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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/robin-kelley-black-struggle-campus-protest/">
    <title>Black Study, Black Struggle - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-06T00:30:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/robin-kelley-black-struggle-campus-protest/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The university is not an engine of social transformation. Activism is."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 robindgkelley robinkelley dereckapurnell randallkennedy keeanga-yamahttataylor christopherlebron barbararansby shanaredmond charlenecarruthers aaronbady michaelericdyson amandaboston bridgettodd thabisilegriffin highered highereducation academia colleges universities us activism socialtransformation society undercommons fugutives fredmoten stefanoharney politics protest protests race racism henrygiroux ta-nehisicoates naomiwallace georgelipsitz interiority davidtheogoldberg tolerance depoliticization inequality subordination marginalization socialconflict jamesbaldwin karlmarx clrjames frantzfanon walterrodney barbarasmith angeladavis friedrichengels vladimirlenin chancellorwilliams georgejames shulamithfirestone kwamenkrumah rosaluxemburg antoniogramsci chinweizuibekwe amílcarcabral kwameture lenin patriciarobinson patriciahaden donnamiddleton capitalism blm blacklivesmatter criticalresistance marquesvestal sawhitley shamellbell olúfẹ́mitáíwò neoliberalism resistance ericgarner sa</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/05/is-there-room-for-enmity-in-the-a-i-classroom/">
    <title>Is There Room for Enmity in the A.I. Classroom? - Front Porch Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-22T08:21:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/05/is-there-room-for-enmity-in-the-a-i-classroom/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By heightening emotion, hatred deepens the personhood of both teachers and students."

...

"Over the past year, the deployment of Large Language Models (LLMs) in high school and college classrooms has called into question the uniquely human elements of teaching. What can a flesh-and-blood instructor offer that a well-tuned machine cannot?

One naturally thinks of affirmation and love, of the teacher as a moral exemplar and a trusted advisor, which are roles that disembodied algorithms can at best counterfeit.

Less obvious is the student’s need for hatred.

Theorists have long recognized that opposition drives identity-formation. As Walter Ong puts it, an individual’s sense of self comes from the knowledge “that something else is not me and is (in some measure) set against me.” We often associate eye-rolling, scorn, spite, and defiance with middle-schoolers, but the same reactions remain important (if more subtly expressed) through all levels of education. Schooling is a protracted struggle, and students learn their lessons in part from feelings of revulsion and revolt.

Alarmed by the sycophancy that LLMs employ and the intellectual laziness that they allow, critics have begun to use similar language, exhorting students to “normalize struggle,” seek out “friction” or “disagreement,” and “grapple with A.I.” Professor Marc Watkins advises his students to

<blockquote>choose courses that will challenge you, even unsettle you. Don’t accept being coddled. When you choose to engage in debates, please have the intellectual curiosity to explore the topic in depth, have the intellectual honesty to recognize the merits of arguments of the opposing side, admit to the weaknesses in your own viewpoint, and have the intellectual humility to admit when you don’t know and wish to learn more.</blockquote>

Sound advice, but woefully incomplete in the current context.

LLMs are already capable of exploring topics and weighing arguments with students, not to mention structuring personal goals and offering encouragement. (“Let’s dive in!”) Thus, Watkins’s vision of “struggle,” construed as a matter of personal choice and individual self-improvement, is easily reconciled with the quantification and benchmarks of artificial intelligence.

Loathing (like love) operates quite differently, creating meaning through human relationships, in which willfulness, idiosyncrasy, and feelings preclude quantification or smooth standardization. By heightening emotion, hatred deepens the personhood of both teachers and students.

Of course, feelings of hatred spring from many sources and encompass many shades of meaning. Some students nurse petty grudges to avoid responsibility for their own wrongdoing. Others perceive condescension from their teachers and repay it in kind. Some rankle at teachers with strong personalities and worldviews. Others feel the stirring of metaphysical revolt, objecting to the very existence of injustice, suffering, and constraint in the classroom or the world at large.

Uniting all these types of hatred are their mimetic effects on the student. Strong feelings bind the individual to the object of disdain, whose attributes he internalizes and mirrors (if only in negation). Thus, every type of hatred is educational insofar as it holds the student’s attention and shapes his character.

The trouble is that not all these lessons are equally educational or necessarily salutary. To set oneself against another can spur achievement (as in athletic rivalries) but, if one is not careful, it can also lead to what the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche calls ressentiment: an unworthy type of envy, insecurity, and conformity that debases the individual as it tears others down. That is why Nietzsche urges students to choose their enemies carefully, noting that “the most spiritual human beings” will test themselves only against life’s “most formidable weapons.”

One need not agree with every aspect of Nietzsche’s philosophy to grant the point. We all need someone to pitch our deepest aspirations against, someone we can both respect and pointedly reject as we chart our own course. It is in this sense that “the man of knowledge must be able not only to love his enemies but also to hate his friends,” Nietzsche writes. “One repays a teacher badly if one remains only a pupil.”

To help students strive toward selfhood, the teacher must embody authority—not only communicating information but personifying standards of wisdom, taste, and morals—and must do so knowing that pupils will chafe not only at the lessons but at the teacher herself. Yet, she cannot simply play the foil, pull punches, or abdicate responsibility for the struggle. To become the bearer of student hatred—to stand as an obstacle for the next generation to overcome—is a tragic aspect of teaching, but there is nothing to do but to press on in sincerity and faith.

Unfortunately, both the rhetoric and reality of teachers’ authority have been in decline for a long time. By bifurcating knowledge and value, LLMs now threaten to dissolve this authority entirely. The teacher can no longer be the master of content or technique, while the algorithm cannot embody truth, culture, or human excellence. LLMs already provide students with detailed (sometimes problematic) feedback, but as Abeba Birhane points out, “There is nothing at stake for a generative AI model. It cannot feel a sense of loss, embarrassment, accomplishment or care towards a student, as human teachers do.” An algorithm cannot feel the pangs of doubt or resolve, and for the same reason it cannot elicit existential scorn or hatred. Students know that a machine’s praise or censure rings hollow. They cannot define themselves in opposition to an LLM, and why should they want to?

In Being and Time (1927), Martin Heidegger argues that the modern individual (Dasein) “stands in subjection to Others.” Worse, they are not even “definite Others” but an anonymous amalgam of social conventions: a “dictatorship of the ‘they.’” It is hard to read Heidegger’s diagnosis without thinking about LLMs. In today’s world, he writes, anonymous authority

<blockquote>prescribes what can and may be ventured, it keeps watch over everything exceptional that thrusts itself to the fore. Every kind of priority gets noiselessly suppressed. Overnight, everything that is primordial gets glossed over as something that has long been well known. Everything gained by a struggle becomes just something to be manipulated. Every secret loses its force. This case of averageness reveals in turn an essential tendency … which we call the ‘levelling down’ of all possibilities of Being…. The ‘they’ is there alongside everywhere, but in such a manner that it has always stolen away whenever Dasein presses for a decision. Yet because the ‘they’ presents every judgment and decision as its own, it deprives the particular Dasein of its answerability.</blockquote>

LLMs stifle self-realization because, while they seem ubiquitous and almost omniscient, they also deprive students of any answerable or embodied authority, trapping them instead in a web of probability, generalization, and disembodied “expertise.” Subjection is in some ways intrinsic to education, part of a broader project of discipline and formation, but it must be experienced concretely, in relationship to “definite Others.”

Hannah Arendt warns that as technology expands, it becomes less likely “that man will encounter anything in the world around him that is not man-made and hence is not, in the last analysis, he himself in a different disguise.” Drawing from Heidegger, she underscores the danger of this eerie echo chamber. It is only through encounters with reality (not artificiality) that one becomes truly human. Consciousness begins not in the familiarity and sameness of one’s own mind but in confrontation with an unpredictable, inflexible entity outside the self—whether Nature, God, or (for our purposes) a recalcitrant teacher.

LLMs merely masquerade as the Other. Aggregated and amorphous, designed for fluidity and user satisfaction, they are artificial in the fullest sense of the word. When students engage with an LLM, they are literally talking to no one. How much classroom time should be occupied with such activities? What lessons should they replace?

However one responds to those questions, the answers have nothing to do with processing speed, safety guardrails, or other technical matters. They are fundamentally questions about how we conceive of humanity and whether we are committed to its formation and perpetuation. If we hope to prevent “cognitive atrophy” in our students, if we hope to awaken them to existential meaning, we have to invest in teachers worthy of their attention, their respect, and, sometimes, their hate."]]></description>
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    <title>The Care Economy is the Everything Economy - with Emma Holten - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T07:44:45+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Emma Holten is an economist from Denmark who has written the book Deficit: How Feminist Economics Can Change Our World. Holten details how much of what we consider ‘the economy’ is really underpinned by care of various kinds, mostly done by women. This is very much in line with my own interests around GDP and austerity, as I think our prevailing economic analysis devalues the unseen and leads to policies which hurt people, hurting the economy too. Emma and I had an excellent chat that I think was one of my best on this channel, I hope you all enjoy it!"]]></description>
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    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://live-ssmatrix.pantheon.berkeley.edu/research-article/alexis-madrigal/">
    <title>Alexis Madrigal: &quot;To Know A Place&quot; - Social Science Matrix</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-28T20:58:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://live-ssmatrix.pantheon.berkeley.edu/research-article/alexis-madrigal/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Recorded on December 4, 2025, this video features a Social Science Matrix Distinguished Lecture, “To Know a Place,” presented by journalist and author Alexis Madrigal.

Madrigal has long explored how technology, culture, and environment shape our lives; from his work co-founding The COVID Tracking Project to his books Powering the Dream and The Pacific Circuit. In this talk, Madrigal turns his attention to the question of how we come to know a place. Drawing on his background as a reporter, writer, and thinker of cities, landscapes, and histories, he explores different ways of writing about and understanding place, revealing how perspective, memory, and narrative inform the stories we tell about the world around us. 

About the Speaker

Alexis Madrigal is a journalist in Oakland, California. He is the co-host of KQED’s current affairs show, Forum, and a contributing writer at The Atlantic, where he co-founded The COVID Tracking Project. Previously, he was the editor-in-chief of Fusion and a staff writer at Wired. His latest book, The Pacific Circuit, came out in March 2025 from MCD x FSG. He is the proprietor of the Oakland Garden Club, a newsletter for people who like to think about plants. Madrigal authored the book Powering the Dream: The History and Promise of Green Technology. He has been a visiting scholar at UC Berkeley’s Information School and UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Technology, Science, and Medicine as well as an affiliate with Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society. He was born in Mexico City, grew up in rural Washington State, and went to Harvard.

Podcast and Transcript

Watch the panel above or on YouTube [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=URcgwVjoxbE ]. Or listen to the audio recording via the Matrix Podcast below (or on Apple Podcasts)."]]></description>
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    <title>Land Acknowledgements and Remembering Atlantic Slavery</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-07T22:24:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/land-acknowledgements-and-remembering</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Punditry All Floats Down Here"

...

"In American public culture, there’s a select group of writers who mark out where the punditry smells money, opportunity and/or positional advantage. Observing what they’re writing about tells you what issues they’ve decided are safe to opine about, what represents a fair chance of winning the attention sweepstakes for the week. Where they land is also always going to be calibrated for keeping the brand squarely positioned on centrist common sense, which is a moving target.

They’re skilled at finding topics you can opine about that lend themselves to opining, where you have to know just enough to sound kind of edjumacated about it, but that you can dance away from before you get a reputation for being too focused on that issue. The tribune of centrist common sense is like an actor who is afraid of getting typecast. They find a thing that’s in the news or on top of the stack, they calibrate a take on it, and they move on before they have to acknowledge people who know more about it telling them what they missed.

Matthew Yglesias is a great indicator of where these kinds of tides are flowing. So it’s interesting to see him this week occupy the usual kind of safe center where “land acknowledgements” are one pole and “remigration” is the other, where he can call on the right to abandon the white supremacism of “remigration” and the left to abandon the empty embrace of indigeneity on the other. That Yglesias is on this path almost certainly means we’re in for a few weeks of other pundits working it. (This essay by a Penn undergraduate, Bo Goergen, arrived the day before Yglesias, so that’s a further indicator.)

It’s a similar kind of positioning to John McWhorter’s recent assertion that nobody has paid attention to the fact that Africans sold other Africans into slavery until just now, which happens to be remarkably simultaneous with John McWhorter reading a book about the Zorg, a slave ship, and seeing a couple of museum exhibits. “The history of Black involvement has often been treated as off limits”, writes McWhorter, though he allows it has “gained traction” recently.

McWhorter is just wrong on that point, as he often is when he’s outside his zone of proximate expertise. He’s substituting a kind of vague conservative-light complaint about wokeism pegged to his sense of an ideological space where African involvement in the slave trade would maybe not be the first topic of interest for a factual description of both scholarly and political writing on the Atlantic slave trade. The centrality of African involvement in enslavement—as well as the centrality of Africans in being enslaved—is and has been a central topic of interest for scholars for more than thirty years, and it’s been a significant preoccupation for Black intellectuals in the same time period.

There’s a similarly troubled move that Yglesias and Goergen make that is just as shopworn and just as unengaged and untroubled by the reality of what scholars and activists have to say about land acknowledgements as a gesture and the history of land seizure in the settlement of North America. The argument runs something like this: Native Americans didn’t have fixed land claims, Native Americans engaged in aggression against one another, Native Americans sold land to European settlers, so how can anyone say the land was stolen? So how can anyone ask for it to be returned? And who would they return it to?

Goergen’s piece gets round to a key point: well, there was a lot of injustice, there were a lot of lasting wounds. Which is really what thinking about responsibility for slavery and acknowledgements of land seizure is focused on. It’s not about saying that the past is irredeemable, it’s about saying that what was done still structures our present, and in particular it structures forms of inequality and injustice here and now. It’s not that land changed hands, it is what was done to people in the process, and the scale and nature of the doing. It’s not that people were taken as slaves from West and Central Africa, it is the scale and nature of Atlantic enslavement.

Which in turn gets at what Yglesias, Goergen and McWhorter are doing, what is typically going on when these kinds of points are raised—Africans selling Africans, land always being conquered. It’s the “everybody does it, conquest and violence and enslavement and genocide are normal, everybody’s guilty, so in fact nobody’s guilty, can’t we all get along?” argument, which has been until quite recently a favorite apologetic among American conservatives. (Now it seems that Trumpism has moved on to “let’s do more of it!”, which is a new angle.)

This is as ahistorical and empty as the opposite construction in which only Europeans enslaved and only Europeans conquered land. As a point, it steadfastly refuses to dig into the realities, into the facts, into the historical particulars, which I think is entirely intentional. It also rests on anachronism, which is imposing totalizing racial categories back into a historical world that didn’t have them. Those categories arose from Atlantic slavery and colonization in North America and took centuries to fully cohere.

Fully setting out the particulars requires the scope of a large body of scholarship, which in fact we actually possess—not that you’d know it from Yglesias or McWhorter. To simplify somewhat for the purposes of this newsletter, let me offer the following points.

1. To say “Africans enslaved Africans” and implicitly thus to say, “See, they did it to themselves” is precisely that anachronism that I just mentioned: it rests on a them that didn’t exist. The same would apply to saying “Native Americans conquered Native Americans” in the 15th and 16th Century: it’s using a category that was not in use between different Native American groups or even in how the earliest European settlers understood the indigenous societies nearest to their settlements.

In 1482 when the fort at Elmina was built by the Portuguese commander Diogo de Azambuja after reaching an agreement with a local Akan-speaking ruler, the main commercial objective was trading for gold that was mined further north. But just as in the case of other Portuguese-sponsored expeditions earlier in Senegambia, small numbers of slaves were offered in various exchanges. Who were the enslaved? Very likely they were people captured in small-scale conflicts quite nearby, people who were enslaved as a punishment for crimes, or people who had been enslaved at the other end of a significant trading route, in this case, nearer to the major gold-mining areas in what is now northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso. With the exception of enslavement as punishment, slaves were often people who were outside the kinship networks in the communities of their enslavement and may have had a first language other than the one spoken where they were enslaved. There was no sense of “African” as a category of belonging or shared identity.

The same would apply if we were talking about tensions or violence between different Native American groups or societies into the 18th Century in eastern North America. The Lenape and the Iroquois groups living in what is now southeastern Pennsylvania, Delaware and New Jersey could fairly be said to have been “rivalrous”, but more importantly they spoke different languages that were not mutually intelligible and organized their societies differently. They didn’t see themselves as part of a single category of “indigenous peoples”, and the idea that they would have to have been fully unified with no violence or contention between them in order to qualify as fully innocent victims of aggression by settlers is ahistorical and bizarre.

[image: map]

And yes, it’s absolutely right to say that this must apply to “Europeans” or “whites” as well at the same time. In the 15th and 16th Century, various merchants, ship captains, sailors, and in North America settlers, did not see themselves as part of a single racialized, ethnicized or civilizational “we”. The one “we” that they would have agreed on was “Christian”, but after 1517 even that would not have held much weight as the Reformation gained steam.

It is the process of colonial settlement and Atlantic enslavement that created the sense that whites were a group and that “natives” or “Blacks” were another group. Indeed, as the historian Peter Singer has pointed out in Our Savage Neighbors, the colonists in Pennsylvania only accepted a sense that they were all “white” in order to coordinate aggression against Native Americans at the edge of their push westward. Up to that point, rivalries, differences and the threat of violence between groups that came to be understood as “European” were a more important and defining feature of life in the area around Philadelphia.

2. This opens up the more profound point that slavery and land ownership in this initial era in which North American settlement and Atlantic enslavement were taking shape meant something different in Native American and West/Central African societies than it did for Europeans.

When writers say “slavery was ubiquitous in human societies” or “all societies engage in conquest”, they’re not only wrong by over-generalization. (There were many human societies before 1500 that did not have anything we might call slavery; many societies lived alongside each other without engaging in territorial aggression.) They’re wrong on the specifics in these two settings. The slaves that the Portuguese acquired in 15th Century Senegambia and then into the 16th Century in the Gold Coast and Central Africa were immediately shifted into a very different kind of slave system. They went from being the lowest-ranking members of kin-based social groups to being property whose value was increasingly marketized, and most of the enslaved were very quickly employed in intensive manual labor that further disconnected them from the sociality of their owners. They were put to work on sugar cultivation or in other agricultural work on Atlantic islands and then subsequently in the New World. In a very short time, slavery in an Atlantic world meant something very different than it had meant in West and Central Africa before 1400, and within a century and a half, it was also happening at an unprecedented scale. Which affected West and Central Africa as much as the rest of the Atlantic world, e.g., it reorganized and intensified the character of enslavement within societies that were within the reach of the Atlantic system.

The same would be true of land ownership in eastern North America before the early 18th Century. When William Penn and other settler leaders were negotiating various deals, treaties, understandings and compacts with leaders of local Native American communities, they were operating across two very different paradigms of land use and control. (This was also true in coastal West Africa where various mercantile companies established forts and trading posts, but for a lot of complicated reasons, the mercantile companies tended to understand their land arrangements more in terms of temporary leasing of land rather than permanent ownership.)

It’s not clear to me that societies who approach land rights in terms of customary and implicit rules of access, usage and residence can negotiate a deal that cedes some portion of land as the permanent, fully alienated property of a sovereignty, merchant company or private owner with highly concretized boundaries that are marked off on a map and affirmed by the legal authority of the new owner. In simple terms, that’s because nobody in a society with usufruct ownership has the individual or private authority to convert land to marketized property. This is a hard point to grasp for people living in places where every inch of land is demarcated as having a legal owner of record. But there are still many places on this planet where if you ask people “who owns that house? that land?” there’s an answer that is less about “the deed is held by John Johns, and you can see it in the county records office” and more about “well, it’s kind of this family because they’ve kind of lived there for a while and everybody just sort of gets that”. If you come along as a government official and say, “Ok, we need to grant a formal deed to that house and this land, who owns it?” you’re concretizing something that isn’t concrete and you’re going to arbitrarily decide on naming an individual where up to this point it was a mutable, shifting social group.

The converse, notably, is perfectly plausible. E.g, a group that has customary usage and residential rights can decide (by whatever political mechanisms they have) to offer usage and residential rights to another group that asks for it. Even if that other group is more accustomed to marketized deed ownership, they can accept and abide by an agreement for continued use of land they don’t have ownership rights to. It’s just that in a fully market-driven system of land ownership, we’re trained to think that such agreements are dangerous precisely because they may lead to the assertion of formal ownership rights. If I let you gather mushrooms on land that I own for a decade and then I say, “Sorry, no more of that, it’s getting out of hand”, I may get slapped with a suit that says I effectively ceded rights to the mushrooms. If I let a tenant stay for free for a few years without an explicit lease agreement, I may be in big trouble if I want to evict them later on.

Well, that’s the way to understand what it might have looked like in Lenahopking or in the lands of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy when settlers began to assert ownership rights that had not been granted in the first place, or where the granters didn’t really grasp what it was that the grantees thought they’d been given.

