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    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 240: How the Media's &quot;Burden,&quot; the &quot;Straining Resources&quot; Framing Manufactures the Expendable Other</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T06:24:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-240-how-the-medias-burden-the-straining-resources-framing-manufactures-the-expendable-other</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we discuss the ideological work done by our media's default frame of immigrants, poor seniors, homeless people, and those with disabilities as "burdens" and "strains" on our limited resources––namely those provided by the holy Taxpayer. Meanwhile, skyrocketing police and Pentagon budgets are just treated as unremarkable laws of nature.
 
With guest Beatrice Adler-Bolton of the Death Panel podcast."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer">
    <title>Academia: The Answers We Don't Offer - by Timothy Burke</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T12:22:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m interested in the emerging academic consensus that remote work, like the Covid-19 lockdowns that pushed it forward as an option, has some hidden social and psychological costs.

At least for me, this kind of finding is where a fair number of people who used lawn signs to declare that we should all “trust the science” quietly pack away those signs and forego that guidance. It seems evident now that we should all have been much more worried about the economic aftershocks of small business failures and the political consequences that might follow from that and that we should have worried a lot more about the psychological and social fallout of manorial isolation in residential spaces inhabited by families, close friends, or roommates only.

The failure to publicly map those considerations in to a balanced technical or scientific evaluation of policies has badly wounded public health institutions around the world, but particularly in the United States. RJK Jr. I think would have never even gotten within sniffing distance of any form of political power but for this kind of miscalculation.

A recent NYT op-ed by two economists, Emma Harrington and Natalia Emanuel, argues that they’ve gone from being strong advocates of remote work as an option for many white-collar workers to seeing a need to sharply restrict its prevalence. I think their reasoning is sound, shaped by data showing a sharp rise in psychological precarity and seeing a broader span of evidence that people are feeling socially isolated in ways that may be exacerbating forms of partisan alienation, general anomie, and collective despair.

The diagnosis seems right to me but I wonder about the therapy. Harrington and Emanuel’s previous enthusiasm for remote work was based on the fact that many people say they prefer it to being in the office. That at least requires a lot of attention before anybody embraces making everybody come back to the same workplace. What is it that people don’t like to the point that they might cling to remote work even if they might recognize some of its negative effects?

The easiest issue to grasp, particularly (I would hope) for economists, is that for many people remote work is in net terms more affordable. It not only eliminates the costs (and tensions) of a daily commute, it also frees people to live in a wider variety of places. Which touches on some of the points about affordability and housing that came up in my last newsletter—if you can live in a cheaper area that you also like which is hours or more from where your company or organization is headquartered, you’ve solved a major problem that mainstream policy and the existing economy are otherwise unresponsive towards. There are other affordances in many cases. Child care, at least for kids who are school age, often becomes both cheaper and easier if both parents are able to work remotely. Meals are often cheaper, especially for people who have substantial dietary restrictions.

I think another NYT op-ed, by Adam Grant and Marissa Shandell, got at far more profound issues with the centralized workplace as an alternative to remote work. There’s a recent problem that many organizations downsized or deferred maintenance during the pandemic so that returning workers find themselves crowded together in buildings that are physically more uncomfortable or unpleasant to be in, dealing with employers who refuse to recognize that they are dumping all those former costs back on their employees in an era of stagnant compensation. That’s a smaller subset of what Grant and Shandell focus on, which is that many middle managers and office bosses want everybody back because its their jobs on the line if it turns out that everybody can produce as much or more as before remotely without a boss constantly coming by their cubicle to hassle them. The need to boss people, as Grant and Shandell see it, is not just self-protective of the status and position of managers but is a psychological need for the kind of person who typically becomes a manager, that many people in these positions are motivated by narcissism and other “dark triad” drives, about the “ego, power and drives” of American bosses.

That’s certainly how many white-collar workers almost legendarily experience being supervised, remotely or otherwise, and that experience is a hundred times worse when it’s about someone physically proximate to you. What a lot of people discovered is that remote work made that experience more bearable. But I think you can extend beyond what Grant and Shandell see in the data.

What I think a lot of Americans have come to feel with new intensity is that hell is other people. Bosses are the worst part of that, but there’s also the co-workers who steal lunches, talk loudly all the time, tell creepy stories, ogle and harass, take credit for work they didn’t do, backstab peers in pursuit of advancement, stick their nose into business that isn’t theirs, or just generally rub the wrong way through no particular fault of their own. Work is the place where you’re with people you never chose to be with, pursuing ends that at least some folks might feel diffident towards, but also shot through with existential risks to your prosperity and well-being. In the United States, most people are a few months of paychecks away from losing their homes or apartments and have their healthcare directly tied to ongoing employment.

I think white-collar workers came alive during the pandemic to the fact that not only is the sociality of work not the sociality they crave, but that all other kinds of sociality that were once tied to a protected block of time we called “leisure” or “private life” have been badly eroded over the last three decades.

Harrington and Emanuel mention Robert Putnam’s famous work Bowling Alone as a path-breaking and early recognition of this loss of civic life. Given that, it’s kind of heart-breaking that we have come to a point where the path ahead gets articulated as “come back to a shared workplace in order to have some kind of shared social reality” or “stay remote and at least avoid the social and psychological harms that many associate with office labor”.

Casting back to my essay from last week on my frustrations with the epistemological shortcomings of conventional social science, this is another one of the shortcomings of the kind of social science that tries to inform institutional and governmental policy. This kind of work always confines itself to what is imagined as being possible within the contemporary moment, no matter how cramped the space of the possible might be as it is understood by the people making the policies and holding the purse-strings. Hardly anyone in this kind of intellectual space finishes their analysis by calling for a social movement, for political and social organizing, for change from the ground up.

Because if the diagnosis is “many of us are suffering psychologically in the isolation of remote work and many of us are losing basic emotional and relational skills to the general detriment of our society”, then surely there are other imaginable therapies besides “look to the workplace to provide what you’re losing, regardless of how precarious, unpleasant and costly life in the workplace might be.” Putnam’s therapeutic suggestions in Bowling Alone are the weakest part of the book, but even from the title alone, he showed that he understood that what we really need is time for ourselves together that is not about work—that is about play, that is about worship, that is about expression, that is about family, that is about joy, that is about ideas and dreams of what could be.

Workplaces have occasionally pretended that they could contain all of that social interaction—often when they self-congratulatorily anoint themselves as “communities”—but the last two decades have stripped most of that pretense away. The foosball tables and well-appointed cafeterias have disappeared even from Silicon Valley, the mock tolerance for open conversation and undirected exploration has been withdrawn.

There’s a problem that not even revived bowling leagues or quizzo teams could solve. Putnam and his enthusiasts at least help us think about something better than “get back to the office, everybody”, but at the core of Putnam’s thought is the idea that we make community best when we are forced to make connections with people we haven’t chosen and wouldn’t prefer to be around. Behind that thought lurks two decades of mainstream sociological narratives in books like Bill Bishop’s The Big Sort: that Americans are suffering from spending too much time with people who are too much like themselves. This is the sort of advice that conventionalized thinkers, usually self-satisfied centrists who write op-eds in major American newspapers, love to give and love to stage. “Talk to people with different views than your own! Reach across partisan divides! Learn to appreciate viewpoint diversity!”

It’s not that they are wrong, either morally or practically. We aren’t mixing enough socially, we are living in more and more bounded kinds of enclaves, our socioeconomic boundaries are hardening as our inequality deepens, we are becoming not only socially inept but also almost unintelligible across certain kinds of everyday epistemological orientations. The problem with Putnamesque ideas about maintaining a healthy sociality that is not confined to work is usually that the person calling for that mixing is themselves not particularly adept at doing so, and often has an incredibly banal understanding of the actually-existing pluralism of social difference in America. The Putnamesque centrist knows what we ought to do, has excessive confidence that they are doing it, but doesn’t really grasp what it would actually entail.

And that’s where I think conventional left appreciations of diversity also run into issues. We tend to think that a sociality that put us into contact with the widest variety of lived experiences, of national and religious and ethnic backgrounds, of temperaments and outlooks, would be the sociality beyond work and beyond the safe civics of Putnam that we all really need and want.

We don’t have a vocabulary for recognizing that the interpersonal, emotional and psychological friction many of us experience at work would exist even in a sociality that was ideally pluralistic. That what remote work and manorial isolation during the pandemic showed some of the people who experienced the strongest forms of that isolation is that it is a pleasure to not have to deal with many people whether that’s in public spaces, in civic life or at work.

Simply being with people who mirror your cultural preferences and even your emotional bent is not a relief. The narcissism of small differences is able to make those social worlds just as painful as many others. What I think no social scientist—or perhaps any other kind or flavor of thinker—is presently speaking to is how do we find people who are different to us whose difference we find enlightening, productive, pleasant, generative, enticing, or transformative?

I am sure that you are more likely to uncover how to do that in a bowling league than a cubicle farm. I am also sure that discovering that art has something to do with the variety of opportunities you are given to be in the presence of real people in materially real circumstances, that it is something you don’t learn via a prescribed path or single technique but in terms of putting enough small bets onto a lot of tables. That requires, at a minimum, time that is clawed back from work, but it also requires a vast regeneration of third spaces in a society almost completely enclosed by the private world of the family and the deformed anti-public created by neoliberalism. We need community centers and parks and libraries and block parties and new civic rituals, we need loitering and hanging out, we need time that has no purpose but to be where other people are and purposes that have no justification other than making social worlds. We need buildings with shared kitchens for all residents, we need free adult education in underused offices. You name it—but what we don’t need is the only thing that a certain kind of social analysis allows itself to envision in facing a looming problem, which is to settle work as the only thing which can define our social belonging."]]></description>
<dc:subject>timothyburke covid-19 pandemic coronavirus isolation alienation remotework labor work workfromhome affordability us policy bosses precarity psychology whitecollar robertputnam bowlingalone 2020 2021 2022 2023 2025 2026 offices economics socialscience socialsciences institutions government governance maha workplace workplaces social autonomy surveillance billbishop division diversity mixing sociality interpersonal friction pluralism otherpeople others neoliberalism civics belonging rfkjr robertkennedyjr emmaharrington enataliaemanuel partisanship anomie espair adamgrant marissashandell middlemanagement management administration narcissism ego supervision power control employment direction exploration tolerance community communities</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://logicmag.io/out-of-place/mapping-black-dispossession-in-san-francisco-with-ralowe-t-ampu-and-eric-a/">
    <title>Mapping Black Dispossession in San Francisco with Ralowe T. Ampu and Eric A. Stanley</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T09:30:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://logicmag.io/out-of-place/mapping-black-dispossession-in-san-francisco-with-ralowe-t-ampu-and-eric-a/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This conversation between UC Berkeley professor Eric A. Stanley and abolitionist organizer Ralowe T. Ampu maps cycles of displacement in San Francisco. Ampu traces the ongoing removal of Black life from her arrival in 1996—a year that also marks the election of the city’s first Black mayor, Willie Brown, and its first tech boom—to the present. Foregrounding the ways Black politicians spearheaded the dispossession of San Francisco’s Black communities, and drawing on a storied history of organizing against these violent modes of urban planning, Ampu provides unique insight into the everyday implications of computation as a municipal project. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 sanfrancisco history disposession raloweampu ericstanley displacement williebrown 1996 urbanplanning thelastblackmaninsanfrancisco gentrification politics policy jamesbaldwin takethishammer 1964 1970s soma westernaddion midmarket colonialism bigtech colonization twitter edlee frankjordan londonbreed hayesvallley redevelopment civiccenter blm blacklivesmatter capitalism neoliberalism copcity missiondistrict themission gavinnewsom bart garrytan doordash uber undercommons georgefloyd police policing fillmore freaknik michaeljohnson dei civicjoyfund marketstreet techcolonialism warondrugs culture abolitionism technocracy fascism desperation economics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://dissentmagazine.org/article/the-once-and-future-right/">
    <title>The Once and Future Right - Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T07:53:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://dissentmagazine.org/article/the-once-and-future-right/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The beneficiaries of existing social and economic hierarchies will always fight to maintain them against egalitarian movements for change.

Introducing our Spring 2020 special section, “Know Your Enemy.”"

...

"In a widely read New Republic article published in the first days of Barack Obama’s presidency, Sam Tanenhaus, a journalist and biographer of Whittaker Chambers and William F. Buckley, Jr., declared that “Conservatism Is Dead.”

He argued that advocates of the postwar conservative orthodoxy—a “fusion” of libertarian economics, anti-communism, and Christian traditionalism—could provide no satisfactory answers for Americans struggling with precarious employment and the collapse of the housing bubble. For Tanenhaus, it was Obama who represented the politics of Burkean compromise best suited to a world in crisis and flux. Out of touch with its times, conservatism, he predicted, would be relegated to the wilderness, shadow-boxing with twentieth-century ghosts until tiring itself out and expiring.

Tanenhaus was wrong. He failed to anticipate the potent ideological adrenaline that the Obama presidency would provide to the movements and institutions of the right, which, despite their high-minded rhetoric, had always been propelled as much by disdain for (and fear of) the lower orders as by philosophical principle. Beneath a familiar veneer of constitutional originalism, the Tea Party catalyzed an amorphous fear of the first black president—and his plans to “take over” American medicine on behalf of undeserving racial others—into a genuine movement. It revitalized the Republican Party, infusing it with young legislative talent and cash from hardcore libertarian donors like the Koch Brothers. Conservatives dominated state legislative elections in the Obama years, enabling a spree of gerrymandering and structural reforms (like voter disenfranchisement and union busting) to ensure that, despite a dwindling white majority, conservatism would have a triumphant second life in American politics.

Whether you see Trump’s victory in 2016 as the culmination of decades of racial backlash, prefigured by the counter-revolutionary rage of the Obama years, or a radical break with the movement conservatism that preceded it depends on how you view the intellectual history of conservatism: through the rosy spectacles worn by the editors of National Review and the American Enterprise Institute, or as the product of a class that recognizes its duty to forget the violence of its foundation.

The thorough marginalization of those voices on the right who have refused to embrace Trump—and see him as out of step with conservative tradition—is indicative of the current orientation of the movement. Most of the writers who contributed to National Review’s February 2016 “Never Trump” issue have become defenders of the president. Those like William Kristol, Jonah Goldberg, Charlie Sykes, and Jennifer Rubin who remain opposed are relegated to the sidelines of conservatism, viewed with suspicion by their former comrades. They wield little if any influence over the direction of the GOP and are resigned to begging the Democrats to pick a sufficiently moderate nominee for them to support in 2020.

The contributors to this section seek instead to recover the connections between conservative history and Trump, along with the seemingly novel formations emerging on the right. In his essay, Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins offers an illuminating reappraisal of the “evangelical question”—how did a religious community self-defined by puritanical virtue embrace a figure, in Trump, of pure vice and evident godlessness?—by unearthing the white nationalism, Christian chauvinism, and American exceptionalism endemic to evangelicalism from its founding. Steinmetz-Jenkins confounds the recent effort by evangelical leaders to quarantine their doctrinal beliefs from the political adventurism of the rank-and-file; religious doctrine and “secular” politics are entangled, mutually constituting the political theology of evangelicalism.

This meld of faith and politics is evident in our forum of formerly conservative writers explaining why they left the right. Christian fundamentalisms of various flavors play a role in the upbringing and early politics of Matthew Sitman (co-editor of this section), Sarah Jones, Maximillian Alvarez, and Steinmetz-Jenkins. All found themselves mostly bypassing centrist liberalism as they moved from left to right, searching for a politics that repudiated the Iraq War and that took seriously the experience of economic precarity.

Other conservative intellectuals have sought to revive conservatism in order to appeal to the working class. In March 2019, a manifesto entitled “Against the Dead Consensus” was published by First Things, a redoubt of the Christian right that once provided the intellectual sustenance of George W. Bush’s evangelical extremism. While stopping short of endorsing the president himself, the authors of the manifesto wrote that “the Trump phenomenon has opened up space in which to pose these questions anew,” asserting that “any attempt to revive the failed conservative consensus that preceded Trump would be misguided and harmful to the right.” In its place, they support a muscular faith-based politics, support for an idealized American worker, and anti-immigrant nationalism. They reject a pernicious individualism that they associate with the market fundamentalism of the right, the left’s embrace of transgender and abortion rights, and the “pornographization of daily life” in popular culture.

This post-liberal battle cry has found an unlikely champion in Harvard Law professor Adrian Vermeule, a respected and influential scholar who has become the country’s foremost advocate of “integralism”—the idea that the political priorities of the state should be subordinated to the moral aims of the Catholic Church. In a bracing essay, James Chappel finds the roots of Vermeule’s theocratic illiberalism, counterintuitively, in the technocratic jurisprudence he has elaborated elsewhere with the moderately liberal Cass Sunstein. If the administrative state can be used to “nudge” (in Sunstein’s phrase) individuals toward optimal economic and public health outcomes, why couldn’t agencies staffed by integralists “nudge” the public toward appropriate moral behavior?

Ross Douthat is known for translating these internecine conservative debates into terms that liberal New York Times readers can understand. In an interview with Sitman and Sam Adler-Bell, we press Douthat to explain how his own conservatism fits within the currents of post-liberalism, populism, and nationalism roiling the right, and whether a Trumpism without Trump is possible. Douthat—long an advocate of pairing economic populism with social conservatism—offers perhaps too sanguine an account of how a post-fusionist GOP might rebuild itself after Trump, glossing over some real disagreements about the best way to imagine the national community. Our dialogue also draws out some of the overlap between left and right critiques of individualism, posing the question of whether a social democratic president like Bernie Sanders might offer a different answer to the crisis of liberalism than Trump has.

Kirsten Weld concludes the section by widening our historical and geographic aperture to examine the ascendant Latin American right and its origins in the continent’s postcolonial histories. Her essay reminds us to look well beyond the twentieth century for answers to our contemporary predicaments. The racial, religious, and gendered hierarchies that conservatives across the globe seek to reconstitute and fortify are, ultimately, the inheritance of empire. And the task for the international left, as ever, is to eradicate the vestiges of colonialism and slavery from the structures of our societies.

Conservatism is hardly dead, and it may never die. The beneficiaries of existing social and economic hierarchies will always fight to maintain them against egalitarian movements for change. So too will the conservative longing for a lost or threatened sense of security, certainty, and rootedness serve as a powerful framework for opposing the imaginative promises of the egalitarian left.

But the certainty of resistance only raises our obligation to fight—and to know our enemy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc">
    <title>Mapping the ADL’s Origins in Settler-Colonial Liberalism, State Power, &amp; Civil Rights as Cover... - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T06:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we are joined by Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the ADL as a Cold War neoconservative institution. Gelman excavates the Anti-Defamation League's origins as a white, settler colonial institution founded by German-Jewish elites—not to combat antisemitism broadly, but to manage class respectability and suppress Eastern European Jewish immigrant socialists whom they viewed as a racial and social threat. 

 Gelman looks back at how early Jewish settlers had built fortunes through participation in 19th-century US territorial expansion, Indigenous dispossession, and slavery's economic system, understanding themselves as white Europeans racially distinct from the "vermin" arriving from the Pale of Settlement. The ADL and its predecessor, the American Jewish Committee (founded 1906), operated as Progressive Era eugenicist charities designed to "correct and fix" rather than support self-determination, preemptively capturing Jewish political identity to prevent autonomous radical organizing.

 Gelman traces how the ADL evolved from an instrument of McCarthyite purges—coordinating mass firings of Jewish leftists in 1951, offering its services to McCarthy committee members, and abandoning Julius and Ethel Rosenberg to execution while denying antisemitism played any role in their prosecution (the judge who sentenced them sat on the ADL's Civil Rights Committee)—into a key architect of Cold War anti-communism and neoconservative "democracy promotion." The organization attacked Arab League representatives speaking about Zionist violence in Palestine as early as 1946, treating Palestinian and Arab organizing as "foreign insurgency" while framing Jewish fundraising for Israeli settlement as natural civic participation. After Israel's 1967 military victory, the ADL strategically re-racialized Jews as non-white within the framework of race liberalism, allowing it to cast Israeli militarism as defensive racial liberation and Arab calls for refugee return as antisemitic rather than anti-colonial. This racial pivot occurred precisely as European Jews had achieved economic whiteness through the GI Bill, suburbanization, and the collapse of university quotas—benefits systematically denied to Black populations through redlining.

 Emmaia Gelman is the author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the Anti-Defamation League as a Cold War neoconservative institution (UC Press, 2026) and co-editor of The Anti-Defamation League: A Critical Reader (Pluto Press, 2026). She co-hosts the podcast Unpacking Zionism. Emmaia is co-chair of the American Studies Association Caucus on Academic and Community Activism, and a longtime activist in New York City.

 She is the founding director of the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism, which examines the political and ideological work of Zionist institutions in Palestine and transnational contexts. She researches the history of ideas about race, queerness, safety, and rights, and their production as levers in surveillance, “anti-terror”, and war. Her teaching spans academic and community spaces."

[also here:
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/mapping-the-adls-origins-in-settler-colonial-liberalism-state-power-civil-rights-as-cover-with-emmaia-gelman 

See also:

The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, by Emmaia Gelman (2026)
https://www.ucpress.edu/books/the-anti-defamation-league-and-the-racial-state/hardcover 

Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism
https://criticalzionismstudies.org/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: Despite 9-Figure Infusion from Silicon Valley, Abundance Still Seeks Popular Support</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-02T01:36:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-despite-9-figure-infusion-from-silicon-valley-abundance-still-seeks-popular-support</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this news brief, we catch up with Dylan Gyauch-Lewis, senior researcher at the Revolving Door Project, to discuss Abundance's PR problems, why this latest neoliberalism rebrand isn't catching on and how Silicon Valley billionaires still see 'Abundance' as their best chance to counter populist forces in the Democratic Party."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/the-algorithmic-order/">
    <title>The Algorithmic Order</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:22:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/the-algorithmic-order/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The history of education technology is inseparable from the history of standardized testing."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/rule-world-education-power-stanford-tech-theo-baker/">
    <title>The University as Giant App | Los Angeles Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:12:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/rule-world-education-power-stanford-tech-theo-baker/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Theo Baker’s book about Stanford offers a shockingly frank look at a campus that is as tightly governed as a Siberian labor camp—one perhaps designed by Sergey Brin."

