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    <title>New Documents Detail Nine-Figure, Silicon Valley–Funded Abundance Movement - The American Prospect</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-14T20:21:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prospect.org/2026/06/12/new-documents-detail-nine-figure-silicon-valley-funded-abundance-movement/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Prospect has obtained a fundraising pitch and historical manifesto from inside the movement."]]></description>
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    <title>Disabling Modernism</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://badfaithtimes.com/a-crisis-of-confidence-solved/">
    <title>A Crisis Of Confidence Solved</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T17:22:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://badfaithtimes.com/a-crisis-of-confidence-solved/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Republicans understand in their marrow that confidence is contagious. 

It’s why, even after a slim electoral win, they strut before the cameras and say fuck you, we won, it’s all over for you, our victory is permanent. Republicans look you right in the eye and say you’re finished here: We have the mandate not just of the American people in all their wisdom and careful consideration, but of God himself, for God wants lower interest rates and ethnic cleansing and a bull market and the end of pronouns in email signatures, and what God wants, God gets. 

Confidence projected correctly tells people what to think, how to perceive you and how to perceive events. Anything said with sufficient confidence, I think, can be made real. Whether it’s innate or taught in Republican boarding school, the American right wing’s expertise lies (mostly) in projecting confidence that they have won, even when they’ve lost."

...

"Mamdani, after blowing out Cuomo and ending his family’s wretched political dynasty, sounded a lot like a goddamn Republican: I won, I have a mandate, I will follow through with the policies I relentless pitched over the past year, and I’m not going to take no for an answer.

“I refuse to apologize for any of this,” Mamdani said about his unabashedly left-wing economic stances and his Muslim faith. “I’m looking to be clear about the mandate that we won over the course of this election, and it is a mandate to deliver on the agenda that we ran on.”

Shorter Mamdani: I won, fuck you. 

Fascists respond to this brazen confidence. Some of the filthy rich guys who vehemently opposed Mamdani's campaign immediately bent the knee and asked how they could work with the city's next mayor. Even Trump conceded that he might work with Mamdani. These guys respond to confidence. They respond to authoritativeness and even belligerence. They crave nothing more than appeasement, as Mamdani said in a victory speech that made me tear up over my first cup of coffee Wednesday morning.

The conditioning of the American left to never feel good about itself and to always – no matter what – engage in the most intense kind of doomerism could be seen in CNN pundit Van Jones’ response to Mamdani’s victory speech. The victor had projected unshakable confidence that he could carry the energy of his upstart campaign into governing, and Jones winced at this show of force. Mamdani said I won and my opponents lost and they have to learn to live with that and Jones – who, like Cuomo, is functionally a Republican – recoiled. 

"I think he missed a chance tonight to open up and bring more people into the tent," Jones told a CNN election night panel. "I think his tone was sharp. I think he was using the microphone in a way that he was almost yelling. And that's not the Mamdani that we've seen on TikTok and the great interviews and stuff like that, so I felt like there was a little bit of a character switch here where the warm, open, embracing guy that's close to working people was not on stage tonight, and there was some other voice on stage."

Jones and other centrist pundits and columnists and podcasters who only wish to magically return to pre-Trump politics are not capable of understanding the Dark Woke vibes that made themselves known on Tuesday. They need a return to somewhat normal politics if their shtick is going to hold up in the long run. What they refuse to acknowledge is that there remains no appetite whatsoever among Democratic voters for conciliation and bipartisanship. We tried that. It didn’t work. Now is the time for unbreakable political will and confidence and a nationwide back burn to save representative democracy in the United States. 

Look to Virginia Senate President Louise Lucas for a model of confidence and a reflection of what so-called Dark Woke politics might look like in practice. Lucas, clearly a born Poster, has logged on a few times since Tuesday’s results to tell her Republican opponents and critics to locate the nearest pile of shit and scarf it down. 


Lucas committed to gerrymandering Virginia's house districts to counter Republican gerrymanders, and told a shameless Maryland Democratic lawmaker to shut his damn mouth about Tuesday's wins until he's committed to purging Maryland's lone Republican House member via gerrymander.

Lucas saw Tuesday's results and chose to be confident in what her party can do with (almost) unchecked power in Virginia. Her confidence – and Mamdani's confidence – is contagious. It makes people believe, it converts to doomer into something less doomy. She did not reach out to her opponents and ask to hold hands. Lucas said your time is up, we're in charge, have fun wielding no power. Shorter Lucas: We won, fuck you. "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/">
    <title>'Let's bring some of those vittles back to the table:' What the Nov. 4 election means - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T04:35:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Economic populism seems to be working. Siding with Trump doesn't. Where does the Democratic Party go now?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate">
    <title>Addiction Markets: Abolish Corporate-Run Gambling</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-31T21:17:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Corporate gambling is economic coercion, a way to shift tax burdens away from the wealthy to the poor. It's been here since the 1970s, and now it's corrupting sports and young men. Abolish it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/">
    <title>Luigi Mangione, Giuseppe Zangara, and the Forgotten History of Italian American Radicalism – The Abusable Past</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T18:56:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Before Luigi Mangione, there was Giuseppe Zangara."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/06/the-silly-red-scare-over-new-yorks-leading-candidate-for-mayor/">
    <title>The silly 'red scare' over New York's leading candidate for mayor - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-26T21:04:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/06/the-silly-red-scare-over-new-yorks-leading-candidate-for-mayor/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Mamdani's platform is just common sense, and it worked; is the Democratic Party Old Guard even paying attention?