3. These points in turn are what undercut the moral vacuity of “everybody engages in conquest” or “everybody enslaves”. The specifics really undercut what the Penn student Bo Goergen says about southeast Pennsylvania, for example. The first Europeans who worked out an arrangement in this area were representatives of the Swedish South Company, who reached an agreement with local Lenape leaders for the use of an island in the Delaware River as a trading post. That agreement did not include the building of mills or farms on the north shore of the river, but Governor Printz was unable—or unwilling—to stop some of the people living on the island from doing so.

This kind of leakage was very common in these early 17th Century arrangements, which left Native American communities of various kinds along the Eastern Seaboard with the difficult choice of whether to forcefully remind their trading partners of the limits of customary land usage or to accept small intrusions. But the small intrusions quickly grew and more importantly, involved the conversion of land use into land ownership, which was then backed by communities which increasingly claimed sovereignty rather than just accepted permission.

That is colonial conquest, and it’s different than the use of violence to establish vaguer forms of residential and usage access, which is more historically widespread. What the settlers in North America after the late 17th Century did was different in character, difference in scope, different in outcomes. When contemporary land acknowledgements use the word unceded, this is what they mean: what the settlers claimed as deeded property was not only asserting a kind of right over land that had not really been offered for the most part, but it was also from the very beginning often explicitly claimed in defiance of those agreed-upon offers. If someone like Bo Goergen or Matt Yglesias wants to remember the aspect of early American history that is about idealism, about making room for people, about establishing a new kind of community, they should remember that people like William Penn who signed or reach agreements were often despairing precisely because the settlers, not the local Native Americans, so capaciously violated those agreements as soon as they were reached. The Wampanoag in New England didn’t celebrate a Thanksgiving feast with the settlers of Plymouth, but under the rule of Massassoit, they did help the settlers establish the plantings that let them survive. Their reward was decades of settlers breaking their agreements on land usage and ownership and then a war that ended with Massasoit’s son Metacom having his head on a pike outside of Plymouth.

The same point goes for slavery. By the early 18th Century, Atlantic slavery was huge in scope, central to the functioning of the Atlantic system, and fully based in chattel ownership, and in every respect, bore little resemblance to the way enslavement had existed in some West and Central African societies before the 15th Century.

4. Which then leads to an even more important point. What is it that a land acknowledgement or an acknowledgement of Atlantic slavery like the 1619 Project is really trying to remind us about? It’s not “we propose that all the stolen land be given back” or “we propose that the early settlement of North America is defined exclusively by enslavement”. It is not “all white people worked together to steal land and all white people are enslavers”.

It is a reminder that the increase in scale and scope and the transformation of the nature of land seizure and enslavement created a set of overlapping systems that still structure our lives today. They structure wealth and impoverishment. They structure ownership and disposession right now. They structure categories of racial identity that either put people at risk from power or protect them from power, whether they ask for that or not.

And the lesson to learn looking at who enslaved and who seized land is not “white people bad, brown people good”. It is enslavement bad, land seizure bad, and to understand that the people whose agency in history and in the present who lend themselves to either are bad. So the caboceers, or local slave-traders, in a town like Annamaboe in the Gold Coast, as described by the historian Randy Sparks, are morally comparable to English or Dutch or Portuguese or French slave-traders, to the plantation owners in the Caribbean, Latin America and North America who bought and owned slaves.

[image book cover of Where the Negroes Are Masters: An African Port in the Era of the Slave Trade, by Randy J. Sparks]

<blockquote>There’s a they in that case: the they who made wealth and power from misery, dispossession, torture, and violence operating at scales and in forms that were previously unprecedented in human history. Which is the they that is still with us now, and yes, the ranks of that they include people of every nation, every ethnicity, every race, even of every gender. Not evenly so, but that’s the point that land acknowledgement and memorials of Atlantic slavery are calling us to recall. That the inequities we struggle with today, that the incomplete promise of liberty and justice for all, that the continuously thwarted hope to live in a republic governed by the people and of the people, are not sudden, not incidental, and not just a matter of the individual failings of a handful of people.</blockquote>

If Bo Goergen or Matt Yglesias want to tune in to what they’re really hearing when they hear a land acknowledgement, that’s what it’s all about. They’re a reminder of what Goergen concedes, that there were injustices, there were lasting wounds. I think people who want to put land acknowledgements in one box and “remigration” in another and hold themselves better than both need to ask first which of those two is more likely to be government policy, which of those two is more likely to cause imminent harm, but also, which of them is trying to recall something truthful about how the past has structured the present. If it helps, imagine that you’re hearing a land acknowledgement as saying, “Remember how all this land came to be in the hands of the people who own it now, and be warned that the people who took what wasn’t offered or given then created a system that can take or seize property, lives and futures now.” The only people who need a “Sistah Souljah moment”, which Yglesias actually calls for, are people who need a distraction from their own irrelevance and moral vacuity, who look for a target to hit but not a truth to be explored."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://proteanmag.com/2025/11/19/horizons-of-young-liberation/">
    <title>Horizons of Youth Liberation • Protean Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-20T05:19:44+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[link to the book:
https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2610-solidarity-with-children ]

"Solidarity contains analysis of the dire contemporary situation for children, the author’s reflections on raising a non-binary child in circumstances of real fear and threat, interpretation of cultural figures of childhood and adolescence—reflecting the author’s background in literary studies—and careful conversations with a range of key interlocutors, including Jules Gill-Peterson, Max Fox, carla joy bergman, Maria Della Costa, Kathi Weeks, M.E. O’Brien, Sophie Lewis, Tiqqun, and Freud. A major contribution of the book is Lane-McKinley’s elucidation of how conservatives weaponize the idea of the child in the name of parental rights. They institute book bans and curricular censorship as a way of protecting a revanchist storybook notion of nationalist ideology, gender normativity, and childhood innocence in general, while ignoring (or more often, vindictively dismissing) the implications for non-white and queer children, and any others whose histories and realities are being silenced or disparaged in the process.

Indeed, right-wing lobbying and misinformation campaigns are contributing to an upsurge in “harassing, abusing, and endangering trans and nonbinary children and their caretakers, including parents and educators,” she notes, and catalyzing a resurgent culture of bullying and severe mental health struggles, some of which have ended in suicide. Public school educators, who want to help their students by preserving their access to care and information not dictated by their parents, are charged with “government overreach.”

This is happening even as the Christian right promotes control of bodily autonomy that amounts to, Lane-McKinley puts it, “state authoritarianism when it comes to all matters of reproductive health.” It is adolescents who are most affected by barriers to legal abortion—not least because of state requirements that they provide evidence of parental consent. Lane-McKinley mentions a 10-year-old incest victim who had to travel out of state to get an abortion, and a 13-year-old who birthed a child after being raped and then denied an abortion in her home state. This is violence against children in the name of children, she observes.

As befits a study written against weaponized ideas of the child, Lane-McKinley interprets classic narratives of childhood that legitimate adult supremacy and fetishize children as innocent and naïve—and ultimately, as our charges and possessions. She highlights the pedagogical work that these texts come to perform: instructing children in the value of maturity, reconciling adults to their childhoods being gone forever, and representing adolescence as a terrifying in-between state that threatens adult authority and should be closely monitored, worried over, and interfered with. Lane-McKinley’s point is not that these texts somehow automatically make people into adult supremacists, or that they were written with these precise ideological goals in mind.

Rather, whether because of or despite any intentions of the author, many canonical texts have come to backfill a certain structural function of supporting reigning ideas. She recommends engaging in critical cultural analysis of this sort alongside children, encouraging them to think about how any story can be read against the grain. Her rich readings of these works are directed not at rendering a conclusive judgment, but at exploring the contours of a pervasive cultural imaginary. Young readers would benefit from learning to think about texts in this flexible, multivalent way—which is to say, they would benefit from literature and the humanities, currently under such severe budgetary and political assault in lower and higher education alike.

Learning to grasp the ways that fiction like Lord of the Flies and other popular stories can evince or distort cultural ideas matters a great deal; these notions come to make up the amalgamated “fantasy structures about children that stand in the way of making solidarity thinkable, and that legitimate forms of domination,” as Lane-McKinley puts it. A key example is “the myth of the eternal child,” which is shot through the many tellings of the Peter Pan story. It exemplifies the idea that childhood is a state that must be scrutinized only from a position of adult authority. A child is “that which we have simply ceased to be,” she writes, if we are good moral citizens alert to our responsibilities. As is often the case in children’s literature (which is, after all, written by adults “for” children), in the Peter Pan universe the figure of the child is envisioned through envy and nostalgia, accompanied by a sure sense that those without adult guidance risk being lost forever in a tragic neverland.

This is the fantasy that conservative advice guru and weird substitute father-figure Jordan Peterson taps into when he describes a “Peter Pan syndrome” that is reputedly afflicting young people today. A consummate adult supremacist, Peterson’s fame first began to rise when he spoke out against Canada’s Bill C-16, which added gender identity and gender expression as prohibited grounds for discrimination under the Canadian Human Rights Act and Criminal Code. Peterson objected that, if passed, university professors would be penalized for using the wrong pronouns or for misgendering their students. He refused to grant them such consideration.

Of course, we should exercise some caution about equating children with young adults. Advocates for parents’ rights are worried about schoolchildren; Peterson is concerned (though not exclusively) with the dynamics of the university classroom. Yet this is a conflation that his work plays into quite deliberately. Students, child or young adult, who refuse parental authority are condemned to the perpetual “Peter Pan” state; they are unwell, trapped, unable to grow up.

Lane-McKinley argues, in a marked and compelling contestation, that we should reclaim these sorts of “pathologized” and “monstered” understandings of adolescence as imaginative conduits to living against the inevitable “disciplinary horizon of adulthood.” People cohabiting with adolescents may be familiar with their unique way of making you aware that some part of your former centrality in the household has dissolved. This doesn’t have to be grasped as the clichéd “crisis” of the teenager, who “wreaks havoc on the child/adult dyad” and provokes “the struggle to reign over the rebel without a cause,” in Lane-McKinley’s phrase.  It can instead be an experience of “shared transformation” rather than a felt loss of status."

...

"Still, Lane-McKinley reminds us that experimentation with different ways of doing schooling, “various forms of social justice and radical pedagogy,” are not wholly sufficient to “take on the trouble with school in its totality.” If alternative social forms were collectivized and organized around continuous education, what my son and I experienced would not have felt so isolating and fraught. This is where the politics of family abolition become key."

...

"In an account of motherhood that is moving and richly textured, Lane-McKinley, as a parent herself, readily admits how difficult it is not to revert to being aggressively protective—privative and enclosed—when faced with the threats to children today, and with the venom directed at you if you try to do things differently. (Leftists too have been known to mock certain revolutionary demands as “childish,” especially those concerned with identity, as with questions around gender and disability.)

The charge of “childish” dreaming (so often applied to leftists, with liberals and the right fond of diminishing any call for a better society as issuing from the fantasy land of “pink ponies” and “free ice cream”) helps inoculate us against the possibility of real transformation, and the upheavals that would accompany it. In response, Lane-McKinley takes inspiration from the history of feminist thought about the necessity of fundamentally reforming what motherhood looks like.

At its worst, motherhood is something that is done to you—you are rendered mother, sometimes via coercion and against your will. This comes along with expectations of performing non-reciprocal care within and beyond the family. Feminist calls to eradicate motherhood are an embattled response to the way it has been made into something you are “initiated into,” Lane-McKinley writes. In a more just society, it could, to the contrary, function as a crucial locus of solidarity and collective care—one that is, in Audre Lorde’s words, a “common human battle” for “all our children together,” as a “joint responsibility and our joint hope.”

Marxist-abolitionist thinkers often employ the German term aufhebung, which means both to abolish and to overcome; it carries the implication of doing so in a conscious way, so as to preserve what was good and can be used in the creation of something better. This is part of the impetus behind Sophie Lewis’s demand for “Full Surrogacy Now,” Lane-McKinley writes. Lewis notoriously asks what would happen if we enabled “fully collaborative gestation.” Like child liberation itself, this is a thought experiment that serves as a real provocation, spurring the development of new dispositions toward what it means to have and raise children. Delinking motherhood from the labor of gestation undermines its status as a property relation, bringing us closer to the more revolutionary horizon of the “care commune.” Long ago, my son asked me where babies come from. I said you need a warm place to grow a fertilized egg.

“The driving force of Lewis’s demand is a transformational break,” Lane-McKinley writes, away from “the fantasy of the creator figure, whose life making is mistaken for proprietorship.” Working toward this break, cultivating what others have dismissed as mere dreaming, entails what Lane-McKinley describes beautifully as “insurgent mothering.” Insurgent mothers work as they can against the restrictive couple form and the nuclear family that grows up around it. Again, this is not about the wholesale rejection of maternal care. Instead, she describes her position as one of anti-anti-maternalism: an aufhebung if ever there was one. This insists that responsibility for life in the world is something everyone can share in, and learn from, but that this does not mean we own and control those we parent—nor that the work of care makes people beholden to us."

...

"“We are all born into a world that we never asked for,” Lane-McKinley writes. Realizing this is the foundation of a bond between all people, which can be the foundation of collaboration and collectivity. To call for solidarity with children is not to evoke a wispy vision that we can defer to “someday.” It is a moral cry of the greatest urgency—not despite the fact that it entails remaking the world, but precisely because it does.

If Solidarity with Children has a unifying message, it is that we need to embrace, rather than mock, the ambition to radical and utopian reversals of injustice and suffering. “What is lost when we limit our political horizons?” it asks. Moreover, no child is safe today from the threat posed by the crises that are amassing at a planetary level—from the cruelties of everyday life to the unraveling of the global climate. At this scale, only the most sweeping demands rise to the occasion of the threat. The only realism is utopianism. This is exactly what Lane-McKinley articulates so well. “The utopian demand asks the question of what we perceive as feasible, against the reality of what we know to be urgent,” she writes. To refuse it is to surrender the future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09540253.2025.2568404">
    <title>Full article: ‘Tell this fuckin’ bitch to pull her head in’: affective infrastructures of gender injustice and manosphere classroom encounters</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-17T20:47:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09540253.2025.2568404</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This paper offers an analysis of Australian teachers’ stories of classroom encounters shaped by the ‘manosphere’: i.e. online groups connected by anti-feminist, right-wing populism. Responses to gender-related issues in Australian schools have long been ineffectual and this policy failure is exacerbating unfolding circumstances. Using affective infrastructure, masculinism, and complaint as a tripartite lens, the paper examines conditions of social formation within which manosphere encounters surface. Consideration is given to the broader forces of neoliberalism that not only influence policy and institutional frameworks but manifest in micro-political practices shaped by masculinist norms that affect educators and students alike. The paper argues: (1) the populist subject of the manosphere is not pre-existing but contingent on infrastructural conditions; (2) we must take seriously the consequences of affective infrastructures of gender injustice for widespread coexistence. The paper is offered as an Australian case with international relevance."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.plough.com/en/topics/faith/devotional-reading/insights-on-building-justice">
    <title>Insights on Building Justice</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-11T15:41:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.plough.com/en/topics/faith/devotional-reading/insights-on-building-justice</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two early Christian bishops weigh in on wealth and private property.

Liberate Your Wealth: Basil the Great

<blockquote>Fling wide your doors! Give your wealth free passage everywhere! As a great river flows by a thousand channels through fertile country, so let your wealth run through many conduits to the homes of the poor. Wells that are drawn from flow the better; left unused, they go foul.…Money kept standing idle is worthless, but moving and changing hands it benefits the community and brings increase.

“I am wronging no one,” you say, “I am merely holding on to what is mine.” What is yours? Who gave it to you so that you could bring it into life with you? Why, you are like a man who pinches a seat at the theater at the expense of latecomers, claiming ownership of what was for common use. That’s what tindividuhe rich are like; having seized what belongs to all they claim it as their own on the basis of having got there first. Whereas if everyone took for himself enough to meet his immediate needs and released the rest for those in need of it, there would be no rich and no poor.
coins from the Roman empire

When a man strips another of his clothes, he is called a thief. Should not a man who has the power to clothe the naked but does not do so be called the same? The bread in your larder belongs to the hungry. The cloak in your wardrobe belongs to the naked. The shoes you allow to rot belong to the barefoot. The money in your vaults belongs to the destitute. You do injustice to every person whom you could help but do not.

I ask, “Why do you have all this wealth?” For the care of the poor consumes wealth. When each one receives a little for one’s needs, and when all owners distribute their means simultaneously for the care of the needy, no one will possess more than one’s neighbor. Yet it is plain that you have much land. Where did it come from? Undoubtedly you have subordinated the relief and comfort of many to your convenience. And so, the more you abound in your riches, the more you want in love.</blockquote>

Share All Things in Common: Ambrose of Milan

<blockquote>Private property is not a matter of justice, for it is not according to nature, which has brought forth all good things for all in common. God has created everything in such a way that all things are to be possessed in common. Nature therefore is the mother of common right, usurpation the mother of private right.

It is not from your own property that you give to the poor. Rather, you make return from what is theirs. For what has been given as common for the use of all, you have appropriated to yourself alone. The earth belongs to all, not to the rich. Therefore you are paying a debt, not bestowing a gift.

How far, O you rich, do you push your mad desires? “Shall you alone dwell upon the earth?” (Isa. 5:8) The earth was made in common for all.…Why do you arrogate to yourselves, you rich, an exclusive right to the soil? Nature, which begets all people as poor, cannot recognize the rich. For we are neither born with raiment nor begotten with gold and silver. Naked the earth brings people into the light, in need of food, clothing, and drink; naked the earth receives those whom it has brought forth; it does not know how to include the boundaries of an estate in a tomb.

“He scattered abroad and gave to the poor, his justice endures forever” (2 Cor. 9:9).…his mercy, therefore, is called justice because the giver knows that God has given all things to all in common – that the sun rises for all, his rain falls on all, and he has given the earth for all. On that account the giver shares with those who do not have the abundance of the earth.…They are just, therefore, who do not retain anything for themselves alone, knowing that everything has been given to all.</blockquote>"

[via:
https://social.ayjay.org/2025/10/11/paging-phil-christman-these-guys.html

"Paging Phil Christman! These guys will do most of the heavy lifting for you, Phil. They’re clear-eyed and fearless."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wired.com/story/the-real-stakes-real-story-peter-thiels-antichrist-obsession/">
    <title>The Real Stakes, and Real Story, of Peter Thiel’s Antichrist Obsession | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-08T20:49:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/the-real-stakes-real-story-peter-thiels-antichrist-obsession/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Thirty years ago, a peace-loving Austrian theologian spoke to Peter Thiel about the apocalyptic theories of Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt. They’ve been a road map for the billionaire ever since."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.routledge.com/Radical-Mindfulness-Why-Transforming-Fear-of-Death-is-Politically-Vital/Rowe/p/book/9781032523361">
    <title>Radical Mindfulness: Why Transforming Fear of Death is Politically Vital, by James K. Rowe (2024)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-04T02:52:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.routledge.com/Radical-Mindfulness-Why-Transforming-Fear-of-Death-is-Politically-Vital/Rowe/p/book/9781032523361</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Radical Mindfulness examines the root causes of injustice, asking why inequalities along the lines of race, class, gender, and species continue to exist. Specifically, James K. Rowe examines fear of death as a root cause of systemic inequalities and proposes a more embodied approach to social change as a solution.

Collecting insights from powerful thinkers across multiple traditions—including Black radicals, Indigenous resurgence theorists, terror management theorists, and Buddhist feminists— Rowe argues for the political importance of seemingly apolitical practices such as meditation and ritual. On their own, these strategies are not enough, but integrated into social movements that are combating structural injustices, mind–body practices can begin transforming the embodied fears that feed endless fuel to supremacist ideologies and yet are not targeted by most political actors.

Radical Mindfulness is for academics, activists, and individuals who want to overcome supremacy of all kinds but are struggling to understand and develop methods for attacking it at the roots.