...

"It might be argued that Silicon Valley, like the army, the church, and the American Bar Association, is free to identify, recruit, and train new members as they please. What kind of a university is this, then? A metaphor comes to mind. Stanford is the harbinger of the university-as-giant-app, a networked series of buildings, professors, classrooms, donors, faculty, trustees, and back-office staff designed to turn out a small but predictable number of next-generation tech titans. Like other apps, it feels like a highly engineered tool geared to customer convenience, though only a carefully selected group of human beings is allowed to use the program—and the real operator is Silicon Valley itself, whose screen taps summon the Stanford within Stanford, fresh from the warehouse."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stanford highered highereducation arjunappadurai eugenics billionaires neoliberalism siliconvalley academia theobaker 2026 governance technofeudalism sergeybrin jdsalinger nepobabies frederickterman skunkworks ivyleague hooverinstitution ronaldreagan georgeschultz miltonfriedman condoleezzarice war diplomacy casbs caltech mit kazuoishiguro peterthiel marcandreessen elonmusk samaltman socialdarwinism whistleblowing pronatalism geneticengineering ethics marctessier-lavigne science engineering xairatherapeutics johnshopkins technology bayarea thorsteinveblen us vc venturecapital speculation wealth privilege exclusivity race class gender</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03085147.2026.2650057">
    <title>Full article: Liberal crisis machine: The Hewlett Foundation in the era of polycrisis philanthropy</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T07:11:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03085147.2026.2650057</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This paper shows that the Hewlett Foundation, contra its legal status, its non-political self-concept and conventional scholarly claims to third-sector or technocratic neutrality, acts as a liberal ‘crisis machine’ to manage and moderate radical change, and to strengthen existing power distributions. This occurs through programmes that protect the US elite constitutional processes, promote post-neoliberalism, and address China’s geo-economic challenge. This provides a powerful example of how an under-researched liberal-progressive foundation’s power works and how technocratic-liberalism organizes ruling elites (including extreme and far-right Trumpists) who shape and perpetuate the terrain of political polarization, attacks on democracy and the structural inequities of neoliberalism. The Hewlett Foundation’s ‘performative radicalism’ in managing crises is rooted in its centrality within corporate elite networks and in the mindsets and imperatives of US global hegemony. Using Gramscian concepts of hegemony, organic crisis and passive revolution, the paper presents the Hewlett Foundation as an architect-funder of elite knowledge networks spanning foundations, think tanks, academia and the state. These networks consciously organize elite consensus and disorganize or downplay mass movements’ roles in driving radical change."

[via:
https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/la-longue-duree/ 

"Then we offer a provocative critique of liberal philanthropy, written from a Gramscian perspective and with an empirical focus on the California-based Hewlett Foundation. Its conclusion—that the work of such groups is undercut by their position and role in the US power elite—should be hotly debated."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>us hegemony neoliberalism latecapitalism post-neoliberalism polycrisis crisis hewlettfoundation philanthropicindustrialcomplex philanthropy charitableindustrialcomplex charities charity technocracy neutrality liberalism radicalchange change china thinktanks academia state democracy polarization politics policy inequity inequality farright rightwing donaldtrump inderjeetparmar</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mPRkXbpFjs">
    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mPRkXbpFjs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi 2026 briahnajoygray wokeness capitalism identitypolitics wokeism politics discourse donaldtrump maga trumpism dei policy academia highered highereducation meritocracy discrimination professionalmanagerialclass pmc solidarity gender sexuality race symboliccapitalists culture symbolism culturalarbiters rhetoric education catherineliu law professionals creativeclass class colleges universities autonomy prestige employment adjuncts dsa left right conservatism affirmitiveaction diversity equity inclusion inclusivity classwarfare signaling elites elitism society nonprofit nonprofits journalism commongood virtue altruism power taxes taxation egalitarianism sweden nordiccountries us billionaires wealth eliteoverproduction gabrielrockhill identity sharedvalues individualism commonality workingclass workers labor progressive progressivism elections campaigning nikolehannah-jones racism whiteliberals liberalism blackskinwhitemasks frantzfanon behavior zohranmamdani darializaavilachevalier aoc alexandriaoca</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://open.spotify.com/episode/1s4lZhoC8mA8mFYsp7L3ea">
    <title>Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto con Carlos Bravo Regidor • The Ideas Letter Podcast: A project of the Open Society Foundations</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T23:54:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/1s4lZhoC8mA8mFYsp7L3ea</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mar-de-dudas-conversaciones-para-navegar/id1853979465?i=1000770650095 ]

"¿Qué le ocurre al liberalismo cuando el guion que lo orientó durante tres décadas deja de corresponder al mundo? El analista político e historiador mexicano Carlos Bravo Regidor empezó a hacerse esa pregunta la noche del triunfo electoral de Donald Trump en 2016 —que coincidió con su cumpleaños— y dedicó los siguientes años a perseguirla a través de una serie de entrevistas largas que originalmente le encargó la revista Gatopardo. El resultado es Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto (Grano de Sal / Gatopardo, 2025), una colección de catorce conversaciones extensas con algunos de los pensadores políticos más agudos de nuestro tiempo, entre ellos Francis Fukuyama, Branko Milanović, Nadia Urbinati, Daniel Innerarity, Federico Finchelstein, Pablo Stefanoni, Rafael Rojas, Margaret MacMillan, Ivan Krastev, Sofia Rosenfeld, Rebecca Solnit y Laura Gamboa.

En este episodio del podcast Ideas Letter de la Open Society Foundations, producido en colaboración con la New Books Network, el conductor Mario Arriagada conversa con Bravo Regidor sobre el itinerario intelectual que lo llevó de las certezas noventeras —el triunfalismo de la posguerra fría, las transiciones democráticas, el liberalismo de mercado, el Estado de derecho— a un ajuste de cuentas con las fallas estructurales de ese paradigma. Hablan del carácter parcial y conducido por élites de las democratizaciones latinoamericanas, con la transición mexicana como caso paradigmático de una negociación partidocrática de raíces sociales superficiales; de las preguntas legítimas que el populismo le plantea a la democracia liberal sobre representación, redistribución y la distancia entre la calle que protesta y el silencio de los mármoles del Parlamento; del giro hacia la posverdad y la crisis de intermediación en la esfera pública tras el declive de los viejos guardianes del sentido común; y de las lógicas específicas y autóctonas de las nuevas derechas en Argentina, Brasil y El Salvador, que la conversación insiste en no meter en una misma bolsa.

Lo que emerge no es tanto un recorrido guiado por catorce autores como una meditación sobre el ejercicio mismo de la duda —lo que Ortega y Gasset, a quien Bravo Regidor cita como fuente del título, llamó el salvavidas de la inteligencia— y sobre la entrevista larga como antídoto a la velocidad y la estridencia de la vida pública contemporánea. Mar de Dudas, y esta conversación sobre el libro, son una invitación a desacelerar."]]></description>
<dc:subject>carlosbravoregidor 2026 2016 donaldtrump liberalism neoliberalism gatopardo mardedudas francisfukuyama nadiaurbinati danielinnerarity federicofinchelstein pablostefanoni rafaelrojas margaretmacmillan ivankrastev sofiarosenfeld rebeccasolnit lauragamboa marioarriagada endofhistory doubt intelligence 1990s paxamericana brasil brazil argentina elsalvador brankomilanović inequality mexico nafta democracy liberaldemocracy representation redistribution politics economics economy governance commonsense 2025 2020 2021 transparency perú chile spain españa italia italy silvioberlusconi hillaryclinton technocracy eattherich wealth populism culture culturalcapital eu europe elitism latinamerica javiermilei chavismo peronism peronismo right farright rightwing left posttruth socialmedia joséortegaygasset capitalism freetrade cristinakirchner albertofernández marinelepen giorgiameloni welfarestate libertarianism ideology friedrichhayek friedrichvonhayek jairbolsonaro nayibbukele</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.vanderbiltuniversitypress.com/9780826504661/drug-cartels-do-not-exist/">
    <title>Drug Cartels Do Not Exist – Vanderbilt University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-21T04:13:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.vanderbiltuniversitypress.com/9780826504661/drug-cartels-do-not-exist/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Through political and cultural analysis of representations of the so-called war on drugs, Oswaldo Zavala makes the case that the very terms we use to describe drug traffickers are a constructed subterfuge for the real narcos: politicians, corporations, and the military. Immigration has endured as a prevailing news topic, but it is a fixture of modern society in the neoliberal era; the future will be one of exile brought on by state violence and the plundering of our natural resources to sate capitalist greed.

Yet the realities of violence in Mexico and along the border are obscured by the books, films, and TV series we consume. In truth, works like Sicario, The Queen of the South, and Narcos hide Mexico's political realities. Alongside these examples, Zavala discusses Charles Bowden, 2666 by Roberto Bolaño, and other important Latin American writers as examples of those who do capture the realities of the drug war.

Translated into English by William Savinar, Drug Cartels Do Not Exist will be useful for journalists, political scientists, philosophers, and writers of any kind who wish to break down the constructed barriers—physical and mental—created by those in power around the reality of the Mexican drug trade."

[See also:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drug_Cartels_Do_Not_Exist
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Los_c%C3%A1rteles_de_la_droga_no_existen

PDF (español):
https://caminantescentrodocumentazione.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Los-carteles-no-existen_9788417081720.pdf

"Presentación de "Los cárteles no existen" de Oswaldo Zavala con Olallo Rubio"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pvqeOu3kpbA ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>oswaldozavala 2022 mexico drugcartels us williamsavinar warondrugs drugtrafficking immigration boders border politics policy society neoliberalism stateviolence capitalism greed robertobolaño charlesbowden latinamerica drugwar drugs</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/accommodations/">
    <title>Accommodations - The Ideas Letter</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T02:02:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/accommodations/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Accommodations

May 28, 2026
#65

Brazil is playing an outsized role on the global stage, and for good reason. With the largest rainforest area in the world, the future of the planet hinges in no small part on decisions made in the Amazon. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, “Lula,” has inspired a second coming of non-aligned states—middle powers, in today’s IR parlance—which strive to present a collective alternative to American empire. Elections will be held on October 4 to determine whether a member of the reactionary Bolsonaro clan will return to office and unseat Lula, the progressive champion, who is running for a fourth term. A lot is at stake. No small reason why The Ideas Letter 65 is focused on the largest country in South America, which the pre-colonization Tupi Indigenous people referred as “Pindorama,” the land of the palms.

First out of the gate is the remarkable political philosopher and public intellectual Marcos Nobre. You’ll recall that we featured an essay by Nobre in The Ideas Letter 14 that introduced his concept of neo-extractivism to make sense of a new form of the dependency model in Brazil and more broadly in the international system. In this piece, Nobre takes the measure of Brazilian history since the resumption of civilian rule in 1985 and traces the patterns and ruptures that produced this conjunctural moment. Nobre argues that Brazil faces a political crisis today and that the stakes of this year’s elections are high because the system based on elite accommodation established after the dictatorship is breaking down, giving way to a sharper conflict between a resurgent far-right and a weakened but still-central left. Nobre is hopeful but hardly optimistic.

Returning to history, the Brazilian social scientist and policy analyst Miguel Lago reconsiders what could usefully be mined from the radical and authoritarian presidency of Getúlio Vargas (1930–45 and 1951–54). Lago argues that Vargas, one of the most consequential leaders in Brazilian history, has been misunderstood, ideologically misclassified, and thus marginalized from political memory. Vargas should be remembered less as an ideologue than as a network actor—a leader who mediated among diverse social forces while making himself the indispensable center of Brazil’s political life. His importance, Lago concludes, lies in his method not his doctrine.

Finally, Oliver Stuenkel, a Brazilian-German political scientist, pushes back on Daniel Bessner’s claims in IL 63 that that a new world order will be sharply demarcated into rigid spheres of influence claimed by the great powers. Using Latin America as a central case, he shows that in today’s interconnected world neither El Norte nor any other major country can fully dominate neighboring regions (or exclude its rivals from them). Brazil’s multi-alignment strategy is a better bet to avoid dependence. Hedging is destiny!

Were the great Marxist historical sociologist Moishe Postone still with us (he died in 2018), he would certainly be banging the drum for a deeper structural analysis of neoliberalism. We begin our curated section with an Andrew Liu essay from Critical Historical Studies, a publication Postone helped establish (with William Sewell), which argues that histories of neoliberalism should move beyond surface-level accounts of markets and toward studying the deeper capitalist dynamics of value and the changing composition of capital. Postone was a legend for those who knew him at the University of Chicago, and this essay on his thinking makes clear why that was so.

Following Postone, the journal International Political Sociology showcases a forum-style essay about how anti-colonial and decolonial language is increasingly being used by reactionaries and nationalists to attack liberal universalism. Wisely, the authors caution against treating every anti-imperialist claim as decolonial or progressive: Concepts like “multipolarity,” “civilizational states,” and “pluriverse” can be used to justify spheres of influence and extant hierarchies.

When you’ve finished the aforementioned and taken notes, we offer a palette cleanser: A love letter to the em-dash. This noble sentence mark has been having a devil of a time lately as AI seems to favor it in its slop. Before we allow LLMs to jettison the baby with the bathwater, Mihika Agarwal in The Walrus brings us back to our (punctuational) senses.

It should come as little surprise that for our musical selection we would spotlight Sonny Rollins, aka Newk, following his passing this week at the age of 95. In a cosmically coincidental moment, Rollins died the day before the centenary of Miles Davis’s birth. Newk and Miles played together extensively in the early 1950s, and here is a track of them from a 1954 side, along with Horace Silver, Kenny Clarke, and Percy Heath, performing the Gershwins’ “But Not For Me.” (Rollins comes in at 2:23).

—Leonard Benardo, vice president at the Open Society Foundations"]]></description>
<dc:subject>brazil brasil leonardbernardo 2026 mihikaagarwal andrewliu moishepostone neoliberalism oliverstuenkel politics policy economics danielbesner latinamerica miguellago getúliovargas history marcosnobre extractivism neoextractivism jairbolsonaro luladasilva lula soutamerica indigeneity indigenous authoritarianism infliuence power williamsewell capitalism multipolarity pluriverse nationalism reactionaries llms</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xr1zscNHeYI&amp;t=2s">
    <title>The Great Global Transformation: The U.S., China, and the Remaking of the World Economic Order - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T18:47:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xr1zscNHeYI&amp;t=2s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video was recorded live on May 6, 2026.

After unprecedented economic growth during the 20th century, is the U.S. losing its place as a world power? How have China’s economic rise and its growing class of uber-wealthy elites shaken up its society? How are the seismic changes to both countries reshuffling the global economic order? Are Trump, Xi Jinping, and Putin — all products of neoliberal globalization — leading its reversal? A panel of experts discusses questions raised in the new book by Branko Milanovic, author of Capitalism, Alone and other landmark works, who is a research professor at the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, CUNY Graduate Center. 

Featuring Qin Gao, professor of social policy and social work at Columbia University; Daniel Markovits, professor at Yale Law School and author of The Meritocracy Trap; and Adam Tooze, professor of History at Columbia University and author of Shutdown: How Covid Shook the World Economy. Janet Gornick, professor of Political Science and Sociology and director of the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality at the CUNY Graduate Center, moderates.

Presented with the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality."

[book: 

The Great Global Transformation: The United States, China, and the Remaking of the World Economic Order (2026)
https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/G/bo269830239.html

"From the essential chronicler of the world economy, a portrait of the Great Powers in transition.

The world’s two great economic powers are on opposite trajectories. In the United States, decades of neoliberal policies produced a small class of rich elites and gutted the middle class. In China, the same global forces have created a massive new upper class. The result is the greatest reshuffling of global incomes since the Industrial Revolution—a dramatic shakeup of each country’s political order. As the two powers retreat from one another, the implications for their futures, and for the world economy, are uncertain.

In The Great Global Transformation, acclaimed economist Branko Milanovic draws on original research to chart how these seismic shifts will shape the next century of the global economy. As both the US and China retreat into protectionism, Milanovic shows how a new and multipolar world order will follow—and how rising nationalism will have dramatically different effects on the two countries. And he shows us the fight ahead: as plutocracy returns, global war threatens, and a new system silently shapes our nations, driving populist discontent to the breaking point.

A worthy successor to Capitalism, Alone and his other landmark works, Milanovic’s new book announces the arrival of a new era he terms “national market liberalism,” in which liberalism survives in domestic economies, but not necessarily in the social arena. The Great Global Transformation is Milanovic’s indispensable account of the new twenty-first century now underway."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>brankomilanovic qingao danielmarkovits adamtooze janetgornick us china economics society liberalism neoliberalism russia ussr sovietunion europe socialism capitalism meritocracy inequality labor work economicorder economy corruption globalization elitism donaldtrump xijinping vladimirputin protectionism tarrifs plutocracy multipolarworld 2026 income class middleclass industrialrevolution</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.e-flux.com/journal/163/6776887/the-useful-narcissist">
    <title>The Useful Narcissist - Journal #163</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-27T08:28:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.e-flux.com/journal/163/6776887/the-useful-narcissist</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>mattseybold 2026 publicintellectuals usefulidiots clebrity russelljacoby googlengram jeffreyepstein sambankman-fried elonmusk donaldtrump coldwar broadcast televison dickcavett alanburke pbs npr williamfbuckley media williamsafire chuchcommittee kurtanderson susanlindauer elites elitism richardposner overtonwindow consensus anncoulter thomasfriedman ralphnader gorevidal jamesbaldwin oligarchy tedgioia attention attentioneconomy online internet intellectualism neoliberalism latecapitalism capitalism huntersthompson politics washingtonconsensus</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/promises-and-perils">
    <title>Promises and perils | A Working Library</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-27T01:44:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/promises-and-perils</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One of the just-so stories we keep hearing about AI is that it’s inevitable, that the technology is here and will continue to be here, and we better get on board or get left behind. These stories have the ring of a threat because they are, explicitly and otherwise, threatening. They are also familiar.

<blockquote>Fear that there may be no alternative to the will of the AI arise because we have been told for decades that there is no alternative to neoliberalism, that there is no alternative to the mediation of all society by profit-driven markets, no alternative to the universal power of private self-interest that continually tries not to better the world, but to maximize it’s own profit and hence power. Stories about the “promises and perils” of AI ring true, not because the AI is poised to hunt all of us down, but because the stories reflect real experiences of technology, capitalism, and ideology; they reflect the capitalist developments of the incomprehensibility of technology, the invisibilization of labor, enclosures, proliferating neoliberal bureaucracies, and the sense that there is no alternative to capitalism and the status quo.</blockquote>

[from Blix & Glimmer, Why We Fear AI, page 56]

In other words, the threat isn’t so much that AI is inevitable as that the ongoing—and likely expanding—immiseration of workers is unstoppable. This is the subtext of the strange and conflicted messaging that we get from the hype men: when they say that you better learn AI or be left behind, they are admitting that a great many people will be left behind. And if you—smart and clever and hardworking person that you are—are somehow able to make it to the other side of the line, you’re supposed to find relief or pride at having done so, and not horror at all the people suffering in your wake. You’re supposed to be as uncaring as the capital that uses you.

But getting through this gauntlet is no guarantee of getting through the next one—and there will be a next one, because the plain aim of the technocrats is to immiserate everyone, eventually. From the capitalist perspective, anyone with skills enough to negotiate a comfortable wage is a cost in need of cutting. Add to that the fact that AI’s whole pitch is that the more you use it, the more data it gathers, the more likely it becomes capable of mimicking you well enough to convince the fools above you that it can do your job. So get-in-or-get-left-behind is something of a trick—everyone is left behind, eventually.

Which is both terrifying and clarifying. Terrifying in that the capitalists really do have the ability to do us harm—they have been doing so, already. Clarifying in that there really isn’t any reason to stay on the path they’ve laid out for us. It leads nowhere good. Meanwhile, there aren’t very many people up ahead, and there are a whole lot of us back here. Let’s see what we can do."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ai artificialintelligence capitalism neoliberalism inequality technology society labor work workers nerdreich tescreal mandybrown hagenblix ingeborgglimmer power encolsures messaging data</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/the-banal-horror-of-jimmy-fallon">
    <title>The Banal Horror of Jimmy Fallon</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-25T02:07:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/the-banal-horror-of-jimmy-fallon</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Under the sterile blue lights of his studio, Fallon laughs endlessly at the same pseudo-jokes, rubs elbows with Trump and Sam Altman, and ushers in the death of culture."

...

"Fallon acts as the high priest of a terrified optimism, his rictus grin serving as a shield against the encroaching silence of the real. Here, in the sanitized, over-lit heart of the American culture industry, there is an inescapable horror. But it isn't a monster lurking in the shadows; it is the manic, unblinking insistence that actually, there are no shadows at all. If the Gothic tradition of fear teaches us that the ruins of the past haunt the present, The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon offers the inverse: a present so forcefully flattened, so aggressively “fun,” that it has exorcised history entirely, leaving us trapped in a sterile, eternal loop of viral games and celebrity lip-syncing while the world slides into climate collapse and fascist politics."

...

"These games are not true “play” in the revolutionary sense of the word, wherein games are unscripted, free, and disruptive. Instead, they represent the total commodification of play. In a cultural landscape dominated by the attention economy and defined by precarious labor and existential dread, Fallon presents play not as an escape from work, but as an obligatory task that must be performed, a contractual obligation to a marketing team. He recently joined forces with the soulless monstrosity that is State Farm to shill their insurance, and in a great detail, their ad highlights that you don’t actually need to tell a joke for Jimmy to appear. You just need to say the word “joking” to summon him like a cheap simulacra of Bloody Mary or Candyman. Advertising Fallon is indistinguishable from him on the show—after all, he’s doing exactly the same thing."

