratic Party eventually collides with its gravitational pull. The institution is not a vehicle for transformation, but a mechanism of translation. It turns rage into rhetoric, urgency into policy briefs, and concedes revolution for reform. From Bond to Mamdani, there is a recurring lesson: those who walk into the machine are consumed by it.

The American Left must therefore abandon its fascination with proximity. The seat at the table is not liberation; it is domestication. What is required is not representation within the architecture but the slow, patient construction of parallel power—unions, cooperatives, media infrastructures, and social movements that operate outside the coordinates of electoral permission.

The instruction is clear:
Do not mistake entry for transformation.
Do not mistake visibility for victory.
Do not mistake representation for redistribution.

A once-in-a-generation candidate is not the one who wins politely, but the one who redraws the map through refusal.

For our generation—exhausted by moral choreography, managerial benevolence, and the endless compromise that trades justice for civility—the Mamdani moment should not register as disappointment, but as revelation. The Democratic Party does not liberate, it launders. Municipal socialism cannot survive bureaucratic capture without counter-power. Palestine remains the litmus, optics being the enemy of clarity; "electability" is the euphemism for compliance.

The future will not be built by those who wait for permission. We do not need progressive mayors; we need new political possibilities, and this possibility is not born in primaries but in ruptures.

History, ever patient, remembers those who refused the velvet rope, not those who smiled as they walked beneath it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ddjnbbjl0kM">
    <title>TRAILER | Ex Libris: The New York Public Library by Frederick Wiseman - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T10:25:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ddjnbbjl0kM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Master documentarian Frederick Wiseman, known for his spellbinding films about complex institutions such as the police, high school, and the Paris Opera Ballet, turns his attention to New York Public Library for his latest film, Ex Libris. In this fascinating long-form documentary, Wiseman exposes the myriad offerings and resources provided by NYPL, from our online archive of images to our author talks to our educational programs and more."

[See also:

https://kanopy.com/video/ex-libris

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ex_Libris:_The_New_York_Public_Library ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>nycpl nyc publiclibraries frederickwiseman film documentary 2017 education</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.upress.umn.edu/9781517916459/reclaiming-the-road/">
    <title>Reclaiming the Road: Mobility Justice beyond Complete Streets, by David L Prytherch (2025)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T01:46:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.upress.umn.edu/9781517916459/reclaiming-the-road/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Imagining equitable streets for all

For the past century, our roadways have been engineered as pipes for cars, but they offer vast potential as public spaces. From New York and Boston to Portland and Los Angeles, cities are rethinking their streets, going beyond sidewalks and bike lanes to welcome nonmotorists to share the asphalt roadway. Reclaiming the Road traces the historical evolution of America’s streets and explores contemporary movements to retake them from cars—temporarily and permanently—for diverse forms of mobility and community life. To share the street raises important questions of equity, in transportation and beyond. David L. Prytherch proposes a bold, intersectional vision of a more just street.

Reclaiming the Road connects cutting-edge theory, policy analysis, and firsthand accounts from those leading the charge in transforming our streets to advocate for changing how we think about and design roads. Prytherch features case studies of nine major cities in the United States to show how experiments in reclaiming streets accelerated during the Covid-19 pandemic to become lasting changes. Through in-depth interviews, he shares stories of how planners, transportation advocates, and community leaders have implemented innovative programs for slowing neighborhood streets, opening roads for walking and biking, and reconstructing roadways with public parklets and street plazas as social spaces for curbside conversation.

Examining movements to transform streets through the lenses of equity and justice, Reclaiming the Road tackles the conceptual challenge of defining mobility justice and the practicalities of planning a more just public street, offering a compelling vision for the future of America’s public spaces."]]></description>
<dc:subject>cities streets cars mobility mobilityjustice justice 2025 roadways walking bikes biking pedestrians safety politics policy equity access accessibility transportation transit davidprytherch community urbanplanning urbanism urban covid-19 pandemic coronavirus us parklets socialspace planning sidewalks bikelanes nyc bodton losangeles portland oregon via:javierarbona</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://hellgatenyc.com/take-that-ezra-klein/">
    <title>'No Amount of Housing We Build Is Going to Make Prices Drop'</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T04:41:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hellgatenyc.com/take-that-ezra-klein/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A major new housing study is challenging the idea behind the "abundance agenda.""

...

"As New York City rents have risen into the stratosphere in recent decades, City officials and policy wonks have mostly sought to respond by building new housing, arguing that increased supply is the only way to bring down rental costs. 

Michael Bloomberg rezoned huge sections of the city to allow for taller buildings, leading to the apartment towers that today crowd downtown Brooklyn and the Williamsburg waterfront. Bill de Blasio vowed to build or preserve 200,000 units of housing, in part by relaxing zoning rules and removing other regulatory barriers to construction. Eric Adams's "City of Yes" upped that goal to 500,000 units, largely by making it easier for developers to build. And Zohran Mamdani has made housing construction one of the pillars of his affordability agenda, first with his appointment of two City of Yes stalwarts as his deputy mayor for housing and City Planning executive director, and most recently with this month's’s trip to the White House to revive a de Blasio-era plan to build 12,000 units of housing over the Amtrak-owned Sunnyside railyards—hoping to sell Donald Trump on the plan by letting the president pose with a fake 1975-style Daily News front page reading "TRUMP TO CITY: LET'S BUILD."

"I'm looking forward to building more housing in New York City," Mamdani captioned his photo alongside Trump on social media. Freshly installed deputy mayor for housing Leila Bozorg, meanwhile, has called for "progressive people to come together" to work on protecting existing tenants while also "addressing our housing shortage."

It's a sign of how political consensus for building our way out of the pandemic of crazy-ass rents has grown in the past few years. That's been especially true since last year’s publication of Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson's book "Abundance," which argued that local zoning laws and building codes were keeping rents overinflated by preventing the housing market from creating enough new housing—and that lowering housing costs was a noble enough goal to override any lingering qualms about running roughshod over existing neighborhoods. 

It makes a sort of common sense: The basics of supply and demand dictate that if something is scarce, the price will go up. So if the rent is too damn high, it seems only logical to bring it down by loosening red tape to flood the zone with new apartments.

But that idea, according to a major new housing study, is dead wrong."]]></description>
<dc:subject>neildemause housing housingcrisis yimbys yimbyism yimby abundance abundancemovement abundancenetwork 2026 nyc realestate speculation michaelbloomberg billdeblasio leilabozorg zohranmamdani ezraklein derekthompson zoning regulation deregulation abundanceagenda</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2010/03/11/in-love-with-trains/">
    <title>In Love with Trains | Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-19T07:01:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2010/03/11/in-love-with-trains/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

"Bring Back the Rails!"
https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2011/01/13/bring-back-rails/
https://archive.is/B21jx ]

"According to the literary theorist René Girard, we come to yearn for and eventually love those who are loved by others. I cannot confirm this from personal experience—I have a history of frustrated longings for objects and women who were palpably unavailable to me but of no particular interest to anyone else. But there is one sphere of my life in which, implausibly, Girard’s theory of mimetic desire could be perfectly adapted to my experience: if by “mimetic” we mean mutuality and symmetry, rather than mimicry and contestation, I can vouch for the credibility of his proposition. I love trains, and they have always loved me back.

What does it mean to be loved by a train? Love, it seems to me, is that condition in which one is most contentedly oneself. If this sounds paradoxical, remember Rilke’s admonition: love consists in leaving the loved one space to be themselves while providing the security within which that self may flourish. As a child, I always felt uneasy and a little constrained around people, my family in particular. Solitude was bliss, but not easily obtained. Being always felt stressful—wherever I was there was something to do, someone to please, a duty to be completed, a role inadequately fulfilled: something amiss. Becoming, on the other hand, was relief. I was never so happy as when I was going somewhere on my own, and the longer it took to get there, the better. Walking was pleasurable, cycling enjoyable, bus journeys fun. But the train was very heaven.

I never bothered to explain this to parents or friends, and was thus constrained to feign objectives: places I wanted to visit, people I wanted to see, things I needed to do. Lies, all of it. In those days a child could safely travel on public transport alone from seven years old or so, and I took solitary tube trips around London from a very young age. If I had a goal it was to cover the whole network, from terminus to terminus, an aspiration I came very close to achieving. What did I do when I reached the end of a line, Edgware as it might be, or Ongar? I stepped out, studied the station rather closely, glanced around me, bought a dessicated London Transport sandwich and a Tizer…and took the next tube back.

The technology, architecture, and working practices of a railway system fascinated me from the outset—I can describe even today the peculiarities of the separate London Underground lines and their station layouts, the heritage of different private companies in their early years. But I was never a “trainspotter.” Even when I graduated to solitary travel on the extensive network of British Railways’ Southern Region I never joined the enthusiastic bands of anorak-clad preteenage boys at the end of platforms, assiduously noting down the numbers of the passing trains. This seemed to me the most asinine of static pursuits—the point of a train was to get on it.

The Southern Region in those days offered rich pickings for the lone traveler. I would park my bike in the luggage wagon at Norbiton Station on the Waterloo line, ride the suburban electric train out into rural Hampshire, descend at some little country halt on the slopes of the Downs, cycle leisurely eastward until I reached the westerly edge of the old London to Brighton Railway, then hop the local into Victoria as far as Clapham Junction. There I had the luxuriant choice of some nineteen platforms—this was, after all, the largest rail junction in the world—and would entertain myself with the choices from which to select my train back home. The whole exercise would last a long summer day; when I got home, tired and contented, my parents would inquire politely as to where I had been and I would dutifully invent some worthy purpose to obviate further discussion. My train trips were private and I wanted to keep them that way.

In the Fifties, train travel was cheap—especially for twelve-year-old boys. I paid for my pleasures from weekly pocket money and still had pennies left over for snacks. The most expensive trip I ever took got me nearly to Dover—Folkestone Central, actually—from where I could look longingly across at the well-remembered rapides of the French national network. More typically, I would save spare cash for the Movietone News Theatre at Waterloo Station: London’s largest terminus and a cornucopia of engines, timetables, newsstands, announcements, and smells. In later years, I would occasionally miss the last regular train home and sit for hours into the night in Waterloo’s drafty waiting halls, listening to the shunting of diesels and the loading of mail, sustained by a single cup of British Rail cocoa and the romance of solitude. God knows what my parents thought I was doing, adrift in London at 2 AM. If they had known, they might have been even more worried.

I was a little too young to capture the thrills of the steam age. The British rail network switched all too soon into diesels (but not electric, a strategic mistake for which it is still paying) and although the great long-distance expresses still swept through Clapham Junction in my early school years, pulled by magnificent late-generation steam engines, most of the trains I took were thoroughly “modern.” Nevertheless, thanks to the chronic underinvestment of Britain’s nationalized railways, much of the rolling stock dated from interwar years and some of it was pre-1914 vintage. There were separate closed compartments (including one in each four-car unit set aside for “Ladies”), no toilets, and windows held up by leather straps with holes into which a hook in the door was inserted. The seats, even in second- and third-class, were upholstered in a vaguely tartan fabric that irritated the naked thighs of shorts-clad schoolboys but that was comfortingly warm in the damp, chilly winters of those years.

That I should have experienced trains as solitude is of course a paradox. They are, in the French phrase, transports en commun: designed from the early-nineteenth-century outset to provide collective travel for persons unable to afford private transportation or, over the years, for the better-heeled who could be attracted to luxurious shared accommodations at a higher price. The railways effectively invented social classes in their modern form, by naming and classifying different levels of comfort, facility, and service: as any early illustration can reveal, trains were for many decades crowded and uncomfortable except for those fortunate enough to travel first-class. But by my time second-class was more than acceptable to the respectable middling sort; and in England such persons keep themselves to themselves. In those blissful days before mobile phones, when it was still unacceptable to play a transistor radio in a public place (and the authority of the train conductor sufficed to repress rebellious spirits), the train was a fine and silent place.

In later years, as Britain’s rail system fell into decline, train travel at home lost some of its appeal. The privatization of the companies, the commercial exploitation of the stations, and the diminished commitment of the staff all contributed to my disenchantment—and the experience of travel by train in the US was hardly calculated to restore one’s memories or enthusiasms. Meanwhile the publicly owned state railways of continental Europe entered a halcyon era of investment and technical innovation, while largely preserving the distinctive qualities inherited from earlier networks and systems.

Thus to travel in Switzerland is to understand the ways in which efficiency and tradition can seamlessly blend to social advantage. Paris’s Gare de l’Est or Milano Centrale, no less than Zurich’s Hauptbahnhof and Budapest’s Keleti Pályaudvar, stand as monuments to nineteenth-century town planning and functional architecture: compare the long-term prospects of New York’s inglorious Pennsylvania Station—or virtually any modern airport. At their best—from St. Pancras to Berlin’s remarkable new central station—railway stations are the very incarnation of modern life, which is why they last so long and still perform so very well the tasks for which they were first designed. As I think back on it—toutes proportions gardées— Waterloo did for me what country churches and Baroque cathedrals did for so many poets and artists: it inspired me. And why not? Were not the great glass-and-metal Victorian stations the cathedrals of the age?

I had long planned to write about trains. I suppose in a way I have already done so, at least in part. If there is something distinctive about my version of contemporary European history in Postwar, it is—I believe—the subliminal emphasis on space: a sense of regions, distances, differences, and contrasts within the limited frame of one small subcontinent. I think I came to that sense of space by staring aimlessly out of train windows and inspecting rather more closely the contrasting sights and sounds of the stations where I alighted. My Europe is measured in train time. The easiest way for me to “think” Austria or Belgium is by meandering around the Westbahnhof or the Gare du Midi and reflecting on the experience, not to mention the distances between. This is certainly not the only way to come to grips with a society and a culture, but it works for me.

Perhaps the most dispiriting consequence of my present disease—more depressing even than its practical, daily manifestations—is the awareness that I shall never again ride the rails. This knowledge weighs on me like a leaden blanket, pressing me ever deeper into that gloom-laden sense of an ending that marks the truly terminal disease: the understanding that some things will never be. This absence is more than just the loss of a pleasure, the deprivation of freedom, much less the exclusion of new experiences. Remembering Rilke, it constitutes the very loss of myself—or at least, that better part of myself that most readily found contentment and peace. No more Waterloo, no more rural country halts, no more solitude: no more becoming, just interminable being."

[archived:
https://archive.is/OM330 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2011/01/13/bring-back-rails/">
    <title>Bring Back the Rails! | Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-19T07:00:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2011/01/13/bring-back-rails/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset whose replacement or recovery would be intolerably expensive. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively. If we throw away the railway stations and the lines leading to them—as we began to do in the 1950s and 1960s—we shall be throwing away our memory of how to live the confident civic life. It is not by chance that Margaret Thatcher—who famously declared that “there is no such thing as Society. There are individual men and women, and there are families”—made a point of never traveling by train. If we cannot spend our collective resources on trains and travel contentedly in them it is not because we have joined gated communities and need nothing but private cars to move between them. It will be because we have become gated individuals who don’t know how to share public space to common advantage. The implications of such a loss would far transcend the demise of one system of transport among others. It would mean we had done with modern life."

[archived:
https://archive.is/B21jx

See also:
https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2010/03/11/in-love-with-trains/
https://archive.is/OM330 ]

"Railways have been declining since the 1950s. There had always been competition for the traveler (and, though less marked, for freight). From the 1890s horse-drawn trams and buses, followed a generation later by the electric or diesel or petrol variant, were cheaper to make and run than trains. Lorries (trucks)—the successor to the horse and cart—were always competitive over the short haul. With diesel engines they could now cover long distances. And there were now airplanes and, above all, there were cars: the latter becoming cheaper, faster, safer, more reliable every year.

Even over the longer distances for which it was originally conceived, the railway was at a disadvantage: its start-up and maintenance costs—in surveying, tunneling, laying track, building stations and rolling stock, switching to diesel, installing electrification—were greater than those of its competitors and it never succeeded in paying them off. Mass-produced cars, in contrast, were cheap to build and the roads on which they ran were subsidized by taxpayers. To be sure, they carried a high social overhead cost, notably to the environment; but that would only be paid at a future date. Above all, cars represented the possibility of private travel once again. Rail travel, in what were increasingly open-plan trains whose managers had to fill them in order to break even, was decidedly public transport.