...

"That’s about right. Some Wall Street folks are all clutching their pearls, but the people in New York have said that they are sick of the Democratic Party Old Guard, that they want change and new ideas, and that taxing the very rich to provide services like transportation and child care is just common sense.

The party establishment, which tried hard to get disgraced former Gov. Andrew Cuomo elected, now has a choice: Raise millions to try to defeat one of the few politicians who has excited the Democratic base at a time when the party is widely unpopular—or wake up and get a clue."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ANNVrrxX39M">
    <title>&quot;Like We're at War with a Foreign Nation&quot; - How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Anti-Left Repression - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-19T20:43:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ANNVrrxX39M</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For functional links: https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/like-were-at-war-with-a-foreign-nation-how-settler-colonial-violence-shaped-anti-left-repression-with-tariq-khan 

In this episode we interview Tariq Khan on his book The Republic Shall Be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression. 

We’ll be releasing this conversation as a two part episode on this excellent book which studies how anticommunism within the US is deeply intertwined with settler colonialism, anti-indigenous thought, and genocidal violence. This helps us to reframe our often twentieth century centric view of anti-left repression in the US. Khan’s work on the 19th century in particular also helps us to see the ways things like race science, eugenics, and phrenology were formed a backbone of the original assumptions of US policing, anti-anarchist repression, lynching, and regimes of deportation. Alongside and related to settler colonial violence against indigenous people, and anti-Black violence, we also through this conversation really get into how central the repression of anarchists in the 19th century was to the development of logics and technologies of anti-left repression in the so-called United States. 

It is also important to see the resonance between US genocidal violence and state repression and that of the so-called State of Israel on Palestinians, something we explore a little bit more in part two of this discussion along with delving into William McKinley, Teddy Roosevelt and more.

This conversation was recorded this past December so we don’t reference a lot of what has happened in the last couple of months, but pairing this conversation with a discussion I hosted on our YouTube channel a week ago with Dr. Charisse Burden-Stelly (CBS) helps us to see how many things we are constantly told represent the crossing of new red lines, or the onset of a fascism that is foreign to the US, are actually foundational pillars of US statecraft, warfare and policing with very long histories.

Guest bio:

Dr. Tariq Khan is a historian with an interdisciplinary approach to understanding the intertwined forces underlying and shaping our social, political, economic, and cultural institutions. He has wide-ranging research, writing, and teaching experience in the fields of global capitalism, transnational studies, U.S. history, psychology, sociology, ethnicity &amp; race studies, gender studies, colonialism &amp; postcolonialism, labor &amp; working-class history, radical social movements, history “from below,” public history, and community-based research and teaching. A few examples of his published works are his chapter “Living Social Dynamite: Early Twentieth-Century IWW-South Asia Connections,” in the book Wobblies of the World: A Global History of the IWW,  his chapter “Frantz Fanon,” in the forthcoming anthology Fifty Key Scholars in Black Social Thought, and his new book The Republic Shall Be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lithub.com/silence-is-collaboration-academics-must-speak-out-against-fascism/">
    <title>Silence is Collaboration: Academics Must Speak Out Against Fascism ‹ Literary Hub</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-12T22:00:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lithub.com/silence-is-collaboration-academics-must-speak-out-against-fascism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We write this in the wake of the illegal arrests of Mahmoud Khalil, Rumeysa Ozturk, Badar Khan Suri, Alireza Doroudi, and other foreign students and teaching faculty at American universities. We will call these arrests what they are: abductions by ICE cowards in plainclothes and facemasks. “We are the police,” these terrorists tell Ozturk in the video of her arrest on Tuesday. “You don’t look like the police!” the  person who recorded the video yells from a window, as they strong-arm a terrified Ozturk into an unmarked car.

Ozturk is an international student pursuing a Ph.D. at Tufts University. She also co-authored an article in The Tufts Daily last March calling on her university to acknowledge Israel’s well-documented genocide in Gaza. The current Trump administration, building on the policies of the Biden administration, is hellbent on denying this genocide and silencing people like Ozturk who speak this truth.

We write from our small campus in southern New Jersey, Stockton University, a mid-size public university. We lack the prestige of Columbia and Harvard, UCLA and Tufts, but as in virtually every other institution of higher learning, we are receiving the same message: if not outright appeasement, do not make waves. Keep your heads down. Stay the course.