Table of Contents

An Opening: A Conversation with Dylan Thomas (Qwul’thilum)
1. Introduction: Fear of Death as a Driver of Injustice
2. The Will to Supremacy
3. White Supremacy: James Baldwin on Death Denial and Whiteness
4. Class and Colonial Supremacy: John Mohawk on Oppression in the Western World
5. Human Supremacy: Ernest Becker and Terror Management Theory
6. Male Supremacy: Rita Gross and Hsiao-Lan Hu’s Buddhist Feminism
7. Practice for a Just, Liveable Future
Coda: A Contemplation on Basic Goodness
Appendix: How Activists Are Using Mind– Body Practices"]]></description>
<dc:subject>jamerowe 2024 death fear inequality race class gender politics meditation socialmovements supremacy patriarchy dylanthomas injustice whitesupremacy jamesbaldwin whiteness colonialism colonization johnmohawk oppression west humansupremacy eernestbecker ritagross hsiao-lanhu buddhism feminism justice activism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.lionsroar.com/is-fear-of-death-the-root-cause-of-injustice/">
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    <link>https://www.lionsroar.com/is-fear-of-death-the-root-cause-of-injustice/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We can’t change the world with mind-body practices alone, says James K. Rowe. But political interventions that don’t address our fear of mortality are also incomplete."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jamesrowe death injustice fear socialinjustice environment 2025 buddhism jamesbaldwin simonedebeauvoir buddha chögyamtrungpa well-being wellbeing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://walklistencreate.org/2025/09/04/on-the-politics-of-walking/">
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    <dc:date>2025-10-01T02:55:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walklistencreate.org/2025/09/04/on-the-politics-of-walking/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2025 walking babakfakhamzadeh marymarinopoulou grief solidarity resistance politics emergence nohadelhajj martamorenomuñoz robertyerachmielsniderman tomjeffreys violence injustice disconnection gaza india kenya greece us unrest literature beirut belgium connection place slow food cats buildings landscape landscapes climate climatechange extinctionrebellion environment climatecrisis ecology genocide ethniccleansing cemeteries rupture listening edinburgh care collaboration method ethic ethics walkingtours history memory storytelling place-based</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://wcaleb.org/books/slavery-segregation-and-second-founding-of-rice">
    <title>Slavery, Segregation, and the Second Founding of Rice University, by Alexander X. Byrd and W. Caleb McDaniel (2025)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-30T18:44:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://wcaleb.org/books/slavery-segregation-and-second-founding-of-rice</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://lsupress.org/9780807184424/slavery-segregation-and-the-second-founding-of-rice-university/ ]

"During the first quarter of the twenty-first century, more than one hundred institutions of higher education in the United States launched projects to study and share their histories concerning slavery, segregation, and racial injustice. Slavery, Segregation, and the Second Founding of Rice University joins these wider efforts. Authored by award-winning historians Alexander X. Byrd and W. Caleb McDaniel, with a foreword by Ruth J. Simmons, the book engages questions specific to Rice’s history as the last major private research university in the country to begin desegregation. Although Rice did not open its doors for classes until 1912, it was connected to the history of slavery through the life of its first founder and namesake, William Marsh Rice, whose fortune was deeply intertwined with the enslavement of Black people.

Byrd and McDaniel place the history of one of the nation’s most renowned universities within a longer and larger context, showing that desegregation required changes to Rice so fundamental that they amounted to a “second founding” of the school. Following the story from slavery through segregation to the second founding, they highlight pivotal points of intersection between the history of Black Houston and the history of Rice University, revealing the seldom acknowledged roles of Black students, Black communities, and HBCUs in creating change at and around Rice. Their study challenges readers to consider anew who counts as a university’s founder—a question relevant to ongoing discussions about statues, naming, and the history of higher education. They also reveal what higher education institutions do at their best: create new knowledge and forge solutions to trenchant social problems, thus providing guidance for those committed to doing the valuable work of the “second founding” at colleges and universities today."

[See also:

"Rice historians Byrd and McDaniel discuss their research on Rice's founding and desegregation"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BRev_9a8LBQ

"On Oct. 6, 2023, Rice’s Task Force on Slavery, Segregation and Racial Injustice, which was commissioned by former President David W. Leebron in 2019, released its third and final report to the public. The report, titled “Constraints of Race: A History of Rice University and Black Texans from Segregation to Second Founding,” brings to a close a four-year period of in-depth archival research, writing, creative public programming and discussions by dedicated members of the larger Rice community. This final report follows the 2021 publication of two historical narratives, one examining and documenting the entanglement of William Marsh Rice and his business partners in the region’s slave economy, and the other examining the symbolic, ceremonial and popular lore surrounding the Founder’s Memorial, the 1930 statue of William Marsh Rice that formerly sat in the center of the university’s Academic Quadrangle. 

To mark the release of the final report, we met up with the task force’s leaders, historians Alexander X. Byrd and Caleb McDaniel, as they reflected on the project they guided for the past four years. Fittingly, our conversation took place in Fondren Library’s Woodson Research Center, where a great deal of the scholarly work took place.

https://magazine.rice.edu/winter-2024/looking-back-to-look-forward "

"Rice University’s Task Force on Slavery, Segregation, and Racial Injustice (2019-2023)"
https://taskforce.rice.edu/

"Digital Collections from the Woodson Research Center at Rice University’s Fondren Library"
https://digitalcollections.rice.edu/task-force-on-slavery-segregation-and-racial-injustice ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://robinrendle.com/notes/against-landlords/">
    <title>Against Landlords</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-04T06:15:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://robinrendle.com/notes/against-landlords/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>robinrendle housing 2025 landlords socialhousing socialism nickbano left uk policy economics rentcontrol capitalgainstax inequality rent markets injustice socialviolence homes homeless homelessness renting housingcrisis</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HcCgV0dSoAM">
    <title>Holocaust Survivor's Absolutely DEMOLISHES Israel - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-21T20:06:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HcCgV0dSoAM</link>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@mackinnon.jesse/what-they-carry-what-we-ignore-stories-from-my-students-6dabf0e112b6">
    <title>What They Carry, What We Ignore: Stories From My Students | by Jesse MacKinnon | Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-20T17:58:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@mackinnon.jesse/what-they-carry-what-we-ignore-stories-from-my-students-6dabf0e112b6</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Another version here:
https://oaklandside.org/2025/08/18/teacher-deep-east-oakland-students-experts-how-power-works/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:javierarbona jessemackinnon 2025 us oakland eastoakland education hope fear resistance community mutualaid children youth stability safety inequality inequity money survival creativity ambition understanding hustle justice injustice socialjustice society freedom government governance</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Mydu6gkO4Y">
    <title>Forget Starbucks. Boycott the New York Times | Mona Chalabi | Real Talk - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-14T23:02:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Mydu6gkO4Y</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["'These journalistic institutions have done far more to support the genocide than... Starbucks or McDonald's' 

Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Mona Chalabi joins Real Talk to unpack how mainstream media coverage has enabled Israel’s war on Gaza, and why she’s calling to boycott outlets aiding that effort. She also reflects on how many of these same patterns were present in the run-up to the Iraq War and its aftermath.

Mona shares personal experiences from inside different newsrooms, including moments of racism and Islamophobia, and reflects on what it meant to be asked about her "relation" to Ahmed Chalabi, a controversial Iraqi politician who championed the US invasion of Iraq. 

We also talk about the political backlash to Zohran Mamdani’s primary win in New York, and Mona’s work as creative director of #1 Happy Family USA, an animated series exploring the Muslim American experience through humour. 

Real Talk is hosted by Mohamed Hashem

00:00 Intro 
11:29 Views on Zohran Mamdani
16:03 Backlash to Mamdani's campaign 
20:49 Disgusted by colleagues' passivity on Gaza
26:06 Reporting parallels: Gaza & Iraq 
36:20 Aftermath of winning a Pulitzer 
43:00 Iraq War reporting 
48:23 'I don't read NYT anymore' 
54:42 Disdain for Arab life
59:11 Conflicted feelings on Haaretz article
01:02:11 Mona’s role as a "historian"
01:07:42 Genocide changed outlook towards future 
01:11:21 #1 Happy Family USA
01:16:32 Animating 3 generations of Muslim women"]]></description>
<dc:subject>monachalabi mohamedhashem journalism nytimes iraq iraqwar zohranmamdani islamophobia islam gaza palestiene genocide ethniccleansing israel zionism arabs antiarab reporting objectivity bias passivity politics ethnicity fivethirtyeight zionsism antizionism natesilver ahmedchalabi muslimamericans policy 2025 visibility accents britishaccents unions unionbusting ethnonationalism nationalism workers workingclass us antisemitism smearcampaigns editorials opinions framing genocidewashing apartheidwashing apartheid power mainstreammedia press media subjectivity bothsidesism powerdynamics jeffreygoldberg claire shipman columbia thenewyorker theatlantic left birthright indoctrinaton data judithmiller iof idf neutrality injustice witness martyrs kurdistan kurds saddamhussein muammargaddafi gaddafi future muntadharal-zaidi datajournalism ramyyoussef codeswitching</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3adafb88a328/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:datajournalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ramyyoussef"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:codeswitching"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-9D1jUPQKns">
    <title>Netherlands football hooliganism: Prosecutors drop 'Maccabi Tel Aviv' assault cases - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-12T15:56:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-9D1jUPQKns</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A decision to drop criminal charges against fans of Maccabi Tel Aviv football club has ignited controversy in the Netherlands. Dutch prosecutors took the decision after CCTV footage showing violent behavior by Israeli hooligans toward Muslim women last November was found to have been ERASED."

[also here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IB9scLnEhfY 

referenced (Bad Empanada):
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=enFK_yhM8Jg ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>maccabitelaviv netherlands 2025 amsterdam hooligans soccer football sports palestine israel genocide ethniccleansing antiarab racism race zionism antisemitism islamophobia injustice 2024 eu europe gaza futbol</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:de6c72fbd6a0/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2024"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:gaza"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:futbol"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-persecution-of-francesca-albanese">
    <title>The Persecution of Francesca Albanese</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-10T02:39:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-persecution-of-francesca-albanese</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The sanctioning by the Trump administration of Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, is an ominous harbinger of the end of the rule of international law."

...

"When the history of the genocide in Gaza is written, one of the most courageous and outspoken champions for justice and the adherence to international law will be Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, who today the Trump administration is sanctioning. Her office is tasked with monitoring and reporting on human rights violations that Israel commits against Palestinians.

Albanese, who regularly receives death threats and endures well-orchestrated smear campaigns directed by Israel and its allies, valiantly seeks to hold those who support and sustain the genocide accountable. She lambasts what she calls “the moral and political corruption of the world” that allows the genocide to continue. Her office has issued detailed reports documenting war crimes in Gaza and the West Bank, one of which, called “Genocide as colonial erasure,” [https://www.un.org/unispal/document/genocide-as-colonial-erasure-report-francesca-albanese-01oct24/ ] I have reprinted as an appendix in my latest book, “A Genocide Foretold.” [https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/786808/a-genocide-foretold-by-chris-hedges/ ]

She has informed private organizations that they are “criminally liable” for assisting Israel in carrying out the genocide in Gaza. She announced that if true, as has been reported, that the former British prime minister David Cameron threatened to defund and withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) after it issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, which Cameron and the other former British prime minister Rishi Sunak could be charged with a criminal offense for, under the Rome Statue. The Rome Statue criminalizes those who seek to prevent war crimes from being prosecuted.

She has called on top European Union (EU) officials to face charges of complicity of war crimes over their support for the genocide, saying that their actions cannot be met with impunity. She was a champion [https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/un-rapporteur-says-madleen-gaza-flotilla-carries-humanity-along-with-aid/3591857 ] of the Madleen flotilla that sought to break the blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid, writing that the boat which was intercepted by Israel, was carrying not only supplies, but a message of humanity.

You can see the interview I did with Albanese here. [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wbakVaOGgOk ]

Her latest report [https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session59/advance-version/a-hrc-59-23-aev.pdf ] lists 48 corporations and institutions, including Palantir Technologies Inc., Lockheed Martin, Alphabet Inc. (Google), Amazon, International Business Machine Corporation (IBM), Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft Corporation and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), along with banks and financial firms such as BlackRock, insurers, real estate firms and charities, which in violation of international law, are making billions from the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians.

You can read my article on Albanese’s most recent report here [https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/profiting-from-genocide ].

Secretary of State Marco Rubio condemned [https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-07-10/francesca-albanese-marco-rubio-sanctions-israel-gaza/105514754 ] her support for the ICC, four of whose judges have been sanctioned by the U.S. for issuing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant last year. He criticized Albanese for her efforts to prosecute American or Israeli nationals who sustain the genocide, saying she is unfit for service as a special rapporteur. Rubio also accused Albanese of having "spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West." The sanctions will most likely prevent Albanese from travelling to the U.S. and will freeze any assets she may have in the country.

The attack against Albanese presages a world without rules, one where rogue states, such as the U.S. and Israel, are permitted to carry out war crimes and genocide without any accountability or restraint. It exposes the subterfuges we use to fool ourselves and attempt to fool others. It reveals our hypocrisy, cruelty and racism. No one, from now on, will take seriously our stated commitments to democracy, freedom of expression, the rule of law or human rights. And who can blame them? We speak exclusively in the language of force, the language of brutes, the language of mass slaughter, the language of genocide.

“The acts of killing, the mass killing, the infliction of psychological and physical torture, the devastation, the creation of conditions of life that would not allow the people in Gaza to live, from the destruction of hospitals, the mass forced displacement and the mass homelessness, while people were being bombed daily, and the starvation — how can we read these acts in isolation?” Albanese asked in an interview [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aOfDPD9mxv4 ] I did with her when we discussed her report, “Genocide as colonial erasure.”

The militarized drones, helicopter gunships, walls and barriers, checkpoints, coils of concertina wire, watchtowers, detention centers, deportations, brutality and torture, denial of entry visas, apartheidesque existence that comes with being undocumented, loss of individual rights and electronic surveillance, are as familiar to desperate migrants along the Mexican border, or attempting to enter Europe, as they are to Palestinians.

This is what awaits those who Frantz Fanon [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9xCSFhtip_M ] calls “the wretched of the earth.”

Those that defend the oppressed, such as Albanese, will be treated like the oppressed."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrishedges un francescaalbanese 2025 donaldtrump marcorubio genocide palestine gaza ethniccleansing icc icj internationallaw roguestates us israel polcy frantzfanon erasure warcrimes impunity benjaminnetanyahu yoavgallant davidcameron uk eu palantir ibm lockheedmartin mit microsoft caterpillar alphabet google amazon blackrock antisemitism zionism antizionism hypocrisy democracy freedom cruelty racism displacement dispossession surveillance border borders mexico injustice zionistmccarthyism mccarthyism westbank apartheid joebiden occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization</dc:subject>
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    <title>Maccabi hooligans get compensation instead of charges | MEE Explains - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-08T23:47:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YRpzJf5ANmc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Despite serious assaults by Maccabi hooligans during a football match in Amsterdam, no prosecutions have taken place due to missing CCTV footage. Meanwhile, the hooligans received generous injury compensation. This starkly contrasts with the decades-long fight for recognition and minimal payouts endured by victims of historical Dutch violence, exposing deep inequalities in justice and accountability."]]></description>
<dc:subject>maccabitelaviv 2025 netherlands amsterdam hooligans soccer football sports palestine israel genocide ethniccleansing antiarab racism race zionism antisemitism islamophobia injustice 2024 eu europe gaza futbol</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://cloakinginequity.com/2025/06/20/code-red-how-ai-is-set-to-supercharge-racism-rewrite-history-and-hijack-learning/">
    <title>Code Red: How AI Is Set to Supercharge Racism, Rewrite History, and Hijack Learning – Cloaking Inequity</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-05T02:01:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://cloakinginequity.com/2025/06/20/code-red-how-ai-is-set-to-supercharge-racism-rewrite-history-and-hijack-learning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>ai artificialintelligence 2025 race racism history learning disinformation misinformation inequality inequity technology 2024 education socialmedia nclb accountability machinelearning crisis compassion community justice injustice</dc:subject>
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    <title>ANDOR Exposed the Empire—And Ours - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-25T04:49:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XIgiCBUbCe8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What if the most radical story about empire, rebellion, and moral compromise… wasn’t in a history book, but a Star Wars show?

Andor doesn’t just entertain—it reveals. It shows us how fascism functions, how rebellion breaks down, and how media is used to justify violence. This is a deep dive into the most mature story Star Wars has ever told—and why it matters in the real world.

In this video, we explore the parallels between Andor and modern-day systems of empire, resistance, and propaganda—from Ghorman to Gaza, Mon Mothma to Rashida Tlaib, Luthen Rael to revolutionary ethics.

This isn’t just fiction. It’s a mirror.
And it’s a warning."]]></description>
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    <title>What Makes &quot;Andor&quot; Left-Wing? | Interesting Times with Ross Douthat - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-25T02:05:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9kUFBXrw0DU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The “Star Wars” spinoff “Andor” has succeeded in being both original and smartly political in a Hollywood that is often neither, Ross Douthat, the host of "Interesting Times" argues in this conversation with the show's showrunner Tony Gilroy.

Read the full transcript here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/05/opinion/film-hollywood-andor-politics.html (archived : https://archive.ph/g632g )

02:10 The political world of ”Andor”
07:39 Tony Gilroy's syllabus for “Andor”
09:59 Is “Andor” a left-wing show?
16:43 What makes Hollywood progressive or liberal?
24:34 Debating the politics of “Michael Clayton”
30:04 Why aren't there more movies for grown-ups?
32:44 “There are no movie stars anymore.”
37:03 How is A.I. changing the movie business
40:57 Tony Gilroy's advice for future filmmakers"

[via:
https://kottke.org/25/06/an-interview-with-andors-creator-tony-gilroy 

"In this interview with conservative NY Times’ columnist Ross Douthat, series creator Tony Gilroy nails why the show was so interesting:

<blockquote>The five years that I have been given are extremely potent. You have the Empire really closing down, really choking, really ramping up. The emperor is building the Death Star.

They are closing out corporate planets and absorbing them into the state. They are imperialistically acquiring planets and taking what they want. The noose is tightening dramatically.

There still is a Senate. There are senators that are speaking out impotently.

The Senate has been all but completely emasculated by the time this five-year tranche is over.

And there are revolutionary groups, rebellious groups, and people who are acting rebelliously, who wouldn’t even know how to describe themselves as part of any movement. There is a completely wide spectrum of unaffiliated cells and activists that are rising independently across the galaxy.

At the same time, you have a group of more restrained politicians who are trying to make an organized coalition of a rebellion on a place called Yavin, which will end up being the true end of the true victory of the Rebel Alliance.

I wanted to do a show all about the forgotten people who make a revolution like this happen — on both sides — and I want to take equal interest and spend as much time understanding the bureaucrats and the enforcers of the rebellion. I think one of the fascinating things about fascism is that, when it’s done coming after the people whose land it wants and who it wants to oppress and whoever it wants to control, by the time it gets rid of the courts and the justice and consolidates all its power in the center, it ultimately eats its young. It ultimately consumes its own proponents.</blockquote>

The rest of the interview is very much worth a read as well, particularly the bits where, for example, Douthat presses Gilroy on Andor being a “left-wing show”, Gilroy says no, Douthat scoffs, and, sensing Douthat is telling on himself, Gilroy fires back, “Do you identify with the Empire? Do you identify with the Empire?” And Gilroy continues later:

<blockquote>You could say: Why has Hollywood for the last 100 years been progressive or been liberal? I think it’s much larger. I’ll go further and say: Why does almost all literature, why does almost all art that involves humans trend progressive?

Let’s stick with Hollywood. Making a living as an actor or as a writer or a director — without the higher degree of empathy that you have, the more aware you are of behavior and all kinds of behavior, the better you’re going to be at your job. We feed our families by being in an empathy business. It’s just baked in. You’re trying to pretend to be other people. The whole job is to pretend to be other, and what is it like to look from this? People may be less successful over time at portraying Nazis as humans, and that may be good writing or bad writing, and there may be people that have an ax to grind. But in general, empathy is how I feed my family. And the more finely tuned that is, the better I am at my job.

That is what actors do: I’m going on Broadway, I’m playing a villain for six months. I got to live in that. I’m playing the slave, I’m playing the fisherman, I’m playing the nurse, I’m the murderer — you have to get in there. You have to live lives through other people. I think that the simple act of that transformation and that process automatically gives you what I would describe as a more generous and progressive point of view. It just has to.</blockquote>

Like I said, well worth a read/listen."]]]></description>
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    <title>Tolstoy’s Christian Anarchism - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-18T16:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fateful visit to a market in Moscow entirely upended Tolstoy’s view on life and society—and changed the trajectory of his work and purpose."

...

"On a visit to Moscow in 1881, Count Leo Tolstoy was horrified at the destitution he encountered. He’d seen poverty before, had witnessed beggars and country dwellers barely eking out a living from the land, burdened by taxes and rents. But he wasn’t prepared for the magnitude and raggedness of the city’s poor, nor for the extent of their persecution by the police. He was horrified to realize that the beggars in the streets had to ask for alms with caution lest they be arrested. On the advice of a friend, he went to the Khitrov Market, a center of poverty and homelessness. What he saw there permanently changed his outlook on life and society. Following the crowds of tattered men and women, he entered the free night-lodging house and spoke to those seeking shelter. Afterwards, he returned to his servants and opulent town house and sat down to a five-course meal.

The disjunction between these two worlds, that of the rich and that of the poor, disgusted him. He grew irritated at the thought of well-kept horses, decadent table spreads, and the lavish entertainment of theaters.

“I could not help seeing, in contrast to all this,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? (1886), “those hungry, shivering, and degraded inhabitants of the night-lodging-house. I could never free myself from the thought that these conditions were inseparable—that the one proceeded from the other.”

At first, Tolstoy attempted to alleviate the suffering of the poor through charity. He took up collections and joined the census in order to find the needy on whom to bestow the alms of the rich. Yet he found money to be insufficient. Not only were many not in direct, desperate need of it, simply handing out bills only exasperated the system of exploitation and warped values that generated poverty.