Facing such hurdles, the railway was met after World War II by another challenge. The modern city was born of rail travel. The very possibility of placing millions of people in close proximity with one another, or else transporting them considerable distances from home to work and back, was the achievement of the railways. But in sucking up people from the country into the town and draining the countryside of communities and villages and workers, the train had begun to destroy its own raison d’être: the movement of people between towns and from remote country districts to urban centers. The major facilitator of urbanization, it fell victim to it. Now that the overwhelming majority of nonelective journeys were either very long or very short, it made more sense for people to undertake them in planes or cars. There was still a place for the short-haul, frequently stopping suburban train and, in Europe at least, for middle-distance expresses. But that was all. Even freight transportation was threatened by cheap trucking services, underwritten by the state in the form of publicly funded freeways. Everything else was a losing proposition.

And so railways declined. Private companies, where they still existed, went bankrupt. In many cases they were taken over by newly formed public corporations at public expense. Governments treated railways as a regrettable if unavoidable burden upon the exchequer, restricting their capital investment and closing “uneconomic” lines.

Just how “inexorable” this process had to be varied from place to place. “Market forces” were at their most unforgiving—and railways thus most threatened—in North America, where railway companies reduced their offerings to the minimum in the years after 1960, and in Britain, where in 1964 a national commission under Dr. Richard Beeching axed an extraordinary number of rural and branch lines and services in order to maintain the economic “viability” of British Railways. In both countries the outcome was an unhappy one: America’s bankrupt railways were de facto “nationalized” in the 1970s. Twenty years later, Britain’s railways, in public hands since 1948, were unceremoniously sold off to such private companies as were willing to bid for the most profitable routes and services.

In continental Europe, despite some closures and reductions in services, a culture of public provision and a slower rate of automobile growth preserved most of the railway infrastructure. In most of the rest of the world, poverty and backwardness helped preserve the train as the only practicable form of mass communication. Everywhere, however, railways—the harbingers and emblems of an age of public investment and civic pride—fell victim to a dual loss of faith: in the self-justifying benefits of public services, now displaced by considerations of profitability and competition; and in the physical representation of collective endeavor through urban design, public space, and architectural confidence.

The implications of these changes could be seen, most starkly, in the fate of stations. Between 1955 and 1975 a mix of antihistoricist fashion and corporate self-interest saw the destruction of a remarkable number of terminal stations—precisely those buildings and spaces that had most ostentatiously asserted rail travel’s central place in the modern world. In some cases—Euston (London), the Gare du Midi (Brussels), Penn Station (New York)—the edifice that was demolished had to be replaced in one form or another, because the station’s core people- moving function remained important. In other instances—the Anhalter Bahnhof in Berlin, for example—a classical structure was simply removed and nothing planned for its replacement. In many of these changes, the actual station was moved underground and out of sight, while the visible building—no longer expected to serve any uplifting civic purpose—was demolished and replaced by an anonymous commercial center or office building or recreation center; or all three. Penn Station—or its near contemporary, the monstrously anonymous Gare Montparnasse in Paris—is perhaps the most notorious case in point.

The urban vandalism of the age was not confined to railway stations, of course, but they (along with the services they used to provide, such as hotels, restaurants, or cinemas) were by far its most prominent victim. And a symbolically appropriate victim, too: an underperforming, market-insensitive relic of high modern values. It should be noted, however, that rail travel itself did not decline, at least in quantity: even as railway stations lost their charm and their symbolic public standing, the number of people actually using them continued to rise. This was of course especially the case in poor, crowded lands where there were no realistic alternatives—India being the best illustration but by no means the only one.

Indeed, despite underinvestment and a degree of intercaste social promiscuity that renders them unappealing to the country’s new professionals, the railways and stations of India, like those of much of the non-Western world (e.g., China, Malaysia, or even European Russia), probably have a secure future. Countries that did not benefit from the rise of the internal combustion engine in the mid-twentieth-century age of cheap oil would find it prohibitively expensive to reproduce American or British experience in the twenty-first century.

The future of railways, a morbidly grim topic until very recently, is of more than passing interest. It is also quite promising. The aesthetic insecurities of the first post–World War II decades—the “New Brutalism” that favored and helped expedite the destruction of many of the greatest achievements of nineteenth-century public architecture and town planning—have passed. We are no longer embarrassed by the rococo or neo-Gothic or Beaux Arts excesses of the great railway stations of the industrial age and can see such edifices instead as their designers and contemporaries saw them: as the cathedrals of their age, to be preserved for their sake and for ours. The Gare du Nord and the Gare d’Orsay in Paris; Grand Central Station in New York and Union Station in St. Louis; St. Pancras in London; Keleti Station in Budapest; and dozens of others have all been preserved and even enhanced: some in their original function, others in a mixed role as travel and commercial centers, others still as civic monuments and cultural mementoes.

Such stations, in many cases, are livelier and more important to their communities than they have been at any time since the 1930s. True, they may never again be fully appreciated in the role they were designed to serve—as dramatic entrance portals to modern cities—if only because most people who use them connect from tube to train, from underground taxi rank to platform escalator, and never even see the building from the outside or from a distance, as it was meant to be seen. But millions do use them. The modern city is now so large, so far-flung—and so crowded and expensive—that even the better-heeled have resorted to public transport once again, if only for commuting. More than at any point since the late 1940s, our cities rely for their survival upon the train.

The cost of oil—effectively stagnant from the 1950s through the 1990s (allowing for crisis-driven fluctuations)—is now steadily rising and unlikely ever to fall back to the level at which unrestricted car travel becomes economically viable again. The logic of the suburb, incontrovertible with oil at $1 a gallon, is thus placed in question. Air travel, unavoidable for long-haul journeys, is now inconvenient and expensive over medium distances: and in Western Europe and Japan the train is both a pleasanter and a faster alternative. The environmental advantages of the modern train are now very considerable, both technically and politically. An electrically powered rail system, like its companion light-rail or tram system within cities, can run on any convertible fuel source whether conventional or innovative, from nuclear power to solar power. For the foreseeable future this gives it a unique advantage over every other form of powered transportation.

It is not by chance that public infrastructural investment in rail travel has been growing for the past two decades everywhere in Western Europe and through much of Asia and Latin America (exceptions include Africa, where such investment is anyway still negligible, and the US, where the concept of public funding of any kind remains grievously underappreciated). In very recent years railway buildings are no longer buried in obscure subterranean vaults, their function and identity ingloriously hidden under a bushel of office buildings. The new, publicly funded stations at Lyon, Seville, Chur (Switzerland), Kowloon, or London Waterloo International assert and celebrate their restored prominence, both architectural and civic, and are increasingly the work of innovative major architects like Santiago Calatrava or Rem Koolhaas.

Why this unanticipated revival? The explanation can be put in the form of a counterfactual: it is possible (and in many places today actively under consideration) to imagine public policy mandating a steady reduction in the nonnecessary use of private cars and trucks. It is possible, however hard to visualize, that air travel could become so expensive and/or unappealing that its attraction for people undertaking nonessential journeys will steadily diminish. But it is simply not possible to envision any conceivable modern, urban-based economy shorn of its subways, its tramways, its light rail and suburban networks, its rail connections, and its intercity links.

We no longer see the modern world through the image of the train, but we continue to live in the world the trains made. For any trip under ten miles or between 150 and 500 miles in any country with a functioning railway network, the train is the quickest way to travel as well as, taking all costs into account, the cheapest and least destructive. What we thought was late modernity—the post-railway world of cars and planes—turns out, like so much else about the decades 1950–1990, to have been a parenthesis: driven, in this case, by the illusion of perennially cheap fuel and the attendant cult of privatization. The attractions of a return to “social” calculation are becoming as clear to modern planners as they once were, for rather different reasons, to our Victorian predecessors. What was, for a while, old-fashioned has once again become very modern.

The Railway and Modern Life

Ever since the invention of trains, and because of it, travel has been the symbol and symptom of modernity: trains—along with bicycles, buses, cars, motorcycles, and airplanes—have been exploited in art and commerce as the sign and proof of a society’s presence at the forefront of change and innovation. In most cases, however, the invocation of a particular form of transport as the emblem of novelty and contemporaneity was a one-time thing. Bicycles were “new” just once, in the 1890s. Motorbikes were “new” in the 1920s, for Fascists and Bright Young Things (ever since they have been evocatively “retro”). Cars (like planes) were “new” in the Edwardian decade and again, briefly, in the 1950s; since then and at other times they have indeed stood for many qualities—reliability, prosperity, conspicuous consumption, freedom—but not “modernity” per se.

Trains are different. Trains were already modern life incarnate by the 1840s—hence their appeal to “modernist” painters. They were still performing that role in the age of the great cross-country expresses of the 1890s. Nothing was more ultra-modern than the new, streamlined superliners that graced the neoexpressionist posters of the 1930s. Electrified tube trains were the idols of modernist poets after 1900, in the same way that the Japanese Shinkansen and the French TGV are the very icons of technological wizardry and high comfort at 190 mph today. Trains, it would seem, are perennially modern—even if they slip from sight for a while. Much the same applies to railway stations. The petrol “station” of the early trunk road is an object of nostalgic affection when depicted or remembered today, but it has been constantly replaced by functionally updated variations and in its original form survives only in nostalgic recall. Airports typically (and irritatingly) survive well past the onset of aesthetic or functional obsolescence; but no one would wish to preserve them for their own sake, much less suppose that an airport built in 1930 or even 1960 could be of use or interest today.

But railway stations built a century or even a century and a half ago—Paris’s Gare de l’Est (1852), London’s Paddington Station (1854), Bombay’s Victoria Station (1887), Zurich’s Hauptbahnhof (1893)—not only appeal aesthetically and are increasingly objects of affection and admiration: they work. And more to the point, they work in ways fundamentally identical to the way they worked when they were first built. This is a testament to the quality of their design and construction, of course; but it also speaks to their perennial contemporaneity. They do not become “out of date.” They are not an adjunct to modern life, or part of it, or a byproduct of it. Stations, like the railway they punctuate, are integral to the modern world itself.

We often find ourselves asserting or assuming that the distinctive feature of modernity is the individual: the unreducible subject, the freestanding person, the unbound self, the unbeholden citizen. This modern individual is commonly and favorably contrasted with the dependent, deferential, unfree subject of the pre-modern world. There is something in this version of things, of course; just as there is something in the accompanying idea that modernity is also a story of the modern state, with its assets, its capacities, and its ambitions. But taken all in all, it is, nevertheless, a mistake—and a dangerous mistake. The truly distinctive feature of modern life—the one with which we lose touch at our peril—is neither the unattached individual nor the unconstrained state. It is what comes in between them: society. More precisely civil—or (as the nineteenth century had it) bourgeois—society.

The railways were and remain the necessary and natural accompaniment to the emergence of civil society. They are a collective project for individual benefit. They cannot exist without common accord (and, in recent times, common expenditure), and by design they offer a practical benefit to individual and collectivity alike. This is something the market cannot accomplish—except, on its own account of itself, by happy inadvertence. Railways were not always environmentally sensitive—though in overall pollution costs it is not clear that the steam engine did more harm than its internally combusted competitor—but they were and had to be socially responsive. That is one reason why they were not very profitable.

If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset whose replacement or recovery would be intolerably expensive. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively. If we throw away the railway stations and the lines leading to them—as we began to do in the 1950s and 1960s—we shall be throwing away our memory of how to live the confident civic life. It is not by chance that Margaret Thatcher—who famously declared that “there is no such thing as Society. There are individual men and women, and there are families”—made a point of never traveling by train. If we cannot spend our collective resources on trains and travel contentedly in them it is not because we have joined gated communities and need nothing but private cars to move between them. It will be because we have become gated individuals who don’t know how to share public space to common advantage. The implications of such a loss would far transcend the demise of one system of transport among others. It would mean we had done with modern life.

—This is the second part of a two-part essay."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thebaffler.com/latest/stop-building-now-de-graaf">
    <title>Stop Building Now! | Reinier de Graaf</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-17T16:32:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/latest/stop-building-now-de-graaf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Rising home prices are not the result of scarcity"

...

"Back to the question posed at the beginning of this: Do we need new buildings? The assumption that building more homes automatically leads to more affordable homes is increasingly being proven false. Rising house prices are not the result of scarcity. In Western Europe, where the housing crisis is high on the political agenda, most countries have had stable populations and housing stocks for more than twenty years. In countries where the population has grown, the housing stock has grown proportionally, and in some cases even outstripped population growth. In the UK, the massive increase in housing costs has even coincided with a growth in the amount of surplus housing. The UK also belies the explanation that the rise in housing costs is the result of reduced social housing stock: despite the mass sell-off of council housing since the 1980s, the percentage of socially rented dwellings is still nearly double the EU average.

Rising house prices in the UK are not the result of under-supply, but of policies that have actively encouraged prices to rise. Until the 1980s, private rents in the UK had been capped and regulated by law. Thatcher’s government changed all that. To attract capital, the rental market was deregulated, causing rents to rise and boost property values as a whole. In 2023, the real estate sector accounted for more than 13 percent of the UK’s total gross value added, two-thirds of that coming from housing. Housing-based wealth is meanwhile central to the UK economy, described by some as the country’s closest thing to a national industry.

The trend has come to apply in most European countries. Real estate is the prime business of virtually every major city in Europe. In the race between value and price, the population is both the greatest beneficiary and the greatest victim. The rise in value of one property is annulled by an even sharper rise in price of the next. And that is for those lucky enough to own property. The “richer” the city, the smaller the living space those on a median income can afford, if they can afford to live there at all . . .

Building more homes in the hope of driving down prices is proving a logic in reverse. We are building more than ever, and yet more homes do not lead to more affordable homes. It is time to recognize that we face not a housing crisis but an affordability crisis. Mistaking one for the other consistently forces us into a vicious cycle: to tackle the crisis, we build new homes; these too prove unaffordable, leading us to build yet more in turn.

More than a means to provide shelter, construction serves as a lucrative means of investment. It would be naive to expect the private parties who make their money from building our homes to go against their own interests by reducing prices. But does the same need to apply to architects? Too often architecture serves as a fig leaf for financial returns. Don’t be fooled: speculative developers do not hire architects because they are so fond of their work, but because their involvement helps them secure the necessary approvals for large development quantums. Who could argue with culture?

No longer should architects allow their work to be abused in this way. Let’s refuse to play ball and see what happens; abstain from planning and designing new buildings until the conditions have fundamentally changed. There are plenty of alternatives. The days when projects started from a tabula rasa are long gone. Few proposed building sites have no existing buildings, or existing structures of some sort. We could start by opposing their demolition and spending our creative energies inventing new ways in which existing environments could have a second (third, fourth or fifth) lease of life. Let’s not waste our time on new buildings until we run out of existing ones. The present wave of construction has nothing to do with housing the masses. Stop building, and the dirty secret will expose itself."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thisiscolossal.com/2026/03/isamu-noguchi-animated-unbuilt-playgrounds/">
    <title>An Animated Look at Noguchi's Experimental Playgrounds That Were Never Built — Colossal</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T20:30:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thisiscolossal.com/2026/03/isamu-noguchi-animated-unbuilt-playgrounds/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“I think of playgrounds as a primer of shapes and functions; simple, mysterious and evocative; thus educational,” Isamu Noguchi said in a pamphlet about his Playscapes. Perhaps best known for his stone sculptures and Akari lamps, the Japanese artist and designer always had an eye on the spaces that define childhood, particularly public playgrounds and their influence on the young mind.

In 1933, Noguchi proposed redeveloping an entire New York City block into “Play Mountain,” an enormous topographical project that would be unstructured and open-ended. Rather than have swings and swift metal slides, for example, Noguchi wanted earthen steps, a bandshell, and a large hill for sledding and gathering. The idea was that it could be just as fun in the winter as in the summer and stimulate kids’ imaginations more than the prescriptive equipment typical in urban parks. Then-Parks Commissioner Robert Moses rejected the plan, though, and despite efforts to have the project and others of Noguchi’s designs built in New York, none were ever realized in the city.