The course we are being asked to stay is one of silence. It’s an untenable course, even if its history is longer than most Americans want to admit, evidenced by a recent story which made the rounds on social media. The story recounted how, in 1936, Columbia University expelled a student named Robert Burke for organizing a rally outside of the university president’s mansion, in protest of the university’s close ties with Nazism. Burke, the president of his class, was never reinstated, despite 500 of his classmates rallying on his behalf in front of Hamilton Hall, and “vandal[izing]” John Jay Hall with “red paint and rolls of absorbent cotton.”

Hamilton Hall was also the site of massive student protests at Columbia last spring. Students took over the building and renamed it “Hind’s Hall” in honor of Hind Rajab, the six-year-old girl who made headlines in February 2024 after the Israeli army killed her along with the paramedics who had tried to save her. Rajab had called them after the family attempting to drive her to safety—her aunt and uncle, and her three cousins—were murdered by fire from “Israeli tanks.” Hind was hiding amongst the dead bodies of her loved ones when she was killed. Hind was one of more than at least 17,000 children that Israel has killed, so far, in its genocidal assault on Gaza since October 2023.

In late April, 2024, Hind’s Hall was taken from the students when a militarized NYPD forced their way into the building. In unashamed authoritarian fashion, the university barred journalists from the campus just before the police raid, and threatened their own student journalists with arrest. This is the same Columbia University that houses a world-renowned school of journalism, and awards the Pulitzer Prizes.

And the same Columbia University where, it was reported, the dean of that journalism school, the famed cultural critic and historian Jelani Cobb, told foreign students, “Nobody can protect you. These are dangerous times.” Cobb later walked these comments back, claiming he was trying to protect foreign students by advising them, alongside his colleague Stuart Karle, to keep “commentary on the Middle East” off their social media pages. He said times such as these require a balance of “courage and caution,” with caution apparently taking the lead in that meeting, as it has taken the lead in the meetings that we, also academics, have had with the people who run our university. As Columbia’s longer history points out, institutional silence—to say nothing of institutional complicity—has long been “the course.”

But there is no appeasing an openly fascist Trump administration, for we know that no one is safe under fascism. When we keep our heads down and stay the course, the fascists continue to lie, extort like the mobsters they are, and humiliate and attack whoever they add to their list of enemies. Now it is students, like Columbia’s own Mahmoud Khalil, whom ICE agents kidnapped from the Columbia-owned apartment building where he lives, his pregnant wife calling out after him: My love!

Can you hear her voice? Can you hear his, calling back to her? If not, listen carefully, for the list, we know all too well, will only grow, to include your students, your friends, your family members, perhaps also you.

Stockton University prides itself for the first MA program in an American university in the field of Holocaust and Genocide Studies. We have been teaching our students since 1998 that “Never Again” is Never Again for everyone, that they must never stay silent in the face of persecution and mass violence, that indeed silence is complicity. We have therefore spoken out about Palestine, also before October 2023, as we have about other cases. And we will continue to refuse American higher education’s attempts to silence scholars who make Palestine and Israel’s genocide in Gaza the center of their work, scholars like Dr. Steven Salaita and Dr. Maura Finkelstein, both of whom we have gratefully hosted at Stockton, and who we will host again.

The Canadian journalist Samira Moyheddin recently wrote, “First and foremost… [I speak] the truth on Palestine. Don’t stay in jobs where your knowledge is a liability. Trust me.” To those of us teaching at American colleges and universities, this has a terrifying resonance. This resonance increases every day, and must compel us to say out loud, all the time, that if the university has become a place where our knowledge—of genocide, Palestine, racism, fascism—is a liability, then we must change the university.

As the recent Emergency National Statement to University and College Presidents implores, we must “not capitulate to… the current White House administration’s alarming political campaign against institutions of higher education.” Instead, we must grow coalitions of scholars and students who refuse the “anticipatory obedience” that is currently on display all over the country and on our own campus; who refuse “the Palestine exception” to free speech and academic freedom, so powerfully outlined in the documentary film of the same name, which we screened on our campus this semester; and who refuse now the attack on research and teaching that is expanding quickly well beyond Palestine to deny and suppress settler colonial genocide in the US, the existence of trans people, the intensifying threat of global warming, and the simple scientific truth that vaccines save lives, millions of lives.

We will change the course of a university system that allows for the kidnapping of our students and colleagues. We are told that to refuse this threatens the existence of the university. But if the university’s existence depends upon complying and collaborating with fascism, then we will change the university.

The person who captured Rumeysa Ozturk’s abduction on video shouted at the ICE agents, “this seems like bullshit to me, certainly looks like it.” We will never accept this bullshit, this fascism, this state violence, and we will continue to insist on our role as educators in the struggle for liberation, for truth, and for justice."]]></description>
<dc:subject>fascism zionistmccarthyism mccarthyism highered highereducation academia colleges universities mahmoudkhalil rumeysaozturk badarkhansuri alirezadoroudi ice gaza palestine zionism israel genocide ethniccleansing warcrimes protest protests encampments donaldtrump columbia harvard ucla tufts newjersey resistance collaboration silence robertburke nazismhindrajab nypd jelanicobb stuartkarle racism authoritarianism holocaust stevensalaita maurafinkelstein samiramoyheddin us education redscare rümeysaöztürk</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hcn.org/articles/finding-beauty-in-a-broken-world/">
    <title>Finding beauty in a broken world - High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-19T21:06:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hcn.org/articles/finding-beauty-in-a-broken-world/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The work that needs to be done offers meaning."