“It is not enough to feed a man, dress him, and teach him Greek,” he wrote. A whole shift in values was necessary, one in which all learned “how to take less from others and give them more in return.”

Thus, Tolstoy began to question the very foundations of Russian society, a path of inquiry that led him ultimately to criticize the very basis of civilization as commonly understood. Combining such reflections with a radical, though idiosyncratic, Christianity, he articulated a new politics with prophetic fervor, a belief system best described as Christian anarchism.

The nineteenth century saw a flowering of anarchist thought with figures such as Proudhon, Fourier, Kropotkin, Rousseau, and others. Tolstoy was thus not unique in his espousal of the doctrine, though he gave it his own particular flavor. While there are no perfectly identical principles common amongst these thinkers, the political scientist R. B. Fowler observes that nineteenth-century anarchists can be broadly characterized by a “rejection of the familiar norms and structures, especially the political ones, of their age” and a belief that humanity ought to live free of government structures and in accord with nature—meaning both the environment and human nature more specifically. While nature was variously defined by different anarchists, most agreed that human nature ought to guide civilization and that human beings are basically good, intrinsically capable of harmony. Nature, therefore, and not individual will or desire, ought to be the guide. As Fowler outlines, in contrast to much contemporaneous Liberal thought, anarchists believed that personal liberty was best pursued socially, in a community free of government and living peacefully with the wider environment.

While for many nineteenth-century anarchists, human nature was understood in scientific terms, Tolstoy understood it religiously. His guiding principles were derived from his interpretation of Christianity, though he rejected much of orthodox doctrine, including Jesus’s divinity, the existence of angels, and the validity of the church. Instead, Tolstoy saw the meaning of Christianity primarily in Christ’s Sermon on the Mount. As the economist Robert Higgs writes, the sermon can be summarized by the commandments “to love others as one’s self and to abstain from the use of force or violence.” These teachings, Tolstoy believed, formed the true essence of Christianity, which had been distorted by the church in order to protect its own interests. He thus rejected much Christian tradition, stating in The Kingdom of God Is Within You that “the churches are placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed—the one excludes the other.”

This isn’t to say, however, that Tolstoy denied the existence of God or the necessity of the divine in human life. Rather, his whole conception of human nature and Christian life was based on the presence of God within each individual person, particularly in reason and conscience. As Fowler writes, Tolstoy believed “in the authority of the divine vested in man’s conscience.” It’s not so much human nature understood in isolation that serves as the basis for Tolstoy’s anarchism, then, as it is the presence of God within that nature, guiding reason and conscience toward a conception of life based on the love of all. True human freedom, for Tolstoy, consisted not in autonomy or power over one’s circumstances, “but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth…and becoming the free and joyful participator in the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world.”

With this basis, and in keeping with the larger anarchist tradition, Tolstoy rejected many of the social structures of his time. In What Is to Be Done?, he described how his experiences with the Moscow poor led him to abhor the class divides that kept so many in poverty. He came to believe that the injustice he witnessed was caused by the refusal of the rich to labor. Having taken by force the goods of the peasants in taxes and rent, the rich congregated in cities. The peasants followed out of a need to earn a living, but they were frequently corrupted by the ideals of luxury and idleness exemplified by the rich, further driving them into poverty.

It was not only those wealthy enough to shun work who were at fault, moreover. For Tolstoy, the most important labor was that which contributes to material existence. “Man’s duty to acquire the means of living through the struggle with nature will always be unquestionably the very first,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? All other activity, from running a business to producing unnecessary luxuries (including, notably, literature), were thus unethical, even parasitical, to the extent that one’s time ought to be spent in useful production, especially agriculture. He didn’t deny the value of art and science (understood as the pursuit of knowledge broadly) or of their promulgation through education. Indeed, as the scholar of Slavonic literatures and essayist Milivoy S. Stanoyevich points out, Tolstoy wasn’t against scientific or artistic pursuits, only those that are neither useful to nor wanted by the laborers.

“He combats those intellectual castes which, having destroyed the old ruling [castes] of the church, the state, and the army, have installed themselves in their place, without being able or willing to perform any service of use to humanity,” Stanoyevich wrote in 1926. The primary duty of labor may be overcome, then, only by the free agreement of the laborers that such pursuits are desirable enough to give of the fruits of their work to support it.

The accumulation of wealth that allowed some to live off the labor of others was thus the root of the problem in Tolstoy’s eyes, and he believed that money itself had been created as a means of exploiting the working classes. As Stanoyevich outlined (and criticized), Tolstoy held that money isn’t merely a medium of exchange but a means of exploitation. While it was true that money could represent labor, as soon as it was accumulated by violence, it began to represent stolen labor; he believed this was the state of affairs from the very beginning of currency, which was insisted upon by dominant groups as a convenient means of carrying away the produce of those whom they exploited. The value of money, moreover, was maintained not by its inherent desirability, but by “law and government, and these institutions are based chiefly on deceit, or represent organized force,” wrote Stanoyevich. Thus, governments supported, or rather imposed, money as a medium of exchange primarily to have a convenient form of taxation, which was, in Tolstoy’s eyes, robbery of the workers.

Tolstoy felt that the rich must give up their wealth, give the land to those who would work it, and begin to labor themselves. As the literary and cultural historian Irina Paperno writes, this led him, “much to the dismay of his family and servants,” to return home and begin engaging in as much personal labor as possible. He took out his own chamber pot, chopped his own wood, made his own boots, scythed and plowed in the fields. Historian Kenneth C. Wenzer notes that he also tried to give away his property but was prevented from doing so by his wife out of concern for the family’s welfare.

In throwing himself into such labor, Tolstoy didn’t stop writing, though he largely abandoned fiction, choosing instead politics and ethics, as well as an occasional piece of “folk literature.” In 1894 he published The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in which his vision finds arguably its most eloquent and prophetic expression, famously influencing Mahatma Gandhi. The primary concern of the book was pacifism—the rejection of all violence, even to combat evil. Tolstoy argued that such a stance was more than a personal, ethical choice; it was central to the Christian conception of life, one that lives in the truth of universal love and undermines all government and exploitation. All previous understandings of life had been based, he held, on self-love. Even the social, nationalist conception was merely the extension of self-love to one’s community or one’s nation; to progress, humanity must transcend such selfish motives. Christianity was thus poised as the natural evolution of human society, and it was in recognizing the “divine spark” in oneself, which makes each person a “Son of God,” that one is enabled to love.

“The consciousness of being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of the social conception of life had been brought,” he wrote.

By refusing to participate in violence, Tolstoy believed Christians could undermine the state, which was built on slavery. Initially, he proposed, government came about as the lesser of two evils. It was built to suppress the violence of a given population, and it did that by claiming a monopoly on force. But as “the disposition of individuals to violence” diminished, the state was no longer needed to suppress such behavior and instead became its primary instigator. Having been put in a position of power, however, government continued to perpetuate itself to protect its own interests. It did this by maintaining military, police, prisons, courts, and so on to intimidate and punish; by hypnotizing the public through education and religious dogma; by exploiting their resources through taxation; and finally, by brutalizing the people by forcing them to become members of the machinery of violence through mandatory conscription. The means for undermining this system were found in the refusal to participate in it, the refusal of all violence, in accord with the teachings of Christ. Tolstoy believed that once public opinion had progressed enough in the direction of those teachings, the whole state edifice would crumble.

While Tolstoy seemed to consider such resistance primarily an individual task in The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in his later life he began to advocate full-scale social reform, especially championing the system of the American economist Henry George. As Wenzer outlines, Tolstoy differed from George in many respects, especially rejecting the latter’s desire to build a highly technical, industrial society. Nevertheless, he believed that George’s system was the best conceivable, particularly in its insistence that all land ownership be abolished. Productive land should instead be divided for agricultural use and all taxes reduced to a single land tax determined by the quality of the earth in question. Tolstoy’s last novel, Resurrection (for which he was finally excommunicated), was written largely to articulate and advocate for Georgist land reform. The book’s protagonist, Nekhlyudov, preaches Georgism to the peasants, stating that

<blockquote>the earth is no man’s; it is God’s…. The land is common to all. All have the same right to it, but there is good land and bad land, and every one would like to take the good land. How is one to do in order to get it justly divided? In this way: he that will use the good land must pay those who have got no land the value of the land he uses.</blockquote>

Such a project was for Tolstoy intrinsically religious, moreover, and, as Wenzer states, “[t]he Georgist commune was to eventually develop into what Tolstoy envisioned as a mirror image of heaven on an earth with man and all creatures living in concord.” Through the rejection of violence and the building of a peaceful agrarian society in accordance with Georgist principles, Tolstoy believed that the Christian task of creating the kingdom of God could be accomplished, not as a longed-for afterlife, but as a living, historic reality.

In the decade leading up to Tolstoy’s death, Russian society spiraled in ever-greater unrest. Peasants rose up against the authorities, socialists and communists proliferated, and the government used horrific violence to control the populace.

“Tolstoy’s fears had become a monstrous reality,” writes Wenzer. “People were suffering even more, and blood was pouring in the streets.” Tolstoy, then in his late seventies, continued writing at a furious pace in a desperate effort to save his country. He went so far as to write letters to Tsar Nicholas II and Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich advocating for Georgist land reform. He scorned socialist and democratic solutions, believing that only the tsar could solve the situation by unilaterally going above government hierarchy to implement the reforms that could save Russia before it was too late.

Tolstoy died, at eighty-two, in a railway station on November 20, 1910, his words unheeded. Within the decade, Russia slipped into full-scale revolution, culminating in the Bolshevik seizure of government and the violence of the Soviet regime. The cycles of oppression led only to more bloodshed, with one government replacing another while the people suffered. Yet it’s unlikely that Tolstoy’s reforms would have proved the panacea to Russia’s ills, as complicated and systemic as they were. It’s equally questionable to what extent his positions can be implemented today. As commentators have pointed out, many of Tolstoy’s ideas about economics and politics are shallow, even incoherent. Higgs, for instance, though admiring Tolstoy’s critiques of the state, calls his understanding of economics “abysmal.” Tolstoy’s approach is frequently emotional, moreover, literary rather than intellectual.

And yet it’s precisely Tolstoy’s appeal to the heart as well as the head, to the conscience as the spark of divinity in every person, that makes his words reverberate down to the present. While we might question the specifics of his platform, his criticisms of injustice and vision of an equitable society retain much of their relevance and power. Few have cared so deeply for the poor and exploited or taken the quest to both know and live out truth more seriously than he, and harmony can’t be achieved otherwise. History will go on; not even a Tolstoy could shift its bloody wheels. But we can always seek truth. As Tolstoy wrote, “The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the recognition and profession of the truth.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | Jesus Has ‘More to Say Than Any Human Language Can Carry’: A Q&amp;A With Rowan Williams - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-10T19:39:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/08/opinion/jesus-faith-god-compassion.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The New Atheists ‘Attack a God I Don’t Believe In, Either’: A Q&A With Rowan Williams"

...

"Rowan Williams is among the most important religious thinkers in the world. A theologian, poet, playwright and literary critic, he served as the archbishop of Canterbury from 2002 to 2012. I spoke to Dr. Williams about his journey of faith and doubt, why God allows the innocent to suffer and how to interpret the Bible (and how not to). He talked about the New Atheists and the influence on his theology of Fyodor Dostoyevsky, what makes Jesus such a compelling figure and what it means to pastor people through grief. Dr. Williams also talked about how, for him, the Christian faith is “the perspective that enriches.” Our conversation, which has been lightly edited, is the third in a series of interviews I am doing that explores the world of faith.

1. Dostoyevsky Led the Way

Peter Wehner: Let me start out by asking you to describe your journey of faith. As a young adult, what was the pull toward Christianity for you? Was it primarily intellectual or aesthetic or an appeal to the imagination or some combination of those? Did you experience what C.S. Lewis called “Sehnsucht,” an intense longing and divine spark for something that’s unattainable in this material world?

Rowan Williams: I’d grown up in a Christian environment but not a very intense one. It was really when I was a teenager that it began to speak to me, and it did so largely, to pick up your categories, at the imaginative level. It felt like a larger world to inhabit and at a time when I was discovering more and more about the literary world, about philosophical questioning, about the historical roots of our culture.

All of that seemed to me, as a student, enriching and exciting. But it was also brought alive — and here was my good fortune — through particular people who were very important to me at the time, especially my parish priest, who was a huge influence — encouraging, supportive, giving me the message all the time that there’s room for all that in the life of faith.

When I started as a university student — coming into contact with an awareness of human need and human suffering that I hadn’t quite registered before, meeting homeless people when I was a student in Cambridge, the sense that you needed to have quite a capacious picture of human nature in order to see the dignity and the need — that reinforced my feeling that the faith I’d grown into was something which actually allowed you to engage at depth with people.

Wehner: Is the draw of faith for you now essentially what it was when you were younger?

Williams: It’s probably pretty much what I grew up in, in many ways, which is not to say it’s not changed or developed. It’s certainly been battered and tested in various ways. But when I go back to what I was learning at that time, it’s still that same sense that this is the perspective that enriches. This is the perspective that enlarges.

Wehner: You’re a person of great theological depth, but I imagine, like many people of faith, you’ve struggled at various points with doubt. If so, how has that manifested itself to you?

Williams: Looking back, there have been very few times when I felt what you might call a substantive doubt of the whole thing. You know, “Is any of this true?” It’s much more, “Does any of this make sense where I am?” I’ve always resonated with the person who said, “God exists, but I don’t believe in him,” in the sense that the system’s there, the pattern’s there and it’s compelling. But how much am I actually inhabiting it? How much am I making it my own? How much is it really making sense of where I am? And there have been periods, especially of personal loss and personal awareness of struggle and uncertainty, where it’s been not so much I doubt that God exists but I don’t know whether I’m connecting with what’s there — and I don’t know how to.

Wehner: Those moments, that particular manifestation of doubt, how have you worked your way through that?

Williams: It’s a lot to do with doing the next thing. It’s a lot to do with trying to hold your position, and I don’t mean an intellectual position. I mean holding a place where you are standing firm and doing what you can do. I was very struck as a young man reading the fiction of Iris Murdoch, particularly her novel “The Bell.” At the end of that, you’re faced with a chapter about the experience of somebody who has been intensely involved in religious activity and has just had an absolutely traumatic shock to everything that he believes in and everything he holds dear.

He’s living next door to a convent, and all he can do is to go to Mass every morning. And I thought, “Yes, I see what’s going on there. He’s doing the next thing.” He’s treading water, you might say, but also he knows something can be done — not to keep the darkness at bay but to keep breathing, to keep moving, to keep open to something. I think that sense of wanting to keep open to something is probably quite near the center of what I believe about a spiritual life. You don’t pray or meditate or contemplate in order to get results, exactly.

Wehner: Sometimes doing the next thing is the best thing to do. You wrote a book on Fyodor Dostoyevsky. He’s one of the writers who have meant the most to you, and it’s understandable why. What is it about the work of Dostoyevsky, in particular, that has so impressed you in the context of faith? How has your theology been shaped by him?

Williams: I discovered Dostoyevsky as a teenager and read him fairly intensely as a student and as a graduate student. What struck me most was two things. One is he’s very good at depicting characters who are holy, who are in some sense transparent to the divine and also letting you see that they’re not going to have all the answers. They’re going to be the window that lets the light in. And I thought, “That tells me something about holiness. Don’t look for the leader, the controller, the problem solver. Look for where the light gets in.” In Leonard Cohen’s famous image, the persons who are part of the crack that lets the light in.

Throughout my life I’ve been privileged to see a number of individuals in whom I could say, “Yes, there’s the crack. They’ve let the light in.” They’ve been people of varied accomplishment or status, but the one thing in common is things look different in their light. So that was one thing I learned from Dostoyevsky.

I suppose the other thing was Dostoyevsky’s absolutely relentless commitment to making it as difficult for himself as he possibly could. He says: You want the grounds for atheism? I’ll tell you the grounds for atheism. Let me lay out to you all the good reasons for not believing in God.

Of course, in the famous chapters in “The Brothers Karamazov” where Ivan Karamazov talks about the suffering of children, that’s Dostoyevsky saying: Let me show you. You think you have reason for not believing? I can show even better reasons for not believing. And pushing through that, saying: I’m not going to pretend it’s simpler than it is. And saying at the end of that: I’m not going to pretend to give you an answer. I’m going to give you the fact that love is possible in the middle of this.

The moment of reconciliation, of love, of forgiveness, of acceptance is as real as all the nightmares that he describes. Dostoyevsky, as it were, flings down his pen and says: Well, there you are. You make your choice. The world is full of evidence against love, against reconciliation, against the possibility of a God who holds the world.

The probabilities stack up in a fairly unpromising way, and then a moment happens where the light gets in, where something in the world refuses to be crushed by that.

Nick Cave, the singer and songwriter, with whom I had a long conversation a couple of years ago, spoke about the impact on him of the tragic death of his teenage son. He said his main feeling was not that it made faith harder but that it made faith more imperative: I’m not going to be defeated.

I think there’s something of that in Dostoyevsky, when at the end of that astonishingly painful and difficult section of “The Brothers Karamazov” Alyosha kisses his brother. It’s as if Dostoyevsky is saying: Well, that is as real as any amount of suffering. Make what you will of it. I’m not going to tell you, but there it is.

Wehner: Let me stay on Dostoyevsky for a moment, because, as you said, his indictment of God was so searing in “The Brothers Karamazov” that he wasn’t even confident that he’d adequately refuted it. That raises the issue you touched on, which is theodicy, the effort to resolve the problem of evil with the existence of an all-powerful and all-benevolent God. You touched on this in your answer, but I want to home in on it a little bit more. What is Dostoevsky’s response to suffering? If I understand you right and if I’ve read Dostoyevsky correctly, the answer is not philosophical or theological. It’s primarily love. How would you respond to people who ask this ancient question: Why does a good God allow the innocent, the children, to suffer?
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Williams: The question I want to ask in reply — though, of course, I can’t ask it in quite these terms if somebody is actually in the middle of suffering — is: What would a satisfactory answer to that look like? What would our lives be like if I could say, “I’ll tell you exactly why your child died. I’ll tell you exactly why you suffered that terrible accident. I’ll tell you exactly why people are dying daily in Ukraine and Gaza and Congo. I can tell you, and it’ll all be clear, and you won’t have to worry about it any longer.”

What would that feel like? When people say they want an answer, it’s not that kind of answer they’re really looking for. I don’t know entirely what to make of that. But whenever people say, “Have you got an answer?” I say, “Do you really want that kind of answer?” Imagine the bereaved mother turns up at the parsonage door and says, “Why should my child die?” And you say, “Because of this, this and this. Satisfied? See you next week.”

No, that’s not it. And what is “it”? I don’t entirely know, except that people live with these horrors. People make personal sense of them. People are sometimes opened up by them to depths they hadn’t expected. That’s, again, as Dostoyevsky would say, it’s as much a part of the fabric of the world as anything else.

The other dimension was that he’s always nudging us to ask, “You talk about suffering. So what’s your complicity in this?”

He invites you to understand that you are part of the problem. You’re part of what tangles and embroils the world more and more in injustice and suffering. Just step up to that and say, “Yes, I’m part of this. I’m responsible. I’m answerable for the neighbor.” We’re not just talking about love in a vague and general way, but as he put it and as the great Dorothy Day liked to quote, this is a “harsh and dreadful love.” This is asking something really quite frightening of you, that you understand your solidarity in this.

Wehner: I imagine what some people might ask, what Ivan Karamazov might ask, isn’t simply, “Tell me the reason that this happened.” It might be, “Why did you allow it to happen in the first place?”

Williams: Of course. It essentially has to do with the basic question of why there is anything other than God. Because anything other than God is going to be, in some ways, unstable, in some ways flawed. If God made the perfect, God would make another God. So why does God invest in what isn’t God? And not being God, I don’t have a very clear sense of the answer to that, nor do any of us.

2. The Purpose of God’s Elusiveness

Wehner: Why would God deny tangible assurances — empirical and nearly incontestable proofs — to those whom he loves and who desperately cry out for it?

Williams: It’s not that God is deliberately making things difficult but that God is God. God is not a thing among other things. God is not an item in the world, and God is not a response to our mail order form. He doesn’t simply slot into what we think is intelligible or manageable. God is the infinite, unmanageable, unconditioned context of all that we are and we do, and so it’s not entirely surprising if we can’t boil that down into something we can manage. That’s why, of course, in Hebrew Scripture, when the people of Israel gather at Mount Sinai, the mountain is covered with cloud and fire, and God says to Moses: Keep your distance. I’m sorry. This is how I am. You’re not going to boil me down to something that’s manageable.

There’s always an innate depth, inaccessibility, unmanageability about this, and at times that comes home to us with enormous force when we would like there to be a simple answer — part of the burden of what Old and New Testaments alike say: Be careful of idolatry. You’re always prone to making a God you can manage.