[embed: notes below]

"A series of short animations recreates this lesser-known history. Using hand-painted celluloid under a Rostrum camera, Eastend Western imagines what these never-built playgrounds would have looked like—and how children may have interacted with the unconventional structures. There are concrete mounds with cavernous openings, labyrinthine sand gardens, and asymmetrical equipment that could teach users that “the rate of swing is determined by the length of the pendulum,” the film says.

The animations were produced in conjunction with the exhibition Noguchi’s New York, which is on view through September 13 at The Noguchi Museum. There’s also a new monograph that dives into the artist’s playgrounds and is a companion to a major retrospective at the High Museum of Art, available for pre-order on Bookshop. Find the full film series on YouTube."

[embed notes:

playlist:

"Noguchi's New York — Animated Playgrounds (2026) - YouTube"
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLjjwFd0wbYEi2PcyVJJR8B3Us2k27aetX

"Eastend Western presents five animated films entirely hand painted over 1,800 celluloids, inspired by Isamu Noguchi's unrealized playground proposals for the city of New York. They were produced as part of the exhibition ‘Noguchi’s New York', curated by Kate Wiener, and on display February 4 — September 13, 2026 at the Noguchi Museum."

The playlist contains the following short animations.

"Play Mountain 1933 — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tRtr6kc_hhM

"Noguchi’s first major proposal for New York City was Play Mountain (1933), an ultimately unrealized design for a mountain playground meant to occupy a full city block or a section of Central Park. Replete with graded steps for climbing, a water slide, a slope for sledding in winter, a bandshell, and an indoor family center, Play Mountain was envisioned as a multifunctional landscape for open-ended play, exploration, and gathering. This animated film imagines how kids would have interacted with Play Mountain on a snowy day.

This film was entirely hand painted on celluloid and captured under a rostrum camera.

Directed by Nicolas Ménard & Jack Cunningham, Eastend Western

Produced as part of the exhibition ‘Noguchi’s New York'
The Noguchi Museum
February 4 — September 13, 2026
Curated by Kate Wiener, Noguchi Museum Curator

https://www.noguchi.org/museum/exhibitions/view/noguchis-new-york/

Composer: James Hatley
Animator: Isaac Holland
Painting Assistants: Laura N-Tamara, Laurence Thérien"

"Playground Equipment 1940 — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XDFV6xOKhxw

"In 1941, Noguchi presented the New York City Parks Department with newly designed models for “playground equipment,” which he had initially conceived for a park in Hawaii. He hoped these playable sculptures would be both fun and educational—the multiple-length swings, for instance, could teach a child that “the rate of swing is determined by the length of the pendulum.” Although these designs were more in line with the conventional playgrounds promoted by Parks Commissioner Robert Moses, they were still deemed too experimental and potentially dangerous. This animated film explores how Noguchi used lines and solid shapes as building blocks for his sculptures' graphic language."

"Contoured Playground 1941 — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3pg0w_ssEh4&list=PLjjwFd0wbYEi2PcyVJJR8B3Us2k27aetX&index=4

"In defiant response to the New York City Parks Department’s rejection of his “playground equipment,” which they considered too experimental and potentially dangerous, Noguchi conceived of Contoured Playground (1941). He considered this playable landscape “made entirely of earth modulations” to be “fail-proof for the simple reason that there was nothing to fall off.” Noguchi envisioned children freely exploring Contoured Playground’s mounds and depressions without explicit instructions, empowered to “confront the earth as perhaps early man confronted it.” A photograph of the model shows that Noguchi also experimented with adding play equipment including a seesaw, swing set, and climbable tree. Although there was some initial interest in placing Noguchi’s proposal in Central Park, the outbreak of World War II arrested any progress. After the war, Noguchi continued lobbying Moses to consider Contoured Playground, but to no avail. This animated film is a poetic investigation of Noguchi's vision, a journey from a moon-like landscape to the middle of the city."

"United Nations Playground 1951-52 — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aHffNz0djyY

"In 1951, Noguchi attempted to construct a playground on the New York City campus of the United Nations Headquarters. Working with architect Julian Whittlesey, Noguchi designed a wonderland of mounds, tunnels, caves, slides, and climbing structures for open-ended exploration. Although outside funds had been raised, United Nations officials ultimately caved to pressure to kill the project from Parks Commissioner Robert Moses, who was acting as a liaison between the UN and the city. This animated film explores different angles of some of the most interesting elements from that playground."

"Riverside Playground 1961-65 — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B-7yk1znFBM

"Over the course of five years, Noguchi worked with architect Louis Kahn on designs for a four-block sculptural landscape for Riverside Park. Kahn and Noguchi devised plans for a subterranean community center surrounded by sculptural elements for congregation, exploration, and play, including triangular steps, a maze-like sand garden, an amphitheater, a slide mountain, and a band of concrete play sculptures. The project progressively shrunk in scale as they tried to appease demands from the City Art Commission, the Parks Department, and local community members, some of whom vehemently opposed what they saw as a desecration of parkland. By 1965, Noguchi was the closest he would ever come to fulfilling his decades-long dream of sculpting a playground for the city. Blueprints were drawn, funds secured, and a city contract signed, but the project ultimately fell through. Half the budget was promised from the city, and between a taxpayers’ lawsuit and objections from incoming mayor John V. Lindsay, who had vowed to address New York’s fiscal problems, plans were abandoned. Noguchi would later lament, “My best things have never been built.” This animated film offers a bird's-eye overview of parts of his original plan."

"Post Credit Scene — Noguchi's New York Animations"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vWVkgsXxGik

"Drinking tea with the kids as they rest from a full day of playground activities, by the soft glow of Noguchi's Akari light sculptures."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics">
    <title>The Limitations of Partisan Politics - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T02:08:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I don’t vote.

As I explained to Nick Gillespie, I stopped voting as I transitioned into social science. Putting on a jersey and rooting for a team was messing up my work (and that of my peers), so I decided to take a step back from participation in horseraces (although I still vote for ballot initiatives, etc.).

What I told Nick was true. But, perhaps, it wasn’t the whole truth. If I’m being fully honest, another part of my reason for abstaining was the growing realization that, when the chips are down, and the rubber meets the road, the Democratic Party is basically useless. Often, in fact, they’re a big part of the problem. This reality shone through clearly to me while researching my book.

The core puzzle We Have Never Been Woke tries to grapple with is that, from the beginning of our professions, symbolic capitalists have defined ourselves in terms of altruism and serving the common good. We have higher pay, prestige and autonomy than most other workers in America. We have a lot more cultural and political influence too. We have consistently insisted that it’s necessary to preserve and enhance these benefits – not for our own sake, but to empower us to help everyone in society, including and especially the least among us.

In terms of moral and political affiliations, the slice of Americans that are most likely to self-identify as antiracists, feminists, environmentalists or allies to LGBTQ people are also the same slice of society that dominates the symbolic professions. Symbolic capitalists overwhelmingly self-identify as “liberal,” “progressive,” or “left.” We vote overwhelmingly and increasingly for the Democratic Party.

Given how we tend to define ourselves, what one might expect is that as more wealth and power was consolidated in our hands, we’d see longstanding social problems getting ameliorated, inequalities would shrink, social tensions would be eased thanks to the adjudication of experts who make decisions based on “the facts” and “merit,” and we’d see growing trust in institutions because of all the great work we’re doing. This is what previous generations of symbolic capitalists promised would happen – and it’s a story we continue to tell.

Over the last 50 years, there were significant changes to the global socioeconomic order that radically enhanced the affluence and influence of symbolic capitalists relative to everyone else in society. However, the results from this transition are very far from what we promised. We see growing inequalities. Longstanding social problems have festered and, in some cases, grown worse. We see growing affective polarization and mistrust in institutions. The core puzzle the book is trying to work through is, “what went wrong here?” Why is it that the world we inhabit is so far from the world we promised?

Of course, symbolic capitalists recognize that the world we live in is very far from what we ostensibly hope for. We have stories we like to tell ourselves about why this is the case. Ultimately, these stories tend to boil down to two villains: “the millionaires and the billionaires” and “those damn Republicans.” In a previous post, I addressed the “blame the actual capitalists,” narrative at length. Here, I want to address the deficiencies of the partisan political narrative we gravitate towards."

...

"A desire for peace, order, and non-confrontation dominates the academy. Higher ed institutions, in general, are full of people who are risk averse and conformist. People who fall into “leadership” roles are often the most quiescent of all – allowing themselves to get steamrolled by PR teams and lawyers into servile postures, offering limp and half-hearted defenses of the academy and its mission, when they are offered at all. And to their credit, they recognize this about themselves: most university presidents acknowledge they have done a poor job responding to declining faith in their institutions and the accompanying efforts to impose reforms from the outside.

Small wonder the public doesn’t trust academia! Not only are we apparently unable or unwilling to address stakeholders’ concerns, we also seem incapable of effectively communicating our own value in society in the face of adversaries who are out to gut our institutions.

Now is the time to dispense with both of these tendencies. We need to be more explicit about addressing ways our institutions are not, in fact, representing and serving large swaths of America. However, we also need to be more muscular about pushing back against false narratives, asserting our value to society, and defending our institutions from inappropriate forms of political interference.

Institutional neutrality, now the rage, is no shield for cowardice. The Kalven Report, the foundational document of the institutional neutrality movement, emphasizes, “From time to time instances will arise in which the society, or segments of it, threaten the very mission of the university and its values of free inquiry. In such a crisis, it becomes the obligation of the university as an institution to oppose such measures and actively to defend its interests and its values.”

We find ourselves in such a moment now.

If, in this moment, faculty refuse to make use of the rights and freedoms we have, then it doesn’t matter if they’re stripped away, and they will be. If “academic freedom,” “free speech,” and “viewpoint diversity” organizations have nothing to say to this illiberalism, or even support these moves, they’re worse than useless. If university leaders cannot muster the strength or conviction to decline to follow unlawful and unethical orders and challenge these actions in the courts, then they should resign in disgrace or be pushed out. If we, as a collective, cannot and will not stand against this overreach and defend ourselves in public -- then we deserve what we get. But others do not deserve to suffer from our failure. And so, we must not fail.

Critically, any resistance to the administration’s illiberal policies, or defense of our institutions and their mission – these must not be framed in banal partisan terms. This is not just a matter of effective praxis (to prevent further polarization and resentment), it’s also a matter of respecting the truth. Again, we got here through bipartisan political actions. Moreover, the chronic failures of our own professions and institutional leaders provided fodder for the “populist” forces now aligned against us. We’ll only get out of this predicament by engaging with those who are currently skeptical of, or alienated from, our institutions – by acknowledging and constructively responding to their concerns.

More broadly, it’s critical for symbolic capitalists to understand that “voting blue no matter who” is not really a solution to the social problems we express concern about. Some of the places where these problems are most pronounced are symbolic economy hubs where Democrats exercise uncontested rule. And when there’s a lot on the line, and it’s critical for the party to have a backbone and take decisive action, you can bank on the Democratic Party to instead make things worse or, at best, to engage in purely sterile forms of #Resistance.

As I detail in Chapter 4 of We Have Never Been Woke, symbolic capitalists are more likely to vote and support political campaigns than almost any other block of the U.S. electorate. However, we tend to overrate voting as a means of addressing social problems. It’s convenient to think that we just show up to the ballot box every couple of years, pull the lever for the “blue” candidate, and we’ve fulfilled our obligations to social justice. But that simply isn’t the way the world works.

We can look to the areas Democrats control with one-party rule to recognize the limitations of partisan politics for addressing social problems. Those limitations are severe."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lifepod.transistor.fm/">
    <title>Lifepod</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-28T00:55:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lifepod.transistor.fm/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The podcast about taking care of ourselves in a world on fire, hosted by Adam Greenfield."

[Intro episode description:

"Host Adam Greenfield welcomes you to Lifepod with an overview of the show’s themes and central concerns, rooted in his book “Lifehouse: Taking Care of Ourselves in a World On Fire” (Verso, 2024). In this episode, we consider the Occupy Sandy mutual-aid effort in New York City in 2012, and what it might have to teach us about surviving our era of climate-system collapse with values of dignity, invitationality and justice intact."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>adamgreenfield via:javierarbona podcasts mutualiad climate climatechange dignity justice nyc 2012 occupysandy survival</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uXo0efnN6W4">
    <title>Butter Tea - New Tibetan Short Film (Losar 2026) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-24T06:16:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uXo0efnN6W4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BUTTER TEA
From writer/director Tenzin Tasur and starring Tenzin Phurpatsang and Dhamchoe.

In a small Tibetan cafe in Queens, a cup of butter tea becomes a bridge between generations.

Filmed at Ngatso Cafe, Queens, New York

Festival Screenings & Awards
• Official Selection: New York Short Film Festival 2025 (U.S. Premiere)
• Short Film Competition Audience Award Winner: Tibet Film Festival Zurich 2025 (European Premiere)

Full film streaming free on YouTube starting February 17, just in time to watch for Losar, the Tibetan New Year.

Follow @exiledprophet on Instagram
Visit tenzintasur.com"

[via:
https://kottke.org/26/02/butter-tea ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>buttertea tenzintasur tenzinphurpatsang dhamchoe tibert queens nyc film 2026</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/street-as-survey-and-method">
    <title>Street as Survey and Method - Beautiful Eccentrics</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T22:46:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/street-as-survey-and-method</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/no-thats-not-what-the-research-says">
    <title>No, That's Not What &quot;the Research&quot; Says About Exam Schools</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-18T02:00:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/no-thats-not-what-the-research-says</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>freddiedeboer schools schooling education testing pedagogy teaching howweteach 2026 jessicawinter inequality giftedandtalented publicschools atilaabdulkadiroğlu joshuaangrist paragpathak meritocracy nyc examschools china selectivity standardizedtesting douglasdetterman edunihilism sociaslmobility intelligence elitism patronage data egalitarianism charterschools sat enrollment admissions us achievement gpa nepotism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XAP93zdUw1o">
    <title>Ramón Grosfoguel - ¿Qué significa ser &quot;latino&quot; en EE.UU. hoy? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T23:06:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XAP93zdUw1o</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["¿"Latino" es una identidad cultural, una etiqueta lingüística o una categoría racial construida por el poder imperial? En esta intervención, Ramón Grosfoguel desmonta las lecturas simplistas sobre "lo latino" en EE.UU. y explica cómo operan las clasificaciones raciales, el blanqueamiento y la asimilación dentro de las estructuras de dominación."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ramóngrosfoguel latinidad latinos race language 2026 badbunny us whiteness chile argentina cuba puertorico latinamerica ethnicity domincanrepublic nyc whitening florida haiti racism immigration mexico elsalvador centralamerica colonialism colonization heterogeneity spanish español racialization migration</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:375f6be92d95/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/extreme-inequality-presages-the-revolt-against-it/">
    <title>Extreme Inequality Presages The Revolt Against It</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T07:46:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/extreme-inequality-presages-the-revolt-against-it/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Even the Davos elites are reading the tea leaves."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 inequality billionaires wealth gildedage eattherich zohranmamdani nyc california larryfink blackrock gdp economics revolution globalization ai artificialintelligence sergeybrin elonmusk larrypage siliconvalley texas florida gavinnewsom taxes taxation society us policy redistrivution capiralgains</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:4331d00fe129/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_368VEbekJM">
    <title>Living in De La Soul’s D.A.I.S.Y. Age with Hanif Abdurraqib and Austin McCoy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-04T04:02:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_368VEbekJM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:

"Austin McCoy's Living in De La Soul’s D.A.I.S.Y. Age with Hanif Abdurraqib" (Everything Else with J & Friends)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ItM3Vi7kP2c ]

"This is a discussion of the book Living in a D.A.I.S.Y. Age: The Music, Culture, and World De La Soul Made, where Austin McCoy explores how De La Soul not only defined a new era of hip-hop, but also American and Black culture at the same time. Through his eyes, ears, and well-studied recall of ‘80s, ‘90s, and 2000s America, McCoy takes us on a journey through the world this innovative musical act made.

https://massivebookshop.com/products/9781668047941?_pos=1&_sid=6cc99c572&_ss=r

Hanif Abdurraqib is a poet, essayist, and cultural critic from Columbus, Ohio. His bestselling and award-winning books include Go Ahead in the Rain: Notes to A Tribe Called Quest, They Can’t Kill Us Until They Kill Us, A Little Devil in America: In Praise of Black Performance, and There’s Always This Year: On Basketball and Ascension, and poetry collections A Fortune for your Disaster and The Crown Ain’t Worth Much. We’ve previous hosted Hanif for multiple conversations about his work, including a dialogue between him and Fred Moten.