...

"I grew up in Weehawken, New Jersey, when a lot of things were at their worst. I was born in 1970 into a world of high inflation, skyrocketing interest rates, and — most upsetting to me — environmental degradation.

In my teens, I played a half-season of Little League Baseball. The field was directly above the entrance to the Lincoln Tunnel, and purple plumes of pollution billowed up past my position at first base, while batters regularly fouled balls over the fence and down into traffic. Surprisingly, nobody was ever killed. But given that this was New Jersey in the early ’80s, the response might have been: Relief at last!

Halfway through the season, though, the coaches stopped showing up, and the team quietly dissolved. Jersey didn’t kill things; it just let them die. And the thing that died most painfully and obviously was the environment. I grew up in an American wasteland, where open spaces like the Meadowlands were used as dumping grounds, and air pollution obscured the Empire State Building. Nearby Jersey City could have served as the model for Blade Runner’s sordid cityscapes.

And so I always thought I hated Jersey. I left for college and moved to Colorado after graduation. My mission in life was to fix the filth and destruction I grew up with. But over time, working in the emerging field of sustainability in the business world, I developed a new empathy for, and understanding of, my home state.

The truth was, I didn’t hate New Jersey; I hated America before environmental regulation.  The Clean Air and Clean Water acts, the most significant environmental legislation in history, were passed in 1970 and 1972 respectively. 1973 saw the Endangered Species Act, the nation’s eleventh-hour acknowledgement that we had more than decimated our country’s flora and fauna, primarily for profit. But monumental laws like these take time to implement, and the government was still figuring out how to do that when I was a kid. When the laws finally took, things changed dramatically. Indeed, the Environmental Protection Agency, recognizing the extraordinary thing it was about to attempt, commissioned photographers to document the world before regulation, so we would remember. They knew that they were about to do a great thing. Faced with today’s even more daunting challenges — particularly in the form of climate change — do we have any such prescience or sense of urgency or confidence in our success? Given this new administration, do we even care?

The EPA was created in 1970 to enforce some of these new laws. It exemplified both government’s power to improve people’s lives and their world, and the recognition that this was the only way to fix gigantic, systemic problems like air and water pollution. (The governing concept at work, that the law should be executed by an institution composed of experts and scientists, is now being directly challenged — even undone — by the Supreme Court.)

But then something changed in our approach to environmentalism. A movement toward neoliberal, free-market thinking — which downplays the need for regulation and governance — started in the ’40s and gathered steam under boosters like Milton Friedman and Ronald Reagan. Businesses faced with rigorous regulations devoutly swore: “Never again.” Instead of using government to solve environmental problems, business, political and academic leaders opted for the easier free-market approach, through voluntary action and with corporations in the lead. Business saw the opportunity to dodge culpability and ran with it, first through advertising that blamed consumers for plastic pollution (remember the “Crying Indian ads?”) and then when BP popularized the idea of the individual “carbon footprint,” which suggested that citizens, not a fossil fuel economy, were responsible for climate change.

This thinking wasn’t solely the province of business; to some extent, it is written in our bones. Thoreau’s writing was ultimately about taking personal action to repair the world, and Americans have always fancied themselves as rugged individualists, despite our collectivist history.

And then, along came climate change. By 1977, scientists at ExxonMobil knew exactly what our rampant combustion of fossil fuels were doing to the environment, and therefore to us. And in 1988, on a very hot summer day, NASA climatologist James Hansen warned Congress of the dire consequences we faced.

It was in this world that I began my career in the sustainable business movement at Rocky Mountain Institute. Its message was inspiring, even heart-racing: Big business was the only entity big enough, nimble enough, and motivated enough — by profit from energy savings and the bourgeoning field of clean energy — to meaningfully address the climate problem at scale. Conveniently, this approach meant that pesky government regulation or legislation would not be needed — or at least not be necessary — to solve the problem. The last gasp of big regulation was the Montreal Protocol in 1987, which halted the destruction of the ozone layer by chlorofluorocarbon refrigerants, thereby protecting the Earth from ultraviolet radiation. It was a great victory, ut it succeeded becauseb DuPont — the corporation whose chemicals created the problem in the first place — had developed a profitable solution. From there on, the problem was mostly in the hands of individuals, or business, the latter having been its cause in the first place. 

The result was environmental small ball — recycling, picking up litter, regional land conservation, voluntary carbon reduction, target-setting but not target-achieving and other uncontroversial actions that could never put a dent in a problem like climate change. Nobody seemed to notice that it was delusional, like peeing on a forest fire. Major environmental nonprofits like the Environmental Defense Fund, The Nature Conservancy and the World Wildlife Fund even partnered with large corporations like Walmart, even though it was obvious that a few willing corporations, or green moms and dads, could never solve a problem of global scale. Especially at a time when few others cared.