That’s what idolatry boils down to. You can make that manageable God in any number of forms. You can make it in religious forms. You could make it in economic and social forms. Just be very conscious that, as the Lord says to Moses, “You shall have no other gods before me.” Don’t go putting in his place something which is a pseudo-God.

When you’ve got all that going on in the background, then it does seem to me that there’s always going to be that elusiveness, that “something around the corner of your vision” quality about God. At the same time you are talking about this elusive and unmanageable, unimaginable God there have been lives and signs and nudges and hints everywhere you look. In the work of some great mystical writer like St. John of the Cross you have that sense that at one and the same time, there’s nowhere you can pin God down in the world and there’s nowhere where God isn’t. And you are always poised on the knife edge.

Reinforcing that, look at the basic story of Christian faith, the story of Jesus Christ, and you see that Jesus himself, as he moves toward his death, stares into the darkness and says: Well, can’t you do something to stop this? “Let this cup pass from me.” On the cross he asks, “Why have you abandoned me?” And those things have always been profoundly difficult for Christians to get their mind around but also profoundly important in helping us see that Jesus’ humanity is real. It’s as three-dimensional as ours. And also, when we feel those dark moments of rebellion, we’re not alone. Those words have been spoken by the son of God himself, so don’t be too surprised. As St. John of the Cross says in one of his works: Don’t imagine that God is going to make things so much easier for you than they were for Jesus.

Wehner: It sounds like what you’re saying is God is elusive but deeply present.

Williams: Deeply present, yes. Absolutely that, and I love the Jewish image of the divine glory, the Shekinah, being present everywhere in the world but present as if it were a beggar in the street, as if scattered, exiled, obscure. Yet around every corner is this presence, this insistent reminder.

Wehner: Early in my Christian journey, I was struck by the exchange that Jesus had with Thomas, when Jesus told Thomas, after Thomas asked for evidence, “Blessed are those who haven’t seen and believed.” I thought, “Now, why is that? Why would it be better to believe not having seen?” I was never fully able to answer that question, but I came to understand that there was something in the nature of faith that was important to God, that Kierkegaard’s leap of faith meant something to him.

Williams: It’s a real theme in St. John’s Gospel, isn’t it? Because it’s not only the story of St. Thomas but also earlier on, at the Last Supper, when Jesus says, “It is expedient for you that I go away,” as if Jesus is saying, “If I stay around, it’ll be all too easy for you to be comfortable with the assurance of the love of God and the healing power of God that I have embodied for you. But actually, for you to be open to the full range and depth of what God is going to give through the life of the Holy Spirit, then you’ve got to let go of having me around as a best friend. It’s more than that.”

“The point of my going away is that immeasurably more will open up. If I don’t go, the Holy Spirit won’t come,” says Jesus, in effect. “If you cling to me as a human friend, a warm presence, that’s not it.” There’s a joy and a fullness beyond that.

That’s the good news. The bad news is that in order to open up to that fullness, you’ve got to let go of pretty well everything you think makes you feel better, which is why Christian spirituality has a very complicated relationship to joy and fulfillment. It’s all about joy and fulfillment, and it’s all about the fact that joy and fulfillment, if they’re real, if they’re durable, cost you.

Wehner: You’ve debated some of the most prominent New Atheists, as they were referred to some 15 years ago. One of them is the evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins. What do you think they might have missed in their understanding of faith or of God?

Williams: It’s been an interesting experience, being in debate with Richard, with others like A.C. Grayling and Philip Pullman. I always learn from those encounters, and I have respect and affection for them. I think what’s missing sometimes is precisely that sense that when we talk about God, we’re not just talking about a thing or a person, in the sense of an individual. As a Christian, I believe in God as Trinity. I believe in God as an interweaving of personal agencies, the love and mutuality of what we call the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. In that sense, I’m not saying I believe in an impersonal God. Far from it.

But very often the God who’s being attacked and questioned by the Dawkinses and the Graylings and the Pullmans of this world is a God I don’t believe in, either: an individual who sits in the remote parts of the universe and treats the rest of the universe as an intriguing hobby for himself, rather than the God who is much more like the ocean that soaks through everything that is and yet is infinitely beyond it.

I found recently in the work of a 17th-century Welsh Catholic writer, Augustine Baker, a wonderful image: that the soul without God, the soul cut off from God, is like a whale stuck in a pond. It longs for the ocean, he said. It can’t be in the depths where it belongs. Now, I don’t hear very much of that sense in the New Atheists. They come up with all sorts of very neat and, as far as they go, perfectly rational arguments about how difficult it is to believe in some chap out there in midspace.

I want to say, “Well, yeah. I have no interest in a chap out there in outer space, none at all.” But I am quite interested in what the infinite, unconditioned life of generosity is within which I and everything else live. And I have every interest in the story of how that life astonishingly comes to fruition in the middle of our history in the life of Jesus. Now, that’s something I do think I can spend my life thinking and praying about and something that transfigures the horizons in which we live.

So the old chestnut about talking about the existence of God is like saying, “Well, there’s a chocolate teapot infinitely circling the earth, and it happens to be invisible and intangible and incapable of offering any evidence at all for its presence, and I still believe in it.” Well, no. Open a page of St. Augustine or George Herbert or T.S. Eliot or Dostoyevsky, and chocolate teapot doesn’t quite do the work there.

Wehner: It sounds like you reject the God of the New Atheists but your God is not their God.

Williams: Indeed, and there’s a very interesting paper by a French writer, Olivier Clément. He was a convert to Russian Orthodoxy, and back in the late ’60s he wrote a very interesting essay called “Purification by Atheism,” in which he said, long before the age of Dawkins and the others: When people talk about the death of God, when people talk about the impossibility of belief, one thing we might say in response is, “Well, thank God, you’ve been delivered from a particular kind of idolatry in mythology. Thank God, you’ve broken through the chocolate teapot level and realized that it’s much more exciting than that.”

Wehner: Let me ask you an interpretive question related to Christianity. How would you recommend Christians think about situations in which they’re convinced the Bible is teaching something that their moral conscience would otherwise say is horrifying? For example, the slaughter of the Canaanites, including children and other innocents, or God predestining people before time to eternal conscious torment.

Many American evangelicals argue that our moral consciences are fundamentally flawed and often unreliable and therefore we have to let the Bible shape our moral consciences rather than the other way around. Their view, as I understand it, is 1) the Bible, inerrant and infallible, clearly teaches these things and 2) human beings are in no position to question any action of God. They’d much rather have God’s revelation — or what they believe to be God’s revelation — be the source of what they consider to be true and good. They don’t want to rely on human logic or moral intuition, even if God’s revelation seems to endorse genocide or God creating individuals predestined to experience unceasing agony. What problem, if any, do you see with this fairly widely accepted approach to the Bible and moral reasoning?

Williams: I’m familiar with the approach, and I’ve come across it in parts of my own church from time to time. The problem that strikes me is that it takes the Bible completely out of any sort of human context, as if the Bible had fallen from heaven as a self-contained unit, as if it were exactly like what the Quran claims to be. But the Quran, of course, is radically different. The Quran was composed in one short period and proclaims itself to be direct revelation. The Bible doesn’t seem to work like that. The Bible is the accumulation of what you might call the interaction of God with a succession of human societies.

Within the Bible itself, you have little bits that are in tension with one another. To take one of my favorite examples: You have God apparently telling Elisha to go and anoint a new king for Israel, Jehu, and to overthrow the dynasty of Ahab, and there’s a blood bath that follows. And then, at the beginning of the book of Hosea, a century or so after that, you have a statement essentially that that blood bath was an offense in the eyes of God.

So you have already — and this is the really important thing — you have the self-critical element within Scripture. The one thing you don’t have is a revelation you can grasp hold of and say, “Now I can weaponize this against whoever I choose.”

Now, that means if you read the Bible as it stands — literally, if you like — what you have is a painful, protracted conversation on who the God is that is engaging with you. There are moments where you will draw radically mistaken conclusions from that.

There are also moments where you can see a continuity you hadn’t expected. I love the idea that the Book of Ruth was written as a pushback against an excessively exclusive racial policy in the Judaism of the postexilic period, where somebody said: All right. You may be very unhappy with the Jews returning from exile and marrying the people of the land. But don’t forget that King David’s great-grandmother was a Moabite.

Even within the New Testament, you can see the gradual emergence of a recognition that this new community doesn’t work by quite the same standards and quite the same protocols as the Jewish world. It’s continuous, but it’s also fresh. What does that mean? You have sometimes the painfully difficult language of antisemitic hatred that appears in pages of the New Testament. At the same time, you have in St. Paul the clear affirmation: Well, I’m proud to be Jewish, and the future of the world is somehow connected with the history that begins with Jews, and don’t forget it.

So a process is always going on, a lively exchange, a discovery over time. Now, I think that is how to read the Bible literally, and I think that is quite consistent with saying the Bible is the Word of God, in the sense that the Bible tells us what God needs us to know. And looked at as a whole, it says what we need to know is that we are made freely by God, in God’s image. That we are from the very first moment of being made in God’s image also capable of an almighty train crash of misunderstanding and misrepresentation. Our massive misinterpretation of who God is and what God is up to doesn’t frustrate the purpose of God. God is faithful. Any Jew would say that. A Christian would add that faithfulness is embodied once and for all in the event where the worst thing possible is done to the incarnate representative of God and God is not defeated by it — the cross and the Resurrection.

Now, I think that gives you quite a bit to go on, and I think it does indeed shape a moral perspective on things. What it doesn’t do is say anything and everything that is described in Scripture as good must be accepted as good and anything that Scripture describes as bad has to be accepted as bad — never mind the context, never mind the place it holds the unfolding story that I’ve mentioned. I just don’t think it can be quite that simple.

That’s not putting our values or our principles in the place of the will of God. It’s much more saying: Let the whole of that story shape my principles and my vision. Because when that happens, I don’t see that it’s consistent to believe in a God who deliberately endorses genocide, a God who deliberately creates people for damnation. Is that the God who is at work in the story of faithfulness, the story of a constant radical reclaiming of the human world through compassion and absolution, the God of Jesus?

So, yes, I think the idea that we just park our instinctive moral reactions and accept what the Bible says is a travesty. And I would use that strong a word, because of course, our moral instincts are faulty, but they’re faulty because they are self-protective, self-serving, idolatrous, short term, based on fictional views of who we are and what we are. Yes, they’re faulty in all sorts of ways. But when I say I can’t imagine God commanding genocide, then my inability to believe that God commands genocide is precisely not a failing to do with my selfishness or my idolatry. I think it’s the beginnings of a sense of where the true God is at work and where he isn’t.

So I want us to read the Bible again and again. I want us to read it literally and closely and intensely and prayerfully and to read it as a whole and not just to say, “It’s a sort of monolithic block.” It’s much more interesting, much more challenging, much more transformative if we can get into the conversation that the Bible embodies.

Wehner: It sounds like what you’re saying is that the Bible is both the Word of God and a dialectic and that God has invited human beings into the process in an intimate way beyond simply being transcribers.

Williams: Absolutely, yes. Because of course, if you say that the whole of the Bible is the Word of God, then you are saying that, for example, the passionate protests against God that you find in the Book of Job are the Word of God. That the Psalms — where the psalmist says: Where are you? What are you doing? I can’t come to you. Are you deaf? — that’s the Word of God. The words of protest and pushback against God, that’s also what God wants you to know. He wants us to hear: It’s all right to express that anguish and frustration. Don’t panic. I’m not going to go away because you shout at me.

3. The Jesus Who Never Stops Asking Questions

Wehner: The theologian David Bentley Hart said that he finds Jesus to be “infinitely compelling.” Hart says he finds the Christian religion is “a dogmatic and institutional reality” secondary and even marginal to his faith. It’s the person of Jesus, “the presence of God in time,” he finds impossible to abandon. I wonder if you could talk about what aspects of Jesus you might find infinitely compelling.

Williams: Let’s begin with Jesus as a storyteller. One of the things that people seem to have remembered about Jesus is that he told extremely good stories and stories which left you with an enormous agenda of self-discovery. So with the great classical stories like the good Samaritan and the prodigal son, you are left not with a neat answer to the question. You are left with a question to you: Who do you identify with? Where do you stand in this? And what are you going to do? Are you going to be the sort of person who resents the generosity shown to another, like the elder brother in the prodigal son? Are you going to be the sort of person who finds a good religious excuse for not crossing the road to attend to suffering?

So the first thing that strikes me is that the compelling distinctiveness of Jesus has a great deal to do with the stream of powerful, disturbing stories which put you on the spot, which make you ask: So who am I? Where am I? And do I know who I am yet?

The second thing is — it’s an odd thing to say about the figure of Jesus in the Gospels, but I’ve always been struck by it — from time to time there’s a deep impatience in Jesus: How can I make this clear to you? You’re an unfaithful generation. He bursts out in exasperation at the disciples. Do you understand nothing? Even in exasperation of the crowds. Jesus said: You’re all looking for miracles.

In a strange way, I feel that’s a rather compelling aspect of the story of Jesus. There’s more going on in him than he can express, and sometimes it kind of bursts out. And when I think of what the divinity of Jesus means in that context, one of the signs of it is that feeling he’s got more to say than human language can carry. As he says in St. John’s Gospel, “I have many things to say to you, but you cannot bear them now.”

And it’s almost as if Jesus goes to the cross saying: The only way of telling you what the love of God is like is to absorb this monumental violent injustice and show you that God is not crushed by it.

Not words but the act of redemptive self-giving. The image I’ve sometimes used, especially with St. Mark’s Gospel, is it’s almost as if you’re looking at a Jesus who stands at the mouth of an enormous dark cave. Behind is a mystery you can’t get at and express. He’s trying to tell you something about it, and it doesn’t always come through. But it comes through finally in the act and the suffering rather than in the words. And that I’m completely compelled and haunted by.

But on top of that, the more obvious things — the instinctive compassion for the rejected and the forgotten — and the deeper tension when people come for healing and Jesus turns to them and says: So what do you want me to do? You have to say it. You have to tell me. It’s as if he’s saying: Step out. Let me know where the pain is. Let me into that.

I find it so deeply moving that he doesn’t wave a wand. He attends. He spends the time. And of course, famously in the story of the woman taken in adultery where he, in effect, enacts an enormous joke. Addressing professional teachers of the law, you could paraphrase his response: So you are very keen to uphold the standards of the law, right? You’re clear the law says such behavior is sin. So fine, go ahead. If you’re confident that you deserve better from God than this person does, just go ahead. I’ll watch.

And that profoundly convincing and compelling moment when nobody quite has the nerve to say: I deserve a reward from God. And they all drift away. You have that almost comical moment where Jesus looks up from doodling on the ground in the dust and says: Oh, have they all gone? It’s one of those moments which to my mind just shines through with a sense of the eyewitness recollection of something very, very unusual.

Wehner: You mentioned Jesus entering into the pain of others. I want to ask a question about Rowan Williams entering into the pain of others. You’re a renowned scholar, but you’re also known as a man with a pastor’s heart. So I want to ask you this: When you’ve pastored people in the midst of grief — a terminal diagnosis, the death of a dream, the death of a child — what have you found is most helpful for them to receive from you? Is it something you say? Some perspective you can offer? Or perhaps it’s mainly your presence, listening to them, weeping with them, reassuring them, even giving them the space to rage at God. So what does it mean for you to be a minister of the Gospel in those moments?

Williams: The main thing is always accompaniment. You’re not there to answer questions at the theoretical level. You are there to try to embody the God who is not going away. And that does mean sometimes sticking through times when people rage not only against God but against the church, against you personally. And the challenge is: Can you take a deep breath and absorb that as some kind of sign that God is not to be written out of this encounter, this event, and God will not turn his back?

And that’s hard. It’s hard in individual pastoral terms at times because you’d quite like people to go away saying, “Oh, he was so helpful.” And when people say, as occasionally they do, “Well, that’s no help to me at all,” you just have to digest that.

But it’s also something about the church, isn’t it? Because people rage at the church, and I don’t blame them. They rage about its history of exclusion of various kinds of people. They rage about its record on child abuse. They rage about its wealth, its indifference, all sorts of things. And here am I, ordained in the church. So I’m part of that system against which they’re raging. And it’s not part of my job to say, “Oh, it’s not as bad as you think,” but to say, “Yep, it’s pretty bad. And the only thing I can tell you is that we’re still here not because we’re succeeding but because God is present.”

What the church does is not to point to itself as an example of impeccable behavior and triumph and success but to point to the faithfulness of God who won’t let go of even this very unpromising human material. So all of that somehow comes into this business of accompanying, accepting the pain and the anger and trying not to be crushed by it.

Wehner: That’s very moving.

If faith was not a part of your life, how would Rowan Williams be different? And I mean as a person, not vocationally, what part of you that is essential to who you are would be missing? And would the world be less enchanting to you without your faith?

Williams: I certainly believe that the world would be less exciting without my faith. I’ve been blessed with so many examples of people whose faith has, as I said right at the beginning, enlarged and enriched what I see and what I sense.

But what would be different about me? The main thing that came to my mind was I think I’m very much a perfectionist, in the sense that I like to think that I’m doing well, that I can polish my image successfully. And I can be very unforgiving of myself when I get that wrong.

And I think, without faith, that would have made my life even less edifying than it is. I’d have been trapped in that mixture of self-punishing and self-aggrandizing that is so easy to slip into. I aim at a polished self-image, and at the same time, I’m brutally unforgiving of myself if that doesn’t work and unforgiving of others who make it difficult for me.

There are personalities around us, even in some very high places, who seem to be trapped in something of that kind of hall of mirrors. And I guess I would be much more trapped in that without faith, with how to manage the reality of failure, the reality of having to start again, the reality of knowing one’s limitations, the reality of needing to be forgiven.

Wehner: When people have asked me about faith, I’ve said it’s almost as if you’re dropping food coloring into water. It changes everything. It’s not compartmentalized. Over time you may not even be aware how you’re different. So when you think of the question “How would I be different without my faith?” in some respects you think very little would be different, and in other respects you think everything would be different.

Williams: Everything would be different. Yes, that’s right. That’s right.

Wehner: It’s the prism, I think, through which people of faith see things.

Williams: Interesting, isn’t it? That we turn to these images of life in the water, like the whale in the pond once again. Everything’s different if the whale is in the ocean.

Wehner: When you think about your vast work over the course of your life, which traverses so many disciplines and genres, what are the unifying themes? What are some of the things you’ve most wanted to convey to others?

Williams: What I’ve most wanted to convey, I suppose, is that sense of the enrichment just around the corner of your vision, the perspective of that eternally overflowing source of love and mercy and how that lights up everything. I’d like people to see the world afresh. I suppose that’s why my other vocation, if you like, as a poet, has come in there. And I see what I do as a poet and what I do as a theologian or a preacher as absolutely bound up. I’ve been — I still am, to some extent — an academic theologian. I preach regularly. I write poems. They’re all about this new landscape, trying to get people into a new landscape. And if anything that I’ve said or done has somehow kept the door open to the depth and the richness of that new landscape, then I might not have been wasting my time.

Wehner: Well, you’ve helped a lot of people keep a lot of doors open through your life and ministry. So thanks for doing that, and thanks for doing the interview. It was moving and enlightening — and helpful to me on a personal level.

Williams: Thank you very much."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJhJFdZGbFo">
    <title>How the Media Makes You More AFRAID of Crime - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-08T18:54:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJhJFdZGbFo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“It was really clear that societies that had more equality and more access to housing and health care and education had lower levels of violence… I was seeing every single day in jail cell after jail cell with people sleeping on top of each other and feces and blood and mucus and mold and urine and being beaten and being deprived of medical care, other people making huge amounts of money off of all of that.”

Civil rights lawyer Alec Karakatsanis speaks with Zeteo’s political correspondent, Prem Thakker on the relationship between mainstream media and mass incarceration — diving into how the news inflates crime more than necessary. He also discusses what copaganda is and how inequality in society leads to police violence.

CHAPTERS:
00:00 Intro
00:42 What is copaganda?
04:02 ‘The Bad Apple’ in cops and community
09:45 How the media inflates crime
16:51 Societies with more equality have lower levels of violence
19:55 No context in mainstream news"]]></description>
<dc:subject>aleckarakatsanis premthakker police policing copaganda propaganda crime fear fearmongering media news mainstreammedia safety badapples violence inequality equality marginalization wagetheft homelessness taxevasion shoplifting airpollution homicide health healthcare medicine society us law legal criminaljusticesystem journalism moralpanic walgreens isolation loneliness povery toxicity prisons lawenforcment policy poverty housing socialharm publicsafety injustice justice votingrightsact deception power reporting punishment bail ada medialiteracy prisonindustrialcomplex lawenforcement psychology sociology socisety education earlychildhoodeducation childcare data research cause causation jails mistreatment deprivation profits destruction evidence well-being wellbeing misinformation disinformation context</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:df072123d104/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/even-a-grain-of-sand-deserves-justice/">
    <title>Even A Grain Of Sand Deserves Justice</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-06T18:52:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/even-a-grain-of-sand-deserves-justice/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Imagine the potential of a justice theory that includes the more-than-human — animal, vegetable, elemental and mineral — as worthy subjects of justice."]]></description>
<dc:subject>morethanhuman multispecies justice 2025 environment ecology animals plants elements minerals christinewinter indigeneity indigenous earth time biodiversity nonhuman injustice planet anthropocene nature</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:212768d1c3c4/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk">
    <title>Steven Salaita's Reflections on the Downward Spiral of US Empire &amp; the Fate of the Western Academy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T00:20:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode Steven Salaita will return for a conversation about two of his recent lectures/essays which touch on US imperial decline, the western academy, and the genocidal war on the Palestinian people and children of Gaza. We will also discuss the challenges of behaving ethically in a society that rewards subservience to power, and that power is based on unmitigated violence against the oppressed and dispossessed. 