Austin McCoy is an assistant professor of history at West Virginia University, specializing in African American History, labor history, social movements, and hip-hop culture. Dr. McCoy's research interests focus on African American history, the U.S. left, labor and political economy, and social movements and activism. In addition to this book, he has a current manuscript project, tentatively titled, The Quest for Democracy: Black Power, New Left, and Progressive Politics in the Post-Industrial Midwest revises conventional explanations emphasizing the separation and decline of Black Power and the New Left in the U.S. during the 1970s and 1980s. We previously discussed Austin’s piece, “Disorganize the State': The Black Workers Congress’s Visions of Abolition-Democracy in the 1970’s.”

Previous episodes with Hanif Abdurraqib and Austin McCoy (from MAKC):

“We Cannot Work Under These Conditions” - Austin McCoy on the Radical Vision of the Black Workers Congress: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Iox300c7ac

Hanif Abdurraqib & Fred Moten - "Building a Stairway to Get Us Closer to Something Beyond this Place"
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/hanif-abdurraqib-fred-moten-building-a-stairway-to-get-us-closer-to-something-beyond-this-place

"I Am Not The Person You Remember" - In Memoriam Of MF DOOM with Hanif Abdurraqib
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/i-am-not-the-person-you-remember-in-memoriam-of-mf-doom-with-hanif-abdurraqib

"Community Is An Intentional Act" - Hanif Abdurraqib
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/community-is-an-intentional-act-hanif-abdurraqib

There's Always This Year - On Basketball and Ascension with Hanif Abdurraqib
https://www.youtube.com/live/YNWrle5BdWs

Hanif Abdurraqib on Palestine, Islamophobia & Manufacturing Consent
https://www.youtube.com/live/wC-MNaJzz70 "

[See also:

"Growing Up De La Soul with Austin McCoy"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jpiu0kHZuZ0

which is also here

"Living in a D.A.I.S.Y. Age: The Music, Culture, and World De La Soul Made with Austin McCoy "
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9NJlAOKjMws

"This is the second part of our discussion with Austin McCoy on his new book 'Living in a D.A.I.S.Y. Age: The Music, Culture, and World De La Soul Made.'

On Tuesday we released our first conversation about this book in which Hanif Abdurraqib joined Austin and me to talk about De La Soul and McCoy's new book: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ItM3Vi7kP2c

In this conversation Austin talks more about the methodology he takes in writing about De La Soul's music, the context it was produced in, and its impact on him growing up. We also explore some of the themes of the book, including healthcare, capitalism, racism, and De La Soul's ethical commitments. We also talk about the "split" between them and Prince Paul, and how Austin thinks about the legacy of De La Soul's less famous 21st century work in relation to their albums of the 80s and 90s."]]]></description>
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    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/why-the-us-cant-have-nice-things-a6d">
    <title>Why the US can't have nice things, part 2</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-10T20:43:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/why-the-us-cant-have-nice-things-a6d</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Or a small travel tale"

...

"[image: "My Sofia Subway. I love the colors!"]

Thursday morning I woke in downtown Sofia, leisurely drank my coffee, and jumped on the metro that took me directly to the airport. In less than an hour I was at the gate for my flight to Germany, where I transferred to the JFK-bound Lufthansa.

If all went well, I’d land at 8:30 p.m., clear passport control, and be in Port Authority1 in time to get the last bus (11 p.m.) upstate, so I could be in my own bed a little after midnight2.

All I needed to do that was for the flight to land on time, and passport control to take under an hour and a half.

The first happened, the second didn’t even come close. To describe Terminal One passport control Thursday night as a shitshow is unfair to shitshows, which are at least darkly entertaining. This was instead bureaucratic hell: lines of exhausted travelers snaking out into dreary linoleum hallways, festooned with disconcerting and anachronistic cheery posters welcoming us to NY, all managed by TSA employees, who, while trying their best, were in over their heads.

It took close to an hour to even reach the main hall, and then another hour shuffling slowly like a broken army to the ten or so border security agents. It wasn’t until well after ten p.m. that I was done, so I went with my fallback plan of crashing at a friend’s house in the Rockaways, via the AirTrain and the A train3.

After a few hours of sleep, I got up to take the 4:39 a.m. A train to Port Authority, to catch the first bus home (7 a.m.).

The train, to its credit, since it was near the terminus, was on time.

But it was filthy and mostly empty, except for three or four homeless guys per car sleeping/passed-out, so the dozen of us waiting chose our seats carefully, positioning ourselves as close to each other (for safety) and as far away from the sprawled out guys and their piles of trash, puddles of urine, and other liquids spotting the floor.

At each subsequent stop the train slowly filled, until it was standing room only, with everyone crowded together trying not to deal with the guys sprawled out taking up five plus seats.

I was seemingly the only person on the train who didn’t have to take the early train, the only person “slumming it.” All the other riders were coming from late shifts or going to early shifts, carrying their tool bags, hard hats, work lanyards, gym bags of work clothes, but all of us were united in fatigue and quiet frustration with the squalor and passed out guys taking up so much space.

Including lots of women loaded down with bags of Christmas gifts and groceries, who clustered in the rare spots that weren't too gross, where they didn't feel too threatened.

After about ten stops another guy, coated in old vomit, and carrying a cane, his pants down to near his knees, came on, and went up to each sleeping/passed-out guy and hit them on the legs, and yelled at them to "move on, give rest of us some space," or something like that.

Everyone pretended it wasn't happening, hoping it wouldn’t go south, focusing instead on the floor or their phones.

And nothing “bad” did happen (this time), beyond a few raised voices and shouts, and some pantomime air punches. By a little after six I was standing in Port Authority (there are no seats in Port Authority, which is another story) waiting for my bus home.

This wasn’t a big deal for me, especially the long passport control line. While I really wish the US, and JFK in particular, would smooth out their system and bring it up to global standards, flying internationally is still a luxury, and complaining about it can be a bit elitist.4

[image: "Every subway station in Korea has clean bathrooms"]

This particular subway ride also wasn’t a big deal, at least for me, since nothing really bad happened, and once again, I don’t have to take the subway. I have the cash to opt out of the whole AirTrain to subway to bus home thing. I also have the cash, and resources to get TSA global entry.

I don’t do either because the reason I travel as I do, besides being a lazy cheapskate, is I’m not trying to remove myself from the average experience. I’m trying to see, and understand a little, the world as most people see and understand the world.

And the lesson from my last travel day home is, the US, and especially NYC5, is broken. Especially compared to the rest of the world, especially considering our wealth.

Having garbage-strewn subways that effectively serve as mobile homeless shelters and mental intuitions, is no way to run a subway system, or a city. It isn’t fair to anyone, especially the riders, who don't have the money to not take the subway.

It also isn’t fair to the homeless, who are being encouraged (or at least not discouraged) to sleep and hang on crowded trains, maximizing the chances that really bad stuff happens, both from them and to them. The Daniel Penny Jordan Neely case is a perfect example of this.

It is like we are creating the perfect conditions for a nasty backlash against addiction, mental illness, and homelessness.

[image: "Istanbul’s system is also fantastic"]

I’ve written many times over about how jarring it is to come home from trips overseas, often from much poorer places, like in this case Bulgaria, where the subways and buses, and other public spaces and resources, are cleaner, safer, and nicer. Where workers simply wanting to get to their jobs don’t have to deal with navigating the mentally ill, addicted, and desperate.

I don’t know what the long term solution is. For the passport control, there are policy changes that can be made to “fix” it. Yet, as I’ve written before about why the US can’t have nice things, we have much bigger cultural problems.

A functional public transit system that’s safe, clean, and effective, is a fundamental and essential nice thing. Especially for the US, where our larger cities are basically two tiered, with a wealthy downtown professional class that relies on inexpensive labor with long commutes (without the resources to drive) who work early/late shifts.

Ride a NYC subway from the outer boroughs at 4 a.m., and you’ll see it’s jammed with overnight construction workers, office custodial crews, nannies, restaurant staff, hotel employees, etc. The “help” coming into and out of the city.

The recent decline in the subway system hits them the hardest, as almost everything bad that happens in the city does. They can’t pay money to hide from the changes.

We are now firmly a low-trust society, and that’s especially dangerous because social trust impacts everything. Every facet of life, and it can’t simply be legislated back. You can’t “fix” culture through a few house bills, because it isn’t just a top down problem, but a pervasive all encompassing thing.

Social trust is also extraordinary important to maintain, because like a ratchet wheel, once it comes undone, it spins quickly out of control, and getting it wound back is a long, arduous, and complex process, that requires moving it tighter one painful ratchet at a time.

Right now in the US, the social trust ratchet wheel has come completely undone.

Let’s hope we can stop it from spinning too much further out of control, but given all I’ve seen in my travels both here and overseas, I’m not particularly hopeful of that, because the first step is realizing something is wrong, and right now a lot of the US seems determined to deny we have a problem, one Uber at a time and one “that’s someone else’s issue” at a time.

[Footnotes]

1 - It takes a little over an hour to get to Port Authority from JFK via AirTrain, and then the A or E.

2 - I don’t check bags, because I never check bags, because I travel light. Like everyone should, if they can.

3 - The AirTrain at Terminal one is under construction, so I had to ride it to another terminal, to then change to the Howard Beach bound train, where I could catch an A train.

4 - That’s less and less true, especially in NYC, where a lot of travelers are middle-class families coming and going to visit relatives overseas.

5 - There's been a lot of exaggeration of the problems in NYC, but it has gotten a lot worse over last few years, especially for those who have the least, who rely on buses and subways, and are trying their best to be decent citizens."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/four-years-of-walking-the-world">
    <title>Four Years of Walking the World</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-10T20:03:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/four-years-of-walking-the-world</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If you want to extend the metaphor of culture as the result of elites playing SimCulture, then you also need a model for your Sims. What are they? What is a person? I believe humans have an inherent purpose or telos, which provides (at least in my view) a clear definition of what makes life fulfilling. I can’t give you a precise answer, because I don’t believe I’m smart enough, but I do think that it’s about the spiritual. That is, material wealth alone will never be fulfilling. There needs to be something transcendent. Something beyond the here and now.

When I was doing the press rounds for Dignity, I realized I needed one take-home lesson, one platitude, that summarized what I’d learned from ten years talking to people all over the US, and my answer was, “Everyone wants to be a valued member of something larger than themselves,” and I still believe that, but I would now amend it to end with “something larger than themselves that transcends this material world.” Or, something that lives on for eternity.

To pontificate for a little bit more, I’m leaving in two days for China, and I believe no matter what else I think about the CCP, they do understand all of this. Maybe not the Catholic part, but the idea that there is an elite who build culture and that elite should have a goal in mind. The CCP of course sees themselves as that elite, and as I’ve written before, that self-recognition is, in my opinion, better than pretending, like the West does, that elites don’t shape culture, and consequently they don’t take their “jobs” seriously, so they don’t really know, or understand, what they want. What I believe Western elites want, judging from their policies and rhetoric, is maximum individual freedom for everyone. Which I believe is an incoherent telos. People are social creatures, and are only understandable within the context of a community, and so maximum individual freedom is a misguided goal. It feels good for most of the ride, but you’re going in the wrong direction, towards isolation, and away from the meaningful. It’s like driving in a really snazzy convertible deeper and deeper into the desert; the ride feels great until at some point you realize you’re utterly alone, which is immensely depressing."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/why-i-walk-part-1">
    <title>Why I Walk - Chris Arnade Walks the World</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-10T17:52:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/why-i-walk-part-1</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Walking as learning"

[part 2:
https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/how-to-walk-12-miles-a-day

see also:

"Walking, Wittgenstein, and God
Without God, what exactly is there?"
https://walkingtheworld.substack.com/p/walking-thinking-and-god ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://danwang.co/2025-letter/">
    <title>2025 letter | Dan Wang</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T07:12:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://danwang.co/2025-letter/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One way that Silicon Valley and the Communist Party resemble each other is that both are serious, self-serious, and indeed, completely humorless.

If the Bay Area once had an impish side, it has gone the way of most hardware tinkerers and hippie communes. Which of the tech titans are funny? In public, they tend to speak in one of two registers. The first is the blandly corporate tone we’ve come to expect when we see them dragged before Congressional hearings or fireside chats. The second leans philosophical, as they compose their features into the sort of reverie appropriate for issuing apocalyptic prophecies on AI. Sam Altman once combined both registers at a tech conference when he said: “I think that AI will probably, most likely, sort of lead to the end of the world. But in the meantime, there will be great companies created with serious machine learning.” Actually that was pretty funny.

It wouldn’t be news to the Central Committee that only the paranoid survive. The Communist Party speaks in the same two registers as the tech titans. The po-faced men on the Politburo tend to make extraordinarily bland speeches, laced occasionally with a murderous warning against those who cross the party’s interests. How funny is the big guy? We can take a look at an official list of Xi Jinping’s jokes, helpfully published by party propagandists. These wisecracks include the following: “On an inspection tour to Jiangsu, Xi quipped that the true measure of water cleanliness is whether the mayor would dare to swim in the water.” Or try this reminiscence that Xi offered on bad air quality: “The PM2.5 back then was even worse than it is now; I used to joke that it was PM250.” Yes, such a humorous fellow is the general secretary.

It’s nearly as dangerous to tweet a joke about a top VC as it is to make a joke about a member of the Central Committee. People who are dead serious tend not to embody sparkling irony. Yet the Communist Party and Silicon Valley are two of the most powerful forces shaping our world today. Their initiatives increase their own centrality while weakening the agency of whole nation states. Perhaps they are successful because they are remorseless.

Earlier this year, I moved from Yale to Stanford. The sun and the dynamism of the west coast have drawn me back. I found a Bay Area that has grown a lot weirder since I lived there a decade ago. In 2015, people were mostly working on consumer apps, cryptocurrencies, and some business software. Though it felt exciting, it looks in retrospect like a more innocent, even a more sedate, time. Today, AI dictates everything in San Francisco while the tech scene plays a much larger political role in the United States. I can’t get over how strange it all feels. In the midst of California’s natural beauty, nerds are trying to build God in a Box; meanwhile, Peter Thiel hovers in the background presenting lectures on the nature of the Antichrist. This eldritch setting feels more appropriate for a Gothic horror novel than for real life.

Before anyone gets the wrong idea, I want to say that I am rooting for San Francisco. It’s tempting to gawk at the craziness of the culture, as much of the east coast media tends to do. Yes, one can quickly find people who speak with the conviction of a cultist; no, I will not inject the peptides proffered by strangers. But there’s more to the Bay Area than unusual health practices. It is, after all, a place that creates not only new products, but also new modes of living. I’m struck that some east coast folks insist to me that driverless cars can’t work and won’t be accepted, even as these vehicles populate the streets of the Bay Area. Coverage of Silicon Valley increasingly reminds me of coverage of China, where a legacy media reporter might parachute in, write a dispatch on something that looks deranged, and leave without moving past caricature.

I enjoy San Francisco more than when I was younger because I now better appreciate what makes it work. I believe that Silicon Valley possesses plenty of virtues. To start, it is the most meritocratic part of America. Tech is so open towards immigrants that it has driven populists into a froth of rage. It remains male-heavy and practices plenty of gatekeeping. But San Francisco better embodies an ethos of openness relative to the rest of the country. Industries on the east coast — finance, media, universities, policy — tend to more carefully weigh name and pedigree. Young scientists aren’t told they ought to keep their innovations incremental and their attitude to hierarchy duly deferential, as they might hear in Boston. A smart young person could achieve much more over a few years in SF than in DC. People aren’t reminiscing over some lost golden age that took place decades ago, as New Yorkers in media might do. 

San Francisco is forward looking and eager to try new ideas. Without this curiosity, it wouldn’t be able to create whole new product categories: iPhones, social media, large language models, and all sorts of digital services. For the most part, it’s positive that tech values speed: quick product cycles, quick replies to email. Past success creates an expectation that the next technological wave will be even more exciting. It’s good to keep building the future, though it’s sometimes absurd to hear someone pivot, mid-breath, from declaring that salvation lies in the blockchain to announcing that AI will solve everything.