I spent more than a decade doing the good work: changing light bulbs to produce returns on investment of 50% to 100% and enthusiastically talking about it, all while knowing it was just a drop in the bucket. The “green” buildings built to rigorous certification standards weren’t really that good and even if they were, stood as unicorns amid a universe of crap construction.

And then one day, during my lunchtime bike ride, I found myself mulling over the climate problem and my career as I pedaled a dirt road hemmed by Colorado’s West Elk Mountains. A word popped into my head, and I could not shake it: “complicity.” I considered all the actions that were considered best practice for corporations and even in the broader environmental movement: carbon footprints, emissions-reduction targets, third-party certifications, offsets. Then I did a thought experiment: I imagined what the fossil fuel industry would want business to do in order to prevent those influential, powerful, lobbyist- and money-backed organizations from hindering its chances to monetize the remaining fossil fuel reserves. The two lists were identical: Each action appeared meaningful and serious but failed to move the systems of regulation or tax policy that might actually make a difference. Over the 28 years I worked in the field, sustainable business and mainstream environmentalism were always complicit with the status quo, and nobody seemed to care. Meanwhile, atmospheric CO2 and global temperatures continued to rise and even accelerate. At what point did it become obvious that modern environmentalism wasn’t working?

I’ve spent the second half of my career reckoning with this problem and experimenting, leveraging the power of business to drive the big systemic changes we need, including supporting sensible regulations — putting a price on pollution, for example, instead of focusing on operational tweaks and calling it good. Business has enough influence: The fossil fuel economy in which we live is the result of its lobbying. But countering the status quo is never easy; it’s controversial, difficult, even frowned upon. When you try to change an entire utility — as we did at Aspen One, where I worked for 26 years — instead of just “taking care of your own emissions,” people get mad at you, and other businesses nervously stand down. If you argue, as we did, that trade groups that slow-walk or ignore climate action should not receive funds, you are “not a team player.” If you engage in presidential politics, as we did in the last election, boards get very twitchy, very rapidly. But these actions are challenging precisely because they can drive real change. It is so much easier to keep your head down. At sustainable business conferences, the keynote speakers are from big corporations that practice the conventional complicity model — dink around with your own problems, avoid policies and movements — and they are considered the “very serious people” in the room, the “thought leaders,” so entrenched and powerful that they need not respond to growing criticism. Instead, you get asked: “Why aren’t you doing what they are doing?”

Critiques abound, however. Why is Salesforce — a green leader in many ways — continuing to pay dues to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which opposes the very climate legislation it claims to support? Microsoft talks about going carbon negative even as it uses its own AI technology to help fossil fuel companies find and exploit more oil and gas.

In The Road, Cormac McCarthy lauds the heartbreaking beauty of the world, even in its destruction: “if he were God,” he wrote, “he would have made the world just so and no different.” More and more people in my field, particularly young people, look at rising emissions and warming, and see only approaching catastrophe and failure, and feel only despair. They are acutely aware of the complicity underlying their continuing faith in half-measures. And this knowledge means that their generation cannot take this shimmering planet, this uncanny existence, for granted. Their collective voice and individual power — as employees and consumers — have weight and influence, if they choose to use it. And they are beginning to; recently, two young tech workers blew the whistle on Microsoft’s climate hypocrisy.

To inhabit a world of sublime grace, and to have condemned that world to destruction — that makes for a terrible kind of beauty. It has different effects on different people. It can paralyze us. Or it can make us aware both of agency and a fate we cannot accept and thereby offer us the chance of a lifetime: a task of infinite worth and meaning, an opportunity in repairing the world, to be like gods. Maybe it’s an offer we can’t refuse."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/10/realestate/sopranos-house-bada-bing-new-jersey.html">
    <title>What ‘The Sopranos’ Iconic Filming Locations in N.J. Look Like Now - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-26T00:00:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/10/realestate/sopranos-house-bada-bing-new-jersey.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the anniversary of the show’s premiere, its creator and location manager reflect on some of its iconic settings and why they were chosen."

]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/how-capicola-became-gabagool-the-italian-new-jersey-accent-explained">
    <title>How Capicola Became Gabagool: The Italian New Jersey Accent, Explained - Atlas Obscura</title>
    <dc:date>2022-09-25T19:07:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/how-capicola-became-gabagool-the-italian-new-jersey-accent-explained</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>italy italian language immigration dialects calabria history nyc newyork us newjersey 2015 italia newyorkstate</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/11/27/style/what-is-inside-this-internet-rabbit-hole.html">
    <title>A Business With No End - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-11-30T17:22:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/11/27/style/what-is-inside-this-internet-rabbit-hole.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Where does this strange empire start or stop?"

…

"Trying to map the connections between all these entities opens a gaping wormhole. I couldn’t get over the idea that a church might be behind a network of used business books, hair straighteners, and suspiciously priced compression stockings — sold on Amazon storefronts with names like GiGling EyE, ShopperDooperEU and DAMP store — all while running a once-venerable American news publication into the ground.