One piece The Meaning of Honesty in Academe was delivered as the 2025 James Baldwin Memorial Lecture at UMass Amherst on April 16th: 
transcript: https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/
video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y 

and the other "No Resurrection: The Life and Death of the Modern University" was delivered at Villanova on April 14th: https://stevesalaita.com/no-resurrection-the-life-and-death-of-the-modern-university/

This is our 5th conversation with Dr. Steven Salaita since Tufan Al-Aqsa. To check out the others, view our playlist:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBj8KHKHvws6Yh9i95yz4s-Alu4UltG7F "]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 makc stevensalaita jaredware us imperialism palestine gaza israel society power violence oppression dispossession genocide ethniccleansing academia highered highereducation colleges universities education war surveillance zionism antizionism repression donaldtrump civilrights civilliberties freespeech academicfreedom institutions liberation freedom aoc alexandriaocasio-cortez bds boycott diverstment sanctions democrats liberalism liberals resistance avoidance westbank occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization zionsim fear ideology haiti hawaii kashmir socialization discourse suppression criticalthinking ferguson protest protesting injustice race racism history edwardsiad fredhampton impunity capitalism inequality socialjustice corporations corporatism management administration celebrities politicians electorpolitics markruffalo kneecap self-preservation consequences careerism conformity complicity precarity solidarity individualism socialism pragmatism compliance rulingclass immiseration ant</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://futuress.org/stories/feeling-the-museum/">
    <title>Feeling the Museum: Towards Multi-sensory Mediation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-16T01:01:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://futuress.org/stories/feeling-the-museum/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How dominant practices rooted in ableism exclude tactile knowledge and Blind perception in museums."]]></description>
<dc:subject>museums senses tactile access accessibility disabilities disability blind perception liliankorner 2025 design vision visuallyimpaired sight discrimination art juhanipallasmaa knowledge marginalization injustice disabilityjustice accessriders</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thefunambulist.net/editorials/acsa-cancellation-of-792-jae-issue-on-palestine-letter-by-the-theme-editors">
    <title>ACSA Cancellation of 79:2 JAE Issue on Palestine: Letter by the Theme Editors - THE FUNAMBULIST MAGAZINE</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-01T05:21:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thefunambulist.net/editorials/acsa-cancellation-of-792-jae-issue-on-palestine-letter-by-the-theme-editors</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["March 17, 2025

Open Letter to the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture (ACSA)

RE. ACSA Cancellation of 79:2 Journal of Architectural Education (JAE) issue on Palestine

To the ACSA Board of Directors,

We came together as concerned editors to reflect on and respond to Israel’s genocidal onslaught against Palestinians in Gaza. To do otherwise, to remain silent about this gruesome, live streamed historical injustice and to fail to address its profound implications for theory and practice would amount to complicity and willful ignorance on our part. 

With our call for papers now erased from the pages of JAE, it is worth reinstating the aims of the Palestine issue. With JAE’s 79:2 we sought to think with, from and in relation to Palestine to reflect on the global reverberations and social, political, economic, environmental implications of this historical juncture for design, research, and education in architecture. For more than a century, Palestine has been at the receiving and initiating ends of imperial and zionist formations of racial capitalism, settler colonialism, apartheid and genocide. In this moment of exceptional visibility, with wars, militarism, repression and authoritarianism ravaging communities and spaces the world over, our call invited contributions to consider and document architectural and spatial tools that participate in or are complicit in such formations. It also welcomed research on life-affirming infrastructures and resistance practices that refuse the political architectures of annihilation, containment, fragmentation, erasure, and designed uninhabitability. We also encouraged work to reflect on Palestine’s position in internationalist, decolonial constellations that shape geographies of shared struggle and futurities of abolition, freedom and liberation. 

We were dismayed but not surprised to hear about the ACSA Board’s decision to cancel the Palestine issue. It was not that long ago that the ACSA summoned a meeting, where we and JAE Editorial Board members were expected to respond to a diatribe of questions concerning our call for papers. This inquisitorial gathering, let us remember, included queries such as ‘Does the call imply that Israel does not have a legitimate claim to its existence?’, ‘Does the language of the call communicate that wider constructive perspectives on the current conflict, historically or otherwise, are welcome?.’ Or ‘What were the editorial board’s conversations around reflections on settler colonialism or genocidal campaigns as more global and historically nuanced issues?’ and ‘Where is the acknowledgement of the role of Hamas or other organizations furthering conflict and violence in the region?’. Despite our protests of the anti-Palestinian nature of this line of interrogation, ACSA President Cathi Ho Schar proceeded to verbally ask us these questions as if they deserved answers. The ACSA Executive Committee did eventually apologise for this embarrassing and frankly demeaning exercise. We are, however, still puzzled about the unknown “external focus group”, and its role in the formulation of these questions after the board circulated our call in what can only be described as a shocking, unprofessional and unprecedented interference in the functions of JAE’s editorial board. Nevertheless, the timeline of ACSA’s interventions throughout this ordeal speaks for itself about the ACSA board’s subjacent intentions all along. 

What is extraordinary is that the board’s decision to cancel the issue has been made without having read a single contribution or without consulting with us first. In other words, this act of censorship was not grounded in an informed decision about content, but was rather a preemptive attempt to solely silence and suppress knowledge production on Palestine. Along the way the board dismissed McLain Clutter, the JAE Interim Executive Editor, for refusing to implement your censorship decision. You also disparaged the labor and love of nearly a hundred scholars engaged as contributors, reviewers, and editors, particularly from the diligent, committed and professional editorial team of JAE. With more than 80 contributions, the issue was in advanced stages of review and publication.

Caving to external pressures, the ACSA chose a cowardly act of censorship rather than standing up for your organisation’s values at a critical time when at stake are fundamental principles of academic freedom, freedom of speech, and the production and circulation of knowledges that speak truth to power. This decision comes at a time of increasing governmental and institutional repression of students and staff in North America and Europe, who are articulating dissenting voices and organising against structural violence. The ACSA leadership has sacrificed the work of its peers and the values of its organisation and in doing so, it has fed into the frenzied atmosphere of a violently expanding anti-Palestinian racism and many other social injustices that have gripped all levels of Western society. They might also have assumed that we, the JAE’s editorial board, and the ACSA membership, together with other scholars and activists, would remain indifferent to this affront and dangerous precedent. 

The cancellation of 79:2 marks a before and after in the history of the ACSA. This issue was not just about Palestine. It was a volume that galvanised the concerns and interests of a community of scholars grappling with the current political moment and preoccupied with documenting, recording and reflecting on the actors, logics, processes, forces and impacts of colonial and genocidal spatialities to help us think about abolitionist, liberatory and decolonial architectural futures. It is genuinely appalling that a professional organisation that asserts to be a reference in architectural education and claims to be preparing future architects, designers, and change agents – based on principles of equity and social justice through research, scholarship and creative practice – has shown such moral failings and disregard for professionalism, transparency and disconnection with reality in these pressing times.

We, the editors of the Palestine issue, stand in solidarity with the JAE Editorial Board in their collective resignation, and rejoin their letter and demands to call on the ACSA Board of Directors to immediately commit to a transparent review of the processes and policies that led to this violation of academic freedom. We also call on architects, urbanists, planners, geographers, allied scholars, and other social scientists concerned with spatialities of injustice and liberation, to write and urge the ACSA to correct its course, and to reconsider their affiliation with the organization and participation in their programs. 

Let us emphasise this again. This is not exclusively a Palestine issue or concern, this is about standing against the silencing and criminalisation of knowledges that engage with colonised, racialised and precarious communities organising liberatory geographies at the center and in the peripheries during our late fascist times. While there has been a decades, if not centuries-long, war against anti-colonial knowledges, the recent intensification of attacks presents an opportunity not for complacency or preemptive obedience but for a strategic intellectual resistance and defense of our best chances at building free and just futures. As demonstrated by the recent abductions and deportation attempts by ICE of Mahmoud Khalil, Leqaa Kordia, and Ranjani Srinivasan, capitulation to repressive campaigns which attempt to silence student movements further intensify the risks we face as a community of scholars. Columbia is not the exception, and nor are attacks against Palestinians. Progressive voices in other campuses will be next on the list of governmental and retrograde forces that intend to destroy higher education.

Despite the egregious attempts at censorship across state, educational, research and cultural institutions, we will continue to stand in support of knowledge production and circulation about and for freedom and liberation struggles in Palestine and beyond. We urge the ACSA executive committee to come to its senses, stand on the right side of history, and repair the damage done to JAE, the ACSA and the broader community of students and scholars which will be impacted by these cowardly and racist measures.

The JAE 79:2 Palestine Issue Theme Editors
Nick Estes, Nora Akawi, Omar Jabary Salamanca, Zoé Samudzi
endorsed by the former 2025 JAE Editorial Board

To support the letter and join the JAE in our demands, sign here

Image by Amal Al-Nakhala"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AFaucLXi_ag">
    <title>Reconsidering Reparations - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-01T02:41:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AFaucLXi_ag</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò for a conversation with Ash-Lee Woodard Henderson to celebrate the release of the new paperback edition of Reconsidering Reparations.

A clear, new case for reparations as a “constructive,” future-oriented project that responds to the weight of history’s injustices with the equitable distribution of benefits and burdens. Centuries ago, Táíwò explains, European powers engineered the systems through which advantages and disadvantages still flow. Colonialism and transatlantic slavery forged schemes of injustice on an unprecedented scale, a world order he calls “global racial empire.” The project of justice must meet the same scope.

Táíwò’s analysis not only discourages despair, it demands global resistance. Reconsidering Reparations suggests policies, goals, and organizing strategies. And it leaves readers with clear and powerful advice: act like an ancestor. Do what we can to shape the world we want our moral descendants to inherit, and have faith that they will continue the long struggle for justice. This understanding, Táíwò shows, has deep roots in the thought of Black political thinkers such as James Baldwin, Martin Luther King, Jr., Cedric Robinson, and Nkechi Taifa.

Reconsidering Reparations is a book with profound implications for our views of justice, racism, the legacies of slavery and colonialism, and climate change policy.

-----------------------------------------------------------

Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò is Associate Professor of Philosophy at Georgetown University and a fellow at the Climate and Community Institute. He is the author of the critically acclaimed book Elite Capture, a contributor to Greta Thunberg’s The Climate Book, and a past recipient of a Marguerite Casey Freedom Scholar fellowship. Táíwò’s public philosophy, including articles exploring intersections of climate justice and colonialism, has been featured in The Guardian, The New Yorker, The New Republic, The Nation, Boston Review, Dissent, Al Jazeera, Foreign Policy, Hammer & Hope (where he is a member of the Editorial Team). His writings have been translated into Brazilian Portuguese, French, German, Italian, and Korean, among other languages.

Ash-Lee Woodard Henderson is an Affrilachian (Black Appalachian) woman from the working class, born and raised in Southeast Tennessee. She is the first Black woman to serve as Co-Executive Director of Highlander Research & Education Center. As a member of leadership teams in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), Ash-Lee has contributed to the Vision for Black Lives and BREATHE Act. She has served on the governance council of the Southern Movement Assembly, the advisory committee of National Bailout Collective. She is a long-time activist who has worked in movements fighting for workers, for reproductive justice, LGBTQUIA+, environmental justice etc."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA">
    <title>Late Fascist Aesthetics [Katie Ebner-Landy]: A Theory of the Online Forum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-24T20:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When we think of “early fascist” aesthetics, we think of uniforms, visual symbols, and crowds. “Late fascist” aesthetics – though not without symbols and crowds – has another tool at its disposal: the online forum. Join us to examine the use of the online forum by the contemporary far right to move from fiction to reality in ways that other political aesthetics have long dreamed of."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/one-day-everyone-will-have-always">
    <title>One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This (with Omar El Akkad) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-20T00:05:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/one-day-everyone-will-have-always</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Egyptian-Canadian novelist and author Omar El Akkad reckons with the genocide in Gaza through personal stories of the past and analysis of the present in this episode of The Chris Hedges Report."

...

"To the West, the concept of the rules-based order functions either as a list on paper to be ignored, or a strict set of laws to be weaponized. Omar El Akkad, Egyptian-Canadian novelist and journalist, has witnessed many instances, both in the West and in the Middle East, where banners of virtue were used to justify hypocritical behavior. El Akkad details these stories in his new book, “One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This,” and he joins host Chris Hedges on this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss them.

In the West, El Akkad admits there is a tendency of including indigenous land acknowledgements at gatherings like literary festivals and while it may be honest, he argues it continues the same pattern of theft. “You steal land, you steal lives, and what's left to steal at the end but a narrative? The narrative that absolves all that came before,” he tells Hedges. This has always been the playbook of colonialism, he explains. “We can all be sorry afterwards.”

With regard to the genocide in Gaza, Western media brushes over the daily acts of brutality with “neutral,” unassuming language. Akkad recounts the description of children being killed as as bullets colliding with their bodies, and says “What [they’re] trying to do is give someone on the other side of the planet who has the privilege of looking away the language with which to look away without feeling a pang in their conscience,” El Akkad says.

Many in the West are quick to pillory resistance movements in places like Palestine, but resistance and the right and methods of resistance, El Akkad illustrates, belong to those under oppression and occupation. He explains:

<blockquote>“I have zero right to tell anybody anywhere who lives under occupation and injustice how to resist that occupation and that injustice. There is no acceptable form of resistance in the view of the institutions doing the oppressing. You engage in boycotts, that's economic terrorism. You try to march peacefully, you are shot with the intent to kill and or maimed. You boycott cultural institutions, you are being illiberal. You take up arms, you are a terrorist, and you will be wiped out. All you can do is die. That is your only acceptable form of resistance.”</blockquote>"

...

"I think one of the more difficult parts of this book, and I talked about it a little bit as a sort of self interrogation, I don't think you can write this kind of book and not contend with the many things you are, including some things that I'm not particularly proud of. And one of those interrogations has to do with this notion of how I describe myself. I describe myself as a pacifist, as a fairly committed proponent of nonviolence. But I have the privilege of saying those words in a relative vacuum, a vacuum created by the fact that I live on the launching end of the bombs. I live within the heart of the empire. And so two things come into clarity that I wish hadn't, but being as though they have, I need to address them. The first is my right to tell anybody under a state of occupation how to resist that occupation, which is no right at all. I have zero right to tell anybody anywhere who lives under occupation and injustice how to resist that occupation and that injustice. Particularly when there is no acceptable form of resistance in the view of the institutions doing the oppressing. You engage in boycotts, that's economic terrorism. You try to march peacefully, you are shot with the intent to kill and or maimed. You boycott cultural institutions, you are being illiberal. You take up arms, you are a terrorist, and you will be wiped out. All you can do is die. That is your only acceptable form of resistance. So first of all, I have absolutely no right to tell anybody how to resist their occupation or a state of injustice. But second, I can sit here and I can tell you how committed I am to nonviolence. And I can believe that fully. But by virtue of the society I live in, by virtue of what my tax dollars are being used to do, I am one of the most violent human beings on earth. And I can't simply brush that away and say, hey, I haven't thrown a punch since I was 15 years old, I'm fully committed to non-violence. I am part of a society that exercises great industrial violence. And at the very least, I should acknowledge that. And that makes it much, much more difficult to then go around parading my views about how violence debases us all. Sure, it does, but I am actively engaged in it right now. That has been a very difficult thing to contend with and I wish I had a sort of easy wraparound answer for it, but I don't."

...

"[W]hat I am no longer interested in is love as a form of institutional camouflage. I'm no longer interested in that. I'm no longer interested in stories that talk about how everything was great at the end after all the bad stuff happened. I am interested in that active form of love that is trying to stop the bad thing from happening right now. And I'm seeing so many examples of it and it is the one thing keeping me going. I'm a deeply, I'm not a particularly strong person. I'm a deeply weak person and I need that kind of inspiration. And I am getting it daily from people who are much stronger than me and who are engaged in the kind of love that matters more than any other, I think."

[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vPI0RmTKCYk ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>omarelakkad us empire imperialism 2025 chrishedges genocide gaza palestine israel language liberalism resistance barbarism ethniccleansing colonialism colonization guantanamo hypocrisy conservatism conseervatives racism whitesupremacy barbarity exceptionalism iraq libya settlercolonialism qatar egypt lingusiticviolence violence rhetoric media policy afghanistan mainstreammedia dehumanization obfuscation christopherhitchens witness journalism reporting society atrocities euphemisms guilt jaredkushner migrants immigration duplicity precision opacity noamchomsky kamalaharris joebiden donaldtrump arabworld terrorism narrative solidarity rashaabdulhadi benjaminnetanyahu context decontextualization landacknowledgements laylilongsoldier dispossession displacement underclass class privilege erasure exploitation invisibilization nonexistence externalization lookingaway evangershkovich ukraine russia pacifism nonviolence occupation apartheid history billcflinton centrism love jamescone malcolmx injustice noorhindi clim</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/what-makes-a-person-poor-and-what-should-we-do-about-it">
    <title>What makes a person poor and what should we do about it? | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-13T18:53:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/what-makes-a-person-poor-and-what-should-we-do-about-it</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By understanding the pernicious myths surrounding poverty, we can make progress towards a lofty goal: dignity for all"]]></description>
<dc:subject>poverty inequality 2025 anirudhkrishna society policy economics politics justice injustice humanrights</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b0e7cf7b80ff/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A0FcpyfE_BM">
    <title>The People vs. The Oligarchy: Varoufakis, Corbyn &amp; More on Europe’s Crisis and Palestine - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-11T06:13:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A0FcpyfE_BM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As Europe faces the rising tide of the far right, deepening economic injustice, and escalating global conflicts, the need for resistance has never been more urgent. How did we get here? And how can we fight back against austerity, war, and the rule of the few over the many?

In this powerful discussion, Yanis Varoufakis, Jeremy Corbyn, Brid Brennan (Transnational Institute), and Lucille Cornelius (DiEM25 Netherlands Spokesperson) take the stage in Amsterdam, moderated by DiEM25’s Davide Castro. Together, they expose the stark realities of our time and explore how we can reclaim democracy, justice, and peace.

🔴 Key Topics:

✅ The complicity of European leaders in global conflicts
✅ The devastating impact of neoliberalism and austerity
✅ Why NATO is a threat rather than a safeguard
✅ The war on the poor—from the Global South to the Global North
✅ The power of activism, workers, and movements to take back control

From the genocide in Gaza to the stranglehold of the military-industrial complex, these bold voices refuse to stay silent."]]></description>
<dc:subject>diem25 yanisvaroufakis jeremycorbyn bridbrennan 2025 europe eu farright rightwing germany holland france politics policy economics gaza palestine israel zionism antisemitism resistance austerity russia ukraine lucillecornelius davidecastro democracy socialjustice justice peace witness protest uk injustice conflict war greece portugal spain socialism capitalism banking finance inequality history southafrica northernireland ireland stockbuybacks greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis nato globalsouth globalnorth us donaldtrump activism work workers labor socialmovements genocide ethniccleansing militaryindustrialcomplex joebiden fascism sharebuybacks españa</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6fa04ed18705/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://helenbeetham.substack.com/p/the-dan-macquillan-episode">
    <title>The Dan MacQuillan episode - by Helen Beetham</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-17T18:23:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://helenbeetham.substack.com/p/the-dan-macquillan-episode</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode I talk to Dan MacQuillan, Lecturer in Creative Computing at Goldsmiths, and author of Resisting AI: an Anti-fascist Approach to Artificial Intelligence. I read this in 2022, as soon as it was published, and it remains for me one of the most vivid, provocative and relevant critiques of ‘artificial intelligence’ as a project. Here, Dan speaks about the continuities between today’s machine learning models and earlier projects of categorising and disciplining people. We discuss how education is implicated in these architectures and how educators might resist. Dan has been a star of podcasts with tens of thousands of listeners, so I am deeply grateful that he made time to talk to me on this first episode of Imperfect Offerings in sound.