...

"Fallon presides over his rituals of play like a vampire, feeding not on blood but on enthusiasm. He doesn’t really converse with any of his guests; they all know what they are there for. Rather, he extracts. He demands “relatability” from them, draining the authenticity from the interaction until only the husk of a “viral moment” remains. The horror lies in the repetition: the feigned shock, the hysterical laughter at unfunny mishaps, the relentless “Golden Retriever energy.”

It is a performance of joy so excessive, so desperate, that it reveals the void it attempts to cover. It is the logic of the assembly line applied to human connection. What Fallon offers is a standardized production of “fun” that feels increasingly like a desperate plea to ignore the crumbling world outside the studio walls.

The real, unsettling mechanism of Fallon’s banal horror is its insistence on a radical non-engagement with reality: a position that, in our current political climate, is itself an aggressively political act. Fallon doesn’t do politics, or if he does, he wants to “keep his head down” because “we hit both sides equally.” Tellingly, Donald Trump has called for the firing of almost all of the other late night hosts—Colbert, Kimmel, even Seth Meyers—but excluded Fallon from his hit-list, because Trump recognizes that there’s nothing about Fallon’s empty banality that could be anything close to a threat."

...

"The Tonight Show is built to liquify all phenomena into content. Trump, the political reactionary and demagogue, the harbinger of a crisis, was treated not as a threat to democracy or a figure of public concern, but just another wacky celebrity guest willing to play along. Fallon and his show are not horrifying because they are malevolent, actively creating suffering in the world, but because of a thoughtless, systematic refusal to perceive any of their work as having ethical consequences. Trump’s monstrosity becomes merely eccentric, as neoliberal media packaged as entertainment normalizes a failing status quo."

...

"The peak of this banal nightmare arrived only recently when Sam Altman, the serene architect of our contemporary algorithmic enclosure, sat across from Fallon to discuss the most intimate of human labors: the rearing of a child, and how he simply couldn’t imagine raising his newborn baby without the “help” of ChatGPT. With the flat, bloodless affect of a man who has already priced in the end of the world, Altman described using ChatGPT as a parental surrogate. Unlike with Hilton, here the audience is deathly quiet. As Altman offers up the future of his own offspring to the black box of his company’s large language model, Fallon’s grin never wavers. It is the ultimate Gothic inversion: the living child is transformed into a data set to be optimized, while the host performs a pantomime of joy to mask the sound of a tomb clicking shut."

...

"The horror of the Tonight Show is not found in any singular problem, but in the totality of its project: the systematic replacement of the real world with a brightly lit simulation of “niceness.” Fallon is the court jester of the Anthropocene, a figure who invites us to watch celebrities play parlor games on stage while the air outside the studio begins to smell of tear gas and smoke. In Fallon’s sterile loop of viral repetition comes the final victory of the commodity over human beings—a world where even our laughter is outsourced to the demands of the algorithm. You don’t even need jokes anymore. All you need is to say something that sounds like it could be a joke, and the hollow laughter will come. To watch Fallon is to stare at the face of a culture that has chosen the comfort of a rictus grin over the heavy, necessary terror of the truth. It serves as a grim warning: if we cannot reclaim our play, our politics, and our presence from this algorithmic void, we will be left with nothing but the echoes of a desk being slapped in an empty room, for an audience that has long since ceased to exist."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/">
    <title>From Californian to Texan Ideology: Conservatism, Religion and Extractivism in the Tech Sector | médialab Sciences Po</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:57:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the occasion of a special session co-organized with the CNRS Center for Internet and Society, the médialab seminar welcomes Fred Turner (Stanford University). He will offer a critical reading of the ideological transformations underway in the American tech world, from California’s libertarian utopia to the more conservative ideology now embodied by Texas.

Abstract

As they leave California for Texas, major digital companies are doing more than looking for new spaces. Their leaders (Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, Joe Lonsdale...) are settling in a state where religion plays a major role, in a Bible Belt dominated by oil billionaires. Texan politics can be summed up in a few words: tax refusal, deregulation, and the narrative of a new frontier populated by “those who are willing to take the necessary risks.” 

Just like oil, digital technologies, including AI and cryptocurrencies, as well as space exploration, depend on public funding and environmental leniency to thrive. So why not take power directly? Tech leaders are now pursuing that path, following in the footsteps of speculative oil investors. 

How did the digital world move from the Californian ideology, where entrepreneurialism was mixed with the legacies of counterculture, to the Texan ideology, shaped by a rejection of any interference except that of the Gospels, and where great, deserving men are seen as working in the name of God? 
Biography  

After a career in journalism in Boston and teaching at MIT and Harvard, Fred Turner is now Professor and Chair of the Department of Communication at Stanford University.

His research explores the relationships between media technologies and cultural transformations, with a particular focus on the role of emerging media in shaping American society since World War II.

He is the author of three influential books: The Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II to the Psychedelic Sixties, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, and Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory.

Fred Turner’s work has received numerous academic awards and has been translated into French, Spanish, German, Polish and Chinese."

[direct link to video: https://vimeo.com/1137645914

See also:
https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies
https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner 2025 siliconvalley californianideology texanideology california texas billionaires fortresses tescreal libertarianism elonmusk gigafactory tesla capitlaism latecapitalism technology billionaites oligarchy climate climatechange environment globalwarming richardbarbrook andycameron sanfrancisco 1960s couunterculture 1990s extraction extractivism bunkers christianity billygraham religion politics race racism neoliberalism economics misogyny christiannationalism policy web internet online dotcomboom dotcombust johnperrybarlow newtgingrich newright rightwing farright right freemarkets freemarketfundamentalism conservatism idealism poverty austin markzuckerberg facebook meta us tiktok google joelonsdale tennessee memphis fbi fairbanks alaska louisiana covid-19 pandemic coronavirus gregabbott rickperry hooverinstitution labor energy water electricity regulation deregulation housing taxes taxation antiwoke newdeal universities colleges academia highered highereducation margaretatwood petrobaptists fossilfu</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies">
    <title>Fred Turner on Countercultures, Cybercultures, and Californian and Texan Ideologies - New Books Network</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:56:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peoples & Things host, Lee Vinsel, and guest host, Paula Bialski, Associate Professor of Digital Sociology at University of St. Gallen, talk to Fred Turner, Harry and Norman Chandler Professor of Communication at Stanford University, about his classic 2006 book, _From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism_. They briefly explore the arc of Fred’s career and revisit the book in the spirit of asking what has changed in digital ideology since the book’s publication, including with the role of Silicon Valley elites in the second Trump Administration, Elon Musk’s role in DOGE, and the (perhaps only brief) turn of digital technology elites moving from California to Texas. Since this conversation was recorded in April 2025, Fred’s essay, “The Texan Ideology,” has been published in The Baffler: https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner "

[See also: 
https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/
https://vimeo.com/1137645914 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://share.transistor.fm/s/cd365742">
    <title>The Equator Podcast | &quot;The American university is simply a corporate institution&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T00:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://share.transistor.fm/s/cd365742</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The American university today, the writer Siddhartha Deb tells Equator's Pankaj Mishra, is "a money-making, MBA- and lawyer-run hedge fund and real estate operation with a minor sideline in education." It's hard, he says, to tell the difference between "Columbia University and the New School on the one hand and X and Elon Musk on the other."

Siddhartha, an Indian writer and novelist, came to academia in the US in the belief that it was a citadel of free thought and open minds. But as he wrote in his Equator essay From Calcutta to Columbia, disenchantment set in quickly. He saw how students were loaded with debt, how his university was voraciously expanding across its pocket of Manhattan, and how the jargon of theory "allowed people to cultivate a moral distance from capital and empire".

Journalism has suffered in parallel as well, both in the US and India. Siddhartha, a former journalist, tells Pankaj that newspapers as much as universities have cravenly surrendered to the Trump administration and but also to previous presidents. "I grew up with this idea of writing being a noble vocation," says Pankaj. "One of the great disillusioning experiences really of the last two or three decades has been that very few people seem to think of it that way. Most people think of it  as a pathway to the most hideously conventional forms of success."

Read Siddhartha's essay for Equator, From Calcutta to Columbia: A memoir of disenchantment https://www.equator.org/articles/from-calcutta-to-columbia "

[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-american-university-is-simply-a-corporate-institution/id1886383434?i=1000766628988
https://open.spotify.com/show/3pS2rfsMQ3PoEfqWvSaBPG ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://lpeproject.org/blog/muskism-as-fordism/">
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    <dc:date>2026-04-26T01:07:55+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/abundance-is-not-enough/">
    <title>Abundance Is Not Enough | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:49:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/abundance-is-not-enough/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/04/abundance-chromebooks-and-satellites/

"This excerpt from Christopher Beha’s new book draws on John Stuart Mill to probe the flaw at the heart of Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson’s technocratic vision of liberalism: “One of the most salient features of contemporary American life is how anxious, depressed, isolated, angry—simply put, how unhappy—many of us are. If we take seriously the utilitarian view of happiness as the great measure of the good, this would seem to be liberalism’s most profound failure. We are unhappy although in absolute terms we remain the richest nation on the planet. We are far less happy than many far less affluent societies. We already have technological powers beyond the imagining of Bentham or Mill or even our own great-grandparents, and we are not happier than any of them. We have cut the distance from New York to London from months to weeks to days to seven hours. Will cutting it from seven to two finally deliver us from our existential distress?”"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>abundance christopherbeha abundancemovement abundancenetwork 2026 johnstuartmill jamesmill plato jeremybentham jean-françoismarmontel economics liberalism neoliberalism society 2016 hillaryclinton donaldtrump technocrats technocracy mattyglesias josshapiro ezraklein derekthompson yimby yimbyism yimbys abundanceagenda</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6yl6JpVZTdM">
    <title>The Care Economy is the Everything Economy - with Emma Holten - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T07:44:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6yl6JpVZTdM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Emma Holten is an economist from Denmark who has written the book Deficit: How Feminist Economics Can Change Our World. Holten details how much of what we consider ‘the economy’ is really underpinned by care of various kinds, mostly done by women. This is very much in line with my own interests around GDP and austerity, as I think our prevailing economic analysis devalues the unseen and leads to policies which hurt people, hurting the economy too. Emma and I had an excellent chat that I think was one of my best on this channel, I hope you all enjoy it!"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/the-shadow-incentive">
    <title>The Shadow Incentive - Peter Joseph: Substack</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-02T07:37:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/the-shadow-incentive</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There is a structural condition that quietly governs nearly every major institution in modern life. It is never written into policy, never openly acknowledged as a guiding principle — yet once you see it, it is everywhere.

The system does not reward the resolution of problems. It rewards their existence.

No one states this outright. No institution advertises it. But follow the incentives rather than the rhetoric, and the pattern reveals itself across healthcare, media, politics, and activism alike. Each domain has its own version of the same underlying logic — what I call the shadow incentive. It is “shadow” not because it is hidden or conspiratorial, but because it operates beneath the surface of stated intentions, shaping outcomes without ever appearing in a mission statement.

When disorder becomes profitable, disorder stabilizes.

The shadow incentive does not operate through explicit decisions, but through gradual adaptation. Individuals within systems respond to the incentives available to them — often without any awareness of the larger pattern — adjusting behavior toward what produces results within the given structure. Over time, those adaptations accumulate into something systemic: a structure in which the persistence of problems is not merely an unfortunate reality, but a functional component of how the system sustains itself.

Once that condition takes hold, the question shifts. Not how do we solve this problem — but what happens when the system quietly depends on it?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>activism charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex charity philanthropy peterjoseph outrage change economics activistindustrialcomplex institutions healthcare media politics capitalism markets civilrightsmovement mlk martinlutherkingjr gandhi neoliberalism persuasion propaganda edwardbernays policy transformation communication messaging problemsolving marshallmcluhan engagement invisibility attention masspersuasion patreon substack brands branding susankomen peta commentary intent resolution incentives culture exaggeration tribalism loyalty georgefloyd 2020 systems individualism distortion behavior 2026 georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-persons-of-interest">
    <title>Persons of Interest: Sean Vanatta on the Unchecked Rise of the Credit Industry | The Sun Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T07:25:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-persons-of-interest</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sean Vanatta on the Unchecked Rise of the Credit Industry"]]></description>
<dc:subject>credit debt seanvanatta 2026 policy economics capitalism us society history newdeal miltonfriedman neoliberalism pauldouglas banking lending marrinereccles federalreserve finance economy citibank visa jimmycarter laborunions creditcards donaldtrump individualism dwightdeisenhower eisenhower consumption consumerism airlines globalization politics governance government culture corporations corporatism employment</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f8ccb135ae65/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nYjlbOn_Zqc">
    <title>Football and Politics in Argentina - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T04:56:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nYjlbOn_Zqc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Preview extract of our bonus episode about the history and politics of football culture in Argentina. Part of our miniseries on the 2001 Argentina uprising, which toppled the government, and saw the spread of neighbourhood assemblies and factories taken over by workers. In conversation with Tomas Rothaus, a participant in the uprising and author of Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias (https://shop.workingclasshistory.com/products/argentina-a-tale-of-two-utopias-anarchism-soccer-neoliberalism-tomas-rothaus.) .

[part 2:

"Argentina: From Uprising to Popular Power"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u5H_vxiczJg

"Part 2 of a double episode about the 2001 uprising in Argentina, which toppled the government, and saw the spread of neighbourhood assemblies and factories taken over by workers. In conversation with Tomas Rothaus, a participant in the uprising and author of Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias: Anarchism, Soccer, Neoliberalism"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>argentina 2011 history economics politics tomasrothaus tomásrothaus workingclasshistory anarchism neoliberalism economy</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ab5e5fe831a0/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RJLA2_Ho7X0">
    <title>Project Cybersyn &amp; The CIA Coup in Chile (Full Documentary by Plastic Pills) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-24T08:35:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RJLA2_Ho7X0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We have some follow-up content on the Plasticpills podcast. Here is the first episode on a series about Cybernetics and Systems Theory https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tMReLjh10tc , and here is a link to the companion episode for this documentary: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pFtPCvhf6io  

The public podcast can be found wherever you get podcasts (PlasticPills - Philosophy & Critical Theory). All exclusive episodes are up on Patreon.

Translations by/traducido al español por Carlos Salinas, Traductor de la Universidad de La Serena, Chile; contact for ESP/ENG (salinas.carlos073@protonmail.com)

--

Works Cited

If you are looking for a reading list, start with Eden Medina's "Cybernetic Revolutionaries," which is the definitive study of the Cybersyn project. (Maybe you can find it at your local indie bookstore? Ha. Maybe Barnes & Noble is a less exploitative employer? Ha. Here's the Amazon link but if you're moral you'll wait till the revolution to order it): https://amzn.to/3fvES2l

If you are led to believe this is all propagating conspiracy theory, here is official, mostly unredacted US Senate Committee Report from the mid 1970s:  https://www.archives.gov/files/declas...

Stafford Beer's "Brain of the Firm" explains in detail the application of viable systems theory to organizations, and in it, Beer offers his reflections on Project Cybersyn post-hoc: https://amzn.to/3yY5pwG

Other sources cited include:
"The Pinochet File" by Peter Kornbluh (https://amzn.to/2WSB0C1)
"Chile 1973: The Other 9/11" by David Francois (https://amzn.to/3ftgiPC)

"Successful Neoliberalism?" by Ashley Davis-Hamel, paywalled by an academic conglomerate here: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41887539

Timestamps
0:00 Intro
7:51 Cybernetics
12:04 The Designers of Cybersyn
20:11 Project Cybersyn
28:08 The Empire Strikes Back
46:57 The October Strike
50:22 Democracy Dies in Chile"]]></description>
<dc:subject>cybersyn cia chile coup salvadorallende staffordbeer ashleydavis-hamel neoliberalism peterkornbluh davidfrancois pinochet 1973 edenmedina 1970s</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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    <title>Laura Nader on Plunder - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-15T09:26:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aIW1l_IucXE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When Barack Obama says that “we are a nation of laws,” asking that we accept the verdict freeing the killer of Trayvon Martin, much as he did when asking that we accept the verdict that freed the killers of Sean Bell, he is asking us to willingly submit to rules of law that are routinely part of larger hostile political projects. As explained in this 2008 talk by Laura Nader the rule of law is used to justify the theft of land and labor and “Law and Order” actually means legalized, protected theft and order based on forced obedience.

*When the Rule of Law is Illegal at the Public Anthropology Conference at American University (Nov. 2008)."

[PDF here:
https://www.loisellelab.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Plunder-When-the-Rule-of-Law-is-Illegal.pdf
https://www.are.na/block/43623269 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/champions-apathy">
    <title>Champions of Apathy | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-10T22:46:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/champions-apathy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first neoliberals distrusted Christianity. Their heirs have tried to revise it."

...

"It would be easy to see all this as the triumph of the Calvinist doctrine of total depravity over the Catholic notion of the common good, but much of the debate took place between Catholics. Buckley was raised Catholic, Bozell converted as a young adult, Kirk converted in 1963, and Meyer did the same shortly before dying in 1972. Hayek was a Catholic as well.

Mises claimed that the Catholic Church’s premodern origins made it a natural ally of anyone who was against the current order. This conclusion was grounded in his suspicion of Catholicism, but it accurately identified the countercultural possibilities of the Church in a secularizing liberal world. Not surprisingly, there are also non-neoliberal currents within the American right, and here as well Catholicism looms large. Self-described “postliberals” and national conservatives (“natcons”) embrace tariffs—anathema to neoliberals—and claim to support a kind of neo-Fordist welfare state. Many are Catholic converts, and some of them, like Vice President J. D. Vance, have explicitly cited their faith as a reason for their break with neoliberal orthodoxy. But it remains to be seen whether—apart from tariffs, an idea Trump supports for his own reasons—postliberals and “natcons” will have much influence on economic policy or whether their influence will actually counteract neoliberalism. It is notable, and sadly predictable, that few postliberals and natcons publicly opposed Trump’s budget bill, which starved the welfare state to pay for massive tax cuts for the rich.

And it is hard to believe that any postliberal or natcon influence would actually represent a move toward a more compassionate right. Postliberals’ political activity seems less defined by concern for the poor and the working class than by hostility toward “outsiders”—immigrants, racial and ethnic minorities, and transgender people. Somewhat paradoxically, the Silicon Valley figures whose ideas owe something to the work of Meyer are often the allies of ideologues who follow in the tradition of Bozell: Vance, for example, is a protégé of libertarian billionaire Peter Thiel. And though Elon Musk himself has fallen out with the Trump administration, his crusade against federal agencies continues through the efforts of Russell Vought, the powerful director of the Office of Management and Budget. Musk is hostile to the “woke mind virus” not only as it pertains to business and government, but to any other field of endeavor. Neoliberalism’s opposition to any collective intervention motivated by compassion seems like its most durable contribution to the right, one capable of surviving in a post-neoliberal authoritarian age. 

Peter Thiel recently complained that Christianity “always takes the side of the victim,” and characterized “wokeness” as an “ultra-Christianity” extended from this compassion. He may foam at the mouth over the “woke mind virus” the way Elon Musk does, but he and the right more broadly agree that it has to be destroyed “for us to go back to a society that’s progressing.” The Silicon Valley right has invented its own gospel and even its own idea of the soul: Hayek’s conception of the mind was incongruous with human psychology but describes well the tech right’s vision for AI. Behold. From the industry that brought you libertarianism without civil liberties and currencies without value come minds without will and a Gospel without mercy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0">
    <title>The Billionaire Plan to Escape Democracy: Quinn Slobodian on 'Crack-Up Capitalism' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T21:15:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Will tech billionaires get rid of democracy by getting rid of people?

In this episode of The Nerd Reich, Gil Duran sits down with renowned historian Quinn Slobodian (Globalists, Crack-Up Capitalism) to dissect the "ideology of exit." 

While the media focuses on failed "Freedom City" experiments like Prospera, Slobodian reveals a darker endgame: a shift toward automated, "post-human" infrastructure where voters are no longer part of the equation.

In this episode, we explore:

The Hong Kong Blueprint: How a colonial relic became the template for 21st-century capitalism.

Authoritarian Capitalism: Why Silicon Valley elites are obsessed with models of control.

The Post-Human Zone: Why the future of "sovereignty" belongs to Manhattan-sized data centers, not citizens.

The Octavia Butler Reality: What if future isn't about escaping the "company town," but fighting to get inside one?

Connect with Quinn Slobodian: https://bsky.app/profile/quinnslobodian.com

New Book: Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed (Releasing April 21, 2026): https://www.harpercollins.com/products/muskism-quinn-slobodianben-tarnoff?variant=43838135402530

Must Read: Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250753892/crackupcapitalism/ "

[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/you-dont-need-democracy-if-you-dont-have-people/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>quinnslobodian gilduran 2026 nerdreich tescreal transhumanism extropianism singularitarianism singularity cosmism rationalism effectivealtruism longtermism billionaires capitalism democracy authoritarianism globalism próspera guantanamo ideology libertarianism jeffbezos elonmusk joelonsdale globalization siliconvalley octaviabutler seasteading economics economy freetrade sovereignty corporatism neoliberalism corporations feudalism ai artificialintelligence labor work workers posthumanism freedomcities maga trumpism donaldtrump peterthiel sezs guantánamo accelerationism law legal governance government privatization oligarchy broligarchs datacenters infrastructure darkfactories rightwing farright palmerluckey networkstate dystopia africa greenland hongkong freezones deregulation regulation dengxiaoping nationstates cheguevara frantzfanon kwamenkrumah singapore london miltonfriedman margaretthatcher decolonization accountability 1960s 1970s 1980 nations geopolitics postcolonialism canarywharf atlanta wealt</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA">
    <title>Charlie Kirk: The Man Who Broke Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-05T22:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BIBLIOGRAPHY & FOOTNOTES:
https://tinyurl.com/kirkvideosources

TIMESTAMPS:

INTRO: 00:00:00
PART 1: The American Question: 00:08:55
PART 2: Time for a Turning Point: 00:12:49
PART 3: Big Government Sucks: 00:34:23
PART 4: The Great American Horseshoe: 01:04:12
PART 5: Charlie's New Friends: 01:17:18
PART 6: The Noble Lie: 01:40:25
PART 7: Trump 2.0: 01:53:23
PART 8: Ouch, Charlie: 02:04:19
PART 9: The Demos 02:14:27
Credits: 02:46:57"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives">
    <title>Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives | History books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T03:25:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account"

...