People like to make fun of San Francisco for not drinking; well, that works pretty well for me. I enjoy board games and appreciate that it’s easier to find other players. I like SF house parties, where people take off their shoes at the entrance and enter a space in which speech can be heard over music, which feels so much more civilized than descending into a loud bar in New York. It’s easy to fall into a nerdy conversation almost immediately with someone young and earnest. The Bay Area has converged on Asian-American modes of socializing (though it lacks the emphasis on food). I find it charming that a San Francisco home that is poorly furnished and strewn with pizza boxes could be owned by a billionaire who can’t get around to setting up a bed for his mattress. 

There’s still no better place for a smart, young person to go in the world than Silicon Valley. It adores the youth, especially those with technical skill and the ability to grind. Venture capitalists are chasing younger and younger founders: the median age of the latest Y Combinator cohort is only 24, down from 30 just three years ago. My favorite part of Silicon Valley is the cultivation of community. Tech founders are a close-knit group, always offering help to each other, but they circulate actively amidst the broader community too. (The finance industry in New York by contrast practices far greater secrecy.) Tech has organizations I think of as internal civic institutions that try to build community. They bring people together in San Francisco or retreats north of the city, bringing together young people to learn from older folks.

Silicon Valley also embodies a cultural tension. It is playing with new ideas while being open to newcomers; at the same time, it is a self-absorbed place that doesn’t think so much about the broader world. Young people who move to San Francisco already tend to be very online. They know what they’re signing up for. If they don’t fit in after a few years, they probably won’t stick around. San Francisco is a city that absorbs a lot of people with similar ethics, which reinforces its existing strengths and weaknesses.

Narrowness of mind is something that makes me uneasy about the tech world. Effective altruists, for example, began with sound ideas like concern for animal welfare as well as cost-benefit analyses for charitable giving. But these solid premises have launched some of its members towards intellectual worlds very distant from moral intuitions that most people hold; they’ve also sent a few into jail. The well-rounded type might struggle to stand out relative to people who are exceptionally talented in a technical domain. Hedge fund managers have views about the price of oil, interest rates, a reliably obscure historical episode, and a thousand other things. Tech titans more obsessively pursue a few ideas — as Elon Musk has on electric vehicles and space launches — rather than developing a robust model of the world.

So the 20-year-olds who accompanied Mr. Musk into the Department of Government Efficiency did not, I would say, distinguish themselves with their judiciousness. The Bay Area has all sorts of autistic tendencies. Though Silicon Valley values the ability to move fast, the rest of society has paid more attention to instances in which tech wants to break things. It is not surprising that hardcore contingents on both the left and the right have developed hostility to most everything that emerges from Silicon Valley. 

There’s a general lack of cultural awareness in the Bay Area. It’s easy to hear at these parties that a person’s favorite nonfiction book is Seeing Like a State while their aspirationally favorite novel is Middlemarch. Silicon Valley often speaks in strange tongues, starting podcasts and shows that are popular within the tech world but do not travel far beyond the Bay Area. Though San Francisco has produced so much wealth, it is a relative underperformer in the national culture. Indie movie theaters keep closing down while all sorts of retail and art institutions suffer from the crumminess of downtown. The symphony and the opera keep cutting back on performances — after Esa-Pekka Salonen quit the directorship of the symphony, it hasn’t been able to name a successor. Wealthy folks in New York and LA have, for generations, pumped money into civic institutions. Tech elites mostly scorn traditional cultural venues and prefer to fund the next wave of technology instead.

One of the things I like about the finance industry is that it might be better at encouraging diverse opinions. Portfolio managers want to be right on average, but everyone is wrong three times a day before breakfast. So they relentlessly seek new information sources; consensus is rare, since there are always contrarians betting against the rest of the market. Tech cares less for dissent. Its movements are more herdlike, in which companies and startups chase one big technology at a time. Startups don’t need dissent; they want workers who can grind until the network effects kick in. VCs don’t like dissent, showing again and again that many have thin skins. That contributes to a culture I think of as Silicon Valley’s soft Leninism. When political winds shift, most people fall in line, most prominently this year as many tech voices embraced the right. 

The two most insular cities I’ve lived in are San Francisco and Beijing. They are places where people are willing to risk apocalypse every day in order to reach utopia. Though Beijing is open only to a narrow slice of newcomers — the young, smart, and Han — its elites must think about the rest of the country and the rest of the world. San Francisco is more open, but when people move there, they stop thinking about the world at large. Tech folks may be the worst-traveled segment of American elites. People stop themselves from leaving in part because they can correctly claim to live in one of the most naturally beautiful corners of the world, in part because they feel they should not tear themselves away from inventing the future. More than any other topic, I’m bewildered by the way that Silicon Valley talks about AI."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely">
    <title>Francesca Albanese and the Lonely Road of Defiance</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-31T08:36:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The U.N. special rapporteur is one of the most courageous crusaders against the genocide in Gaza. Because of this, she is blacklisted and treated as if she is a terrorist."

...

"NICE, France — It is a late November afternoon. I am driving to Genoa, Italy with Francesca Albanese, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. We are traveling to join striking dockworkers. The dockworkers call for a moratorium on weapons bound for Israel and a halt to the Italian government’s plans to increase military spending.

We speed past the inky waters of Baie des Anges on our right and the razor-backed French Alps on our left. Châteaus and clusters of houses with red-tiled roofs, shrouded in the fading light, are perched on the rolling hillsides. Palm trees line the seafront road.

Francesca — tall with flecks of gray in her hair and wearing large black-framed glasses and hoop earrings — is the bête noire of Israel and the United States. She was placed on the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) list of the U.S. Treasury Department — normally used to sanction those accused of money laundering or being involved with terrorist organizations — six days after the release of her report, “From economy of occupation to economy of genocide.”

The OFAC list — weaponized by the Trump administration to persecute Francesca and in clear violation of the diplomatic immunity granted to U.N. officials — prohibits any financial institution from having someone on the list as a client. A bank that permits someone on the OFAC list to engage in financial transactions is banned from operating in dollars, faces multimillion-dollar fines and is blocked from international payment systems.

In her report, Francesca lists 48 corporations and institutions, including Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Alphabet Inc., Amazon, International Business Machines Corporation (IBM), Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft Corporation and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), along with banks and financial firms such as BlackRock, insurers, real estate firms and charities, which in violation of international law, are making billions from the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians.

The report, which includes a database of over 1,000 corporate entities that collaborate with Israel, demands these firms and institutions sever ties with Israel or be held accountable for complicity in war crimes. It describes “Israel’s “forever-occupation” as “the ideal testing ground for arms manufacturers and big tech — providing boundless supply and demand, little oversight and zero accountability — while investors and private and public institutions profit freely.”

You can see my interview about the report with Francesca here.

Francesca, whose previous reports including “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” and “Genocide as colonial erasure” along with her empassioned denunciations of Israel’s mass slaughter in Gaza, have made her a lightning rod. She is excoriated every time she deviates from the approved script, including when pro-Palestine demonstrators stormed the headquarters of the Italian daily newspaper La Stampa while we were in Italy.

Francesca condemned the incursion and property destruction — protesters scattered newspapers and spray-painted slogans on the walls such as “Free Palestine” and “Newspapers complicit with Israel” — but added that it should serve as a “warning to the press” to do its job. That qualification expressed her frustration with the media’s discrediting of the reporting of Palestinian journalists — over 278 journalists and media workers have been killed by Israel since Oct. 7 along with over 700 of their family members — and uncritical amplification of Israeli propaganda. But it was seized upon by her critics, including Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, to lynch her.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio imposed sanctions on Francesca in July.

“The United States has repeatedly condemned and objected to the biased and malicious activities of Albanese that have long made her unfit for service as a Special Rapporteur,” the State Department’s press release read. “Albanese has spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West. That bias has been apparent across the span of her career, including recommending that the ICC, without a legitimate basis, issue arrest warrants targeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.”

“She has recently escalated this effort by writing threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies across finance, technology, defense, energy, and hospitality, making extreme and unfounded accusations and recommending the ICC [International Criminal Court ] pursue investigations and prosecutions of these companies and their executives,” it went on. “We will not tolerate these campaigns of political and economic warfare, which threaten our national interests and sovereignty.”

The sanctions followed those imposed in February and June on the court’s prosecutor Karim Khan along with two judges for issuing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.

Francesca is barred from entering the U.S. even to appear at the United Nations in New York City, to present one of her two annual reports. The other is delivered at the United Nations Office at Geneva.

Francesca’s assets in the U.S. have been frozen, including her bank account and her U.S. apartment. The sanctions cut her off from the international banking system, including blocking her use of credit cards. Her private medical insurance refuses to reimburse her medical expenses. Hotel rooms booked under her name have been cancelled. She can only operate using cash or by borrowing a bank card.

Institutions, including U.S. universities, human rights groups, professors and NGOs, that once cooperated with Francesca, have severed ties, fearful of penalties established for any U.S. citizen who collaborates with her. She and her family receive frequent death threats. Israel and the U.S. have mounted a campaign to get her removed from her U.N post.

Francesa is proof that when you stand steadfastly with the oppressed, you will be treated like the oppressed.

She is unsure if her book, “When the World Sleeps: Stories, Words, and Wounds of Palestine,” which has been translated into English and is expected to be released in April next year, will be distributed in the U.S.

“I’m a sanctioned person,” she says ruefully.

But she is not cowed. Her next salvo will be a report that documents the torture of Palestinians in Israeli prisons. While torture, she says, was “not widespread,” before Oct. 7, it has now become ubiquitous. She is collecting testimonies of those released from Israeli detention.

“It reminds me of the stories and testimonies I read from Argentina’s dictatorship,” Francesca tells me. “It’s that bad. It’s systemic torture against the same people. The same people are taken, raped and brought back, taken, raped and brought back.”

“Women?” I ask.

“Both,” she answers.

“To have women tell you they have been raped, multiple times. They’ve been asked to masturbate soldiers. This is incredible,” Francesca says. “For a woman to say that. Imagine what they have endured? There are people who have lost their words. They cannot talk. They cannot speak after what they’ve endured.”

Establishment media organizations, she says, not only dutifully parrot back Israeli lies, but routinely block reporting that reflects negatively on Israel.

“In April, I reported the first cases of sexual harassment and rape that had taken place in January and February 2024,” she says. “People didn’t want to listen. The New York Times interviewed me for two hours. Two hours. They didn’t write a line about it.”

“The Financial Times had — because of the relevance of the topic — an embargo’d version of ‘From economy of occupation to economy of genocide,’” she says. “They didn’t publish it. They didn’t even publish a review, an article, days after the press conference. But they did publish a critique of my report. I had a meeting with them. I said, ‘This is really depressing. Who are you? Are you paid for the work you do? Who are you loyal to, your readers?’ I pushed them. They said, ‘Well, we didn’t find that it was up to our standards.’”

This, I tell her, is how the New York Times would spike stories by reporters that editors deem too incendiary.

“They discredit your sources regardless of what your sources are,” I tell her. “That becomes the vehicle by which they don’t publish. This isn’t a good faith discussion. They’re not giving a fair analysis of what your sources are. They are categorically dismissing them. They’re not telling you the truth, which is, ‘We don’t want to deal with Israel and the Israel lobby.’ That’s the truth. They don’t say that. It is always, ‘It’s not up to our standards.’”

“There is no free media, no free press in Italy anymore,” Francesca laments. “There is, but it’s fringe or on the margins. It is an exception. The main newspapers are held by groups connected to big powers, financial and economic powers. The government controls — directly or indirectly — much of Italian TV.”

The drift towards fascism in Europe and the United States, Francesca says, is intimately tied to the genocide, as is the emerging resistance.

“There is a brewing anger and dissatisfaction with political leadership in Europe,” she says. “There is also a fear that lingers in many countries because of the rise of the right. We’ve been there. There are people who have living memories of fascism in Europe. The scars of Nazi-fascism are still there, even the trauma. People cannot process what has happened and why it’s happened. Palestine has shocked people. Italians in particular. Maybe because we are who we are in the sense that we cannot be silenced that easily, we cannot be scared as has happened to the Germans and the French. I was shocked in France. The fear and repression is incredible. It is not as bad as Germany, but it’s much worse than it was two years ago. The minister of education in France cancelled an academic conference on Palestine at the Collège de France — the highest institution in France. The minister of education! And he bragged about it.”

Francesca says our only hope now is civil disobedience, embodied in actions such as strikes that disrupt commerce and government or the attempts by the flotillas to reach Gaza.

“The flotillas created this sense of ‘Oh, something can be done,’” she says. “We are not powerless. We can make a difference even in shaking the ground, rocking the boat. Then the workers have come in. The students have already been mobilized. There has been a sense through the various protests that we can still change things. People have started to connect the dots.”

Francesca presented her 24-page report “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” to the U.N. General Assembly in October, a report that had to be delivered remotely from the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation in Cape Town, South Africa, because of the sanctions.

Danny Danon, the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, following her presentation, said, “Ms. Albanese, you are a witch and this report is another page in your spellbook.” He accused her of trying to “curse Israel with lies and hatred.”

“Every page of this report is an empty spell, every accusation, a charm that does not work, because you are a failed witch,” Danon continued.

“It triggered a moment of enlightenment.” Francesca says of the insults. “I connected it to the injustice that women have suffered through the centuries.”

“What is happening to the Palestinians and to those who are speaking out for the Palestinians, is the 2025 equivalent of burning witches in the public square,” she goes on. “It was done to scientists and theologians who didn’t align with the Catholic Church. It was done to women who held the power of herbs. It was done to religious minorities, to indigenous people, like the Sámi people.”

“Palestine,” Francesca says, “has opened a portal to history, to where we come from and to what we risk if we don’t pull the brakes.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/moderate-rule-maximum-harm-a-year-of-sfs-surrender-to-oligarchy/">
    <title>Moderate Rule, Maximum Harm: A Year of SF’s Surrender to Oligarchy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T06:28:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/moderate-rule-maximum-harm-a-year-of-sfs-surrender-to-oligarchy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As socialists score electoral wins across the US — most notably in New York City — San Francisco's billionaire backed "moderates" have seized government control, with disastrous results. For working-class San Franciscans, their rule has only made life harder. 

San Franciscans face an extreme affordability crisis. San Francisco rents are the highest in the Bay Area. Evictions are at their highest level in a decade. Only 7% of union members can afford housing in San Francisco. Rather than offer rent subsidies, affordable homes, or eviction bans, Mayor Lurie is instead moving forward a plan to incentivize the demolition of rent-controlled housing. He has also diverted affordable housing funds, and defunded social housing entirely. 

Economic security is eroding, too. AI is automating entry-level jobs, and unemployment is up for white collar jobs as well. Construction workers are out of work because rather than ramping up a social housing program, political leaders are busy deregulating for developers who aren’t building. Government positions are being eliminated for the benefit of privatization and contractors.

Bus service has been slashed with cuts to numerous lines, undoing years of work to restore service after the pandemic. Fares were raised this year, kicking Muni riders when they are down. This has been done while aggressively expanding private, for-profit alternatives to transit. A week after announcing that main bus lines would no longer travel down Market street, the Mayor announced Waymos and Uber X would be allowed to travel down this supposedly “car-free” transit corridor. 

Big promises have been abandoned. Lurie promised 1,500 new treatment beds in his first six months. He had no plan to accomplish that campaign promise, and has abandoned it completely. Instead, Lurie is banning RV’s where homeless families live, outlawing homeless shelters in large swaths of the city, and diverting supportive housing funds. 

Instead of expanding housing or treatment, Lurie has ramped up arrests of homeless people and residents with behavioral health needs. SF’s jail population has surged to 1,300 people daily. Our city’s progress in reducing the number of nonviolent offenders languishing in jails has been reversed. Just this week, Lurie announced a new criminalization plan to arrest drug users that will further swell incarceration and the punishment bureaucracy in our City.  

The Black community, in particular, has fared poorly under billionaire rule. Reparation recommendations adopted unanimously by the previous Board of Supervisors have been fully abandoned. The City has indefinitely delayed activation of the Fillmore Heritage Center. 