While I searched for consistencies among disparate connections, the one thing I encountered again and again on websites affiliated with those in the Community was the word “dream.” “Find the wooden furniture of your dreams” (Hunt Country Furniture). “Read your dreams” (Stevens Books). “Our company is still evolving every year, but our dream never changed” (Everymarket). “The future belongs to the one who has dreams; a company with dreams achieves the same” (Verecom).

Indeed, at some point I began to feel like I was in a dream. Or that I was half-awake, unable to distinguish the virtual from the real, the local from the global, a product from a Photoshop image, the sincere from the insincere.

Still harder for me to grasp was the total interpenetration of e-commerce and physical space. Standing inside Stevens Books was like being on a stage set for Stevens Books, Stevens Book, Stevens Book Shop, and Stevensbook — all at the same time. It wasn’t that the bookstore wasn’t real, but rather that it felt reverse-engineered by an online business, or a series of them. Being a human who resides in physical space, my perceptual abilities were overwhelmed. But in some way, even if it was impossible to articulate, I knew that some kind of intersection of Olivet University, Gratia Community Church, IBPort, the Newsweek Media Group, and someone named Stevens was right there with me, among the fidget spinners, in an otherwise unremarkable store in San Francisco."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.newyorker.com/news/john-cassidy/mark-zuckerberg-and-the-rise-of-philanthrocapitalism">
    <title>Mark Zuckerberg and the Rise of Philanthrocapitalism - The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2015-12-24T00:23:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.newyorker.com/news/john-cassidy/mark-zuckerberg-and-the-rise-of-philanthrocapitalism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The announcement, on Tuesday, by Mark Zuckerberg and his wife, Priscilla Chan, that, during their lifetimes, they will donate to philanthropic causes roughly ninety-nine per cent of their Facebook stock, which is currently valued at close to forty-five billion dollars, has already prompted a lot of comment, much of it positive. That is understandable. The fact that Zuckerberg, Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, and a number of other billionaires are pledging their fortunes to charity rather than seeking to pass them down to their descendants is already having an impact.

Last year, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which was founded in 2000, dispensed almost four billion dollars in grants. A big slug of this money went toward fighting diseases like H.I.V., malaria, polio, and tuberculosis, which kill millions of people in poor countries. Zuckerberg and Chan have also already donated hundreds of millions of dollars to various causes, including eradicating the Ebola virus. In their latest announcement, which they presented as an open letter to their newborn daughter, on Zuckerberg’s Facebook page, they said that the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, the new philanthropic organization that they are setting up, would focus on “advancing human potential and promoting equality.”

It’s not just the size of the donations that the wealthy are making that demands attention, though. Charitable giving on this scale makes modern capitalism, with all of its inequalities and injustices, seem somewhat more defensible. Having created hugely successful companies that have generated almost unimaginable wealth, Zuckerberg, Gates, and Buffett are sending a powerful message to Wall Street hedge-fund managers, Russian oligarchs, European industrialists, Arab oil sheiks, and anybody else who has accumulated a vast fortune: “From those to whom much is given, much is expected.”

Speaking at Harvard in 2007, Gates attributed this quotation to his dying mother. (A slightly different version of it appears in St. Luke’s gospel.) In 2010, Gates and Buffett challenged fellow members of the ultra-rich club to give away at least half of their wealth. Since then, more than a hundred billionaires have signed the “Giving Pledge.” Some of these mega-donors, such as Buffett, are content to let others direct their donations. (In 2006, he signed over much of his fortune to the Gates Foundation.) Increasingly, however, wealthy people are setting up their own philanthropic organizations and pursuing their own causes—a phenomenon that has been called “philanthrocapitalism.”

That is the positive side. It is also worth noting, however, that all of this charitable giving comes at a cost to the taxpayer and, arguably, to the broader democratic process. If Zuckerberg and Chan were to cash in their Facebook stock, rather than setting it aside for charity, they would have to pay capital-gains tax on the proceeds, money that could be used to fund government programs. If they willed their wealth to their descendants, then sizable estate taxes would become due on their deaths. By making charitable donations in the form of stock, they, and their heirs, could escape both of these levies.

The size and timing of the tax benefits to Zuckerberg and Chan are uncertain, but they are likely to be large. In the initial version of this post, based on the open letter Zuckerberg and Chan posted on his Facebook page, and on the opinions of several tax experts, I said that the couple, in donating stock to the new philanthropic organization, would gain immediate tax credits equal to the market value of the stock, some of which could be rolled over into future tax years. Typically, that is what happens when a rich person donates stock to a family foundation or to certain types of L.L.C.s constituted for philanthropic purposes, such as ones owned by family foundations.

On Wednesday, in a follow-up post on Facebook, Zuckerberg provided more details about the couple’s plans. Evidently, the L.L.C. that he and Chan are setting up will not be seeking tax-exempt status. “By using an LLC instead of a traditional foundation, we receive no tax benefit from transferring our shares to the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, but we gain flexibility to execute our mission more effectively,” Zuckerberg wrote. “In fact, if we transferred our shares to a traditional foundation, then we would have received an immediate tax benefit, but by using an LLC we do not.”