" This article is more than 1 month old
Review
Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives
This article is more than 1 month old

The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account
Dorian Lynskey
Dorian Lynskey
Tue 23 Dec 2025 02.00 EST

In the early 17th century, the Peruvian city of Potosí billed itself as the “treasure of the world” and “envy of kings”. Sprouting at the foot of the Cerro Rico, South America’s most populous settlement produced 60% of the world’s silver, which not only enabled Spain to wage its wars and service its debts, but also accelerated the economic development of India and China. The city’s wealthy elites could enjoy crystal from Venice and diamonds from Ceylon while one in four of its mostly indigenous miners perished. Cerro Rico became known as “the mountain that eats men”.

The story of Potosí, in what is now southern Bolivia, contains the core elements of Sven Beckert’s mammoth history of capitalism: extravagant wealth, immense suffering, complex international networks, a world transformed. The Eurocentric version of capitalism’s history holds that it grew out of democracy, free markets, Enlightenment values and the Protestant work ethic. Beckert, a Harvard history professor and author of 2015’s prize-winning Empire of Cotton, assembles a much more expansive narrative, spanning the entire globe and close to a millennium. Like its subject, the book has a “tendency to grow, flow, and permeate all areas of activity”. Fredric Jameson famously said that it was easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. At times during these 1,100 pages, I found it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of Capitalism.

“No religion, no ideology, no philosophy, has ever been as all-encompassing as the economic logic of capitalism,” Beckert claims, defining it as “the ceaseless accumulation of privately controlled capital”. Accounting for it therefore feels like explaining water to fish. Adam Smith, “the hero of capitalism’s triumphant self-remembrance”, attributed it to benign self-interest. Beckert, however, calls it a revolution, centuries in the making, which depended on things that Smith downplayed: “power, violence, the state”. Far from natural or inevitable, it has always been “unstable and contested”, proceeding by jolts.

The word “capitalism” originated in France in the 1840s, around the same time as its antagonists “socialism”, “communism” and “anarchism”, but the system was much older. “Capitalism is a process,” Beckert writes, “not a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end”. He begins tracking the process in the port of Aden in 1150. This vibrant trade hub between Asia and the Middle East, in what is now Yemen, was one of several “islands of capital” which formed a “capitalist archipelago”. Inventing new trades like accountancy and insurance, its “strikingly modern” residents were in the vanguard of a global insurgency. But their accumulation of profit for its own sake was regarded with suspicion by rulers, religions and ordinary people alike. They enjoyed wealth without power or prestige: “capitalists without capitalism”.

What they needed was the state’s collaboration. This developed during the “Great Connecting” between 1450 and 1650, when the discovery of the Americas (named after a slave-owning merchant) finally enabled European traders to challenge Asia and the Middle East while making themselves indispensable. In the era of “war capitalism”, new trade routes and territorial seizures triggered conflict, which trade then financed. Colonialism established capitalism’s “connected diversity”, which is to say, think global, act local.

Like silver, sugar reconfigured the world. On the then uninhabited island of Barbados, just 74 sugar planters used “American lands, African labour and European capital” to create a private slave colony – the new capitalist avant garde. Across the Americas, millions of enslaved people represented trillions of dollars in unpaid labour. Even after Britain abolished slavery in 1833, there were no clean hands. An ordinary European who began his day with a cigarette and a cup of sweetened coffee was already complicit in three branches of the slave trade. The Industrial Revolution, capitalism’s Great Leap Forward, required less explicit forms of coercion and exploitation. One luminary described Victorian Manchester as “the chimney of the world … the entrance to hell realised”. Meanwhile, envy of America’s vast territories and abundant resources inspired Europe’s dismemberment of Africa, which one French newspaper called “America at our doorsteps”.

Beckert enjoys shredding capitalism’s self-flattering myths. He calls the notion of the free market “nothing more than a figment of scholars’ and ideologues’ imaginations”. The Protestant work ethic was deployed to justify child labour at home and forced labour abroad. “It is necessary to use methods that best can shake their idleness and make them realise the sanctity of work,” was how the Belgian King Leopold II rationalised working millions to death in Congo Free State. And yet, impossible though it was to imagine at the time, capitalism outlasted both slavery and empire.

Capitalism’s “permanent revolution”, Beckert writes, produces both dynamism and instability. Similarly, its “connected diversity” cuts both ways – when one crucial region or commodity catches a cold, the whole world sneezes. Crisis is in its DNA. Some emergencies, like the long depressions of the 1870s and 1930s, appeared terminal. Karl Marx, of course, believed that capitalism had an expiration date, but so did the conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, who asked in 1942: “Can capitalism survive? No. I do not think it can.” Yet every Jeremiah underrated its remarkable survival instincts. Infinitely adaptable, agnostic about nations and creeds, and essentially amoral, it keeps on going.

If anyone comes out of this story looking good then it’s John Maynard Keynes, who sought to save capitalism from itself. Combined with thriving labour movements, the challenge of communism and the double shock of war and depression, his prescription for state intervention tamed capitalism’s worst instincts during three decades of extraordinary growth and relative equality after 1945. Call it capitalism with a human face. But then the neoliberal counterrevolution, Beckert argues, spurred capitalism towards its endgame: the commodification of everything. In 2025 it would be foolish to argue that capitalism goes hand in hand with liberal democracy.

The scope of Beckert’s research is mind-boggling. He visits Barbados, Samarkand and Phnom Penh. He quotes cultural texts from Abba to Zola. He profiles emblematic figures such as the Bavarian merchant Jakob Fugger (possibly the richest man who ever lived), Chile’s General Pinochet (“the Lenin of neoliberalism”), the Indian nationalist and industrialist Ardeshir Godrej and the German steel magnate and war criminal Hermann Röchling. He manufactures a ceaseless, and sometimes exhausting, flow of startling details.

The question that Beckert never quite answers is: why capitalism? While it’s hard to argue with his copious evidence of capitalism’s poisonous offspring, from scientific racism to climate change, and the numerous efforts to resist its advance, there must be more to it than war, slavery, imperialism and inequality. Even Marx and Engels gave the devil his due in The Communist Manifesto: for all its savagery, it had “accomplished wonders”. Beckert is so good at decrying the sticks that he downplays the carrots: longer lives, higher living standards, labour-saving innovations, new vistas of experience. In this story, capitalism is the answer to every question, the root of every ill, yet the histories of feudalism and communism suggest that cruelty and exploitation are not unique to one economic system.

If Adam Smith was wrong to see capitalism as human nature manifest, then Beckert overcorrects by presenting it as anti-human: a “rogue artificial intelligence”, an invasive species, an alien force, a supernatural hunger. It is insatiable and unkillable. Beckert calls his book an “actor-centred history” about a phenomenon “made by people”, but it is ultimately a kind of horror story about a monster that eats men."]]></description>
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    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democracy-on-the-ground-in-venezuela-with-gabriel-hetland/id1624843324?i=1000742328853&amp;l=es-MX">
    <title>Democracy on the Ground in Venezuela with Gabriel Hetland - Sur-Urbano - Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T18:31:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democracy-on-the-ground-in-venezuela-with-gabriel-hetland/id1624843324?i=1000742328853&amp;l=es-MX</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Even within the already brutal record of the Trump administration, the escalating threats of military intervention and extrajudicial killings of civilians in Venezuela stand out as a disturbing return to the most repressive eras of U.S. imperialism. As of this recording, 99 civilians have been assassinated, while the United States has begun amassing thousands of troops and warships in the Caribbean and has ordered a blockade of Venezuela’s oil industry. Earlier this month, Trump released a new National Security Strategy announcing a so-called “Trump Corollary,” which asserts a U.S. right to revive the Monroe Doctrine in order to “restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere and protect our homeland and access to key geographies throughout the region.”

This military imperialism, and the continued perpetuation of war crimes, must clearly be rejected unequivocally. And at the same time, I side with my Venezuelan friends and comrades in recognizing that the fact that Maduro appears to be the target of an US intervention does not erase the profound violence that his regime has waged upon Venezuelans. This violence has been used not only against Opposition activists, who have been murdered, tortured or imprisoned in the dozens over the last 10 years, but also against the labor movement whose rights to collective bargaining and striking have effectively been abolished. It has also been used against indigenous activists resisting extractivist projects in Perijá and the Gran Sabana, and youth in the barrios executed by police in the hundreds. 

Our episode today speaks about a different political moment:  when, around fifteen years ago, Venezuela was the site of an incredible experiment in participatory democracy, simultaneously pushed from above and from below, that generated such a strong consensus that even sectors of the Opposition were drawn into participating.

I interview Gabriel Hetland, associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany, who explores the conditions for leftist hegemony in his book Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America’s Left Turn. 

While the book is a comparison between Venezuela and Bolivia, we primarily focus on Venezuela, observing participatory reform in cities governed by the Left and Right. The Venezuelan city ruled by the left, Torres, was lauded as “the most democratic city in the world”, dedicating its entire investment budget to a radical and inspiring participatory budgeting effort. But surprisingly, Sucre – a city ruled by the right opposition – also undertook a similar participatory reform, leading Gabriel to argue that for a while, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution – led by Hugo Chavez – managed to consolidate hegemony: when the ruling political force forces its opponents to play the game of politics on its terrain, in this case, the terrain of popular power. 

Just this week, the far-right won Chile’s presidential elections, joining Argentina’s Milei, and similar right-wing shifts in Ecuador and Bolivia, joining the rise of the right in the United States and Europe. In a moment of an appearing right-wing hegemony, it is more important than ever to insist upon the conditions not only for leftist resistance, but also the construction of alternative hegemonies.

 Gabriel’s clear-eyed analysis, which draws from Gramscian theory but also a very rich ethnographic field work of over two years, shows the potential as well as the contradictions in populist politics, and has lessons for building democracy on the ground in this moment in which it is so sorely needed. 

Gabriel Hetland is associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany. He has written extensively about politics and social movements in Latin America and the US for scholarly and popular outlets including The Washington Post, The Guardian, The Nation, Jacobin, and elsewhere."

[also here:
https://open.spotify.com/episode/12WylzVHKFgP5ltW1Qciwz ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>sur-urbano 2025 gabrielhetland venezuela chavismo hugochávez nicolásmaduro democracy participatory participatorydemocracy participatorybudgeting bolivia evomorales left right antoniogramsci hegemony governance politics government margaretthatcher tonyblair neoliberalism donaldtrump caribbean trumpism perijá bolivarianrevolution populism ethnography javiermilei argentina joséantoniokast chile ecuador us europe rightwing farright gransabana isabelpeñarandacurrie via:javierarbona warcrimes imperialism nationalism opposition labor work workers indigenous indigeneity extractivism power popularpower juliochávez johnnymurphy ernestolaclau michaelburawoy maxism fieldwork participation movementleft sucre primerajusticia carora cochabama mobilization demobilization socialmovements monroedoctrine socialism passiverevolution leftpopulisthegemony popularparticipation socialspending massimomodonesi transformismo popularmobilization mexico torres mariacorinamachado zohranmamdani barackobama sanctions</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii155/articles/martin-mosquera-the-meaning-of-milei">
    <title>Martín Mosquera, The Meaning of Milei, NLR 155, September–October 2025</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-27T05:09:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii155/articles/martin-mosquera-the-meaning-of-milei</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>martínmosquera javiermilei argentina 2025 politics latinamerica bolivarianrevolution anarchocapitalism carlosmenem eduardobolsonaro luladasilva lula bolivia cuba venezuela portoalegre angelotasca trotsky fascism brazil brasil india turkey hungary poland russian authoritarianism democracy liberaldemocracy kirchnerismo jairbolsonaro egypt ukraine mexico ai aibubble artificialintelligence joséalfredomartínezdehoz antoniogramsci imf ponzischemes crypto cryptocurrencies leydebases eduardoeurnekian karinamilei socialprotest caesarism albertofernández umf mauriciomacri china adriánpiva transformismo neoliberalism cristinakirchner pri apra perú mnr néstorkirchner 2001 fernandodelarúa worldbank varguismo peronism juandomingoperón perón donaldtrump scottbessent fuerzapatria libertadavanza libertarianism peronismo juanperón türkiye</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/16/opinion/europe-decline-economy-china.html">
    <title>Opinion | Europe Is in Decline. Good. - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-23T06:02:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/16/opinion/europe-decline-economy-china.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/OndCQ ]

"Among contemporary European writers, the novelist Michel Houellebecq is not known for his optimism. In his oeuvre spanning three decades, a leitmotif has been the inexorability of human decline, from the quality of internet pornography to European civilization itself. “France has given up on progress,” he wrote in 2014. “We are all not only tourists in our own country, but also willing participants in tourism.”

Today, Mr. Houellebecq’s comments sound darkly prophetic. Economic growth across the continent, long anemic, has dwindled toward nought, with even Germany’s industrial behemoth slumping. Dynamism has disappeared, replaced by painful dependencies: Europe’s technology comes from America, its critical minerals from China. The continent’s transformation into an arid playpen for tourists, with its economies geared to serve the visitors, is no longer the stuff of dyspeptic speculation.

It is important not to mischaracterize this development. Complaints about the European Union’s failure to produce its own Silicon Valley and comparisons of gross domestic product with a country of over a billion people are not fair proofs of decline. Yet it is undeniable that Europe has been “provincialized,” as the German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer once termed it. The negotiations to end the war in Ukraine show that the bloc has been steadily reduced to a second-rate participant in world affairs. In President Trump’s eyes, it is “decaying” and at risk of “civilizational erasure.”

All of this sounds menacing enough to Europeans. Yet perhaps demotion need not be traumatic. Rather, a reckoning with European decline — cultural, political and, above all, economic — could give rise to a healthily modest approach to the present. After a century in which Europe was in charge, with highly ambiguous results, it might even free Europeans of the burdening neurosis of mastery.

At least Brussels no longer suffers from denial; across the spectrum, there’s an awareness that the continent is falling behind. A paradigmatic acknowledgment came last year from the former European Central Bank president Mario Draghi. In a quietly blistering report, Mr. Draghi — widely credited for saving the euro after the financial crisis — enumerated the woes of the European economy, from lack of so-called competitiveness to lagging productivity.

Yet many of the remedies in circulation today are likely to aggravate the disease they purport to cure. The far right offers a familiar prescription: a racial cordon around the continent. Europe’s center, in turn, vaguely gestures at a strategy of renewal through remilitarization and technological advances. The left, for its part, either rails against European overreach or welcomes the continent’s retreat. What is needed is a new “politics of decline,” to borrow a phrase from the historian Eric Hobsbawm, one that looks both inward and outward.

Internally, it requires a break with the austerity fetish that has gripped European policymakers since the 1990s. It is with good reason that the economic historian Adam Tooze has castigated E.U. technocrats as “the Taliban of neoliberalism” for their intransigent attachment to market principles in an age that has declared them obsolete. Jettisoning this dogma is crucial; loosening the fiscal rules for member states would facilitate economic catch-up, on the back of a serious strategy of public investment.

On the political front, that would mean conscious centralization and pooling of sovereignty. This would be a major break from business as usual: Fragmentation has long held sway in Europe, stymieing the development of genuinely continental policy. Bringing together countries in common endeavor would be paramount, with the proviso of democratic accountability that European institutions have generally scanted. After all, it is unlikely that the entities that would be tasked with Europe’s relaunch could do so without public support.

Externally, there would need to be an ambitious rethinking of foreign policy priorities. In the past decade, the hope that the European Union could win some measure of military or financial independence from America has proved illusory. Instead, the continent has slid into ever deeper dependence on the United States. Yet such a drift will accelerate rather than halt the decline E.U. leaders bemoan; bulk buying American weapons and energy, for instance, will not make European industry world leading again.

If Europe is to reinvent itself, it must think in more heterodox ways. Mostly, it will have to contemplate something considered beyond the pale in Brussels: critical integration with China. “Critical” is meant in both senses of the term. On the one hand, such engagement is vitally necessary for the fight against climate change, an effort now mostly led by China. Yet it should also be conditional, involving neither submission to Beijing nor blindness toward its grim record on trade or labor rights. Export controls, where necessary, can go together with cooperation.

Europe should pay heed to Britain, an exemplar of decline in the 20th century. In the postwar world, as its empire was crumbling, the country saw two paths in front of it. It could serve as a sort of butler to the United States, fastening its economy and foreign policy to American imperatives. Or it could become a kind of greater Sweden, retaining its industrial base, welfare state and relative diplomatic autonomy. Eventually, after a tussle, Britain opted for the first route, forgoing national independence for the special relationship.

Europe need not become a supersize version of Britain. No longer in the driver’s seat of history, it can shed its damaging delusions of grandeur. On geopolitics and climate mitigation, it can meet its targets even if it no longer gets to be the star player. That will require downsizing some expectations: The aim should be what British soccer fans call midtable stability, rather than league leadership.

This will be a bitter pill to swallow, particularly for the continent’s elite. Some may prefer the seductions of apocalypticism to realism, not least Mr. Houellebecq. In his 2010 novel, “The Map and the Territory,” he grimly presaged a Europe where “the triumph of vegetation is total” and the continent’s factories are devoured by the wilderness. In a striking echo, Josep Borrell Fontelles, a former vice president of the European Commission, has described Europe as a “garden” surrounded by a hostile “jungle.”

The continent’s center and far right, despite their differences, clearly agree on some essentials. Yet that Europe should become either a wasteland or a gated community is not divinely decreed. Cut down to size, Europe may find that a pleasant public allotment in the suburbs of the new global order might be more than enough."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://proteanmag.com/2025/12/22/extractive-frontiers-an-interview-with-thea-riofrancos/">
    <title>Extractive Frontiers: An Interview With Thea Riofrancos • Protean Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-23T04:23:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://proteanmag.com/2025/12/22/extractive-frontiers-an-interview-with-thea-riofrancos/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>theariofrancos lalehkhalili 2025 capitalism extractivism extraction greencapitalism energy greennewdeal chile latinamerica climatechange climate globalwarming climatejustice environmentaljustice environment lithium china us globalnorth globalsouth elonmusk argentina hugochávez evomorales left neoliberalism atacamadesert patricioguzmán nostalgiaporlaluz nostalgiaforthelight valledelaluna economics history colonialism colonization worldsystemstheory systems systemsthinking resources cartography julieklinger politcaleconomy wind solar ecology nimby nimbys nimbyism greenextractivism governance malcolmharris simcity emissions carbonemissions fossilfuels jean-baptistefressoz atacama</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election">
    <title>Chile’s Trump? Ariel Dorfman on the Election of Pinochet Admirer José Antonio Kast | Democracy Now!</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-18T04:39:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["José Antonio Kast has won Chile’s presidential election, with the far-right leader getting about 58% of the vote in Sunday’s runoff against Jeannette Jara, a member of the Communist Party who served as labor minister under outgoing President Gabriel Boric. Kast has openly praised former U.S.-backed dictator Augusto Pinochet and is the son of a Nazi who fled Germany after World War II. Kast campaigned on fighting crime and carrying out mass deportations of immigrants.

“It is a political and ethical earthquake,” says acclaimed Chilean American writer Ariel Dorfman, who served as a cultural adviser to socialist President Salvador Allende from 1970 to 1973. He pins much of the blame for Kast’s rise on an “uninspired left” that has lost its way since the end of dictatorship and “turned its back on the troubles of the people.”"

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aa0HtHEZrWA 

See also:
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html
https://archive.ph/6NZhX ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>arieldorfman 2025 joséantoniokast pinochet chile elections farright rightwing politics history salvadorallende resistance progressivism progressive malaise security erasure neoliberalism economics policy dictatorship sebastiánpiñera 1973 1990 crime immigration scapegoating authoritarianism autocracy democracy 1980s 2006 communism jeannettejara gabrielboric 1988</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html">
    <title>Opinion | Chile’s Election Is More Than Just a Swerve to the Right - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-18T04:38:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/6NZhX 

See also:
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aa0HtHEZrWA ]

"General Augusto Pinochet, the strongman who imposed a reign of terror on Chile from 1973 to 1990, must be smiling in his grave.

His brazen defender and admirer José Antonio Kast has just been elected president of Chile. Mr. Kast, a right-wing politician who has praised the military dictatorship and once said that if Mr. Pinochet were alive “he would have voted for me,” won by an overwhelming margin on Sunday, beating his center-left opponent by about 16 points. It is the first time since democracy in Chile was restored 35 years ago that any supporter of the dictatorship has won such high office.

Mr. Kast’s victory is not necessarily a public endorsement of his veneration for Mr. Pinochet. His campaign promises appealed to an angry, weary and confused populace eager for radical change: a vow to expel hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants, a crackdown on crime and narcotrafficking, a pledge to slash government spending and boost economic growth. Mr. Kast, an ultraconservative Catholic, also opposes abortion, same-sex marriage, gender identity protections and Indigenous rights.