The Fillmore’s only grocery store has been shuttered, along with multiple neighborhood pharmacies. With support from City Hall, a developer unveiled a massive gentrification project that threatens what’s left of the Black community in the Fillmore. 

    San Francisco shows what happens when we install inexperienced, tech-industry aligned neoliberals and conservatives to run all branches of government.

Oversight has been gutted. Independent experts are being purged from oversight commissions. Crypto-billionaire Chris Larson has purchased a surveillance unit co-housed with the police department. Friends of the mayor are being handed contracts. The SF Board of Supervisors serves as a rubber stamp for the Mayor, despite valiant efforts of the few leftist supervisors, especially DSA member and oversight committee chair, Jackie Fielder.

At a time when Democrats are being begged by constituents to stand for something in this country, the local Democratic party and City Hall leaders are proudly championing their “moderate” bona fides, standing for nothing. SF’s billionaire political class offers concerts and vibe shifts instead of addressing the needs of working people and those in poverty. They even celebrate the predatory speculators who are causing the working class’ pain. In so many ways, it feels like the dystopian fantasies of the Network State movement are being grafted onto our city. It’s a quiet embrace of Balaji Srinivasan’s vision of a techno-fascist San Francisco. 

San Francisco shows what happens when we install inexperienced, tech-industry aligned neoliberals and conservatives to run all branches of government. The City is in serious jeopardy because of the rising rents, evictions, unemployment, mass incarceration, income inequality, racism, inept governance, and privatization that billionaires are inflicting on our city. The longer this continues, the harder it will be to recover and win a better city for all.

Other cities are showing a galvanizing path forward. While San Francisco criminalizes poverty and celebrates billionaires, these cities are freezing rents, expanding public services, and championing the working class. Zohran Mamdani won in a landslide. Seattle elected a socialist mayor. Atlanta, Minneapolis, and Chicago elected socialists to their city councils. Boston’s Mayor Wu is pushing forward free transit; Chicago’s Mayor Johnson is investing in addressing root causes of crime and community-run public safety, with crime already falling; and Houston proved Housing First works so effectively to reduce homelessness in their city that the Trump Administration cut its funding. These cities are offering a more hopeful vision, a new era of shared prosperity, diversity, and housing stability to replace oligarchy. Leftist policies are delivering results across the country, which is why oligarchs fight them. Yet, San Francisco — a town whose latest gold rush is the technology industry — has leaders who don’t want to listen to the data stubbornly refusing these proven solutions. San Francisco needs to catch up.

San Francisco can choose that path. We can stop evictions and scale up a social housing program like in Vienna where 60% of the population lives in stable, affordable social housing. We can tax the rich, especially our city’s 58 billionaires, to guarantee universal health care coverage, fully fund public schools, grow our public transportation system, and make sure nobody goes to bed hungry. We can protect immigrants who are the heart of our city. All of this is doable and clear to a growing number of people across the nation, especially young voters. 

Let's end the oligarchs’ domination of San Francisco, and embrace the promise of a San Francisco for everybody, not just the rich."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/14/opinion/billionaires-politics-money.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Billionaires Have Gone Full Louis XV - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T04:15:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/14/opinion/billionaires-politics-money.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first rule of dark money is to quit blabbing about it. Did they think people would thank them for it?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/P9kC2

via:

"Tech Billionaires Flirt With the Guillotine"
https://www.thenerdreich.com/tech-billionaires-flirt-with-the-guillotine/ ]

"Billionaires had a great thing going. The ruling in the 2010 Citizens United case, among others, invited the super rich to exert all the influence on policy and politics that their money could buy — and then enjoy all the wealth that influence secured for them in return. Thanks to ever-more-obliging tax policies, the billionaire class grew absurdly rich over the years that followed. In the last five years alone, the wealthiest 20 Americans increased their net worth from $1.3 trillion to $3 trillion, Forbes reported.

And they did it in many cases without the rest of us even having a clue. It took the investigative reporter Jane Mayer five years of relentless digging to figure out how the Koch brothers gained a chokehold on the Republican Party. The title of her 2016 book, “Dark Money,” became synonymous with a particularly effective form of influence that was all but untraceable. The billionaires could have kept on like that forever. All they had to do was keep their mouths closed.

Today, billionaires are still flooding politics with their money and still reaping the benefits, but they won’t stop yapping about it.

Elon Musk bragged about his support for President Trump, to whose campaign and allied groups he donated more than $250 million. He loudly attempted to buy votes in Pennsylvania. Then he leveraged it all into a cruel and chaotic effort to dismantle federal agencies. Marc Andreessen’s tech-heavy venture capital firm publicly pledged $100 million to target lawmakers who attempt to regulate artificial intelligence; Mr. Andreessen then mocked the pope for suggesting some ethical guardrails around the technology. Bill Ackman announced that he and his pals were prepared to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to defeat Zohran Mamdani, and urged Mr. Trump to call in the National Guard if that effort failed and Mr. Mamdani’s mayoralty met his worst expectations.

And all the while they’re out there lecturing us about their fitness routines, their weird personal philosophies, their conspicuous consumption and more. Jeff Bezos staged a three-day, celebrity-packed, $50 million wedding to Lauren Sánchez, the whole cringe affair optimized for global paparazzi interest. Mr. Ackman is advising young men to try the line, “May I meet you?”, a strategy that in his own experience, he says, “almost never got a no.” Owning the world isn’t enough for these people; they must also go in search of the cheap high of influencer culture.

But no amount of auramaxxing can hide the new reality. Just six years ago, 69 percent of respondents to a Cato Institute poll agreed that billionaires “earned their wealth by creating value for others.” An only slightly smaller majority agreed with the statement “we are all better off when people get rich.” Today, one poll after another shows that Americans want the rich to be taxed at higher, even much higher rates. Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have attracted an increasingly large national following with an anti-billionaire message that previously would have sounded extremist. And New York City, the richest metropolis in the nation, just elected a democratic socialist who thinks billionaires shouldn’t exist at all.

The billionaires have only themselves to blame.

It’s as if the sheer scale of this wealth, which beggars even the riches of the Gilded Age, has induced a kind of class sociopathy. Peter Thiel, the crucial funder of JD Vance’s ascent, talks extensively about his desire to escape democracy (and politics generally) in favor of some kind of bizarre techno-libertarian future. Balaji Srinivasan, the investor and former crypto exec, calls for tech elites to take control of cities and states — or build their own — and run them as quasi-private entities. Alex Karp, who along with Thiel founded the high-flying military intelligence company Palantir, shares his predictions about an apocalyptic clash of civilizations, pausing to brag, “I think I’m the highest-ranked tai chi practitioner in the business world.” In another era, this would all be laughable. But as the MAGA moment emboldens them to drop any pretense of civic virtue and just go full will-to-power, their nutty ideas are now borderline plausible. And terrifying.

These people are whip smart. Why can’t they see how badly they’re coming off? Perhaps it’s because the superrich have allowed themselves to become increasingly isolated. An ever-more-stratified scale of luxury allows the staggeringly rich to avoid coming into contact with even the merely wealthy, let alone the rest of the world, “to glide through a rarefied realm unencumbered by the inconveniences of ordinary life,” as The Wall Street Journal reported. Chuck Collins, who gave away his family fortune and who now investigates inequality, describes it this way: “Wealth is a disconnection drug that keeps people apart from one another and from building authentic real connections and communities.”

Billionaires control the cable channels, social media platforms, newspapers, movie studios and essentially everything else that we consume, but for their own information sources they are in some cases more likely to trust their own kind. Semafor documented one ultraexclusive group chat that included Mr. Andreessen and Mr. Srinivasan, among others, in which the self-reinforcing discourse is reported to have pushed many Silicon Valley tycoons toward right-wing politics. “If you weren’t in the business at all,” the writer Thomas Chatterton Williams said of a similar group chat he was a member of, “you’d think everyone was arriving at conclusions independently.”

Such disconnection goes a long way to explaining why billionaires can’t grasp how the real world is convulsing outside their well-secured gates.

And convulsing it is. According to the most recent edition of an annual Harris Poll, for the first time, a majority of Americans believe billionaires are a threat to democracy. A remarkable 71 percent believe there should be a wealth tax. A majority believe there should be a cap on how much wealth a person can accumulate.

A realignment may be underway. The recent push for the Epstein files, a previously unimaginable collaboration between conspiracy-addled MAGA true believers and anti-corporatist Democrats, was just the latest sign. At a moment when income inequality, the looming threat of A.I. and the rise of authoritarianism seem to be straining American societal cohesion, a revolt against self-dealing elites may be the only cause compelling enough to bring us together.

The favor of billionaires is already in some cases proving to be more of a liability than a blessing. In Seattle last month, a democratic socialist was elected mayor over a Democratic incumbent backed by wealthy interests. For the billionaires, Virginia Heffernan wrote, the problem is self-evident: “It’s their billions. Lately, once the money of the private-jet set enters a campaign, the stink of the oligarchy sticks to the campaign and the candidate can be attacked as a corporate tool.” Alex Bores, a candidate for Congress in New York City next year, even thanked Mr. Andreessen’s super PAC for targeting him; its scorn will most likely help him, and his efforts to regulate A.I., to stand out in a crowded field.

The historian Robert Darnton described an uncannily similar moment in “The Revolutionary Temper: Paris 1748-1789,” his brilliant 2023 account of the decades leading up to the French Revolution. The preconditions were all there: suffocating top-down control of the media, rapid technological change, let-them-eat-cake behavior among the courtier class, weaponized religious bigotry, mansions with hideously de trop ballrooms. OK, Marjorie Taylor Greene is not quite Voltaire. But there was a pedophilia scandal involving Louis XV: Public obsession with the king’s many mistresses helped give rise to so-called libelles, cheaply printed, semi-factual pamphlets that speculated on, among other matters, the king’s supposed never-ending supply of teenage girls. It would have fit right in on TikTok. Reverence turned to mockery; mockery begot contempt; and then …

That story did not end well. This one may not either."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/">
    <title>Reshaping the City | Samuel Stein | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T20:21:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/11/20/reshaping-the-city-key-to-the-city-zoning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does zoning reform have the power to change?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/SAr50 ]

"The ire Bronin summons on the issues of CAFOs and car culture makes for a stark contrast with the way she treats the other big issues she discusses, particularly housing affordability. In virtually every city and many smaller towns across the country, housing prices are far outpacing wages, leading to a groundswell of organizing to bring down rents and build up social housing. In their fight against big real estate, tenant organizers use much the same language as Bronin does in her critique of big agriculture, but if they read Key to the City they will find little of that fury aimed at corporate landlords or luxury developers. One reason Bronin may hold back on some of these other issues, however, is that zoning reform alone is rarely enough to resolve them.

In several places, Bronin acknowledges that rezoning an area will not in and of itself achieve the desired changes. She commends Minneapolis for comprehensively revising its zoning code to allow for more housing construction, for instance, but finds that not much was actually built. She makes a strong case for mixed-use density being essential to well-functioning public transportation, arguing that when housing, workplaces, retail, and community spaces are widely separated, transit systems cannot work and people spend an inordinate amount of time in their cars, but she laments that rezoning itself will not bring in new transit or demolish useless highways. That would require other planning decisions and, crucially, significant amounts of capital and operating funding, which many cities cannot afford, particularly in the absence of strong federal support for mass transit.

In one telling section, Bronin points to inclusionary zoning, or rules mandating that new development include some affordable housing, as an example of how “well-intentioned zoning policies can go awry.” Following up on a tip from her sister’s boyfriend, a Pittsburgh property developer, she finds that the city’s inclusionary zoning policy, implemented as a pilot program in 2019, failed to produce much affordable housing. She believes the problem is that in low-growth markets, inclusionary zoning ultimately imposes costs on developers that stymie housing production and raise prices overall. This may be true, but it overlooks another way the policy missed the mark. Bronin describes Pittsburgh as “one of the five poorest large cities in the country, with one-fifth of its residents living below the poverty line,” but she declines to mention that its inclusionary zoning rules require housing only for people earning two to three times the poverty wage. Bronin can demonstrate why the policy frustrates developers but not how it fails tenants, and thus she misses the opportunity to explain why zoning is insufficient to solve the problems of poverty and for-profit housing.

Given Bronin’s extensive work in Hartford, which she returns to several times throughout the book, I was curious to see how conditions there changed after its 2016 comprehensive rezoning, which allowed for more housing and business development throughout the city, altered rules about sidewalk and road design, and reduced public input over individual construction projects. Census data from the five years prior to and following 2016 show a confounding set of trends, which may or may not be related to the rezoning. On the positive side, the housing stock increased by 5 percent, including a notable number of new buildings with over fifty apartments. Labor force participation increased slightly, and real incomes went up by $2,653. But the same data also show a decline both in overall population and in population density, as well as a rise in vacant housing units that are neither for sale nor for rent. The number of detached single-family homes rose, while the number of denser attached homes fell. Most starkly, the racial income gap exploded, with white households’ incomes rising over thirty times more than those of Black households—a median increase of $13,594 versus $427.

As Bronin rightly reminds us, the effects of rezoning take time. Zoning codes are largely rules about what private developers can and cannot do, but these rules do not mandate that developers act. Still, it would be helpful to know whether Bronin believes Hartford’s rezoning is responsible for any of these changes, good or bad.

If zoning is the key to the city, we might wonder, what is the lock? For Bronin, zoning is ultimately both lock and key: the lock because it has been “cloaked in a shroud of mystery that obscured its culpability” and because it maintains features that residents might otherwise seek to change; the key because, armed with this knowledge, residents and city planners can rewrite zoning codes to radically reform cities. “Done wrong, zoning can yoke us to past mistakes, acting as an invisible drag on our aspirations,” Bronin writes. “But done right, zoning can be a revolutionary vehicle for transforming place.”

“Revolutionary” is a strong word. Elsewhere in the world, zoning is but one limited tool in the array of mechanisms available to urban planners. Bronin acknowledges this in the book’s final paragraph:

<blockquote>To be sure, zoning is not the only tool that matters. History, time, wealth, geography, and countless other factors will shape how communities evolve and develop. But while good zoning is not sufficient, it is necessary. Most important, it’s something that we control. And that makes it the key to building the cities and towns that we long for.</blockquote>

This disclaimer is itself necessary but insufficient. Zoning may be what American cities control, but that is largely because their power over so much else has been stripped away by federal and state policy and budget reforms. The high point of American planning was likely the New Deal, when government not only directed private capital but built new social infrastructure on a monumental scale. The historian Joel Schwartz has called the 1930s in New York City “a decade where everyone dabbled at planning.” Advocates for a Green New Deal seek to revive this era of decisive state action and implicitly critique the notion that zoning is the pinnacle of planning.

American planning is so tethered to zoning in large part because it is the last option available. Sure, it might be better for cities to build mass social housing, but with the resources they have, an upzoning will do. Yes, it might be best to build high-speed rail lines and streetcars across the nation, but reducing parking mandates is a start. Certainly we would like to rebuild large urban commons for community farming, but for now we can at least relax rules against keeping chickens and bees.

To move beyond these limited horizons, we need politics: political movements of organized people fighting for their interests and contesting those who exploit them. Rezoning should be a component of those politics, but it cannot be their sum. Even if it were, any major rezoning effort is sure to encounter resistance. Reshaping the city takes power, not just policy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.resourcelibrary.us/">
    <title>Resource Library</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T18:16:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.resourcelibrary.us/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Resource is a lending library making design KNOWLEDGE more accessible in New York City.

members can now reserve books online with pickups and returns at lichen in ridgewood and Herman Miller on Park avenue."

[See also:

"An Interview With Alison Beshai of Resource Library"
https://www.are.na/editorial/an-interview-with-alison-beshai-of-resource-library ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>libraries design nyc lendinglibraries alisonbeshai 2025 access accessibility resourcelibrary washingtondc 2018 dcpubliclibrary popups scanning scans community</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.are.na/editorial/an-interview-with-alison-beshai-of-resource-library">
    <title>An Interview With Alison Beshai of Resource Library | Are.na Editorial</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T18:13:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.are.na/editorial/an-interview-with-alison-beshai-of-resource-library</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’d heard Alison Beshai’s name a bunch of times from a various people (most of them Are.na-related) before meeting her this summer while on a trip to New York. It was the day of the mayoral primaries, it was extremely hot; I took a bus to Ridgewood to meet Alison at the design store Lichen, where she was working at the time and where half of Resource Library is housed. We later went to a bookstore in the neighborhood, had a cold drink, and talked about how one goes about starting a lending library, as Alison had several years before. After nearly three years at Lichen, she was about to go freelance and focus her time on growing Resource Library, which she’d recently registered as a non-profit. 