Even if the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative doesn’t obtain tax-exempt status, over time its activities will most likely have a big impact on the taxes its founders pay. The I.R.S. treats ordinary L.L.C.s as “pass-through” structures, and shifting financial assets to such entities doesn’t usually generate any immediate credits or liabilities. But whenever the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative issues grants to nonprofit organizations, it will almost certainly do so by donating some of its Facebook stock, and that will generate tax credits for Zuckerberg and Chan equal to the market value of the stock at that time. As the years go by and the Initiative steps up its charitable activities, these credits seem likely to add up to very large sums.

Unlike a regular family foundation, the L.L.C. may also generate some tax liabilities for Zuckerberg and Chan. If it invested in a commercial enterprise, such as an online-learning company, taxes would be owed on any profits the investment generated. And if, as Zuckerberg also pointed out, the L.L.C. sold some of the Facebook shares that he and Chan have donated to it, they would have to pay capital-gains taxes on the proceeds. But since the couple will control the L.L.C., they will be able to decide how it finances itself, and whether it sells any stock.”

If what Zuckerberg is doing were an isolated example, it wouldn’t matter much for over-all tax revenues. But the practice is spreading at a time when the distribution of wealth is getting ever more lopsided, which means the actions of a small number of very rich people can have a bigger impact. In 2012, according to

By transferring almost all of their fortunes to philanthropic organizations, billionaires like Zuckerberg and Gates are placing some very large chunks of wealth permanently outside the reaches of the Internal Revenue Service. That means the country’s tax base shrinks. As yet, I haven’t seen any estimates of the over-all cost to the Treasury, but it’s an issue that can’t be avoided. And it raises the broader question, which the economists Thomas Piketty and Anthony Atkinson, among others, have raised, of whether we need a more comprehensive tax on wealth.

Arguably, there is another issue at stake, too: democracy.

Although organizations like the Gates Foundation portray themselves as apolitical, nonpartisan entities, they aren’t completely removed from politics. Far from it. The Gates Foundation, for example, has been a big financial supporter of charter schools, standardized testing, and the Common Core. (It has also given some money to public schools.) Zuckerberg, too, has also provided a lot of money to charter schools. They featured prominently in his costly and controversial effort to reform the public-school system in Newark, New Jersey, which Dale Russakoff wrote about in the magazine last year. In the letter posted on Facebook, Zuckerberg signalled that he isn’t done with such efforts. “We must participate in policy and advocacy to shape debates,” the letter said. “Many institutions are unwilling to do this, but progress must be supported by movements to be sustainable.”

My intention, here, isn’t to enter the education debate. It is simply to point out what should be obvious: people like Zuckerberg and Gates, by virtue of their philanthropic efforts, can have a much bigger say in determining policy outcomes than ordinary citizens can. (As Matthew Yglesias pointed out on Vox, one of the advantages of registering the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative as an L.L.C. is that it can spend money on political ads.) The more money billionaires give to their charitable foundations, which in most cases remain under their personal control, the more influence they will accumulate. And relatively speaking, anyway, the less influence everybody else will have.

Some Americans—not all of them disciples of Ayn Rand—might say that this is a good thing. I have already cited some of the Gates Foundation’s good works. Isn’t Michael Bloomberg, with his efforts to reform gun laws, promoting the public interest? Isn’t George Soros, through his donations to civil-rights organizations, lining up on the side of the angels? In these two instances, my own answers would be yes and yes; but the broader point stands. The divide between philanthropy and politics is already fuzzy. As the “philanthrocapitalism” movement gets bigger, this line will be increasingly hard to discern.

So by all means, let us praise Zuckerberg and Chan for their generosity. And let us also salute Gates, who started the trend. But contrary to the old saying, this is one gift horse we should look closely in the mouth."

[via: http://hackeducation.com/2015/12/23/trends-business/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>Dale Russakoff: A Test for School Reform in Newark : The New Yorker</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cory Booker, Chris Christie, and Mark Zuckerberg had a plan to reform Newark’s schools. They got an education."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["These adjustments all hinge on the re-localization and downscaling of the major activities that add up to civilized life: we have to grow more of our food closer to home (as oil-based agri-business flounders); we have to move out of failing suburbia into more compact neighborhoods and towns; we have to prepare for the difficult, necessary contraction of our overgrown giant urban metroplexes (New York City in particular); we have to re-organize commerce away from the monocultures of car-dependent big box corporate despotism and rebuild resilient Main Street infrastructures of trade, and we have to do all these things with a kind of conscious and deliberate earnestness that amounts to a national sense of purpose—something sorely absent in these baleful days of Kardashians, universal obesity and comprehensive American anomie. In short, we have to become a lot less like New Jersey."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://endlessbookshelf.net/">
    <title>The Endless Bookshelf : simply messing about in books by Henry Wessells</title>
    <dc:date>2012-10-12T05:27:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://endlessbookshelf.net/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Books are what I do : Write (very slowly), Read (rapidly or at leisure), Re-read (for pleasure or reference), Buy and Sell (my livelihood), Catalogue and Describe (ditto), Edit, Publish, Review (for The New York Review of Science Fiction and others), Recommend or Give away, Receive, and — unavoidably and repeatedly  — Lift (whether singly or in boxes). I concede a fondness for private eye novels, equalled by my interest in the quirky, erudite, or obscure, and surpassed only by my love of the literature of the fantastic."