Some might call his rise just one more alarming case of a worldwide trend toward nativist authoritarianism — and it is. But the attendant rehabilitation of one of the continent’s most infamous autocrats is a particularly agonizing setback in a country where many considered the long struggle for democracy to have been won.

In 1973 the military, with Mr. Pinochet at the helm, overthrew the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende. The general proceeded to close Congress, torture and kill thousands of Mr. Allende’s supporters and persecute and exile many more. Mr. Pinochet’s power began to wane in the late 1980s, and democracy in Chile was eventually restored in 1990. In 1998 he was arrested in London on charges of human rights abuses; subsequent revelations that he had illicitly accumulated millions of dollars fueled a general abhorrence that turned him into even more of a pariah. When he died in 2006, wild crowds gathered in Chile’s cities, chanting, “Adiós, General.” To those dancing, riotous citizens, here was the chance to bury forever, along with Mr. Pinochet’s corpse, the influence he had exercised over Chile for so many decades.

I was not so sure. The totalitarian grip he exercised for so long and the dread he had engendered so deeply did not seem easily dispelled. Witnessing the carnivalesque ecstasy in the streets of Santiago, I wondered in an Opinion guest essay if the general’s legacy had really died. “Will he ever stop contaminating every schizophrenic mirror of our life?” I asked. “Will Chile ever cease to be a divided nation?”

Almost two decades later, the answer to both questions appears to be a resounding no.

Supporters of Mr. Pinochet never really went away. The general, they say, saved the country from communism; he imposed law and order; his neoliberal economic policies made Chile a modern country. But they have invariably been a minority. Since the end of the dictatorship, the only conservative to win the presidency — Sebastián Piñera, who governed from 2010 to 2014 and then again from 2018 to 2022 — was careful to distance himself from Mr. Pinochet’s frightful legacy.

In this sense, Mr. Kast’s victory is a political and ethical earthquake. For the first time in Chile’s contemporary history, it’s possible that the most powerful man in the country will use the full force of the executive branch to sanitize Chile’s violent past so that the pain, the slaughters and exiles, the torture and the concentration camps, can be expunged. Although he has said that anyone who violated human rights does not have his support, Mr. Kast has indicated that he might release the 139 high-ranking Pinochet officials who are still in prison for terrible abuses. This includes Miguel Krasnoff, a notorious henchman of Mr. Pinochet’s who was sentenced to over one thousand years for crimes including assassinations, tortures, and kidnappings.

What drove millions of Chileans to embrace him in this way? As I’ve spoken with voters of all social strata and political preferences, the word that kept coming up was “malestar,” which loosely translates to unease, unrest, malaise. Men and women around the country feel that something is obscurely wrong and off balance, and that this cries out for a return to the times when a strong leader enforced discipline and security, no matter the cost. This is what Mr. Kast’s victory signals: the belief that democracy itself is unable to deliver when it comes to the everyday problems of crime, cost of living and rampant immigration.

In his crusade to rewrite the past and recast the future, Mr. Kast may not have an easy ride. There are dissenters in his own conservative coalition who may try to rein in the new president’s worst instincts. Chile also can count on a vigorous and truly independent judiciary that is not inclined to tolerate an anti-democratic blitz. Nor is it certain that the armed forces, leery of being drawn into civilian politics and still stinging from the shame of having enacted so many of Mr. Pinochet’s horrors, will become Mr. Kast’s dogs of war.

The most important opposition to Mr. Kast’s plans will come from ordinary citizens. If the people of this country feel that he is unable to ease their suffering, if they continue to feel excluded and marginalized, without sufficient control of their destiny, that discontent may erupt. Over the past century in Chile, every advance of democracy has been paid for with the lives of miners, workers, peasants and students who died in the defense of their dignity and social rights. It was this embodiment of hope and struggle — this “river of buried tigers,” to quote Pablo Neruda — that I fell in love with when I arrived in Chile from the United States at the age of 12. It was not suffocated under the vindictive dictatorship that Mr. Kast nostalgically reveres, and it will not disappear now.

Any resistance that Chileans bring to the streets must be accompanied by an equally valiant attempt to imagine our way out of this crisis. Mr. Kast could not have won if the center-left parties and their elites had not failed to offer a viable alternative to the country’s chronic unhappiness.

What Chile needs now is a deep intellectual renewal of its progressive forces, a painful reckoning with its shortcomings and fractures. How well the Chilean opposition responds to this sobering defeat will determine whether Mr. Kast truly represents an ominous swerve toward the world’s current desolate panorama of would-be dictators, or whether he proves a mere parenthetical in Chile’s erratic but perpetual advance toward freedom and justice. The battle for the soul and identity of my adopted country is nowhere near over."]]></description>
<dc:subject>arieldorfman joséantoniokast pinochet chile elections 2025 farright rightwing politics history salvadorallende resistance progressivism progressive malaise security erasure neoliberalism economics policy dictatorship sebastiánpiñera 1973 1990 crime immigration scapegoating authoritarianism autocracy democracy 1980s 2006 communism pabloneruda jeannettejara gabrielboric 1988</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/moderate-rule-maximum-harm-a-year-of-sfs-surrender-to-oligarchy/">
    <title>Moderate Rule, Maximum Harm: A Year of SF’s Surrender to Oligarchy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T06:28:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/moderate-rule-maximum-harm-a-year-of-sfs-surrender-to-oligarchy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As socialists score electoral wins across the US — most notably in New York City — San Francisco's billionaire backed "moderates" have seized government control, with disastrous results. For working-class San Franciscans, their rule has only made life harder. 

San Franciscans face an extreme affordability crisis. San Francisco rents are the highest in the Bay Area. Evictions are at their highest level in a decade. Only 7% of union members can afford housing in San Francisco. Rather than offer rent subsidies, affordable homes, or eviction bans, Mayor Lurie is instead moving forward a plan to incentivize the demolition of rent-controlled housing. He has also diverted affordable housing funds, and defunded social housing entirely. 

Economic security is eroding, too. AI is automating entry-level jobs, and unemployment is up for white collar jobs as well. Construction workers are out of work because rather than ramping up a social housing program, political leaders are busy deregulating for developers who aren’t building. Government positions are being eliminated for the benefit of privatization and contractors.

Bus service has been slashed with cuts to numerous lines, undoing years of work to restore service after the pandemic. Fares were raised this year, kicking Muni riders when they are down. This has been done while aggressively expanding private, for-profit alternatives to transit. A week after announcing that main bus lines would no longer travel down Market street, the Mayor announced Waymos and Uber X would be allowed to travel down this supposedly “car-free” transit corridor. 

Big promises have been abandoned. Lurie promised 1,500 new treatment beds in his first six months. He had no plan to accomplish that campaign promise, and has abandoned it completely. Instead, Lurie is banning RV’s where homeless families live, outlawing homeless shelters in large swaths of the city, and diverting supportive housing funds. 

Instead of expanding housing or treatment, Lurie has ramped up arrests of homeless people and residents with behavioral health needs. SF’s jail population has surged to 1,300 people daily. Our city’s progress in reducing the number of nonviolent offenders languishing in jails has been reversed. Just this week, Lurie announced a new criminalization plan to arrest drug users that will further swell incarceration and the punishment bureaucracy in our City.  

The Black community, in particular, has fared poorly under billionaire rule. Reparation recommendations adopted unanimously by the previous Board of Supervisors have been fully abandoned. The City has indefinitely delayed activation of the Fillmore Heritage Center. 

The Fillmore’s only grocery store has been shuttered, along with multiple neighborhood pharmacies. With support from City Hall, a developer unveiled a massive gentrification project that threatens what’s left of the Black community in the Fillmore. 

    San Francisco shows what happens when we install inexperienced, tech-industry aligned neoliberals and conservatives to run all branches of government.

Oversight has been gutted. Independent experts are being purged from oversight commissions. Crypto-billionaire Chris Larson has purchased a surveillance unit co-housed with the police department. Friends of the mayor are being handed contracts. The SF Board of Supervisors serves as a rubber stamp for the Mayor, despite valiant efforts of the few leftist supervisors, especially DSA member and oversight committee chair, Jackie Fielder.

At a time when Democrats are being begged by constituents to stand for something in this country, the local Democratic party and City Hall leaders are proudly championing their “moderate” bona fides, standing for nothing. SF’s billionaire political class offers concerts and vibe shifts instead of addressing the needs of working people and those in poverty. They even celebrate the predatory speculators who are causing the working class’ pain. In so many ways, it feels like the dystopian fantasies of the Network State movement are being grafted onto our city. It’s a quiet embrace of Balaji Srinivasan’s vision of a techno-fascist San Francisco. 

San Francisco shows what happens when we install inexperienced, tech-industry aligned neoliberals and conservatives to run all branches of government. The City is in serious jeopardy because of the rising rents, evictions, unemployment, mass incarceration, income inequality, racism, inept governance, and privatization that billionaires are inflicting on our city. The longer this continues, the harder it will be to recover and win a better city for all.

Other cities are showing a galvanizing path forward. While San Francisco criminalizes poverty and celebrates billionaires, these cities are freezing rents, expanding public services, and championing the working class. Zohran Mamdani won in a landslide. Seattle elected a socialist mayor. Atlanta, Minneapolis, and Chicago elected socialists to their city councils. Boston’s Mayor Wu is pushing forward free transit; Chicago’s Mayor Johnson is investing in addressing root causes of crime and community-run public safety, with crime already falling; and Houston proved Housing First works so effectively to reduce homelessness in their city that the Trump Administration cut its funding. These cities are offering a more hopeful vision, a new era of shared prosperity, diversity, and housing stability to replace oligarchy. Leftist policies are delivering results across the country, which is why oligarchs fight them. Yet, San Francisco — a town whose latest gold rush is the technology industry — has leaders who don’t want to listen to the data stubbornly refusing these proven solutions. San Francisco needs to catch up.

San Francisco can choose that path. We can stop evictions and scale up a social housing program like in Vienna where 60% of the population lives in stable, affordable social housing. We can tax the rich, especially our city’s 58 billionaires, to guarantee universal health care coverage, fully fund public schools, grow our public transportation system, and make sure nobody goes to bed hungry. We can protect immigrants who are the heart of our city. All of this is doable and clear to a growing number of people across the nation, especially young voters. 

Let's end the oligarchs’ domination of San Francisco, and embrace the promise of a San Francisco for everybody, not just the rich."]]></description>
<dc:subject>deanpreston 2025 sanfrancisco politics policy economics billionaires oligarchy dsa democraticsocialism socialism nyc zohranmamdani centrism moderates daniellurie democracy housing housingcrisis privatization construction development developers work labor rentcontrol bayarea muni sfmta publictransit transportation waymo uber uberx homelessness gentrification chrislarson surveillance police policing jackiefielder oversight balajisrinivasan networkstate dystopia neoliberalism conservatism atlanta minneapolis chicago seattle</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://oxfordre.com/latinamericanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.001.0001/acrefore-9780199366439-e-304">
    <title>Chile and the Pacific World | Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-01T04:32:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://oxfordre.com/latinamericanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.001.0001/acrefore-9780199366439-e-304</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Abstract:
Since the early 1800s, Chileans have imagined their nation’s history and destiny through an ever-changing array of transoceanic connections with the rest of the planet. At a deeper level, Chile’s relationship with the Pacific Ocean is built upon myriad collective memories and aspirational identities. The long arc of Chile’s linkages with the Pacific World—or the peoples and ecosystems in and around the Pacific Ocean—has yet to be fully explored by historians. This article fills this lacuna by analyzing five diverse historical episodes that span more than two centuries: first, Valparaíso’s growth into a Pacific commercial hub during the early 1800s; second, Chile’s role in the Californian and Australian gold rushes of the mid-1800s; third, the Chilean victory in the late-19th-century War of the Pacific; fourth, Chile’s burgeoning commercial relationship with China, which began in the years following the Second World War; and, finally, the emergence of a Chilean-Pacific variant of neoliberal ideology in the final decades of the 20th century. These five developments reveal a litany of ambiguities and antagonisms in Chile’s complicated, ongoing association with its western ocean.

Keywords:
Pacific Ocean, Chile, Valparaíso, Talcahuano, California gold rush, War of the Pacific, China, Asian financial crisis, Salvador Allende, Augusto Pinochet, neoliberalism

Subjects:
Cultural History, Environmental History, Social History, Colonialism and Imperialism"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2016 chile pacific pacificworld goldrush valparaíso pacificocean history california australia edwarddallammelillo edwardmelillo tedmelillo talcahuano warofthepacific china salvadorallende pinochet neoliberalism colonialism imperialism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/769187/blank-space-by-w-david-marx/">
    <title>Blank Space: A Cultural History of the Twenty-First Century, by W. David Marx (2025): 9780593833995 | Penguin Random House</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:41:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/769187/blank-space-by-w-david-marx/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A New York Times Book Review Editors’ Choice · A Washington Post Notable Nonfiction Book of 2025 · A People Best Book of November 2025 · An NPR Most Anticipated Book of Fall 2025

A revealing exploration of a quarter century of cultural stagnation, examining the commercial and technological forces that have come to dominate contemporary culture—from music and fashion to art, film, TV, and beyond

Over the past twenty-five years, pop culture has suffered from a perplexing lack of reinvention. We’ve entered a cultural “blank space”—an era when reboots, rehashes, and fads flourish, while bold artistic experimentation struggles to gain recognition. Why is risk no longer rewarded, and how did playing it safe become the formula for success? Acclaimed cultural historian W. David Marx sets out to uncover the answers.

In this ambitious cultural history, Marx guides us through the blur of the twenty-first century so far, from the Obama era to the rise of K-pop, from Paris Hilton to the Marvel cinematic universe, from Beyoncé and Taylor Swift to . . . Beyoncé and Taylor Swift, whose enduring influence highlights both their adaptability and the broader shifts in pop culture. Combining sociological, economic, and political insights with a deep dive into art, street culture, fashion, and technology, Blank Space dissects the rise of profit-driven, formulaic trends and the shifting cultural norms that often prioritize going viral over innovation. He reveals how backlash against indie snobbery and nineties counterculture gave rise to a “counter-counterculture”—one marked by antiliberal sentiment, the celebration of business heroes, and the increasing influence of industry plants and the elite class. In a world of crypto bros, nepo babies, and AI-driven art, Marx offers readers a much-needed dose of clarity and context.

Vibrantly narrated and sharply argued, Blank Space is an essential guide for anyone looking to understand the chaos of the twenty-first century, the trends, tastemakers, and icons who shaped it, and how we might push our culture forward over the next quarter century—through renewed emphasis on creativity, community, and the values that transcend mere profit."

[See also:
https://craigmod.com/onmargins/s02e04/

"Speaking of books you should nab. Longtime friend and member of the Craig Mod Cinematic Universe, W. David Marx, has a new book fresh off the presses: Blank Space: A Cultural History of the Twenty-First Century. I loved this book. I also hated it, in the sense that it affirmed my growing sense of dread around “cultural production” in 2025. I got to read it back in September, and I marked the hell out of it. And then David and I recorded a new episode of On Margins, the first in about five years.

The book is a look at the last twenty-five years of (largely) American pop-culture: art, film, music, and politics, as politics has veered firmly (entirely?) into mostly bad-faith entertainment. Spread out over Marx’s 380 (quick) pages, something’s off:
<blockquote>The first step in reversing cultural stagnation is to accept that artistic invention is a social good. And like so many other social goods, it isn’t necessarily going to have its production prioritized by the market. We — creators and audiences alike — have to make an effort to encourage bold new forms of culture. Even failures and half steps will be more interesting than overly market-tested products.</blockquote>
Reading Blank Space didn’t necessarily “radicalize” me, but it made me overtly grateful for the work I’m doing: work grounded in the world, physicality, relying on social media as little as possible, operating at “human scale” and creating as many “durable” and “deep” connections as possible, attempting to elevate everyone who’s involved. I’ve been lucky. I’m able to walk, to write, to photograph, and then collate all that into printed books. It’s easier than ever to sell printed books online thanks to companies like Shopify. And it’s easier than ever to form a relationship with a fulfillment warehouse, set up a DHL account, and ship the things around the earth. Global shipping is the 10th wonder of the world. I love that I work with talented printers and binders, paying their employees well. I love that I have readers who are OK with paying what my books cost. I like that the arc of the work is slow and loping, that daily updates might happen in spurts, but they are 2,000-5,000 words spurts, amidst an outsized walk, more like an ascetic ritual, calming, fullness-giving, the opposite of whatever it is you have to access to upload daily TikToks.

Work like mine has almost no representation in David’s book. There’s a ruthlessness that’s taken hold across all strata of cultural making (and life itself). Everything turned into a casino, “traps” galore. Billions as the only goal. Achieved celebrity? Start a coffee brand (or gin brand, or tequila brand; I’m shocked nobody is selling their own cigarettes). Leave “nothing on the table.” Epicurean maximizing. That sort of thing. The whole world in a swivet about every dumb breath by some dumdum. AI now turning the future protean. Models upending models within days. Solid ground made liquid for the next decade.

David’s book is funny. I mean, it’s heartbreaking, mainly. But you’ll laugh as your soul is pummeled. David quotes all the fools of the last twenty-five years. They are happy to shoot themselves in their own feet, again and again. The book is most tragic when it dips into politics. In our On Margins chat, we mention Obama, how his ascension symbolized some “completion” — “it was love triumphing over hate, and peace over war, and all sorts of things of the way we were told how things were going to play out because of the natural order of the world, that there would be some sort of correction and this was the correction.” It’s surreal now to think of that world in 2010. The iPhone basically still new. Obama in the White House. The full conversion of everything online to brain traps, to teleportation heroin, still years away. Back when you actually had to “follow” folks to see their content. 2010, just fifteen years ago, but about seven generations of mental life. Back when a trillion-dollar company was a pipe dream (Apple being the first to hit that number, in 2018; now it feels like a monthly announcement, Nvidia hitting $5T a month ago), back when you didn’t nab a $100B valuation as a startup before you even launched a product. Back when Apple’s own apps weren’t loaded with ads. Back when not everything was “recurring revenue” driven. Back when even non-institutional investors had a chance to get in on a company like Facebook or Google while they were still in ascendancy.

Still, around that (now seemingly Brigadoonish) time, I already had a growing sense of doom / skepticism around how much tech money was being bandied about:
<blockquote>Craig: Early 2008, 2009, 2010, I was very negative on Facebook. Very early because I remember explicitly that Facebook was eating up all the designers, uh, from Brooklyn who were doing genuinely interesting work. I remember being really depressed about that. But if Facebook offers you a million dollar salary — especially in 2008, 2009, 2010, it’s hard to turn down. But it felt like there was this incredible compromise that had started to happen.</blockquote>
And David, expanding on this point:
<blockquote>David: This is a really important point of the 21st century, which is I graduated in 2001, and I don’t think anyone around me, even the money hungry people were like, I’m going to be a billionaire. No, it was just on zero people’s minds. And the best was like, dude, did you know you could go work for an investment bank and within five years you could be making $1 million?</blockquote>
Anyway, you should absolutely read David’s book. It deals with all of this and more. His ability to synthesize vast swaths of history and criticism into sane, compressed chapters is inspiring. It’s a fun read, and may radicalize you, too, in better directions. Or just reaffirm the path you’re already on. Or just get you to step offline for a few moments."

"Pop Culture Got Stale. Counterculture Went Right-Wing.
How the rise and fall of the nihilist hipster gave us the cruel reactionaries of today."
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/21/books/review/culture-right-wing-david-marx.html
https://archive.ph/idxdR

"Make Culture Weird Again
Even failures and half steps will be more interesting than the boring stuff."
https://www.theatlantic.com/culture/2025/11/blank-space-book-excerpt-culture/685037/
https://www.theatlantic.com/culture/2025/11/blank-space-book-excerpt-culture/685037/?gift=j9r7avb6p-KY8zdjhsiSZzZAypQ-DyUUwPxyZrMsWaI
https://archive.ph/KJmQM ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work">
    <title>Dying to Work | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:23:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Byung-Chul Han and the legacy of the Catholic Worker"

...

"The issues that occupied the Catholic Worker movement beginning in the 1930s are, in some obvious ways, still with us: the injustice of laissez-faire capitalism, communism, factory industrialism, and mechanized society. Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin confronted these upheavals, taking Catholic social teaching as the basis of their philosophy and inflecting it with the insights of Marxists, critical theorists, anarchists like Pyotr Kropotkin and Nikolai Berdyaev, the English distributists, and French personalists such as Emmanuel Mounier. But the critiques developed out of these influences might seem hard to apply to a socioeconomic climate that has changed so quickly and so destructively over the past century. Does their work still speak to a world dominated by social media, finance capital, artificial intelligence, and virtual reality?

One contemporary philosopher stands out as a bridge connecting the Catholic Worker worldview to the contemporary world. Born in South Korea and educated in Germany, Byung-Chul Han has produced more than twenty short books during the past ten years. This considerable body of work has made him one of the leading European philosophers of his generation, but he is still not as well-known as he should be in the United States. His books bring continental philosophy to bear on late modern culture, especially in its economic and technological aspects. Han, himself a Catholic, brings out the fact that the Catholic Worker’s deepest critique of our present regime operates not on the level of economic theory at all but in its prodigal way of life.

*** 

Taking his cue from the Marxist tradition, Han sees contemporary society as dominated by the means of production. The order of the day is incessant work in service of maximal productivity, and this industrial ideal has slowly spread throughout the culture. Even as most workers, in developed countries like the United States at least, have left the physical confines of the factory behind, the factory-like spirit of totalized work has come to dominate us. Efficiency, Han argues, is our ideology, incarnate in the ubiquitous technology that just is the contemporary world, and in whose image we remake and enslave ourselves.