Links

Dan’s home page: https://www.gold.ac.uk/computing/people/d-mcquillan/

Resisting AI: and Anti-Fascist Approach to Artificial Intelligence from Bristol University Press: https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/resisting-ai

Dan’s ‘other’ podcasts on Resisting AI: https://www.transformingsociety.co.uk/2023/07/17/the-extensive-and-unconventional-reach-of-dan-mcquillans-resisting-ai/

On Arendt’s diagnosis of ‘thoughtlessness’ as a feature and an enabler of fascism: https://danmcquillan.org/arendtandalgorithms.html

On AI colonialism and the likely impacts on the Global South: https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/12/17/ai-global-south-inequality/ or https://www.technologyreview.com/supertopic/ai-colonialism-supertopic/

On algorithmic states of exception: https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/11079/

Wikipedia article on the Situationists: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Situationist_International

And on Guy Debord’s Society of the Spectacle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Society_of_the_Spectacle

“All that was once directly lived has become mere representation”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>danmacquillan 2025 helenbeetham ai artificialintelligence computing education howweteach teaching highered highereducation resistance situationists colonialism aicolonialism colonization guydebord societyofthespectacle algorithms globalsouth hannaharendt generativeai fascism technology antifascism donaldtrump jdvance transparency opacity marginalization border borders productivity learning howeelearn criticalthinking summarization distraction bubbles aibubble computers generativity noise tools michelfoucault foucault power literacy medialiteracy continuity reductiveness labor work austerity neoliberalism economics politics policy thoughtlessness thinking howwethink decisionmaking decisions process reading howweread business outsourcing luddism luddites neouddites situationist kenknapp buereauofpublicsecrets polycrisis climatecrisis climatechange legitimacy globalwarming climate diversion crises artificialgeneralintelligence surrealists datacenters environment capitalism jeffbezos geoengineering amazon tesla t</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1958aeb46399/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/our-healthcare-system-a-reign-of">
    <title>Our Healthcare System, a Reign of Terror</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-14T23:25:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/our-healthcare-system-a-reign-of</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the question is not "was this act good?," the question is "why is your moral judgment only activated for certain kinds of victims?""

...

"And as someone who is plugged in to a lot of lefty networks, I see very very little in the way of explicit political justification for the killing. What most people are saying, in the realm of politics, is that a broken and cruel medical system is going to make people do crazy things; that the incident has helped reveal vast stores of discontent and rage towards that system among Americans, and not at all confined to lefties; and that the actually socially-relevant issues at hand now are much larger than this murder. Yes, he’s become a folk hero. But as Michelle Goldberg wisely notes, folk heroes are an “is” phenomenon, not an “ought” phenomenon. Should’s got nothing to do with it. And the fact that most establishment types are able to summon operatic compassion for the murdered CEO, but view those killed by our healthcare system only through an actuarial table, brings us to Mark Twain.

Twain’s statement above is taken from his novel A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court. That book shares a status with Gulliver’s Travels and Animal Farm and several others in that it’s primarily a satirical work now read by modern readers who almost all miss the satire but who still really enjoy the yarn. I haven’t read it since I was a teenager, so it’s particular placement in the text is a bit of a mystery to me now. But no matter. That paragraph is, to me, both an efficient summation of an essential element of left-wing theory and yet also not particularly ideological at all. The message is as simple as it appears: it is logically and morally bizarre that historical crimes, like some of the conduct in the French Revolution, evoke our continuing indignation, while the horrible conditions that inspired those acts don’t, even though they killed far more people. The number of innocent people mistreated, impoverished, starved, and killed thanks to the system imposed by the French monarchy, in the century before the first revolution, amounts to an injustice that absolutely dwarfs the combined evils of the Reign of Terror. And yet people still write big-think nonfiction books about the horrors of the revolution in which that far larger pile of bodies is referenced glancingly, if at all. People hit their heads and go to the hospital but decline to be scanned when they learn how much it’s going to cost them, then they go home, go to sleep, and never wake up because they had a brain bleed they couldn’t afford to have diagnosed. Stuff like that happens absolutely all the time. And each of those people are just as loved by their families as the United CEO. The vast silence our culture reserves for their fate demonstrates moral incoherence.

I say that this passage efficiently expresses fundamental left-wing perspectives because the left must constantly fight for public recognition of the unnecessary suffering and injustice brought on by The Way Things Work. I say that it’s not even ideological because Twain’s perspective is so eminently sensible; it’s nothing more than an assertion that moral logic should make sense, that the way average people respond to different kinds of suffering and death can’t be reconciled in any kind of comprehensible moral system. My comments here will light up with people saying that the Terror was made up of acts committed by people, decisions that were made, active choices, and the hunger and poverty and oppression weren’t chosen by anybody. But of course the monarchy and nobility were built by people making choices. Feudalism was built by people making choices. The French system was defended long after its fundamental evil was obvious, and that defense was mounted by people, making choices. So too with our healthcare system; it did not emerge ex nihilo but was built by profiteers who wanted to extract as much money as they could from sick people and is now defended by those who would like to go on extracting as much money as possible from sick people. Protected though they may be by many layers of bureaucracy and distributed culpability and a healthy dose of The Way Things Work, many are making individual choices that kill within that system. The question “Should a lone gunman kill CEOs?” is not a societally meaningful one; you will not find an establishment politician who will answer in the affirmative. “Why do we permit ‘death by slow fire at the stake’?” most certainly is a meaningful question.

Derek Thompson had an economist on his podcast and he defended the health insurance companies as mere cogs in an unhealthy system, saying that we don’t, as good economists, judge private companies for “profit maximization.” Of course, profit maximization results in things like a young woman being denied coverage for $8,000/month life-saving medication by her insurance company, leaving her totally powerless; that’s the sort of thing the insurance companies do every single day. A tenacious Penn State student had ulcerative colitis and, despite the fact that he and the university had paid their fair negotiated share in good faith, UnitedHealthCare denied him access to desperately-needed treatment. In their investigation into his story, ProPublica learned that executives there had openly laughed at him and mocked his efforts to actually use the health insurance he had paid into. When people die this way, that’s the murder wrought in heartless cold blood. And if the wonk types want to insist that we can’t morally judge the insurance companies for acting that way, that again is an example of decisions that we conveniently deny are decisions. That’s ideology. That’s the best interest of a particular economic class, expressed in choices that the powerful decide are not choices. But they are choices, and they invoke Twain’s undeniably powerful question: why should they be exempt from the same exact moral revulsion that people feel towards the murder wrought in hot passion?

Thank you, Obama, for bringing us a system where the working poor can choose a healthcare plan online that demands they pay a deductible of 3%, 4%, 5%, 6%, 7% of their gross income before they actually get any coverage, ensuring that they’ll never get any value from what they pay at all! Thank you Heritage Foundation!

Libertarians are all about opposition to coercion. Nobody’s forcing you to work in dangerous, exploitative, and demeaning workplaces! In a market system, you can do what you want. You’re free! But of course, if you have to work to eat and you have to eat to live then you have to work or die, and even those libertarians will tell you that putting a gun up to someone’s head and telling them to do what you want isn’t an exercise in freedom. The gun, I’m afraid, is always at our head if we have to eat to live, or to take medicine to live, and on and on. That’s where the “but that’s just reality!” stuff comes in. They pretend that the universe invented capitalism so that nobody can criticize it. That’s how you get to Yglesias Land, where there is no problem markets can’t fix, and if markets can’t fix a problem, we’re not allowed to call it a problem at all. But the fact that we have insisted that access to food must be restricted to those who can buy it in a market is a choice. That’s a decision, a human decision. It’s not nature. It’s not the hand of God. It’s a human choice with real and vast moral consequences. And the people who defend that system have their hands on the trigger. That’s just a fact.

Consider Ross Douthat’s capacious sympathy for the UnitedHealthcare CEO. That he feels that compassion is not a problem for me, and again, I think if you actually try to engage with what people are saying rather than to justify your preexisting culture war attitudes, you’ll find very few people of prominence on the left who are out there insisting that no one should feel human sympathy for the guy. The question, again, is who don’t you feel sympathy for, and why? Leave healthcare aside for a minute and consider other parts of the Second Terror, that lifelong death from hunger, cold, insult, cruelty, and heart-break. The kind of person who rides the subway day after day, brain addled by mental disease, emaciated and hungry, falling through the cracks of both conservative carceral politics and liberal do-goodism, sentenced by an indifferent judicial system to a program that could have saved his life, if that system bothered to enforce that sentence, was willing to lock the door. Douthat is a Christian; it’s hard to imagine someone more emblematic of the kind of person that Christ compelled us to care about than Jordan Neely. And yet….

I have already said what I need to say about Neely, and I still believe that the most important lesson to take from his story is that the structural resistance to involuntary commitment that liberals have inculcated is unspeakably cruel, that it kills. (Had the ward he was confined to by judge’s act been locked, he would be alive today; he lost his life for the price of a deadbolt, thanks to “disability activists.”) It remains the case that Daniel Penny did not need to kill him, and I wanted him convicted on at least some charge. Of course, conservatism being the home of moral lepers, Penny has been made into a folk hero who is celebrated with none of the complications or provisos or scolding that attends the lionization of Mangione. They make memes with Derek Chauvin driving his knee into Neely’s neck; I saw a screengrab of a video game where you press A to choke him to death. Neely was, indeed, serially violent, and against senior citizens to boot. That is just to say that actual severe mental illness is inherently ugly, cannot be cured with yoga, frequently provokes real violence, and the way decent people have drained it of any negative valence does nothing at all for the mentally ill. Neely was also one of society’s great victims as well as an aggressor, a person utterly unable to secure his own basic material survival, born poor, disturbed since early adolescence, emotionally dysregulated even before his murdered mother was found stuffed into a suitcase. The world handed him synthetic marijuana and easily-jumped subway turnstiles for his trouble. This would seem to be a good opportunity for conservatives to show that they can embrace law and order and advocate for someone like Penny while still finding some basic sadness over Neely’s death - but, well, they can’t. Because American conservatism isn’t a political movement, it’s a social club for shivering cretins.

I am trapped between liberals who summon compassion for Jordan Neely by lying about just how deeply broken he was and conservatives who refuse to summon compassion for him at all.

Either way, in Jordan Neely we truly see “that unspeakably bitter and awful Terror which none of us has been taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves,” a man who suffered as the thief on the cross suffered. Yet Douthat has not expressed any concern over Neely at all, none. Nor has Andrew Sullivan, another of our more prominent conservative Catholic writers. If only Neely had been a fetus. Why this silence? Well, I suppose the reason is that even those conservatives who work diligently to stay out of the MAGA fray can’t help but find themselves more animated by the shocking death of one CEO than by the endless drip-drip-drip of Jordan Neelys, helpless people trapped in a merciless system built by human choice and meant to serve the interests of only some humans. Conservatism, by its nature, cannot comprehend the Second Terror, cannot name it, must not name it. Because if conservatives could bring themselves to care about the coffins filled by that older and real Terror… well, they wouldn’t be conservatives at all. For Ross and Andrew specifically, about Jordan Neely specifically, I would only remind them of their bible’s most indispensable verse: that which you do to the least of my brothers, you do unto me. Your Christ has a place for him or he doesn’t. It’s up to you.

Since I was went public as someone with a serious mental illness, I have on a handful of occasions been asked to help with someone’s deteriorating partner or sibling or friend, to talk to someone dealing with a dangerous mental health episode or their loved ones and provide advice and encouragement for getting into care. Doesn’t happen often, but has happened often enough. It’s tough sledding. I don’t have any particular wisdom to share, I’m afraid, and the homespun kind you find in far too many mental illness memoirs is always fugazi. Besides, what works with one person doesn’t work on another. Ultimately those of us engaged in the effort to save someone’s life when they’re wracked with psychosis are helped most by the fact that psychotic people are, in some deep sense, desperately tired and looking for an excuse to give up. Unfortunately, as I said above, 60ish years of mental health libertarianism, smuggled in under the cover of “compassion” and the hippie movement, has made it far more difficult to ensure emergency psychiatric care than it should be. The good news is that, if there’s a genuinely motivated loved one and a patient who is not so far gone that they’re violent in the immediate term, you can usually convinced them to at least be evaluated. Keeping them in care is another story. Still, you often can get someone to agree to go see a psychiatrist, even someone very sick.

But, you see, thanks to our incredibly rotten system that’s only the first part, often the easier challenge. The next part is finding care for them so that they don’t bankrupt themselves, don’t ruin their post-psychosis life. If somebody’s an immediate danger to themselves and to others, well, you just get them to a hospital where a doctor will introduce them to Haldol and let the chips fall. But that’s not most patients. (This is a whole big ugly hard sad story, the mostly-psychotic-but-capable-of-decision-making story.) Most patients want help but are desperately afraid of taking on crippling medical debt. And after convincing a deeply sick person to seek care, and then sitting there watching them try to get it in our broken system… well, it’s as hopeless and heartbreaking a feeling as I’m aware of, and I watched both my parents die of cancer when I was a child. I’m sorry if that sounds like a cheap reference to personal trauma to you but I’m struggling to summon the words to make you understand what it feels like when you’ve successfully wrestled with a psychotic person for long enough that they’re willing to go get medical care and they can’t because the richest nation in the history of the world isn’t willing to give it to them."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["After a college student finally found a treatment that worked, the insurance giant decided it wouldn’t pay for the costly drugs. His fight to get coverage exposed the insurer’s hidden procedures for rejecting claims."]]></description>
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    <title>Ursula K. Le Guin — A Left-Handed Commencement Address</title>
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    <link>https://www.ursulakleguin.com/lefthand-mills-college</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["speech by Ursula K. Le Guin
delivered at Mills College, 1983

I want to thank the Mills College Class of ’83 for offering me a rare chance: to speak aloud in public in the language of women.

I know there are men graduating, and I don’t mean to exclude them, far from it. There is a Greek tragedy where the Greek says to the foreigner, “If you don’t understand Greek, please signify by nodding.” Anyhow, commencements are usually operated under the unspoken agreement that everybody graduating is either male or ought to be. That’s why we are all wearing these twelfth-century dresses that look so great on men and make women look either like a mushroom or a pregnant stork. Intellectual tradition is male. Public speaking is done in the public tongue, the national or tribal language; and the language of our tribe is the men’s language. Of course women learn it. We’re not dumb. If you can tell Margaret Thatcher from Ronald Reagan, or Indira Gandhi from General Somoza, by anything they say, tell me how. This is a man’s world, so it talks a man’s language. The words are all words of power. You’ve come a long way, baby, but no way is long enough. You can’t even get there by selling yourself out: because there is theirs, not yours.

Maybe we’ve had enough words of power and talk about the battle of life. Maybe we need some words of weakness. Instead of saying now that I hope you will all go forth from this ivory tower of college into the Real World and forge a triumphant career or at least help your husband to and keep our country strong and be a success in everything - instead of talking about power, what if I talked like a woman right here in public? It won’t sound right. It’s going to sound terrible. What if I said what I hope for you is first, if — only if — you want kids, I hope you have them. Not hordes of them. A couple, enough. I hope they’re beautiful. I hope you and they have enough to eat, and a place to be warm and clean in, and friends, and work you like doing. Well, is that what you went to college for? Is that all? What about success?

Success is somebody else’s failure. Success is the American Dream we can keep dreaming because most people in most places, including thirty million of ourselves, live wide awake in the terrible reality of poverty. No, I do not wish you success. I don’t even want to talk about it. I want to talk about failure.

Because you are human beings you are going to meet failure. You are going to meet disappointment, injustice, betrayal, and irreparable loss. You will find you’re weak where you thought yourself strong. You’ll work for possessions and then find they possess you. You will find yourself — as I know you already have — in dark places, alone, and afraid.

What I hope for you, for all my sisters and daughters, brothers and sons, is that you will be able to live there, in the dark place. To live in the place that our rationalizing culture of success denies, calling it a place of exile, uninhabitable, foreign.

Well, we’re already foreigners. Women as women are largely excluded from, alien to, the self-declared male norms of this society, where human beings are called Man, the only respectable god is male, the only direction is up. So that’s their country; let’s explore our own. I’m not talking about sex; that’s a whole other universe, where every man and woman is on their own. I’m talking about society, the so-called man’s world of institutionalized competition, aggression, violence, authority, and power. If we want to live as women, some separatism is forced upon us: Mills College is a wise embodiment of that separatism. The war-games world wasn’t made by us or for us; we can’t even breathe the air there without masks. And if you put the mask on you’ll have a hard time getting it off. So how about going on doing things our own way, as to some extent you did here at Mills? Not for men and the male power hierarchy — that’s their game. Not against men, either — that’s still playing by their rules. But with any men who are with us: that’s our game. Why should a free woman with a college education either fight Machoman or serve him? Why should she live her life on his terms?

Machoman is afraid of our terms, which are not all rational, positive, competitive, etc. And so he has taught us to despise and deny them. In our society, women have lived, and have been despised for living, the whole side of life that includes and takes responsibility for helplessness, weakness, and illness, for the irrational and the irreparable, for all that is obscure, passive, uncontrolled, animal, unclean — the valley of the shadow, the deep, the depths of life. All that the Warrior denies and refuses is left to us and the men who share it with us and therefore, like us, can’t play doctor, only nurse, can’t be warriors, only civilians, can’t be chiefs, only indians. Well so that is our country. The night side of our country. If there is a day side to it, high sierras, prairies of bright grass, we only know pioneers’ tales about it, we haven’t got there yet. We’re never going to get there by imitating Machoman. We are only going to get there by going our own way, by living there, by living through the night in our own country.

So what I hope for you is that you live there not as prisoners, ashamed of being women, consenting captives of a psychopathic social system, but as natives. That you will be at home there, keep house there, be your own mistress, with a room of your own. That you will do your work there, whatever you’re good at, art or science or tech or running a company or sweeping under the beds, and when they tell you that it’s second-class work because a woman is doing it, I hope you tell them to go to hell and while they’re going to give you equal pay for equal time. I hope you live without the need to dominate, and without the need to be dominated. I hope you are never victims, but I hope you have no power over other people. And when you fail, and are defeated, and in pain, and in the dark, then I hope you will remember that darkness is your country, where you live, where no wars are fought and no wars are won, but where the future is. Our roots are in the dark; the earth is our country. Why did we look up for blessing — instead of around, and down? What hope we have lies there. Not in the sky full of orbiting spy-eyes and weaponry, but in the earth we have looked down upon. Not from above, but from below. Not in the light that blinds, but in the dark that nourishes, where human beings grow human souls.

---------

Notice: this talk is not under copyright, and may be quoted or reprinted as a whole without obtaining permission, though I would appreciate being notified of reprintings.

My warm and cordial thanks to all who have written me to tell me they are using this talk in classrooms, sharing it on social media, or otherwise, and to thank me for it. I wish I could write each of you back, but I can only do it this way. Thank you!

— Ursula
undated note"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/reorient.5.1.0073?mag=jews-vs-the-judeo-christian-tradition">
    <title>Disintegrating the Hyphen: The “Judeo-Christian Tradition” and the Christian Colonization of Judaism on JSTOR</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-28T18:23:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/reorient.5.1.0073?mag=jews-vs-the-judeo-christian-tradition</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jewish dissent to the concept of a “Judeo-Christian Tradition” reveals it to be a political assemblage offering conditional, incomplete access to structures of white, western Christian power. While the concept offers pragmatic benefits to Jews, it does so at the expense of Jewish distinction from Christian beliefs and purposes and to the exclusion of Islam and Muslims. The supersessionist foundations of the “Judeo-Christian” concept inspire and perpetuate Christian settler-colonial domination of Jews and Judaism. Destabilizing this concept promotes new levels of liberative dialogical engagement, moving us beyond present systems of theological, political, and economic injustice."

[via:
https://daily.jstor.org/jews-vs-the-judeo-christian-tradition/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/where-to-watch-the-debateand-a-dispatch">
    <title>Biden’s Cuba Policy Leaves the Island in Wreckage</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-21T19:24:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/where-to-watch-the-debateand-a-dispatch</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The sight of hungry people scavenging through dumpsters and panhandling was once more common in cities in the United States and Europe than in Havana. But a series of quiet moves, first by Trump, and now by Biden, have produced a humanitarian crisis throughout Cuba.

As he watches the world go by each day from the shade of his porch in southern Havana, Ramone Montagudo, 72, a retired history teacher, has a front row seat for the wreckage. Until a few years ago, the garbage men regularly emptied the blue waste containers on the corner of his street where he and his neighbors dump their household trash. Now flies swarm over a sea of rubbish in the sticky heat. He watches some of his poorer neighbors – who until a few years ago had enough to eat – pick leftover food out of the rot.

“When it comes to food and medicine, we’re living through an extraordinarily difficult situation,” Montagudo says. “This country has always been sanctioned, and we used to get by. But Trump filled in the gaps.”

Cuba has been sanctioned for longer than any other country in modern history. But almost a decade ago the Obama administration softened sanctions on the island and restored diplomatic relations with Havana, admitting that over half a century of immiserating the island had failed to oust the communist government. The economic rebound was swift. But in the final weeks of the Trump administration, the White House put Cuba back on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism, alongside Iran, Syria and North Korea, for nakedly political reasons and without providing evidence.