Resource Library is a library of design books. It’s also a lending library that’s not associated with any institution, which is not something you hear about often. While over the last seven years Resource has had iterations as a popup and a reading room, the collection is now split between locations at Lichen and the Herman Miller on Park, both of which can be visited during store hours. Anyone can browse the catalog, become a member, take out books. Soon, Resource will start offering a research fellowship to support an artist making work from the library’s database. Last month, Resource hosted Reading Hours at the Judd Foundation in New York.

Resource also has a robust Are.na presence and holds sessions where books are collectively scanned and then added to Are.na. Alison’s goal with Resource Library is ultimately to make design print more accessible, and I admire her commitment to building a system where resources are shared instead of sold. After our initial meeting in the summer, we had a video call and recorded the below conversation."

[See also:
https://www.resourcelibrary.us/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/bait">
    <title>Don't Take The Bait - by Jasmine Sun - @jasmi.news</title>
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    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/bait</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["vice signaling is eating silicon valley"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/on-the-meaning-and-value-of-public-spaces/">
    <title>On the Meaning and Value of Public Spaces - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-12T06:23:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/on-the-meaning-and-value-of-public-spaces/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What is public space? How is it produced, and why is that production important for our social and political lives?"

[See also:

"Perspectives on Public Space: A Reading List

This list introduces some of the main debates about public space, from park politics to political protest, public expressions of sexuality to safety and security."
https://daily.jstor.org/perspectives-on-public-space-a-reading-list/ 

Full series here:
https://daily.jstor.org/series/perspectives-on-public-space/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>publicspace 2025 saraivry sethalow libraries streets public plazas parks urbanplanning urban cities latinamerica california nyc costarica culture annabarker atmosphere environment social socialinteraction interaction us architecture hostilearchitecture centralpark privatization gowanuscanal brooklyn grandcentralstation baltimore losangeles washingtondc sanjosé benches pops capitalism ownership hudsonyards covid-19 coronavirus pandemic sanjose</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:2945f80eab54/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YAwzlt_afZg">
    <title>Zohran Mamdani: Andrew Cuomo’s #1 Hater (and NYC’s Next Mayor?) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-11T20:49:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YAwzlt_afZg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>joshjohnson zohranmamdani comedy nyc politics andrewcuomo 2025 humor</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xuDWVqh27ug">
    <title>Palestine, World-Building, and the Mamdani Effect with Steven Salaita - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-11T18:28:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xuDWVqh27ug</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we'll talk about Dr. Steven Salaita's latest piece, "Palestine and the Making of a New New World," subtitled, "The liberation of Palestine is, above all, a world-building project." In this piece he talks about the global liberal discourses around "rights," "laws," and "liberties" and how the movement for Palestinian liberation cannot be accommodated within these logics. 

We will talk about the (now successful) mayoral campaign of Zohran Mamdani and whether this represents a "win" for Palestinians and anti-zionism, or plays a counterinsurgent role in the imperial core against the politics necessary to actually attain liberation for Palestinians. 

Steven Salaita is an award-winning scholar, writer, and activist. He is the author of ten books, including his two most recent books, An Honest Living: A Memoir of Peculiar Itineraries: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eegzTvPT6xY and Daughter, Son, Assassin: https://www.youtube.com/live/Z-0sG3i1Ung

Support The Sameer Project: From Displacement Response to THE RETURN HOME
https://chuffed.org/project/149178-sameer-project-x-mass-displacement-campaign

For other ways to support this campaign see: https://x.com/sameerproject/status/1988240227983396889

This is our 6th conversation with Dr. Steven Salaita since Tufan Al-Aqsa. To check out the others, view our playlist: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBj8KHKHvws6Yh9i95yz4s-Alu4UltG7F "]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita 2025 palestine makc jaredware zohranmamdani politics israel liberation liberalism rights law zionism antizionism counterinsuregency nyc nypd ceasefire genocide ethniccleansing westbank gaza dsa us democracy sovereignty arabstates yemen venezuela imperialism colonialism colonization qatar cuba civilliberties humanism cancelculture rulingclass corporatemedia mainstreammedia media worlsbuilding left liberalzionism walterrodaney fredhampton millennialsarekillingcapitalism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vAf3oJebkwk">
    <title>Run-DMC's Debut with Dr. Jared A. Ball | Rap Album Dialectics Ep. 1 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-10T20:50:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vAf3oJebkwk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we will talk about Run-DMC's 1984 self-titled debut album. 

We'll discuss the album itself, but also the conditions that produced it. Who are Joseph Simmons and Darryl McDaniels? Who was Jam Master Jay? What connections did they have in the industry and why were they one of the first highly successful hip hop groups on a mainstream level? Do they actually represent a day where rap was a more "pure" expression of inner-city rebellion or one of the initial phases of cooptation? When does "Old School" end and "New School" begin when we discuss rap music?

We'll get into all of that and more, all the songs, and the albums as an album with Dr. Jared Ball from IMIXIWHATILIKE and Black Liberation Media as our esteemed guest.

'Rap Album Dialectics' is a new video podcast series where we talk about rap albums we love, rap albums we hate, and the objective and subjective conditions that produced them. We'll also talk about our own relationships to them to situate our own point of departure for our analysis."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jaredball jaredware rundmc rap hiphop music history delasoul sugarhillgang africabambaataa socialconsciousness capitalism musicindustry cdolorestucker lyrics meekmills russellsimmons 2025 1984 defjam defjamrecords lyorcohen zionism nyc musicmaking rickrubin larrysmith misogyny consumerism consumption inequality joesephsimmons darrylmcdaniels jammasterjay</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://i-d.co/article/the-emperors-new-grocer/">
    <title>The Emperor’s New Grocer</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T17:42:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://i-d.co/article/the-emperors-new-grocer/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["New York’s hottest status symbol is a grocery store selling nothing."

...

"Andrea Hernández, creator of the popular Substack Snaxshot—aptly dubbed by The New York Times the Nostradamus of snacking—has another name for stores like Erewhon: Hypebeast grocers. “It doesn’t seem like there’s enough in the store to make sense.” Hernández tells me, “There’s a difference between selling gourmet items versus selling the hype around the grocery store itself. Erewhon is the Supreme of grocery stores. The $30 smoothie I must try… They create an aura of scarcity.” The phenomenon is international. In Seoul, Monday Morning Market drops groceries like capsule collections.

In stark relief, Hernández describes our parents’ buying habits. They went to the store, and then got out. The big choice in the cereal aisle would be buying a private label (ShopRite’s own) over a name brand (Barilla) for the sake of affordability and value. Then, “Along comes our generation, growing up with social media and inheriting the behaviors of affordable affluence. It’s the lipstick effect.” You may not be able to afford a Birkin, but you can go and try a $20 strawberry at Erewhon and post about it in the same way. Whether you eat the berry at all, actually, doesn’t matter.

How many people can really afford to do a full shop at one of these stores? In 2023 New York Magazine ran a sobering profile about the Angelinos going into debt to afford their Erewhon habit—people fixated both on the potential wellness benefits and the potential upward mobility Erewhon has to offer. Hernández remarks, “It’s depressing to think that this is the way that we are able to kind of have that same dopamine hit of keeping up with the Joneses, but it’s like, what’s in your grocery cart?” 

After the development of the first self-service grocery store Piggly Wiggly in 1916, packaging began to take on a more and more significant role in how we eat. There was an attempt to make products you might otherwise pass up in a grocery aisle more attractive. Now, with the advent of social media, branding, aesthetic intrigue, and hype are everything. “It’s the Trojan-horsing of aesthetics, the yass-ification of everything. Like, why does a can of beans have to look like that?” says Hernández. As she points out, Happier Grocery even offers transparent bags with the logo—like a walking display case for your carefully selected nut milks and pre-washed salad. 

The issue, Hernández feels, is that we’ve “shaped grocery stores in our clout-chasing image.” She explains, “We’re the apex consumers, and we’re treating grocery stores like luxury stores. Everything around us has to signal something because of social media.” Nussdorf, however, is skeptical of how Erewhon and its direct competitors’ clout chasing will translate to a New York audience: “I don’t think these smoothies with these influencers or designers in New York City that some of these other competitors are doing is making them that much money.”

These “HypeMarts” have more shared DNA with Balenciaga or Telfar than they do with a Whole Foods, relying on scarcity, drops, and branding for business. Beyond acting like clothing brands, these grocery stores also have their own clothing brands. Hernández tells me, “Happier grocery sells $120 jackets. Erewhon has been dropping, like, merch capsules.” Happier Grocer was created by a former Marc Jacobs designer and is owned by the same team that runs the W.S.A. building in FiDi and S.A.A. in Bushwick—two fashion hot spots—and the luxurious Cayman Heights hotel Palm Heights. Flamingo Estate, a popular lifestyle brand that sells a $80 jar of dried strawberries, has the tagline “Mother Nature is the last great luxury house.”"

...

"Culturally, as our grocery stores have trended sparer, so too have our bodies. For the past two years, publications across the world have published, repetitively and without satisfaction, about whether being ultra thin was “back.” According to CNN, as of 2024 1-in-8 American adults has taken Ozempic or another GLP-1. For Hernández these grocery stores represent the final evolution of consumerism: When you see groceries not as a necessity but as luxury good.  “It’s fucking dystopian as hell at a time where you have food inaccessibility, and people are having to DoorDash or eat Taco Bell because it’s cheaper than going to the grocery store. In Austin, there’s a store that’s opening soon with underground delivery because it’s cheaper and doesn’t have any overhead costs.” The brand (can we even call it a store?) is called Goods and advertises two-minute grocery delivery via “underground delivery” sent to a pickup lane near you. Hernández speculates, “Maybe we are going to start getting more groceries from underground tunnels, and then only if you can afford it, you’re gonna go have that luxury experience of going to an actual grocery store.” If that all sounds like a pipe dream, then it’s worth noting that when Erewhon debuts a new product, they often set up a selfie station with vegetables as the photo backdrop. Hernández, who grew up shopping at local markets in Honduras, turns somber: “We cannot unlearn convenience. We’re basically cosplaying being able to connect with what nurtures us.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.donotpanic.news/p/the-ai-drones-used-in-gaza-now-surveilling">
    <title>The AI Drones Used In Gaza Now Surveilling American Cities</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T03:09:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.donotpanic.news/p/the-ai-drones-used-in-gaza-now-surveilling</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["AI-powered quadcopter drones used by the IDF to commit genocide in Gaza are flying over American cities, surveilling protestors and automatically uploading millions of images to an evidence database.

The drones are made by a company called Skydio which in the last few years has gone from relative obscurity to quietly become a multi-billion dollar company and the largest drone manufacturer in the US.

The extent of Skydio drone usage across the US, and the extent to which their usage has grown in just a few years, is extraordinary. The company has contracts with more than 800 law enforcement and security agencies across the country, up from 320 in March last year, and their drones are being launched hundreds of times a day to monitor people in towns and cities across the country.

Skydio has extensive links with Israel. In the first weeks of the genocide the California-based company sent more than one hundred drones to the IDF with promises of more to come. How many more were delivered since that admission is unknown. Skydio has an office in Israel and partners with DefenceSync, a local military drone contractor operating as the middle man between drone manufacturers and the IDF. Skydio has also raised hundreds of millions of dollars from Israeli-American venture capitalists and from venture capital funds with extensive investments in Israel, including from Marc Andreessen’s firm Andreessen Horowitz, or a16z.

And now these drones, tested in genocide and refined on Palestinians, are swarming American cities.

According to my research almost every large American city has signed a contract with Skydio in the last 18 months, including Boston, Chicago, Philadelphia, San Diego, Cleveland and Jacksonville. Skydio drones were recently used by city police departments to gather information at the ‘No Kings’ protests and were also used by Yale to spy on the anti-genocide protest camp set up by students at the university last year.

In Miami, Skydio drones are being used to spy on spring breakers, and in Atlanta the company has partnered with the Atlanta Police Foundation to install a permanent drone station within the massive new Atlanta Public Safety Training Center. Detroit recently spent nearly $300,000 on fourteen Skydio drones according to a city procurement report. Last month ICE bought an X10D Skydio drone, which automatically tracks and pursues a target. US Customs and Border Protection has bought thirty-three of the same drones since July.

The AI system behind Skydio drones is powered by Nvidia chips and enables their operation without a human user. The drones have thermal imaging cameras and can operate in places where GPS doesn’t work, so-called ‘GPS-denied environments.’ They also reconstruct buildings and other infrastructure in 3D and can fly at more than 30 miles per hour.

The New York police were early adopters of Skydio drones and are particularly enthusiastic users. A spokesman recently told a drone news website that the NYPD launched more than 20,000 drone flights in less than a year, which would mean drones are being launched around the city 55 times per day. A city report last year said the NYPD at that time was operating 41 Skydio drones. A recent Federal Aviation Authority rule change, however, means that number will undoubtedly have increased and more generally underpins the massive expansion in the use of Skydio drones.

Prior to March this year, FAA rules meant that drones could only be used by US security forces if the operator kept the drone in sight. They also couldn’t be used over crowded city streets. An FAA waiver issued that month opened the floodgates, allowing police and security agencies to operate drones beyond a visual line of sight and over large crowds of people. Skydio called the waiver ground-breaking. It was. The change has ushered in a Skydio drone buying spree by US police and security forces, with many now employing what is called a ‘Drone As First Responder’ program. Without the need to see the drone, and with drones free to cruise over city streets, the police are increasingly sending drones before humans to call outs and for broader investigative purposes. Cincinnati for example says that by the end of this year 90% of all call outs will be serviced first by a Skydio drone.

This extensive level of coverage is enabled by Skydio’s docking platform hardware. These launch pads are placed in locations around a city enabling drones to be remote charged, launched and landed many miles away from police HQs. After launch, all the information gathered by these flights is both saved to an internal SD card and automatically uploaded to special software configured for law enforcement. This software is made by Axon, a major financial backer of Skydio and the controversial maker of Tasers and ‘less-lethal weapons’ used by police departments in the US and across the west. The software, Axon Evidence, enables, in the words of an Axon press release, ‘the automatic uploads of photos and video footage from drones into a digital evidence management system.’

Axon’s equipment is also central to Israel’s infrastructure of apartheid, with the company providing body cameras and Tasers to Israeli police forces and prison guards who routinely torture Palestinians. Axon, which participated in a $220 million Series E round of funding in Skydio, is just one of the many entities backing Skydio who serve a Zionist agenda.

Skydio’s first investor in 2015 was Andreessen Horowitz (a16z) which provided $3 million of seed capital to the three-man team behind the drone maker. They have since invested tens of millions across numerous funding rounds. The founders of a16z, Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz, are both notorious Zionists. The firm was the most active venture capital investor in Israel in 2024 and this summer Andreessen and Horowitz visited Israel to meet with tech companies founded by ex-IDF and Unit 8200 war criminals.

Other Skydio investors include Next 47, which has an office in Israel headed by Moshe Zilberstein who worked in the IDF’s computer spy centre Mamram, and Hercules Capital whose managing director Ella-Tamar Adnahan is an Israeli-American described by Israeli media as “Israel’s go-to tech banker in the US.”

The saturation of US police departments with drone technology so closely connected to Israel, technology used to carry out war crimes is a frightening, if not unsurprising, development. Skydio drones will be central to the rapidly advancing proto-fascism in the US and the crack down on Antifa and other so-called ‘domestic terrorists’ by the Trump administration. In this context, the bigger surprise is that the rapid expansion of Israel-linked surveillance drone technology across America has so far gone largely under the radar.

Skydio should also make it on to the agenda of Zohran Mamdani. Recently criticised for saying “when the boot of the NYPD is on your neck, it’s been laced by the IDF,” Skydio is just another example that shows he’s right. If he has the courage of his convictions, he could do worse than use his powers as mayor to shut down the NYPD’s Skydio deal.