We know this in our bones, if not in our heads. We feel guilty for relaxing; we are constantly harried in the name of productivity; we calumniate those, like the homeless, we suspect of laziness; and we fill our lives and homes with as much “smart” technology as possible to maximize efficiency and convenience. A good “work ethic” and financial prudence are among the top values we want to instill in our children. The very fact that we talk about morality in terms of our “values” reflects the primacy of the economic. All this, for Han, indicates that the industrial ideal has taken up bodily residence in us. We live to work.

This is a familiar line of argument for Catholic Workers. It extends the personalist critiques of Mounier and Arthur Penty—two of Maurin’s biggest influences—who saw technocracy colonizing not only the external world but our affects, habits, and tastes as well. Han’s critique also echoes that great line of Rerum novarum: industrialism had produced conditions “little better than slavery itself.” 

Han consistently argues that the move to the digital world is not a move away from the factory drudgery with which Marx and Day contended, but rather its totalization. We no longer spend our time producing only things, but, internalizing the factory ethos, we unendingly produce ourselves. “Accordingly,” he writes in his book Psychopolitics, “industrial capitalism has now mutated into neoliberalism and financial capitalism, which are implementing a post-industrial, immaterial mode of production…. People are now master and slave in one.” Life online demands constant optimization of our image, portfolios, profiles, platforms, credit ratings, histories, etc., to the point that we become our own products. So “now the illusion prevails that every person—as a project free to fashion him- or herself at will—is capable of unlimited self-production.” We spend our lives selling ourselves, and unlike in the factory, we do this work under self-supervision and, if we’re not self-monetizing influencers, for free. Self-oppression, or self-slavery, becomes today’s dominant social form. We are approaching the prospect of the fully capitalized human being. 

Here, Han puts his finger on a theme that the social encyclicals, and especially distributists like G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, have occasionally broached but never systematically developed. Work, Han points out, is at base concerned with the preservation of bodily life; it is necessary for our survival. In this way, it is intimately connected with the possibility and fear of death. When we are working to acquire the means to life, we are working to push death away, whether we think of it that way or not. The goal of work is the maintenance of what Han, following the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, calls “bare life.”

Han contrasts bare life with other forms of life that have usually been recognized as essential for genuinely human life: art, beauty, literature, philosophy, liturgy, community, the spirit, relationships, and contemplation. These cultural expressions arise not out of a concern for the body or a fear of death but from leisure, celebration, festivity, play, enjoyment, fun, devotion, and love. “As forms of play, festivals…are characterized by an excess, an expression of overflowing life that does not aim at a goal,” Han writes in The Disappearance of Rituals. “This is what lies behind their intensity. They are an intense form of life. In the festival, life relates to itself instead of subordinating itself to exterior purposes.” These forms of life are what the encyclicals call “higher goods,” and Berdyaev and Mounier call “the life of the spirit.” They are not concerned with efficiency, and they are about much more than “mere” biological life and the means necessary to reproduce it. 

They are, you might say, prodigal in the face of death and the body’s requirements. For when we engage in these forms of life, we are often wasteful—and sometimes extravagantly so—of time and materials that could be used to prevent death. Think of the building of our churches or the expenditures of a symphony. In these activities, we are not just staying alive; we are living. But when work becomes totalized, the mundane, mere biological existence, bare life, becomes all-important. It colonizes our minds, becoming the unconscious goal of all we do until we can no longer live in the prodigal sense but only work. 

In these circumstances, work and the accumulation of capital come to seem like a defense, even an antidote, to death. We are under the illusion that if work holds off bodily death by what we get from it, then the more we do of it—the more we apply it to every facet of our lives—the more resources, and hence the more life, we have. “We produce against the feeling of lack,” Han writes in his book Vita Contemplativa. “Capital is a form of survival. Capitalism is nurtured by the illusion that more capital creates more life, increases the capacity to live. But this life is a bare life, a survival.” This logic of totalized work to fend off a totalized fear of death, Han argues, governs our cultural discourse, occupations, and institutions. They concern themselves with the mere maintenance of bodily life through production and consumption. Deriving their legitimacy from the fear of death, they instill that fear in us all the more deeply.

This account both underwrites key insights of the Catholic Worker philosophy of work and extends it, showing the tradition to be more applicable today than ever. Day and Maurin, in concert with the social encyclicals, always stressed that there was a kind of work that is a created good. They even developed a certain spirituality around it. The Catholic Worker promoted the revitalization of small-craft economies, manual labor, and a return to the land, in service of a “functional society” where economic activity is subordinated to those noneconomic “higher” goods of the local community enumerated above. Like Gandhi, Maurin thought that everyone should do at least some manual labor, and alluding to Marx, he wanted the “workers to be scholars and the scholars to be workers.” This kind of work was to be distinguished sharply from the degraded factory work available under industrialism. Day and Maurin positively encouraged people to get out of those jobs. 

Han shows how much more challenging working for higher goods has become today. The transmuted factory of “self-production” usurps ever more of our opportunities to work collectively at a small scale. Without small-scale contributions to a functional economy in service of festivity and worship, we fall short of genuinely human culture and submit ourselves to totalized capitalism.

***

Han also helps us see the way that Catholic Worker theory and practice are related. The most radical critiques of our social order, he shows, come from those who refuse to submit to the demand that we spend our lives trying to get out of life alive. In this way, Day’s and Maurin’s prodigal lives made them walking rejections of the order of totalized work. 

The early Catholic Workers took as their heroes the first Christian communities and set themselves to the literal practice of the Sermon on the Mount. They shared what little they had, embraced and preached voluntary poverty (including recommending it to families), and lived in community with the poor. They had no insurance, no budget, and Day’s financial plan was “another miracle please, St. Joseph.” She lived in close proximity to bodily harm, fights and weapons being commonplace at St. Joseph’s House. And yet, consistent with her pacifism, she placed a strict ban on calling the police. Such laid-back prodigality is a “festive” or “playful” way of life—in stark contrast to the anxious capital accumulation and obsession with health and safety so typical of our age. Han pinpoints exactly what made Day’s life so radical: she refused to try to work her way free of death. 

The totalized factory-society aims not only at limitless production but at total controlby technical, financial, and, as Han argues in Psychopolitics, psychological means. But Catholic Workers, by their precarious, “irresponsible” existence, lived against this totalized work ethic by living out of control. Here is not tightfisted accumulation, but “taking no thought for tomorrow.” Here are not health and security clung to desperately, but, as Day often said, abandonment to divine providence. 

By living outside the frenzy of production and self-production, Day represents a form of what Han calls “the politics of inactivity.” In Vita Contemplativa, he writes:

<blockquote>Capital is the pure form of activity. It is the transcendence that takes hold of the immanence of life and exploits it completely. From life, it separates bare life, life that works. The human being is degraded into an animal laborans. Freedom is exploited, too. According to Marx, free competition is nothing but “the relation of capital to itself as another capital”…. The politics of inactivity [by contrast] liberates the immanence of life from the transcendence that alienates life from itself. Only in inactivity do we become aware of the ground on which we rest.</blockquote>

Inactivity, in this sense, is what distinguishes those noneconomic practices that make life truly human. Catholic Workers’ lives are fundamentally playful and celebratory, heedless of the conventional (factory) wisdom of maximizing control, optimizing efficiency, and living by holding off death. 

Of course, Day’s life simply was her practice of Catholicism, living the age-old but radical precepts of the Gospel. It’s important not to construe her faith, as is sometimes done, as an instrument for reforming the social order or the economy. That would be to reinscribe it within totalized capitalism, to place it in the service of an order in constant retreat from death. Rather than flight from death, the Gospel represents an embrace of death.

Together, Day and Han help us remember that this embrace structures Christianity from top to bottom. In her journals and chronicles of her daily life and travels, Day regularly refers to the martyrs, to the need to put ourselves to death, and to the embrace of the cross itself. With Han’s help we can see that Day’s prodigal practices—voluntary poverty and the sharing of possessions—are intelligible only as part of a community constituted by its liberation from the hegemony of death. The radical precepts of the Sermon on the Mount are just the “economic” application of the way of the cross. The radical forms of economic life Day encouraged are the concrete and quotidian way Christians go about believing in the Resurrection. 

In other words, by being “irresponsible” with her money and her physical safety, Day was refusing the lie that we must try to ensure our lives turn out right by submitting to the current economic order. Her refusal to abide by the dictates of economic efficiency and to let her life be run by “risk” are training in martyrdom. She reminds us that the early Christians were not simply martyred for a “religious belief” detachable from their daily lives; they went to their deaths prepared by an alternative social life that spurned the fear of death. 

Han’s work thus not only demonstrates the continued—and even heightened—relevance of the Catholic Worker’s philosophy of labor for a digital age. He also unearths the intimate connection between radical Christian social practices and the very center of our faith—the Paschal Mystery. If those practices sometimes seem a little too radical for us ordinary Christians, it’s worth recalling that Day herself often pointed out that the way she lived was not for the religious elite, but for everybody. Her own inspiration came from the simple truths Christians share and with which we are marked in our baptism: we have already died, and so we have nothing to lose; we have already risen, and so we can live without fear.  "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLqV3XLB4U8">
    <title>The Return of Operation Condor - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T21:34:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLqV3XLB4U8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this conversation we speak with a labor organizer and people’s historian who covers Latin American movements with connections to Ecuador, Colombia, and Cuba. Folks may know her by the twitter handle @SovietwithSazon.

In this conversation she discusses recent struggles and developments in Ecuador. In particular a recent 38 day general strike, and the popular rejection of a recent referendum  including measures which would have allowed the US to build military bases in Ecuador and cut public funding for political parties.

Our guest contextualizes the current US-backed narco-military regime lead by Daniel Naboa. And she talks about the broader revenge campaign against former Pink Tide governments like Ecuador and Bolivia, now led by right wing forces.

She discusses how the tactics we’re seeing across Latin America against left-leaning governments, and the disappearances and assassinations of organizers, mark a return of the CIA’s Operation Condor tactics. And she discusses how the capitalist class colludes with cartels to create crises that manufacture consent for the state of war decree that Ecuadorians are currently under.

We’ll include links to follow our guest on twitter, where she will be increasing her reporting on developments in Latin America, and to other episodes where we discuss recent developments with regard to Venezuela, Ecuador, Colombia, and on the topic of general strikes, the general strike Italian workers led a couple months ago."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXmDje3HfHI">
    <title>T12x38 - Catolicismo pop: por qué volvemos a hablar de Dios (CARNE CRUDA) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-16T23:20:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXmDje3HfHI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Más allá de Rosalía, existe un revival cristiano entre algunos jóvenes con movimientos que convierten el catolicismo en moda pop, como Hakuna o Siloé, influencers pijas o la promoción de retiros espirituales Effetá. Moda pasajera o vocación duradera, fenómeno mediático o tendencia real, ética o estética... En este programa nos preguntamos "¿Por qué volvemos a hablar de Dios?" con Rafael Ruiz y Joseba García, sociólogos expertos en religión; hablamos de LUX y mística religiosa con Frankie Pizá, y debatimos junto a Ángela Rodríguez PAM y Estela Ortiz sobre el boom del género monjil, sus vínculos con movimientos reaccionarios como el de las tradwives y sus repercusiones, especialmente para las mujeres. Nos despedimos con una nueva entrega del humor de nuestra gran Antía Lousada.

Puedes ver la segunda parte de este programa, la sección de Antía Lousada aquí: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yatx73b7a84

Más información aquí: https://www.eldiario.es/carnecruda/programas/catolicismo-pop-volvemos-hablar-dios_132_12756315.html 

"La sociedad española es cada vez más secular: el número de católicos ha caído del 90% en los años setenta a apenas un 55% hoy, y entre los jóvenes la cifra es aún más baja. Sin embargo, algo está ocurriendo en los últimos años: entre 2023 y 2025 la catolicidad confesa entre menores de 35 años ha pasado del 34% al 41%. No es un fenómeno exclusivo de España: en Francia, por ejemplo, los bautizos de adultos y adolescentes se han duplicado en solo 2 años, y en Reino Unido, los jóvenes de 18 a 24 años que dicen asistir a misa han pasado del 4% en 2018 al 16%.

El sentimiento religioso tiene un revival en Occidente y se manifiesta en todas partes: de la catarsis mística de Rosalía a Hakuna, movimiento de masas que arrastra a decenas de miles de jóvenes católicos en todo el mundo desde Hakuna a Efetá. ¿Se trata de una moda pasajera o tiene vocación duradera? ¿Es solo fenómeno mediático o una tendencia real? Exploramos este revival religioso con los investigadores Rafael Ruiz y Joseba García, sociólogos expertos en religión.""]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.koozarch.com/columns/sonic-kinships-5-violeta-parra-por-la-maanita-1961">
    <title>Sonic Kinships #5. Violeta Parra, Por la mañanita (1961) – KoozArch</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-16T21:34:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.koozarch.com/columns/sonic-kinships-5-violeta-parra-por-la-maanita-1961</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Violeta Parra’s recording of the Chilean folk song ‘Por la mañanita,’ was not released during her lifetime, yet since its posthumous release, hers has swelled to become the definitive version. In the penultimate column of Ivan L Munuera’s series Sonic Kinships, he pays tribute to the political resonance of Parra’s voice, its emotion raw against Allende’s vision of technocratic socialism that followed her death."

...

"You can listen to ‘Por La Mañanita’ and the rest of the Sonic Kinships soundtrack here https://open.spotify.com/playlist/1VN82IJHfhN52qBdJbDGXW

Track 05, Violeta Parra, Por la mañanita (1961)

Violeta Parra was never just a singer. She built structures. Songs where people could gather, where solidarity could live. Through her Peña de los Parra, she created a community arts center where students, workers, and Indigenous musicians gathered to reclaim Chile’s folk traditions. This was an insurgent pedagogy. By placing Mapuche and other Indigenous voices at the heart of Chile’s identity, Parra confronted the silences of colonial erasure and neoliberal destruction. Her verses braided grief, activism, and love, ensuring that song could be a practice of collective survival. “Por la mañanita” is an everyday hymn — of mornings and awakenings, but also of vigilance and endurance.

The Chile that Parra sang into being was also the Chile of Salvador Allende that came after her death: socialism by transparency. One of its most daring projects was Cybersyn, or Proyecto Synco, a cybernetic network of telex machines, predictive software, and the Opsroom — a futuristic control centre designed by Stafford Beer, Jorge Barrientos, Gui Bonsiepe, Pepa Foncea, and Lucia Wormald among an extensive team of architects, engineers, and designers. Its aim was audacious: to make socialism efficient, adaptive, and accountable. Open to the whole population of Chile. Architecture here was political science. As Pedro Ignacio Alonso, Hugo Palmarola, and Eden Medina have shown, Cybersyn was not simply technology but scenography: hexagonal chairs arranged in a circle, information screens surrounding their users, a stage where knowledge was shared rather than hoarded. Accountability was performed spatially. To sit in the Opsroom was to inhabit an architecture that refused secrecy; one where flows of production, shortages, and worker reports became visible and actionable. Cybersyn, like the lives of Allende and thousands of Chileans, was cut short by the brutal regime of the dictator Augusto Pinochet, under neocolonial extractive powers that wanted to maintain and even accelerate the dispossession of the country.

But Parra’s song and Cybersyn’s design still pulsates, drawing one to the same challenge: how to dismantle opacity. The song illuminated what the previous and later governments tried to repress — memory, grief, dispossession. Cybernetics illuminated what capitalism would hide — data, flows, the collective pulse of production. Both enacted forms of accountability, through melody and through coding. Yet, as Marina Otero has argued, infrastructures of data are never innocent. Today’s data centres mourn not only the information they guard but also the bodies, ecologies, and energies consumed in their upkeep. Technology is extractive, fed by cobalt mines, rare earth minerals, and precarious labour. Cybersyn’s optimism, read against this horizon, reveals the double edge of data: its emancipatory promise and its material violence. To build a nervous system for society is also to expose the fragility and exploitation on which it depends.

This reckoning with technological infrastructures continued in Inteligencias Reflexivas, curated by Serena Dambrosio, Nicolás Díaz Bejarano, and Linda Schilling Cuéllar. Their project reframed artificial intelligence not as disembodied or immaterial, but as rooted in ecologies of extraction, cultural memory, and social struggle. It argues that intelligence — whether folk, cybernetic, or artificial — is always situated, collective, and entangled with relations of care and exploitation. In dialogue with Parra’s insurgent pedagogy and Cybersyn’s scenography, Inteligencias Reflexivas insists that to speak of intelligence is also to speak of accountability and mourning.

As in Octavia Butler’s Bloodchild, intimacy can be symbiosis, even to the point of parasitism: to survive, bodies must surrender autonomy and share vulnerability. Parra’s music, Cybersyn’s architecture, Otero’s reflections on data mourning, and the Inteligencias Reflexivas pavilion: all of these resonate in a similar key. They suggest that survival depends on porosity, on opening to others, on acknowledging dependence rather than denying it. “Por la mañanita” reminds us that mornings begin with exposure, with light falling across bodies. Cybersyn made Chile’s industrial body porous, visible, accountable; Otero reminds us that the infrastructures we inherit today are entangled with mourning, their very functioning haunted by the exhaustion of the earth; and Inteligencias Reflexivas reframes intelligence itself as a situated, fragile practice. They insist that accountability means not just making flows visible but reckoning with the cost of keeping them alive. To design is always to decide what becomes visible, what remains opaque, and what is sacrificed along the way.

[images: Albumn cover of Toda Violeta Parra: El folklore de Chile vol. VIII by Violeta Parra]

Tracklist: You can listen to the songs accompanying this column below and the complete Sonic Kinships soundtrack here https://open.spotify.com/playlist/1VN82IJHfhN52qBdJbDGXW

Por la mañanita, Violeta Parra
https://open.spotify.com/track/1Dq77dkp5HGVkscqbTQciq

El apagón, Bad Bunny
https://open.spotify.com/track/0UvZcEfpzVyx47QsRbjyBz

Puro Teatro, La Lupe
https://open.spotify.com/track/3Ov5KuLiPEqYMluzZTmS2M

Bio

Ivan L. Munuera is a New York-based scholar, critic, and curator working at the intersection of culture, technology, politics, and bodily practices in the modern period and on the global stage. He is an Assistant Professor at Bard College; his research has been generously sponsored by the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies and the Canadian Centre for Architecture. In 2020, Munuera was awarded the Harold W. Dodds Fellowship at Princeton University. Munuera has presented his work at various conferences and academic forums, from the Society of Architectural Historians and the European Architectural History Network to Columbia GSAPP, Princeton University, Het Nieuwe Instituut, CIVA Brussels and ETSAM, among many others. He has also published widely, from the Journal for Architectural Education (JAE), The Architect’s Newspaper to Log and e-flux."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/trumps-pro-hunger-agenda-and-the-cruel-logic-of-capitalism/">
    <title>Trump’s Pro-Hunger Agenda and the Cruel Logic of Capitalism | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T18:45:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/trumps-pro-hunger-agenda-and-the-cruel-logic-of-capitalism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Don’t forget that food insecurity has long been a feature of Republican politics, not a bug."

...

"Andrew Fisher is the author of “Big Hunger: The Unholy Alliance Between Corporate America and Anti-Hunger Groups.”"

[See also:

"Big Hunger: The Unholy Alliance between Corporate America and Anti-Hunger Groups, by Andrew Fisher (2018)"
https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262535168/big-hunger/

"How to focus anti-hunger efforts not on charity but on the root causes of food insecurity, improving public health, and reducing income inequality.

Food banks and food pantries have proliferated in response to an economic emergency. The loss of manufacturing jobs combined with the recession of the early 1980s and Reagan administration cutbacks in federal programs led to an explosion in the growth of food charity. This was meant to be a stopgap measure, but the jobs never came back, and the “emergency food system” became an industry. In Big Hunger, Andrew Fisher takes a critical look at the business of hunger and offers a new vision for the anti-hunger movement.

From one perspective, anti-hunger leaders have been extraordinarily effective. Food charity is embedded in American civil society, and federal food programs have remained intact while other anti-poverty programs have been eliminated or slashed. But anti-hunger advocates are missing an essential element of the problem: economic inequality driven by low wages. Reliant on corporate donations of food and money, anti-hunger organizations have failed to hold business accountable for offshoring jobs, cutting benefits, exploiting workers and rural communities, and resisting wage increases. They have become part of a “hunger industrial complex” that seems as self-perpetuating as the more famous military-industrial complex.

Fisher lays out a vision that encompasses a broader definition of hunger characterized by a focus on public health, economic justice, and economic democracy. He points to the work of numerous grassroots organizations that are leading the way in these fields as models for the rest of the anti-hunger sector. It is only through approaches like these that we can hope to end hunger, not just manage it."]]]></description>
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    <title>AI Grief Observed</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T04:53:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/ai-grief-observed/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["These remarks were delivered this evening at the Creatively Critical Tech Speaker Series at Illinois State University. 

---

"There is no good way to say this."

These are the opening words of Yiyun Li’s latest book Things in Nature Only Grow about life after the death by suicide of both of her sons.

"There is no good way to say this." My heart goes out to you if you too have had this sentence spoken to you. "There is no good way to say this" is a sentence always followed by very bad news.

(It is, I recognize, an unsurprising way to start a talk by yours truly, someone who has made a career out of describing education technology as very bad news. "There is no good way to say this." It's also an admission on my part that what I want to talk about tonight are thoughts that are quite tentative, quite tender. My husband asked me, "is it a good talk?" And I had to say, "I don't know!")

Let me read the first few paragraphs of Li's memoir, more than just that first sentence, in part because it is a radical radical book on death and endurance and acceptance (and typically, I think, we see "acceptance" as the antithesis of "radical." As complacence, as surrender).

> There is no good way to say this — when the police arrive, they inevitably preface the bad news with that sentence, as though their presence had not been ominous enough. The first time I heard the line, I knew already what was about to be conveyed. Nevertheless, I paid attention to how the news was delivered: the detective insisted that I take a seat first. I sat down at the dinner table, and he moved another chair to the right distance and sat down himself. No doubt he was following protocol, and yet the sentence — there is no good way to say this — struck me as both accurate and effective. It must be a sentence that, though nearly a cliché, is not often used in daily conversation; its precision has stayed with me.