— Henry Wessells]]></description>
<dc:subject>reading newjersey writing books art henrywessells</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://nextcity.org/daily/entry/sympathy-for-the-suburbs">
    <title>Next American City » Sympathy for the Suburbs</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-22T03:50:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nextcity.org/daily/entry/sympathy-for-the-suburbs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But Foreclosed seethes with disdain for the suburbs, and the lack of an empathetic understanding of how the suburbs function and are changing, ultimately makes the exhibit look less visionary than ignorant…

These radical visions that are so insensitive to the suburbs remind me of the Modernist public housing projects that were once foisted on inner cities. Created by well-intentioned but essentially ignorant architects and planners, those buildings made sense in theory but not in practice. They didn’t respond to the rhythms and needs of the people who would be housed there, because the architects didn’t really respect or understand the lives of poor people. MoMA should have found some architects who could love and live in the suburbs, showing us the way to make the most of suburban housing instead of wishing it didn’t exist."]]></description>
<dc:subject>hilarysample michaelmeredith losangeles oregon illinois california florida newjersey templeterrace theoranges cicero keizer rialto cities edglaeser misregistration repurposing revitalization infrastructure jeannegang WORKac foreclosed barrybergdoll housing andrewzago buellhypothesis moma design planning poverty urbanism urban architecture suburbia suburbs 2012 foreclosure housingbubble housingcrisis edwardglaeser</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://letsembark.com/">
    <title>Embark | Mass Transit Made Simple</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-07T09:52:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://letsembark.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We make mass transit simple. Embark provides an accurate, reliable, and interactive transit experience that helps you get where you want to go."]]></description>
<dc:subject>navigation mapping maps longisland newjersey philadelphia dc washingtondc sanfrancisco london chicago boston nyc applications trains transportation transport guidebooks iphone android ios</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sIsjZaeG-zI">
    <title>Classics Academy - 8 16 11 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2011-09-17T05:57:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sIsjZaeG-zI</link>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/doctor-hotspot/">
    <title>Doctor Hotspot - Video | FRONTLINE | PBS</title>
    <dc:date>2011-07-29T04:22:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/doctor-hotspot/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["New Yorker writer and FRONTLINE correspondent Atul Gawande reports on a doctor in Camden, N.J., who actually seeks out the community’s sickest — and most expensive — patients."]]></description>
<dc:subject>healthcare health frontline atulgawande jeffreybrenner towatch us policy changemakers gamechanging medicine newjersey camden money cost</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:85a7228f95dd/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://schoolfinance101.wordpress.com/2010/02/15/njtaxes/">
    <title>A closer look at New Jersey taxes « Schoolfinance101's Blog</title>
    <dc:date>2010-02-17T01:32:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://schoolfinance101.wordpress.com/2010/02/15/njtaxes/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["often hear radio pundits ranting about NJ’s supposed highest in the nation taxes – that are driving people out of the state. I’ll tackle the migration issues in a later post, but any attempted link to tax policy as a single driver is a stretch...I have previously addressed absurdity of “Small Business Survival Index,” as a standard for measuring whether or not a business should or would locate in a particular state.]]></description>
<dc:subject>newjersey taxes schools publiceducation statistics</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a12ca1ca79fe/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2010/01/ri-south-and-chance-for-success-index.html">
    <title>Tuttle SVC: RI, the South, and the Chance for Success Index [Funny that this appears just after discussing California's constitutional and economic crises, Prop 13, high taxes in New Jersey, the state of public schools, and the such with the old man...]</title>
    <dc:date>2010-01-23T20:01:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.tuttlesvc.org/2010/01/ri-south-and-chance-for-success-index.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[...When I mentioned that NJ taxes have bought some of the best public schools in the country, he scoffed.] "One thing that's funny is that the next day there was a post on Flypaper about the sad state of New Jersey's schools, which rank #2 on the unmodified CFSI score and #1 on the adjusted CSFI.

Beyond that, there is precious little movement in the top states based on this analysis: some middling states go down to low and some low go up to middling, but the top states, all in the northeast, mid-Atlantic, midwest or Virginia, are consistent.

Whatever this analysis is worth (and it may not be much), it is the kind of thing that makes me scratch my head about the steadily increasing Southern influence on education policy in Rhode Island and Providence. We keep pulling in more Southerners, who seem to have had some success in pulling their states from terrible to OK, but if we were just up to the level of our New England or Mid-Atlantic peers, we'd be way above Florida, Texas, etc."]]></description>
<dc:subject>policy education leaders money taxes politics us national tomhoffman states newjersey california texas newengland florida experts</dc:subject>
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