Skydio is also a large supplier to the Department of Defence, recently signing a contract to provide the US Army with reconnaissance drones. As a significant supplier to both military and civilian security forces, it raises questions about what information is or will be shared between the US military and domestic security agencies via the Skydio-Axon digital evidence management system.

Skydio shows once again how Gaza is the laboratory for weapons makers, the place where new surveillance and apartheid technologies are tested, before being refined and used in the west. And next year Skydio is rolling out new indoor drones. We can only speculate as to what extent these new drones were informed by the ‘learnings’ accrued via genocide.

The story of Skydio shows that what happens in Gaza doesn’t stay in Gaza.

The logic of capitalist imperialism means these technologies will always find their way home."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/do-what-you-believe-in">
    <title>Do What You Believe In - by Hamilton Nolan</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T04:12:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/do-what-you-believe-in</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Of all of the shocking things about the rise of Donald Trump, perhaps the most shocking to me has been the fact that his opponents often do not appear to have taken any useful lessons from him at all. In Trump we have a man who defied all of the conventional wisdom about how politicians should act in order to become successful. He said a million things that made pundits say, “This blunder will end him.” And yet he got stronger. He told a million verifiable lies and acted purely on instinct and insulted all sorts of important constituencies and generally did the opposite of the classic “run to the middle” strategy. And yet he got stronger. He is, in addition to being one of the worst humans on planet Earth, a titanic living embodiment of how to create your own reality, rather than to mold yourself to existing reality. With this approach, he decimated dozens of political opponents, seized control of the Republican Party, and has become the most powerful man in America.

Despite this, the bulk of the political consultant class has not retired in shame. The bulk of the pundit class has not rethought its priors. The belief that political success flows from running to the middle, from triangulation, from reading polls and then selecting the exact midpoint of everyone’s belief on every issue—that belief is, for many in the professional politics world, quasi-religious and ineradicable no matter how much evidence there is to the contrary. One towering idiot narcissist is on the verge of squeezing the last breath out of American democracy and turning us into a fascist state and Third Way still, somehow, exists. This is simple insanity. If someone is kicking your ass, the thing to do is to figure out why they are kicking your ass, and draw some lessons from that, and implement the lessons in order to kick their ass instead. The thing to do is not to say, “I read a book about every single martial art, meaning it is highly unlikely for you to kick my ass, so I will just keep on doing what I am doing.”

Have you ever read history? Interesting stuff. One thing I notice when I read history is this: The world is shaped primarily by people who believe things and then take action in accordance with their beliefs. When the Bolsheviks wanted communism, they fought for communism. When the revolutionaries wanted revolution, they made revolutions. When the capitalists wanted capitalism, they killed everyone who stood in their way. When the religious people wanted to spread their religions, they preached those religions, and also killed everyone who stood in their way. These are the sorts of events that have done the most to shape world history. A common thread in all of them is their notable lack of triangulation. They are not defined by groups of people trying to sand down their own message in order to perhaps win a small portion of what they wish to have. Instead, they are defined by groups of people fighting hard for strongly held beliefs. It is possible to take a valuable lesson from this, even without the massacres."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html">
    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/the-monopolies-who-will-fight-zohran">
    <title>The Monopolies Who Will Fight Zohran Mamdani and Populism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-07T21:37:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/the-monopolies-who-will-fight-zohran</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Zohran Mamdani will be the mayor of New York City, and he's invited Lina Khan to help. For new leaders in NYC, Virginia, and NJ, delivering means going at the monopolies making it hard to govern."]]></description>
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    <title>DSA and the challenge of winning the Black vote</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T21:08:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.grassrootsthinking.com/dsa-and-the-challenge-of-winning-the-black-vote/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How is it that an organization and candidate that champions the working class lacks the presence of working-class Black supporters? Journalist Katie Coss investigates that tension."

[See also:

"Zohran Mamdani Won. Did We? ft. Katie Coss" (Jared Ball's iMiXWHATiLiKE!] 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=24O0DxWu6Us ]]]></description>
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    <title>'Open Bigotry': ADL Condemned for 'Mamdani Monitor' Aimed at Rooting Out Criticism of Israel | Common Dreams</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T19:48:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commondreams.org/news/jewish-vote-nyc-mamdani</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The initiative appeared to be intended to prevent “people who are critical of Israel from getting hired by city government,” said one critic."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://mbird.com/everyday/the-glory-of-the-ordinary/">
    <title>The Glory of the Ordinary - Mockingbird</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T19:08:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mbird.com/everyday/the-glory-of-the-ordinary/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Not long ago, I was sitting on my couch in my apartment in the middle of New York City, scrolling through endless videos on my phone. The afternoon sun snuck in through my window and reflected on the screen I had been staring at for an hour. As video after video of both strangers’ and friends’ lives swept by on a digital stream to nowhere, I found myself transfixed, gazing on in raptured interest. Each clip, each sliver of film, gave me a peek into the fascinating moments countless others were currently living around the world. A large portion of the videos were people in interesting places doing interesting things — a romantic vacation to Europe with their significant other, a gourmet meal at a new restaurant with friends, a red carpet event with a celebrity sighting, a breathtaking hike in a national park.

I looked up from my phone and out my fifth story window that looked across the sprawling metropolis that is Manhattan. I sighed as I remembered that New York City was the greatest city in the world, filled with the greatest food, art, and entertainment the world has ever known, just on the other side of my front door. And here I was, in the middle of it, sprawled on my couch, where I had been for a week, more or less. I thought back over my week to all the places and things I had done and realized how un-Instragrammable my life had become.

I had taken a couple of walks on my usual path through Central Park, gotten a tea at my regular boba spot, sat on a different couch in my friend’s apartment like I always do, and seen a movie with my friends at the same theater we’ve been going to every week for five years. A twinge of both depression and guilt rushed over me as I contemplated the juxtaposition between the videos of people adventuring to fascinating places and doing amazing things and the very predictable life I was living, even in the middle of New York City. It’s not that I don’t have a good reason that my list of regular places is small — cities are very expensive, and as a writer/creative, I work from home. But the real truth is, I go to the same handful of places and do the same handful of things with the same handful of people because I like it, and I feel bad about that.

We currently live in a dystopian age where lives are no longer lived; they’re performed, they’re filmed, like little movies or reality TV shows for the world’s entertainment. The more interesting the show and its characters, the more comments, likes, and engagement. Some people actually make a living out of this digital life performance, but many of us do it for free. And if there’s something that we’ve all learned, whether we’re digital performers or scrolling viewers, it’s that the all-powerful algorithm will bless better, bigger, more interesting content.

This means we aren’t just exposed to the lives of the rich and famous celebrities thumbing through a magazine in the checkout line, stars that we can contextualize as “other” than us and not objects to compare our lives to. Now we are exposed to thousands of “normal” people, even our friends, who all seem to be living exceedingly more interesting lives than we are, often marked by the seemingly endless amount of fascinating places they go, the activities they take part in, and the cool people they do it with.

As a result of this algorithmically influenced phenomenon, we have now begun to associate a good life with one that is filled with a never ending succession of new places, notable activities, with novel people. But is that the truth?

Just a few years ago, during a global pandemic when the entire world was stuck at home, in need of entertainment to fill up some of the endless hours inside, I decided to use some of my time to go back through and watch some of my favorite sitcoms from years past. I did this because, first, sitcoms have many episodes spanning many seasons to take up time with, and second, I love the genre of sitcom, a beautiful combination between live theater and film that culminates into a fantastic vehicle for great characters, witty dialogue, and simple but engrossing narratives. And I’m not alone in my love for sitcoms. While there are fewer now, they’ve been one of the most consistently beloved, watched, and culturally connective programs on television, stretching back decades and decades to shows like I Love Lucy, The Dick Van Dyke Show, and The Mary Tyler Moore Show, all the way up through Seinfeld, Frasier, and Friends in the ’90s, to How I Met Your Mother, The Big Bang Theory, and The King of Queens in the early aughts.

As I sat there on my couch in my tiny New York apartment, watching episode after episode of these beloved shows, something struck me. All of these shows take place in a small number of very normal locations: an apartment, an office, a home, a school, a coffee shop, or a bar. And not just occasionally — no, the entire series, countless episodes and numerous seasons of any particular show, would take place in just a couple of non-exciting, non-cool, places. What’s more is that they revolved around the lives of normal people — a delivery person, a psychiatrist, a struggling artist/writer, a stay at home mom.

[video embed]

With this realization, suddenly my entire definition of what a substantive and interesting life could be shifted. These shows were stories about normal people, doing normal things in normal places. They didn’t scoff or condescend at the normalcy; they reveled and celebrated it, revealing the beauty and value of what my friend Joseph calls “the glorious ordinary.”

As a culture now steeped in modernity, we have tacitly come to accept a definition for what a “good” or “interesting” life looks like. An unrealistic and even undesirable image constructed almost entirely from social media and peer pressure that says interesting lives are a never-ending series of stimulating new experiences, places, and people. But as I watch these sitcom series, ones that have captured the hearts, eyes, and souls of countless millions for almost one hundred years, I realize that these shows connected to us in such a meaningful way not in spite of the simplicity of the setting they took place in, but because of it.

These shows gave us a vision for what truly meaningful lives actually looked like. Lives that were filled with joy, connection, and love that occurred entirely in the midst of the ordinary. They told us that a meaningful life can and does take place in the normal places, with the normal people, doing the normal things in the places in which we all already dwell. Instead of explosions, car chases, exotic locations, and fancy parties, they showed us laughter in living rooms, deep conversations between friends on a couch, meals around the family table, births, deaths, arguments, falling in love. We see this celebration of beautiful lives lived in “normal” circumstances not only in sitcoms, but in some of the greatest written works ever penned. Living in New York City and working as an actor has allowed me to study, perform, and view some of the greatest plays ever written, and what’s stunning is just how many of those plays, written by the greats like Shakespeare, Chekhov, and Wilson, take place in a single everyday room. Even some of the greatest plays of Shakespeare take place in nothing more than rooms of a home. But for the ultimate example of a rich life, well lived in the context of normalcy, we need look no further than Christ, who changed the entire course of history, and yet spent most of his adult life in his hometown as a working carpenter, having conversations on hills with local fishermen.

The Apostle Paul wrote, “Make it your goal to live a quiet life, minding your own business and working with your hands.” In the handful of decades I have wandered this earth, I have been blessed enough to experience much of what this world has to offer. I’ve traveled around the world, dined in five-star restaurants, hung out with celebrities, gone to fancy parties, walked red carpets at film premieres, sat on top of mountains, sailed across seas, and had my fifteen minutes of fame — and I’m thankful for each of those experiences. But no matter what I do or where I go, I find my heart doesn’t long for those short-lived, flash-in-the-pan experiences that look good on social media or in movies, but rather it hungers for the things I know to be ultimately satiating. The basic human experiences like eating a meal with my family in my childhood home, taking a walk with my wife on the path we always take, having a deep conversation with my friend in his apartment, going for a drive and singing at the top of my lungs to my favorite songs — these are the moments that make life full, beautiful, and worth living. They are ordinary, but gloriously so.

We all will find ourselves with the occasional wave of discontentment when surveying the oft dreary monotony of our everyday lives. We will scroll and see pictures and videos of both celebrities and friends living what seem to be the newly agreed upon definition of a “good life” and feel we are missing out or wasting the short time on this earth caught in a soft cage of mundanity. But take heart and turn on an episode of your favorite sitcom to remind yourself, the most valuable and beautiful moments of your life will happen right there where you are, doing what you do, with the people around you now — in the midst of the glorious ordinary."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/">
    <title>'Let's bring some of those vittles back to the table:' What the Nov. 4 election means - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T04:35:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Economic populism seems to be working. Siding with Trump doesn't. Where does the Democratic Party go now?"]]></description>
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    <title>&quot;Our Time Is Now&quot;: Zohran Mamdani's Mayoral Campaign Inspires NYC's Working-Class South Asians - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-05T19:48:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hwOl5hpcvg0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Democracy Now!'s Anjali Kamat reports on working-class South Asian support for New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani. South Asian voter turnout increased by 40% during the Democratic primary, contributing to Mamdani's upset victory against former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, who is now running as an independent candidate. "We've had several South Asian or Indo-Caribbean candidates, and none of them elicit this response. And I think the fact that the campaign spoke to the very material issues of working-class people has, first and foremost, has really made a very significant difference," says Fahd Ahmed, director of the South Asian community organization DRUM Beats, whose members have been canvassing for Mamdani's campaign."

[transcript:
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/3/new_york_city_zohran_mamdani ]

[See also:

"Mamdani's Movement: Organizers & Supporters Celebrate Stunning Victory & Repudiation of Trump"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tEwjT_7mMC8
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/5/nyc_2025_mayoral_election_mamdani_hq

"Democracy Now! spoke with supporters celebrating Zohran Mamdani’s win in the New York City mayoral race Tuesday night. Volunteers with the Democratic Socialists and other campaign organizers at the Brooklyn Paramount victory party described the night as “surreal” and vowed to fight back against President Trump’s agenda. Sumaya Awad, a NYC-DSA member, describes Zohran as a politician “that doesn’t put the platform and the mission at the expense of anyone.”

“When people’s needs aren’t being met, they need an alternative, and so far, only the far right was providing an alternative in the form of authoritarianism, in the form of fascism, in the form of hate, turning against immigrants, against queer people, against Muslims,” says Fahd Ahmed, director of DRUM Beats. “What this campaign and our movement was able to do was offer a left alternative.”"]]]></description>
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    <title>Why City Benches Are Becoming More Hostile - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T21:54:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KB8RWULtiQc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the years, New York City benches have evolved, using designs often described as hostile or defensive to discourage homeless people from sleeping on them. These design changes have entire Instagram accounts and Reddit forums dedicated to documenting their rise. Though people experiencing street homelessness are the main target, legions of New Yorkers are annoyed.

Our reporter explains why benches are now entirely kept out of some new public spaces. Video by Anna Kodé, Gabriel Blanco, Laura Salaberry, Christina Shaman, Leila Medina and Rebecca Suner/The New York Times. #nyc #newyork #ny #centralpark

Read the story here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/18/nyregion/nyc-benches.html "

[via:
https://kottke.org/25/11/why-city-benches-are-becoming-more-hostile

"From NY Times reporter Anna Kodé (whose “intersection of culture and real estate” reporting I’ve been enjoying lately), a short video on the increasingly hostile architecture of NYC.

<blockquote>The spread of the leaning bench and the lack of seating at places like Moynihan or around the city signals to homeless individuals that they are not welcome in these places. It signals to all New Yorkers that these are not social places. These are places to simply pass through.</blockquote>

Here’s a video Vox did on the subject seven years ago. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WeyLEe1T0yo ]

Being in Japan is offering me such a contrast to so many things in the US. There are benches in public places here and they don’t have spikes all over them. Japan has the world’s lowest rate of homelessness [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homelessness_in_Japan ], probably because they take care of people. [https://kottke.org/25/10/the-freedom-of-enough ]

In America, we don’t provide housing or much of anything else for people (including a living wage or affordable health care) and the result is that no one can sit down in Penn Station or in a subway station and oh by the way, lots of people have nowhere to live. Why do we do this to ourselves? We could live better lives but we choose not to….for reasons?"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/extralibrary-loan-making-civic-infrastructure/">
    <title>Extralibrary Loan: Making the Civic Infrastructure We Need</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-02T20:52:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/extralibrary-loan-making-civic-infrastructure/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amid a war on public knowledge, libraries are pushing outward, enlarging the commons through new configurations of civic and creative life."

...

"We don’t need fancy, new buildings to create civic synergies or build community news networks. But thinking spatially and programmatically can help us imagine what’s possible, which partners should be invited in, how the logistics of sharing are structured, what spaces of exception and refuge will be carved out. We should think, too, about topologies of fortification: how these allied institutions and partnered programs can be more deeply rooted in their communities, and, through their entanglement and embeddedness, less vulnerable to isolated attack. Banding together, they demonstrate the value of civic adjacencies. And scaling up — to an urban or regional-logistical scale — they form new networks of solidarity: improvisatory extra-institutional loans, systems of sharing, fugitive infrastructures, shadow libraries, joint trusts, collective practices of hope, expansive undercommons necessary in this dark era."]]></description>
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