> The second time, having guessed the news about to be delivered, I did not give the sentence a moment’s thought. I did not wait for the detective to ask me to sit down, either. I indicated a chair where my husband should sit and took the other chair in the living room. My heart already began to feel that sensation for which there is no name. Call it aching, call it wrenching, call it shattering, but they are all wrong words, useless in their familiarity. This time, the four policemen all stood.”

"There is no good way to say this." There is no easy way to talk about this. There are acceptable words, I suppose, but they are never "good," never remotely satisfying or comforting -- not to say, not to hear.

By "this," I mean death obviously. By "this," I also mean other traumas, other endings. By "this," I mean what might feel like or look like the end of education – an end not spoken about with the solemnity of the policemen but rather with a real jubilation from technologists and venture capitalists, who gloat about disruption.

I want to start here – by “here,” I mean the recognition that there is no good way to talk about death, no good way to talk about grief, even though I am going to try very hard to do so: to talk about grief – mine, yours, students’, teachers' – and tie it to “artificial intelligence.” I want to talk about grief and “the end." I want to talk about the end of the world – I don't, really; I want to talk about what feels like the end of the world and what might be, should we continue to build data centers, invest in this rapacious technology, and ignore climate change, literally the end of the world; I want to talk about the destruction of the future (our own, our children's), about the end of democracy, the end of education.

I want to talk about loss. A loss that is, perhaps, an abandonment. Perhaps an abdication. An absence. An erasure. A trauma. Death, mass death -- literal and metaphorical.

“There is no good way to say this.” I have read a lot of memoirs about dying and about grieving. Joan Didion’s The Year of Magical Thinking, of course. Geraldine Brooks’ Memorial Days. C. S. Lewis’s A Grief Observed (a phrase I’ve borrowed for the title of this talk). Michelle Zauner’s Crying in H Mart. Helen Macdonald’s H is for Hawk. I could go on and list so many wonderful, painful books. And yet, despite some of the greatest writers having tried, “there is no good way to say this” -- I know this. I know this intimately. Yet I still search for some good words to have been said, to have been written. Words to comfort. Words to find meaning. Words to make sense. Words to not feel so utterly alone, at the abyss abyssmal, because those we love most have left us, and the future we thought we would share is gone too.

“There is no good way to say this," the police told Yiyun Li. I don’t think that the coroner said those exact words to me, although he might have, when, in May 2020, I received the phone call that my own son had died. I do not remember the words, but I remember the feeling. Everything tilting and spinning and spiraling down. The blood drains, your stomach sinks. All words and feelings of such profound, indescribable, unspeakable loss.

May 2020 was, if you’ll recall, the early days, the early weeks of the COVID lockdown. I was in Oakland, California; Isaiah was in Seattle, Washington. He died alone in his apartment of an opioid overdose.

A few weeks later, OpenAI released GPT-3.

Our tools are cultural not merely technological, so while many people want to frame the emergence of generative AI as simply the latest development in the long history of computers, of artificial intelligence -- transformers, neural networks, tokens, and so on -- we have to remember that what emerges is not just a matter of engineering. It's a matter of markets and politics and ideology and culture.

I think it matters that GPT was released during the COVID pandemic (and ChatGPT shortly "after"), when many of us were stuck at home, isolated and interacting with one another almost entirely through screens.

I think it matters that all this talk about the potential for "AI" to do our jobs comes after labor made some important (albeit tentative) gains during this period: the whole notion of "essential worker"; the successful push for unionization in some sectors; the astonishment from many parents after trying to facilitate their own children's schooling -- all those “teachers should be paid hundreds of thousands of dollars a year” posts on social media; demands during and after the pandemic to continue to work from home, to have more control over space and place and time. AI is a backlash. AI is anti-worker.

I always feel the need to remind people that neither robots nor AI are coming for our jobs. But management probably is.

I think it matters that this latest AI push, with generative AI's penchant for “bullshit,” follows on the heels of growing mis- and disinformation campaigns online. This was precisely the realization many people had come to after Donald Trump's first election as President and during his first term in office. And this was precisely what LLMs have been trained upon.

I think it matters that the technology industry relies on deception and obfuscation and markets its new bullshit machines right as the leaders of this country have openly embraced being liars, cheats, and frauds, have openly rejected knowledge and expertise.

I think it matters that as we have lost faith in institutions over the course of the past few decades -- in the church, in the media, in schools, in science, in medicine (particularly in public health and in vaccines) -- that we are now promised an oracle that can deliver instant and easy answers.

I think it matters that AI -- so utterly opaque in its algorithmic predictions and decision-making -- is the ultimate unaccountability machine.

We expect more from technology than we do from each other, the psychologist Sherry Turkle wrote in her book Alone Together in 2011. I think it matters that trust and solidarity have been eroded for a while now (if they ever really existed or were encouraged in this country).

I think it matters that economic inequality has in the last few decades exploded, that the promises to students in particular – get good grades and you'll get into a good school, graduate from a good school and you'll get a good job – feel pretty empty.

AI is a "normal technology," the artificial intelligence professors Arvind Narayanan and Sayash Kapoor (authors of AI Snake Oil) have argued. But what we have come to see as "normal" is, in fact, utterly abhorrent, abysmal. Yiyun Li writes a lot in her book on learning to inhabit the abyss of grief. What does it mean to normalize the abyss?

AI is the symptom of a broken world. AI is the symptom; and AI is the disease.

Generative AI emerged during a global pandemic -- a global trauma of mass death (1.2 million people in the US died of COVID, and about 7 million globally -- these are, no doubt, figures that undercount how many actually died of the disease, let alone those like my son who died during that time period of other causes -- overdoses, suicide, murder, and deaths related and unrelated to the pandemic).

Mass trauma, mass death and, as such, mass grieving. But it was, at the time and still to this day, a grief interrupted, a grief buried, a grief denied, a grief (contrary to C. S. Lewis's phrasing) unobserved. We were often not able to bury our dead, not able to hold funerals, not able to have wakes, not able to observe the rituals of death, not able to gather, to bring food, to hold and comfort one another.

And when we were told the pandemic was over -- it hasn't really ended; the World Health Organization says there were around 150,000 cases of COVID reported in the last month -- we didn't deal with our trauma. We didn't deal with our grief. We were supposed to bury our feelings; we were supposed to forget. It was back-to-school, back to work, back to "normal."

Or some “new normal,” now with AI – a technology that we didn't want, that we didn't ask for, and that we're told we cannot refuse.

Of course, that's not quite right. We can refuse.

One more correction: there was, in fact, a massive demonstration of grief – an outpouring of grieving in public – during COVID; and that was the Black Lives Matter movement, the protests that occurred in cities throughout the country particularly after the murder of George Floyd. This grief was not private or hidden; it was collective. This grief was not just personal, expressed by those impacted directly by racism and police violence; it demanded from protestors and onlookers, empathy, solidarity. This grief was expressive – even as we are always told with protest, as with grief, that that is not the “good way” to say it. The grief of Floyd’s death – and all the deaths – was not sufficient. It was not simply a marker or memorial of death; but it was an act of life, an act of repair. It was a demonstration of love and loss and fury; it was a commitment to the future.

And again, technology is cultural, ideological not simply technological.

It matters that generative AI emerged with or alongside -- you can decide the preposition you prefer -- a politics that is openly hostile to Black Lives Matter, that opposes diversity, equity, and inclusion. It matters that Silicon Valley companies were among the first to backtrack on their DEI initiatives, were happy to stand with Donald Trump when he proclaimed that AI needed to be purged of "ideological biases," purged of "woke."

Generative AI is, with or without Trump's executive orders, a backlash to diversity, equity, and inclusion, a reinscription of the words and images of white supremacist, heteronormative, Western, English-speaking capitalist patriarchy. That is the corpus that large language models have been trained on -- "the canon" (with all the copyright violations that that has entailed) as well as "the Internet" (thousands and thousands and thousands and thousands of YouTube videos and YouTube comments and Reddit posts and -- with apologies to anyone this might include here this evening -- lots of very mediocre freshmen essays on the theme of family in Romeo & Juliet or the role of "states' rights" in the US Civil War).

In response to a radical outpouring of love, loss, life, grief -- expressed together, embodied, on the streets -- we were presented with, forced to use in so many cases, a technology that severs us from creative expression, dignity, and truth. There is no choice, we're told. "Get over it." "Move on."

One of the problems with grief, as Yiyun Li argues in her memoir, is that it's been described as a set of stages one moves through, as something that has a beginning and, significantly, an end. You will eventually, people try to tell you, "get over it." This is Elizabeth Kubler-Ross's famous formulation: grief as a series of emotions that move from denial to anger, then bargaining, then depression, and finally acceptance. And even if we might've revised this progression somewhat since she published her book On Death and Dying in 1969, society still gives mourners (and not just as workers) a very limited amount of time "to deal with it" before they're expected to "move on."

“There is no rush,” Yi writes, “as I will have every single day, for the rest of my life, to think about Vincent and James, outside time, outside the many activities of everyday life.”

> And this, among other reasons, is why I am against the word “grief,” which in contemporary culture seems to indicate a process that has an end point: the sooner you get there, the sooner you prove yourself to be a good sport at living, and the less awkward people around you will feel. Sometimes people ask me where I am in the grieving process, and I wonder whether they understand anything at all about losing someone. How lonely the dead would feel, if the living were to stand up from death’s shadow, clap their hands, dust their pants, and say to themselves and to the world, I am done with my grieving; from this point on it’s life as usual, business as usual.

> I don’t want an end point to my sorrow. The death of a child is not a heat wave or a snowstorm, nor an obstacle race to rush through and win, nor an acute or chronic illness to recover from. What is grief but a word, a shortcut, a simplification of something much larger than that word?

Of course, we like thinking of things in stages. We like the order, we like to frame our world, our understanding of time this way -- in hours and days and seasons. We ritualize these -- indeed, that is one of the reasons why our inability to conduct the traditional practices associated with death and dying made our grief during COVID even more unbearable. Without rites and rituals, you cannot “move on.” You cannot grow or shift or change. You are stuck in the past. You are stuck.

The anthropologist Victor Turner used the term “liminality” to describe the one of the key phases of rites of passage, those rituals that mark transition – not just transition into the “afterlife,” for example, but transition into adulthood or into marriage or into society. This liminal phase, as he called it, was “betwixt and between” – a period where you are in the process of becoming something new, but you’re not that new person yet, nor are you the person you were any longer. Liminality, Turner argued, was a sort of limbo – but in that limbo, something really transformational happens – something radical even in the most conservative and traditional ritual practices. Liminality is a time – and to be fair, this can be a very very very brief moment, depending on the rite of passage – of solidarity and equality and unity. Protests, for example, are liminal spaces.

Education, I’d argue, also has elements of this liminality. It is a rite of passage, a ritual of becoming – you enter a child, a “fresh man” and you leave an adult. We have retained some older parts of these rituals – the cap and gown obviously, moving the tassel from one side of your head to the other. But there's more to it than just these practices. You have to believe, I’d argue, in that transformation to be able to commit yourself to the time, to the work. (Socially, culturally, politically, we have to believe it is worthwhile to send children to school, to send them to college.)

But much to the detriment of learning, let alone to the survival of educational institutions, we have seen education redefined as something else -- as a product, not a process. As certification, not transformation. The liminality has been shattered; instead of ritual, society has demanded “outcomes” and “optimization.”

I don’t say any of this out of nostalgia for a once-upon-a-time when college was good. Educational institutions -- whether at the K-12 or the university level -- have always always been deeply flawed, highly exclusionary, full of all sorts of machineries of bullshit. These are, as Michel Foucault reminded us, sites of discipline -- disciplining bodies and minds.

But by dismantling educational institutions -- and AI is really just the latest act in a long long history of dismantling -- we are also dismantling that space for shared practice and purpose, for shared understanding -- “communitas,” Turner called it.

The technology industry -- indeed, capitalism -- prefers “individualization” and “immediacy.” Certainly, it pays lip service to "community" -- Mark Zuckerberg's blah blah blah about Facebook connecting the world. When Google says it wants to organize the world's information and make it "useful," this is a very different mission than the university's. The tech industry's allegiance is to surveillance capitalism, to profit and power, not to knowledge and certainly not to people.

What we are experiencing now -- with AI, with the defunding of public education and public research, with deportations and surveillance -- is more trauma, more loss, more grief. There is no silver lining here, as Yiyun Li reminds us, as much as that's offered as some tepid consolation.

Grief, to reiterate, involves a loss of identity, a loss of the future -- how we imagined things would be, who we imagined we'd become. And there is no good way to say this: it will get worse. And grief doesn't get any easier -- not with the passage of time, not with the number of times one experiences it.

There is no good way to say this. And yet we must always try.

I can only say this, and it's not good, it's not sufficient. It's not really a satisfying way to wrap up this talk. But here we go...

Grief is an expression of love. We grieve because we love, and that love does not end with death. I grieve for my son. I will grieve forever. I grieve for the future we will not share.

When I talk to teachers and students alike, I hear such grief as well: grief about what AI threatens to do education, what it's already done to the work of teaching and the work of learning, the work of research and reading and writing.

We grieve because we love. We grieve because we care. We grieve because we know that the machines do not, and that the community we try to foster -- on campus, in the classroom, in our scholarly works -- is threatened with erasure. We grieve because we fear forgetting; we worry that people will forget what is beautiful and what is difficult and what is joyous and what is horrible about education. We worry that, if we do not grieve, we give up the struggle to go on, to persevere, to live.

But we do not, we should not grieve alone. We should not be made to feel alone, feel crazed by our grief, feel crazed for grieving. We can, we should grieve together, grieve in public, grieve in protest. Such is comfort – "com" + "fort," a word that means "with" + "strength."

Technologies are often wielded in ways meant to imply that humans are weak, messy, slow, stupid, replaceable.

We are strong, messy, awkward, flawed, irreplaceable. All of us.

Our strength comes, in part, from this vulnerability, from our humanity. Together in the flesh. Not isolated, individualized thru some algorithm. We cannot allow systems and practices and machinery to foreclose this humanity, to automate the decisions, the expressions, the explorations that we turn to and that we struggle with in education, in this imperfect but liminal space of learning.

"There is no good way to say this" but to say this: AI is the antithesis of education. It is the antithesis of the future. As such, it is a kind of epistemological death, and I recognize -- thanks to capitalism and neoliberalism and imperialism and racism -- we have long been surrounded by such efforts; we are grieving already. And yet, we go on.

One final note that I think I'd be remiss not to state, even though there is no good way, or rather no polite way to say this:

Some men (and I do mean mostly men) would rather spend trillions of dollars on an idea that is financially, technologically, morally, and environmentally unsustainable, they’d rather destroy democracy and destroy education and destroy the planet than just get therapy.

Thank you."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/the-news-the-longue-duree-of-short">
    <title>The News: The Longue Duree of Short-Term Political Events</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-12T21:55:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/the-news-the-longue-duree-of-short</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Josh Marshall and some other tribunes of liberal-centrist common sense have argued in the aftermath of the apparent surrender of eight Democratic Senators to the Republican Party over the government shutdown that this was either not a big deal or even that it is going to turn out for the better. Marshall’s take is better than the grossly blandifying analysis of Josh Barro—Barro just sneers that the Democratic base are a bunch of toddlers throwing a fit, but Marshall allows that it would be perfectly fine to decide that the Senators who caved should be primaried into oblivion and that Schumer should step down as leader. Marshall says that he has “bigger ambitions” and that we shouldn’t fixate on a single episode.

I agree on that, but it turns out Marshall’s “bigger ambitions” are predictably small and pundit-like, stuck in the realm of monitoring polling, shifting frames, hitting on a couple of themes that the public will back. This is the way sensible centrists think, it is the way that the Democrats think. It is the way of thought leaders and Davos Man, the way of the Third Way, the way of managers in a neoliberal age. Politics remains in this worldview a kind of technocratic art. It’s playing Tetris with people and policies: you win as a master player who turns the shapes so they all fit together. You’re not one of the shapes, you’re not part of the public. Politics is your profession. 

Policy wonks and pundits of a certain age grew up imagining that all of the 20th Century’s chief political accomplishments were a product of training, experience and cunning within government and proximate to government. Civil rights was a movement? Sure! But it didn’t matter until it was a Supreme Court decision, some Presidential decisions, and some legislation. That legislation in particular got them swooning—oh, the manipulative brilliance of Lyndon Johnson, who used his past experience with the Senate to twist arms and fool adversaries. That’s the way the descendants of Johnson imagined themselves: watch us take deregulation away from the Republicans! watch us sneak some health care provision through! Watch our clever use of tax credits for solar power! That’s why we got addicted to preserving Supreme Court decisions that couldn’t have been secured through mass support: watch us make a clever precedent where it doesn’t matter if lots of people hate it! Law professors forever!

Never mind that the Republicans who felt the same way about politics, like Karl Rove and Mitch McConnell, out-maneuvered two generations of increasingly hapless Democrats. Celebrate Nancy Pelosi all you like, but if you do, you’re missing out on the part of the story that’s not about her individual skill in particular legislative ploys but about her and her colleagues losing the whole game. But with the Republicans, eventually something more consequential overwhelmed the people who played the old games with consummate skill. The Republican Party is now a revolutionary party who are leading a highly mobilized minority of the population to overturn the whole system in fundamental ways. They are at war with their social enemies. Outwitting Democrats in government is now unimportant by comparison, and besides, who needs to outwit them when they take care of screwing up all by themselves?

The Democratic leadership has absolutely no way to understand themselves as they actually are. That’s partly because the social worlds they primarily draw from and viscerally understand displace themselves within the political imagination of the party. They do not demand action to protect their own interests, they do not understand the party’s mindset as a reflection of their own sociality. There was a social media post this week that got at this point:

[image: screenshot of @forevertawl:

"Working Class: Help US Please

Republicans: No

Democrats: No ❤️🏳️‍🌈#blm" ]

The Democratic leadership, and some of the party’s base, understand their politics as undertaken altruistically on behalf of others from outside their own social worlds, but they also normalize their sense of how to do politics in terms of the workplaces and institutions that educated professionals are accustomed to without understanding that normalization in those terms. Politics is to help other people, but leave it to the experts. It’s just obvious that you do politics with well-researched policies and insider skills at getting them through government institutions. You do politics to people, for their own benefit, out of the goodness of your heart. You don’t get politics from people, except through devices that domesticate and manage what people think into consumable, deliverable positionalities that can be enacted within the limits and resources available. You poll people, you do focus groups with people, you study people. But you aren’t people, you aren’t part of a public, you aren’t trying to persuade peers.

***

It is for this reason that I would say not to get too bent out of shape by whatever bungling the Democratic Party is presently managing to pull off, whatever self-inflicted wounds they are busy with right at the moment. Stick around: there will be more of that tomorrow, because it is not a consequence of personal incompetence or individual cowardice. (Senator Fetterman exempted: he deserves all the contempt coming his way.)

Even more than Marshall, I’d say: sure, let’s primary all these people into oblivion at the next opportunity. I don’t care if that leads to Democratic nominees who can’t win, because that would be no different than the present situation. You’re electorally powerless if the people you elect can’t do politics in a way that imposes limits on a revolutionary regime that is ripping the country into shreds.

Mainstream pundits laughed when the Tea Party pushed a bunch of non-viable candidates into winnable statewide races and turned them into losses because they didn’t understand that this was the moment where the coming wave of Trumpism reoriented politics towards expressing the will of its supporters rather than harnessing voters to fuel business-as-usual.

What we need to understand is that the Democrats fail because they can’t perform a similar reorientation of politics. They can’t because many of us can’t. It isn’t how I have thought or felt. I find it hard to switch emotionally and intellectually to what I dispassionately know is necessary for there to be any future at all beyond the howling wasteland of Trumpism.

[image: illustration of donkeys jumping off a cliff]

What can help us (the us that has a hard time with this thought, especially) to understand this point? Step outside of our situation here and look around. It’s easier to see structure when you perceive repetition. When you see Keir Starmer and the leadership of Labour completely fuck up a huge electoral win in the United Kingdom, to the point of possibly making Nigel Farage, of all people, have a real shot at being a Prime Minister in the future? When you see the almost hilarious farce of Emmanuel Macron’s obsessive pursuit of unpopular legislation that does nothing important except enrage the French public and put the entire republic at risk of collapse? When you see centrist-left parties losing to authoritarian and soft-fascist parties in other democratic states and being unable to reformulate themselves to challenge those parties despite their failures? When a majority of Argentinian voters understandably have so little confidence in any of the old political class that they continue to support Javier Milei despite the pain his policies are inflicting? When Cyril Ramaphosa somehow just cannot keep a couch clean of ill-gotten cash nor do more than tidy his failing party’s worst messes around the filthiest edges?

This is not a simple case of mysteriously coincidental incompetence. There is something profoundly structural going on at a global scale that is even discernable in nations where political power is not meaningfully democratic. The combination of neoliberal austerity politics combined with the lethally cynical purging of social democratic ideology from “Third Way” managerialism created a vast gap between life as most people experience it, in both rich and poor nations, and the ways that people who do politics and management for a living relate their work to those lives.

Just finding someone who isn’t as hapless as Chuck Schumer, Keir Starmer or Friedrich Merz is not going to solve that problem. The problem is not about individual skill in “leadership”, whatever that is. The problem is legitimacy, and you don’t solve legitimacy problems in political systems by finding better-trained or more skillfully capable people. Legitimacy problems come from structural underpinnings and they refract back into structure into an intensifying feedback loop. You solve legitimacy problems by finding a new way to do politics, to being political, to deriving the content of political struggle from the actual worlds that large numbers of people are inhabiting.

Right now, in the United States and many other countries, it’s only the new fascists and demagogues who understand that this is what’s happening. Many of them aren’t even that keen on trying to ride the tiger of a new politics for long: it’s just about squeezing the existing system for as much money as they can get out of it before it collapses entirely and then hopefully managing to hide away in a tax haven or a postapocalyptic bunker somewhere. Après nous, la pluie de merde.

If some kind of opposition doesn’t begin to derive its legitimacy from the dismayed majority in most countries, then this game will be over pretty soon. This is why it’s a pointless distraction to argue about whether free buses are possible or what the best way to lower residential costs might be. That’s the cart before the horse, that’s out of sequence. That’s the impulse of a politics that once upon a time connected with large, socially complex politics but is now little more than a parlor game for a fading elite."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/">
    <title>Can we 'reform' the City Charter without addressing economic inequality? - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-12T06:01:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["SPUR, like a lot of neoliberal groups, argues that this kind of direct democracy is cumbersome, and that many of these issues are best addressed by elected officials. SPUR CEO Sean Elsbernd told me that the voters will always have a direct say—by voting for the people who run the city. Those people should be accountable, and if the voters don’t like what the elected officials are doing, they can vote for someone else in the next election.

In theory, that’s how things should work.

But it minimizes the role that big money has played in every mayor’s race since the 1970s. Progressive candidates for the executive office have been consistently swamped with piles of cash from real estate, tech, finance, and now, individual billionaires.

The reason California has the initiative process is that Southern Pacific Railroad once controlled the entire Legislature; nothing good would happen without direct democracy.

I know, times are different now, and some things that go on the ballot don’t need to. But when you undermine the ability of the voters to do what elected officials won’t, you need to tread carefully.

A lot of agencies that are now in the City Charter could probably be moved into the Administrative Code without creating any problems. I actually think that Muni should be directly under the mayor and the supes; the SFMTA was created as a way to “de-politicize” decisions like fares and route changes. It’s created instead a lack of accountability.

Elsbernd told me that the mayor needs the authority to hire and fire department heads. I agree. And I can’t think of a time in my 40 years as a reporter that the mayor has wanted to hire or fire a department head and has been blocked by a commission; the commissions are controlled by the mayor. (Note the process for hiring a new planning director.)

But “streamlining” often means getting rid of charter commissions that give the public more input. The Public Health Department was once controlled by the city administrator; creating a commission to oversee public health was widely accepted as a progressive reform."]]></description>
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    <title>José Antonio Kast, la dinastía nazi en Chile | La Guillotina con Ingrid Urgelles - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-11T21:47:56+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html">
    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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    <title>'Fentanyl Capitalism': How Tech Venture Capital Is Eating the World | Catherine Bracy x Gil Duran - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-05T20:00:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gw_WdlTiOUk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Silicon Valley sold us the dream of saving the world—but what if the system funding that dream is the real problem?

In this explosive episode of the Nerd Reich Podcast, host Gil Duran sits down with Catherine Bracey, founder of Tech Equity Collaborative and author of "World Eaters: How Venture Capital Is Cannibalizing the Economy."

Together they unpack “fentanyl capitalism”—the idea that if capitalism is heroin, venture capital is its far more potent and dangerous form. 

From the whaling origins of VC to blitzscaling, MAGA politics, and Silicon Valley’s god complex, Bracy explains how tech’s obsession with unicorns, power laws, and exits is warping innovation, democracy, and faith itself.


00:00 Intro – Why VC is Fentanyl Capitalism
04:20 The Whaling Origins of Venture Capital
09:40 Blitzscaling & the Psychology of Unicorns
17:30 VC Meets MAGA Politics
26:00 Hereticon, Antichrist & Tech’s Spiritual Crisis
28:40 Can We Fix It or Let It Burn?
33:00 Lightning Round & Final Words of Wisdom"

[See also:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/techs-psychotic-break-fentanyl-capitalism-bets-on-trump/
https://www.thenerdreich.com/i-warned-canada-about-silicon-valleys-nerd-reich/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/trumps-greatest-ally-is-the-democratic">
    <title>Trump’s Greatest Ally is The Democratic Party</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T22:43:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/trumps-greatest-ally-is-the-democratic</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Democratic Party and its liberal allies refuse to call for mass mobilization and strikes — the only tools that can thwart Trump’s emergent authoritarianism — fearing they too will be swept aside."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://x.com/stephwakefield_/status/1984657886446850512">
    <title>stephanie wakefield on X: &quot;So interesting that Rem Koolhaas was in Paris for May 68 and made Delirious New York to counter its legacy. He wrote, “After 1968, there was a tremendous moral pressure on architecture to be useful, to be good, to be part of t</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-02T18:16:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://x.com/stephwakefield_/status/1984657886446850512</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So interesting that Rem Koolhaas was in Paris for May 68 and made Delirious New York to counter its legacy. He wrote, “After 1968, there was a tremendous moral pressure on architecture to be useful, to be good, to be part of the solution. Architects became social workers…had to atone for their complicity with power.” And: “I was suspicious of that whole regime of usefulness. I wanted to reintroduce a certain irresponsibility, a certain pleasure.” Koolhaas, Conversations with Students"]]></description>
<dc:subject>remkoolhaas 1936 may1968 paris architecture power politics stepahniewakefield legacy deliriousnewyork responsibility complicity design irresponsibility neoliberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers">
    <title>Nick Fuentes, Neo Nazis and Groypers Have Taken Over the GOP</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T23:25:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neo-nazi Nick Fuentes has emerged as one of the most influential young conservative voices in America, and his white nationalist politics are the present and future of the GOP."

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bxggd1EJGMk ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate">
    <title>Addiction Markets: Abolish Corporate-Run Gambling</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-31T21:17:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Corporate gambling is economic coercion, a way to shift tax burdens away from the wealthy to the poor. It's been here since the 1970s, and now it's corrupting sports and young men. Abolish it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AKGMo648SU8">
    <title>The Real Story of the Tren Maya: Étienne von Bertrab on Mexico’s Most Controversial Project - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-27T21:24:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AKGMo648SU8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of El Taller, Kurt Hackbarth and José Luis Granados Ceja speak with Etienne von Bertrab, lecturer at University College College London, about his new graphic-book Más allá: una historia del Tren Maya. Von Bertrab explains how the book emerged from frustration with academic publishing and a desire to bring rigorous, balanced research to a wider public. The conversation explores the origins and construction of the Tren Maya, the social and environmental controversies surrounding it, and what the project reveals about the broader goals of Mexico’s Fourth Transformation. From historical extraction in the southeast to today’s debates over development, welfare, and sovereignty, the interview offers a nuanced, informed look at one of the country’s most ambitious—and misunderstood—projects."

[Part 2:

"Busting Myths about the Tren Maya with Étienne von Bertrab - Part 2 of El Taller Interview"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MNTqjxdwURc

"Part two of our interview with Etienne von Bertrab, lecturer at University College London, about his new graphic-book Más allá: una historia del Tren Maya. Von Bertrab explains how the book emerged from frustration with academic publishing and a desire to bring rigorous, balanced research to a wider public. The conversation explores the origins and construction of the Tren Maya, the social and environmental controversies surrounding it, and what the project reveals about the broader goals of Mexico’s Fourth Transformation. From historical extraction in the southeast to today’s debates over development, welfare, and sovereignty, the interview offers a nuanced, informed look at one of the country’s most ambitious—and misunderstood—projects."]

[See also the book:

Más allá: Una historia del Tren Maya, by Étienne Von Bertrab Wilhelm (2025)
ISBN 978-607-69740-3-2
https://isbnmexico.indautor.cerlalc.org/catalogo.php?mode=detalle&nt=463375

"El Tren Maya ha sido uno de los proyectos más debatidos en la historia reciente de México. Entre promesas de desarrollo, denuncias ambientales y tensiones políticas, la obra ha despertado pasiones encontradas dentro y fuera del país.

En Más allá: Una historia del Tren Maya, el investigador Étienne von Bertrab ofrece un recorrido lúcido y documentado por la génesis, transformaciones y retos de esta ambiciosa iniciativa del gobierno de la Cuarta Transformación. Lejos de la visión simplista de “obra faraónica” o “desastre anunciado”, el autor propone un análisis equilibrado que contempla los impactos sociales, económicos y ecológicos, siempre desde la experiencia de las comunidades y actores locales.

La narración cobra vida a través de las potentes ilustraciones de Augusto Mora, quien convierte la investigación en un cómic documental ágil, crítico y cercano al lector. El resultado es una historieta de no ficción que combina periodismo, ensayo y divulgación académica, al mismo tiempo que da voz a campesinos, ejidatarios, funcionarios, ambientalistas y ciudadanos que viven en carne propia los cambios en el sureste mexicano.

Más que un libro sobre un tren, esta obra es una invitación a reflexionar sobre el rumbo del país, los dilemas del desarrollo y la relación entre Estado, sociedad y naturaleza."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Obamacare Is Cooked. What's Next?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-27T18:52:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But it’s not actually hard, conceptually, to get at the problem. The basics of how to fix health care are simple. Make all prices in health care standardized and transparent, and try and get rid of the power of all middlemen who don’t deliver care or directly produce medicine. Most mergers in health care happen to gain an advantage on pricing; if you just standardize pricing, the incentive to consolidate disappears. But to turn this dynamic into a political argument, Democrats are going to have to drop the pretenses that spending more is good, and that the problem is access to insurance. And Republicans are going to have to drop the pretense that there’s a private sector in health care. Whoever is able to turn health care into industrial policy will win this debate. Neither party is close.

That said, we know eliminating corporate bloat works; in July, I did a story about what happened when Ohio eliminated CVS Caremark and UnitedHealth, from running its drug benefit system for Medicaid. It turns out, the state saved $140 million over two years, even as dispensing fees to pharmacies increased by 1200% on average, and the program got better, with patients able to access 99% of pharmacies. Corporate waste is the main problem in health care.

Other states have also done something like this, with similar success. Abroad, the Japanese run a high quality cheap system. They do not have Medicare for all, there are lots of health insurers. But their government has a list of all treatments with a price next to each treatment. That’s the price. There’s no billing department to fight with other billing departments, there are no quality surveys to give bonus payments to hospitals, no random arbitration firms over price. The price is the price. It’s not like the U.S., where the same procedure or drug could have thousands of different permutations, depending on the insurer, hospital system, physician, and so forth. We could do what Japan does - Medicare has a price list. Just do Medicare prices for all, as Phil Longman keeps suggesting.

Getting rid of corporate power in medicine works. It took forty years to build the system we’re in, and most of our policy thinkers are captured by the complexity of the system and the unbelievably stupid obsession with middlemen. But popular rage is now at a boiling point. And saying things like “health care is a human right” or “everyone should have access to health care” isn’t going to cut it. Most Americans have health insurance. It’s just expensive and bad. It’s time to wake up to that."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-the-left-can-protest">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Does the Left Have Trouble with Making Things in America?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-26T05:14:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-the-left-can-protest</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let’s go back to the Sharpie marker example. What Newell did with Sharpie markers, investing in factories to juice productivity, is how America has always operated. Historically, America had the highest wages in the world from the 1750s to the 1980s. We had higher wages and higher productivity precisely because our policy framework ensured that we invested in machine tooling and productivity-enhancing technologies to keep us competitive with lower wage nations, and then we had labor protections of various forms to allow people to “keep the fruits of their labor.” A high-productivity, high-wage, and high business formation model was how we operated. In the 1950s, the U.S. exported a lot of garments, and somehow, contra the view that it’s all labor arbitrage, did so with the highest wages in the world.

Why did that change? It wasn’t some inherent globalization quasi-Marxist story of commodification, it was *policy.* We explicitly traded away U.S. garment jobs to support development in other countries. George Ball, for instance, undersecretary of State on economic affairs for JFK, suggested we should lose garment/textile jobs in the South, because “we Americans could afford to pay some economic price for a strong Europe.” U.S. policy on textiles and footwear were dictated by Cold War interests. Kissinger fought for increased imports and displacement of U.S. workers, for fear of “new gains for the Communists in Italy since shoe (and textile) production is centered in the ‘red belt.’” Judith Stein’s book Pivotal Decade: How the U.S. Traded Factories for Finance goes into this story in depth. But the point is that offshoring production *was* a choice based on policy, which often included things like tariffs, import quotas, and so forth.

By and large what we’re dealing with now is not a Cold War story, it’s a 1990s NAFTA/WTO story. We made clothing in the U.S. until the 2000s. U.S. national strategy under Clinton and then Bush was to focus policy on finance, design, and R&D, and to consolidate economic power in the hands of Wall Street banks through financial deregulation, tighter patents, and lax antitrust. We’d pursue a “capital light” model of production, and let people in East Asia do the grubby work of making things while we did the high-end cool stuff we could patent/copyright. That’s the story in everything from textiles to semiconductors to Hollywood. It’s also a choice abroad; every other nation had higher tariffs than the U.S., because they wanted to take our industries. No one has a de minimis of $800 except America, that level of duty-free access is an anomaly based on our own weird delusions about the ability to continually import.

One consequence of this post-Cold War strategy was the collapse of industrial ecosystems in the U.S., as well as the growth of bloated monopolies. Another consequence is a dramatic decline in capital investment to improve productivity. What’s happened, in other words, is not that robots are substituting for labor, it’s that monopoly profits are pooling on Wall Street and pushing down both labor share and capital investment. It’s all rent extraction.

And it’s not, as economists often imagine, commodification. After all, if that theory of economics is right, and everything gets commodified, then stuff would be cheap in America. But it’s not. We do not live in a consumer’s paradise. In fact, prior to the neoliberal revolution, we did have the lowest prices in the world for a host of goods and services, but that’s flipped. It turns out low wage low productivity also means high prices, not low ones.

Take the observation about Hanes t-shirts for $2. I looked on Amazon, and Hanes retail for $45 for a 5-pack, which is $9/apiece. I’m guessing the production cost is $2, or less, but most of the *actual* cost is the marketing and distribution in the U.S. That’s a function of endless layers of private bureaucracy that emerge when you get rid of open and competitive markets and substitute corporate monopolies. That’s why land and production in the U.S. is costly vis-a-vis other countries, it’s not that labor is more expensive when accounting for productivity, it’s that the various tolls you have to pay to Wall Street make everything super costly.

And now we get to the nub of the problem. If the labor issue in garments is representative of a broader labor dynamic, and it is, then we have to ask the question of whether it’s possible to make even high-end stuff here under our traditional neoliberal policy framework. And the answer is no. The view that the U.S. should have legions of high-skill garment workers may or may not be a good idea in the abstract, but it’s very obvious that it would not work as long as U.S. policy is biased *against* people who work for a living and against people who want to invest in productivity-enhancing capital goods instead of McKinsified pricing games.

A good example of the failure of this theory is Hollywood, where we have the most skilled craftspeople in the world making specialized bespoke goods, and yet L.A.’s entertainment industry is getting absolutely decimated. High end skilled labor isn’t exempt from the trends affecting low wage labor.

There is a basic question here, which is how America is able to have a high standard of living without making very much ourselves. We import $1 trillion+ more than we export. That makes no sense, on some level, we’re a giant global welfare queen. How do we do it? Well, the answer is that we are the provider of dollars to the rest of the world, sort of like an oil-exporter, only our export is pieces of paper that facilitate commerce. That’s the national strategy initiated under neoliberalism, and it’s profoundly anti-production, anti-labor, and anti-business. It’s pro-monopoly and pro-Wall Street. That’s what’s driving the offshoring, not high wages or low skills.

The justification for this neoliberal order is not that it’s good, it is that it’s inevitable. We operate in a global marketplace, so goes the story, and U.S. labor just isn’t competitive, unless it’s low wage immigrant labor. Americans demand low consumer prices. And any attempt to interfere with the natural workings of the market by having production here will be counterproductive, and is racist, xenophobic, and protectionist.

The truth though, of course, is that consumer prices in the U.S. are high, global trading arrangements are set by policy choices across governments, and high overhead is a result of a massively bloated financial sector that demands a piece of every transaction in the U.S. And the anger from people in America displaced by private equity ripping apart their lives and offshoring production isn’t a result of racism or xenophobia, it’s just legitimate economic grievance.

What I dislike about the “offshoring is good” approach is not that it won’t work, though it won’t. It’s that under the cover of some sort of cosmopolitan anti-racist rhetoric is the same old story that concentrated capital likes. We can’t have nice things. We can’t make things here. This is all inevitable, the economists say it, the robots won’t help, Americans don’t have the skills, they are parochial, et al. America is doomed. Just get rid of all tariffs, and give Wall Street what it wants, and treat Americans like the lazy consumers they are.

The thing is, whether we have a functional society based on honoring work is a *choice.* Some have just decided that it’s inevitable, we can’t fix our society, and so we shouldn’t even try. But in fact, we can build things here if we want, and making a functional culture and society means we have to get back to doing that, by pushing Wall Street financiers out of the way. We can choose differently, if we want. But to believe that we have a choice, we must start by believing there’s a “we.” And that’s where the left/liberals get confused, because it’s hard for them to acknowledge that America exists as a political community primarily to help Americans.

A few years ago, I wrote a piece on July 4th called The Long Annoying Tradition of Anti-Patriotism. In it, I laid out what I think is the origin of this problem: a certain vision of America as a place where the people must be ruled by their betters. There’s a fear coursing from John Adams to modern-day Atlantic editors to Wall Street Democrats like Peter Orzag of popular control of a society. They dislike the idea that ordinary Americans would or could or should have political power, and their view of this nation is one that resists such democratic impulses, and where elites rule over a global population of morally equal souls. They use a malleable set of arguments, the most popular recent one being identitarian - it’s why Posen could derisively use the term “white man,” though what he really meant was American-born. Here’s a good headline that makes the anti-democratic point."]]></description>
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    <title>Are Mass Protests Losing Their Potency? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-22T20:57:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sfnWWCHySGc</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.caitlinjohnst.one/p/us-politics-is-just-nonstop-fake">
    <title>US Politics Is Just Nonstop Fake Revolutions Now</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-22T18:39:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.caitlinjohnst.one/p/us-politics-is-just-nonstop-fake</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s so silly how American politics is just nonstop fake revolutions now.

Millions flooded the US streets for the “No Kings” protests over the weekend to oppose a monarchy which does not exist without making a single tangible demand. Power was not challenged in any meaningful way. The status quo wasn’t disrupted in the slightest. People held up some signs saying the president is orange and that if Kamala were president they would be at brunch, and then went home.

The whole thing was just one big pep rally for the Democratic Party, designed to accomplish nothing beyond getting American liberals excited about the prospect of someday voting for Gavin Newsom. A bunch of boomers showed up to dance around and hold signs and feel as though they are fighting the power in their feely bits, while drumming up support for the same status quo which gave rise to Trump in the first place.

[image: screenshot of https://x.com/ljmontello/status/1979656218580066751 ]

You see the same fake revolutionary astroturf zeitgeist on the Republican side. American rightists are constantly pretending they’re fighting some kind of populist rebellion against an oppressive establishment even while their party controls every branch of the US government. They act like Trump is ending the wars and fighting the Deep State even as he stomps out free speech on behalf of Israel, rolls out a Palantir surveillance system, pours weapons into facilitating Israel’s genocidal atrocities, bombs Iran and Yemen, ramps up for war with Venezuela, and perpetuates the horrific proxy war in Ukraine.

It’s two plutocrat-owned warmongering imperialist parties whipping their respective bases into the mass delusion that they are participating in a heroic act of revolutionary defiance by voting Democrat or Republican. They get everyone fighting a fake revolution so that nobody thinks about fighting a real one.

It didn’t used to be this way, for the record. The US has been a murderous and tyrannical oligarchic bloodbath for its entire existence as a nation, but up until fairly recently its politics looked more or less like the politics of other western nations. Politicians had campaigns where they’d try to argue that they have the best policies, there’d be an election, and then they’d spend their time in office philandering and pretending to make themselves useful. There wasn’t this constant LARPing about how voting for one of the two mainstream parties is participating some kind of a courageous insurgency against monarchy or communism or the Deep State or whatever.

[image" screenshot of https://x.com/gtconway3d/status/1979558416726249663 ]

That’s changing because public discontent with the status quo is soaring to all-time highs as Americans get poorer and everything gets shittier. The establishment order is no longer accepted and people are starting to push for real change, so their outrage needs to be harnessed and corralled into politically safe directions.

Donald Trump’s entire political career has been all about this. He introduced a new WWE-style kayfabe theatrics into American politics where both Democrats and Republicans feel as though they are fighting the power in a very important and relevant way — Republicans because they believe Trump is a populist rebel and Democrats because they believe Trump is an unprecedented threat to freedom and democracy. Really his whole thing is about protecting the status quo of the US empire, but both mainstream factions are duped into seeing the exact opposite.

Now you’ve got the two main strands of American political thought falling all over themselves to be the first in line to support the establishment, all while being told that they are fighting the power. They remain mollified because they think they are doing something, and the powerful get to keep everything they’ve stolen.

It’s truly a brilliant scam. Evil, destructive and tyrannical, to be sure, but you’ve got to admire the skill with which this psyop has been pulled off."]]></description>
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    <title>High-Agency Individuals | James Vincent</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://thedigradio.com/podcast/class-struggle-for-the-university-w-ian-gavigan/">
    <title>Class Struggle for the University with Ian Gavigan · The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-19T22:01:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/class-struggle-for-the-university-w-ian-gavigan/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Ian Gavigan on how the bipartisan neoliberalization of higher education laid the groundwork for Trump’s all-out assault. Workers must unite on every campus, articulate an alternative vision for the university, and fight to win it."]]></description>
<dc:subject>thedig danieldenvir iangavigan 2025 highered highereducation colleges universities academia neoliberalism donaldtrump workers work class classstruggle</dc:subject>
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