Cuba watchers expected that Biden would restore Obama’s raft of achievements. After all, on the campaign trail in 2020 Biden promised that as president he would “reverse the failed Trump policies that inflicted harm on Cubans and their families.”

Instead, Biden has one-upped Trump by going further than the previous administration in attacking Cuba’s tourism industry – the main engine of the island’s economy. Two years ago, the Biden State Department barred foreigners who visit Cuba from visa-free travel to the U.S. That meant that people from the United Kingdom, France, Spain and 37 other countries found out that a mere holiday in Cuba could forfeit their visa waiver, and many decided not to risk a visit to the island. Unlike the rest of the Caribbean, tourism in Cuba has not rebounded since the pandemic. European travel to the island is only half what it was before the pandemic.

The terror designation, together with more than 200 sanctions enacted against the island since Obama left office, has pulped the Cuban economy by cutting revenue to the struggling Cuban state. Economists calculate that the loss in tourism revenue resulting from the terror designation costs the state hundreds of millions dollars a year. The combined annual cost of the Trump-Biden sanctions, they say, amounts to billions of dollars a year.

But the human cost for Montagudo and millions like him is incalculable. The retired teacher was diagnosed with Parkinson’s three years ago. He can get his prescriptions – Cuba still has more doctors relative to population than any country in the world – but no medicine. Like everything else, the supply has dried up. “Before, you went to the pharmacy and the medicine was there. Now… ”, he bites his lip and shrugs his shoulders.

‘Offload[ing] the Enforcement to the Private Sector’: How the Trump-Biden Sanctions Have Ground Down Cuba’s Economy
The one-two punch of the hardened sanctions and the pandemic have ushered in a grim new reality for Cubans. For many, power outages can now last more than 12 hours a day. With pharmacy shelves barren, the price of medicines on the black market has slipped beyond the reach of much of the population. Without money to repair old infrastructure, hundreds of thousands now live without running water. Worst of all, things have been bad for so many years that people have lost hope.

By driving down people’s living standards and crushing the dream of a better tomorrow, the Trump-Biden sanctions have produced a mass exodus from the island of historic proportions. Over the last three years, a record breaking number of Cubans have left the country. According to official figures, 10 percent of the population – more than a million people – left between 2022 and 2023. 

Still, neither the Trump nor the Biden administration have banned U.S. firms from selling Parkinson’s medication to Cuba. The sanctions on Cuba even formally allow for “exemptions and authorizations relating to exports of food [and] medicine.” And in 2022, the Biden Treasury Department introduced “general licenses” for life-saving goods in Cuba, arguing “the provision of humanitarian support to alleviate the suffering of vulnerable populations is central to our American values.”.

But economic warfare remains a prime weapon in the U.S. foreign policy arsenal, as a comprehensive investigation in the Washington Post recently laid out, and away from the announcements, press conferences and headlines, both administrations have reverted to a policy of regime change premised on reducing the hard currency flowing into the island’s coffers and ratcheting up the suffering of people like Monteagudo. 

Joy Gordon, an expert on sanctions at Loyola University Chicago and author of Invisible War: The United States and the Iraq Sanctions, told Drop Site News that there has been a shift towards minimizing visible harm to civilian populations since the sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s, which resulted in widespread malnutrition and epidemics. “There’s a strategy of trying to offload the enforcement to the private sector,” she said. “U.S. policy has created conditions that make it commercially compelling for the private sector to withdraw from whole markets, resulting in severe and widespread economic harm, but in a form that is not directly attributable to US policymakers.”

The Helms-Burton Act is a good example. In 2019, Trump implemented Title III of the law, which allows Americans to sue companies doing business with Cuba, which every previous president had waived. Cruise liners that took American tourists to Havana during the Obama years have since been sued for hundreds of millions of dollars in a Florida federal court for docking at Havana’s main port. The effect has been to deter multinationals from investing in the island.

But perhaps the best example of an almost invisible but insidious sanction is designating Cuba as a “state sponsor of terrorism”. Presented as a benign policy tool to make the world a safer place rather than an arm of economic warfare, it has contaminated the word “Cuba” more than ever in the global economy. Almost overnight the label provoked both global banks and vital exporters to pull out of the Cuban market, according to diplomats and businesspeople on the island.

“Very few banks want to work with Cuba now,” a Havana-based European businessman, speaking on the condition of anonymity, told Drop Site News. He said his bank informed him his account would be closed just days after the designation. 

The island had been on the State Department’s terror list before, up until 2015. But since the relisting in 2021 the effects have been fiercer. Over the past decade, anti-terrorism and money laundering rules have been tightened. “Over-compliance” has also increased as banks try to dodge multi-billion dollar fines from an increasingly emboldened Treasury Department.

Coercing multinationals to cease trading with the island has meant the state has a smaller and skittish pool of suppliers it can import from. Coercing banks to stop processing payments to and from Cuba has meant that often, even when the state can find the money to buy, and a provider willing to sell, there’s simply no way of making the payment.

“Enforcement is now delegated to the banks which have been dragooned into self-prosecuting,” another Western businessman based in Havana said. They “can’t claim they don’t know anymore.”

With more risks and less payoff, many suppliers have left the Cuban market. “It’s a little country that pays late. The market can’t be bothered,” said a third European businessman who no longer sells high tech equipment to the Cuban Ministry of Public Health.” Doing business with Cuba has always been risky, he added, but the terror designation was a game changer: Now, “if there is a trace of a Cuban account, it will be blocked.”

When asked why many medical equipment and pharma companies have stopped trading with Cuba over the last few years, the founder of a medium-sized European pharma firm put it this way: "It’s a small market: Why rock the boat for small potatoes?"

The source said it is no longer “worthwhile” for his company to supply the Cuban Ministry of Public Health but they do so anyway. “How can you look at that and not feel for them?” he said. The business person spoke on condition of anonymity, worried his company’s bank account could be shuttered if the major European financial institution his company banks with found out they supply Cuba. 

Broken Lifelines
Defenders of the Biden administration argue that Cuba’s economic woes go beyond these punishing measures. They are right. Stop-start reforms by the ruling Communist Party over the last two decades have failed to improve the productivity of the state sector which remains highly centralized and lethargic. State wages are miserable and getting worse. Absenteeism is rife. But to point to multiple causes of the island’s economic problems does not absolve the sanctions.

William LeoGrande, political scientist at American University, said the terror listing amounts to “one front in Washington’s economic war on Cuba.” A direct result of the terror listing and other Trump-Biden sanctions, he said, is that the Cuban state today loses billions of dollars of revenue a year at a time when its principal imports are food and fuel. “The sanctions today,” he added, “have a greater impact on the Cuban people than ever before."

Government food rations—a lifeline for the country’s poor—are fraying. Domestic agriculture, which has always been weak, has cratered in recent years for lack of seeds, fertilizer, and petrol, forcing the state to import 100 percent of the basic subsidized goods.

But there’s not enough money to do that. Last year the government eliminated chicken from the basic food basket most adults receive. Last month, the daily ration of bread available to all Cubans was cut by a quarter. Even vital staples like rice and beans now arrive late. Food insecurity on the island is rising, according to a recent report by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Vulnerable groups—older people, pregnant women, children and people with chronic illnesses—are most affected by the knock-on effects of US policy.

“When food rations are funded by the state, it’s no surprise that if you bankrupt the state, food insecurity would increase, particularly for those who do not have family abroad to send remittances,” said Gordon, the Loyola professor.

In March, the U.S. got a hint of the unrest its policy aims toward, with hundreds of people hitting the streets in the eastern city of Santiago decrying long power outages and shouting: “We’re hungry!”

Most Cubans fleeing this misery head to America. Over 100,000 have emigrated to the U.S. legally since January 2023 through the Biden administration’s “humanitarian parole program.” Many more have crossed the border illegally. A piece of Cold War legislation, the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act, makes Cuba the only country from which a migrant can arrive in the U.S. illegally, and get a green card a year and a day later. Some Cubans build rickety boats, and more than 140 Cubans have died this year while trying to cross the Florida Straits, according to the International Organization for Migration. Those with relatives who can pay an airfare fly to Nicaragua before taking the perilous trek to the U.S.-Mexico border.

By keeping the terror designation and other sanctions in place, the Biden administration has fueled this record-breaking wave of Cuban migration. Over the last three years, more than a half-million Cubans have arrived in the U.S., according to figures from the Customs and Border Patrol Agency. The whole dynamic has a whiff of madness: record Cuban migration stoked by the Biden administration plays into the broader “border crisis” that is helping Trump as the election approaches.

‘Cuba Is Not a State Sponsor of Terrorism’
The list of state sponsors of terrorism has always stood on the frontier between analysis and propaganda. No matter how bad their records, U.S. allies never make the list; adversaries do. 

The Reagan administration first designated Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism in 1982. Havana bristled at the decision given the U.S.’s history of backing and condoning terrorist attacks on the island, notably Operation Mongoose, a covert operation that hit civilian targets inside Cuba during the 1960s, and prior knowledge of plans by CIA-trained Cuban exiles to blow up a Cuban civilian airliner in 1976, which Washington decided not to share with Havana, and which killed 73 men, women, and children on board.

Still, during the 1980s, Cuba was backing national liberation struggles in Central America and Africa. Cuba’s freedom fighter was Washington’s terrorist, so the designation at least had some Cold War–logic to it. And indeed, on occasion, some of the movements Havana backed carried out political violence against civilians – better known, depending on your political perspective, as terrorism. U.S. intelligence agencies were thus able to cobble together information-based arguments to support the listing. But as the Soviet Union disintegrated and the Cold War drew to a close, Cuba spiraled into a deep economic crisis at home while its power projection diminished. The days of supporting liberation struggles abroad were left beyond in the 20th Century, yet the terror designation lived on.

According to former intelligence and State Department officials, for the last three decades the U.S. intelligence community’s assessment has been that the island has not sponsored what even the U.S. would define as terrorism since the 1990s. When Obama took the island off the list in 2015, Ben Rhodes, the administration’s point person on Cuba tweeted: “Simply put, POTUS is acting to remove #Cuba from the State Sponsor of Terrorism list because Cuba is not a State Sponsor of Terrorism.”

To put Cuba back on the list, the Trump State Department needed rationales. It argued that Cuba was providing sanctuary to U.S. fugitives from justice and to leaders of the Colombian National Liberation Army (Ejercito de Liberación Nacional, or ELN).

The aging U.S. fugitives are mainly Black Power activists that Cuba granted asylum back in the 1970s and 1980s. Cuban state security monitors them, and there is no evidence that they have ever used Cuban territory to carry out or support terrorist activities.

Meanwhile, the ELN commanders were granted safe haven as part of peace negotiations the Obama administration encouraged Cuba to host. 

The talks were facilitated by Cuba and Norway (Norway has somehow escaped the terror designation despite its role). While the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC), the country’s other major guerrilla group reached a historic peace accord in 2016 with Havana's help, peace between the Colombian state and the ELN remained elusive.

In 2019 the ELN carried out a deadly attack on a police academy in Bogota, Colombia, killing 22 people. The Colombian government made multiple requests to Cuba to extradite the ELN leaders, which Cuba sidestepped.

But in 2016 the ELN and the Colombian government signed off on a secret protocol guaranteeing the safety of ELN negotiators in Havana “in the case of a breakdown in peace talks.” The document, signed by the Cuban delegation, makes clear that extradition would not be on the table, and that the negotiators would be able to return to parts of Colombian territory they consider safe.

Furthermore, Colombian President Gustavo Petro—himself a former guerrilla—withdrew the extradition request in 2022 and described Cuba’s inclusion on the list as “an injustice.”

Peace talks between the Colombian government and the ELN, the country’s last remaining guerrilla group, resumed last year in Havana. The two sides have since announced a truce.

Fulton Armstrong, who previously served as the top U.S. intelligence officer for Latin America, said that had Cuba extradited the ELN negotiators it would have undercut its ability to help to wind down Colombia’s bloody wars.

“It’s not a question of being nice to former guerrillas,” he said. “It’s a question of credibility.”

The Policy Review That Never Was 
From its first months in office, Biden’s team has repeatedly said—both publicly and privately to members of Congress—that it was carrying out a broad review of policy towards Cuba, including the terror designation.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in 2022 that the administration “will continue as necessary to revisit those to see if Cuba continues to merit that designation.”

But last year, that claim was revealed as bogus. In a private meeting, a State Department official privately told members of Congress that no review process had even begun, according to sources present.

The meeting, hosted by Rep. Jim McGovern, D-Mass., and others who focus on Cuba policy, was part of an effort to push the administration to back off its punitive approach to Cuba. But McGovern and his allies in Congress believed, according to sources involved in the fight, that giving the Biden administration room to maneuver, and reducing pressure on the White House, would lead them to do the right thing. That calculation proved incorrect, and now the State Department has run out the clock. 

By giving journalists dull lines about bureaucratic “processes” that are hard to use in a story (in contrast to the snappy, incendiary language of a “maximum pressure” campaign on the island used by the Trump administration), the Biden administration has closed down a conversation about the listing’s potency.

Journalists have failed to hold the administration to account. But even with good will, tracing the specific effects of sanctions on a population is hard: the interplay between Cuba’s internal economic problems and the interlocking strategies of external strangulation of the island makes it all but impossible to pinpoint any one particular shortage to any one particular policy.

Additionally, the decades-long strategy of outsourcing of sanctions policy to the private sector has also reduced journalism on the effects of the sanctions. News outlets prefer neater one-to-one stories that can be quickly explained to an audience, and finding companies that are willing to speak about how and why they have ceased trading and investing is laborious.

For Armstrong, the former intelligence officer, talk of a “review process” was always a sham. All that was required at the executive level, he said, was to call together U.S. intelligence agencies and ask them whether there was any evidence-based reason not to reverse the re-listing of Cuba as a state sponsor of terror. “It would take half a day,” he said.

Analysts agreed that with political will, Cuba could have been taken off the list within weeks of Biden’s inauguration in 2021. Some 80 House Democrats sent Biden a letter urging him to do just that within weeks of his inauguration. Even if the administration carried out a six-month review as some argue the law requires, the designation could have been lifted by the middle of Biden’s first year in office. Had the White House done so, hundreds of thousands of Cubans might well  have been living at home with their loved ones today, living with better access to food and medicine, rather than fighting their way to the border and battling the byzantine U.S. immigration system.

The Biden administration’s position became even more tangled in May when it removed Cuba from the list of countries that are not “fully cooperating” with the U.S. on counterterrorism. According to official designations, Cuba now “fully cooperates” with counter-terrorism efforts while at the same time  “sponsoring” terrorism. How the same country could do both things remains unexplained. Asked why the State Department had not even begun a review, spokesperson Matt Miller told Drop Site at a press briefing that the U.S. policy was aimed at furthering “the democratic aspirations of the Cuban people,” a reference to the U.S. goal of overthrowing the regime.

“Should there be any rescission of the State Sponsor of Terrorism status, it would need to be consistent with a specific statutory criteria for rescinding that determination,” he said. “Any review of Cuba’s status on the list, should one ever happen, would be based on the law and the criteria established by Congress, but the President and Secretary [Antony] Blinken remain committed to the policies that we have advanced that will advance the democratic aspirations of the Cuban people.”

But there are unvarnished ways to describe the ways and means of sanctions. Back in April 1960, as Washington planners were working out how to deal with the new revolutionary government, a senior State Department official penned a now infamous memo, which gives insight into the rationale behind the unfolding economic warfare. “Every possible means should be undertaken to promptly weaken the economic life of Cuba,” argued Lester D. Mallory, then deputy assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs. “While as adroit and inconspicuous as possible,” he added, U.S. policy should make “the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.” Biden has refused to break with this logic. On Cuba, this is his legacy. 

Correction: An earlier version of this story included a reference to the Darien Gap that was geographically inaccurate."]]></description>
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    <title>“One of my recurring fears is that people will move on” with Laila Al-Arian - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-14T22:39:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z_CEsTqlrXE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome Laila al-Arian, executive producer for the Al Jazeera English documentary series Fault Lines. They discuss the anti-Palestinian, anti-Arab and anti-Muslim orthodoxies of the mainstream Western media, the coverage of the genocide in Gaza, the dissenting spaces opened up by critical alternative and social media, and Laila’s harrowing documentary The Night Won’t End that tracks the ordeals of 3 Palestinian families in Gaza, including the family of six-year old Hind Rajab who was killed by Israel.  Are there actual prospects for changing the narrative framework on Palestine and the Palestinians?

Date of recording: Oct 3, 2024."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/33444172
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/one-of-my-recurring-fears-is-that-people-will-move-on-w-laila-al-arian ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5TqyiP6gV6w">
    <title>Yanis Varoufakis on Israel-Palestine: the truth behind October 7 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-11T17:48:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5TqyiP6gV6w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On October 7th, 2023, the global narrative surrounding Palestine underwent a profound shift. In this powerful video, Yanis Varoufakis unpacks the media and political bias that portrays events in Gaza as isolated incidents, ignoring the ongoing realities of occupation and the struggle for Palestinian freedom.

Varoufakis emphasizes the critical need to distinguish between legitimate resistance to oppression and actions that breach international law. He delves into the escalating violence faced by Palestinians and critiques the international community’s complicity, particularly the role of the U.S. in enabling the ongoing genocide of Palestinians by Israel.

Drawing on historical parallels with colonialism in the U.S., South Africa, and Australia, Varoufakis calls for a fundamental re-evaluation of Western perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He argues that the fight for Palestinian liberation is not just a regional issue but a crucial step toward global justice and humanity.

00:00 The World Wakes Up: October 7th, 2023
00:56 The Fence of Oppression: A Symbol of Resistance
02:26 War Crimes and International Law
02:38 A Call to the International Criminal Court
03:30 Systematic Destruction and Ethnic Cleansing
06:51 Historical Context: White Settler Colonialism
07:20 The Global Hypocrisy: Western Support for Israel
13:09 The Israeli Apartheid vs. South African Apartheid
15:31 The Media's Role and the Bigger Picture
18:11 The Urgency of Palestinian Freedom"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/13/israel-gaza-historian-omer-bartov">
    <title>As a former IDF soldier and historian of genocide, I was deeply disturbed by my recent visit to Israel | Israel | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-14T03:58:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/13/israel-gaza-historian-omer-bartov</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This summer, one of my lectures was protested by far-right students. Their rhetoric brought to mind some of the darkest moments of 20th-century history – and overlapped with mainstream Israeli views to a shocking degree"

...

"I had not been to Israel since June 2023, and during this recent visit I found a different country from the one I had known. Although I have worked abroad for many years, Israel is where I was born and raised. It is the place where my parents lived and are buried; it is where my son has established his own family and most of my oldest and best friends live. Knowing the country from the inside and having followed events even more closely than usual since 7 October, I was not entirely surprised by what I encountered on my return, but it was still profoundly disturbing."

...

"These personal experiences made me all the more interested in a question that had long preoccupied me: what motivates soldiers to fight? In the decades after the second world war, many American sociologists argued that soldiers fight first and foremost for each other, rather than for some bigger ideological goal. But that didn’t quite fit with what I’d experienced as a soldier: we believed that we were in it for a larger cause that surpassed our own group of buddies. By the time I had completed my undergraduate degree, I had also begun to ask whether, in the name of that cause, soldiers could be made to act in ways they would otherwise find reprehensible.

Taking the extreme case, I wrote my Oxford PhD thesis, later published as a book, on the Nazi indoctrination of the German army and the crimes it perpetrated on the eastern front in the second world war. What I found ran counter to how Germans in the 1980s understood their past. They preferred to think that the army had fought a “decent” war, even as the Gestapo and the SS perpetrated genocide “behind its back”. It took Germans many more years to realise just how complicit their own fathers and grandfathers had been in the Holocaust and the mass murder of many other groups in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

When the first Palestinian intifada, or uprising, broke out in late 1987 I was teaching at Tel Aviv University. I was appalled by the instruction of Yitzhak Rabin, then minister of defence, to the IDF to “break the arms and legs” of Palestinian youths who were throwing rocks at heavily armed troops. I wrote a letter to him warning that, based on my research into the indoctrination of the armed forces of Nazi Germany, I feared that under his leadership the IDF was heading down a similarly slippery path."

...

"Since 1989, I have been teaching in the United States. I have written profusely on war, genocide, nazism, antisemitism and the Holocaust, seeking to understand the links between the industrial killing of soldiers in the first world war and the extermination of civilian populations by Hitler’s regime. Among other projects, I spent many years researching the transformation of my mother’s home town – Buchach in Poland (now Ukraine) – from a community of inter-ethnic coexistence into one in which, under the Nazi occupation, the gentile population turned against their Jewish neighbours. While the Germans came to the town with the express goal of murdering its Jews, the speed and efficiency of the killing was greatly facilitated by local collaboration. These locals were motivated by pre-existing resentments and hatreds that can be traced back to the rise of ethnonationalism in the preceding decades, and the prevalent view that the Jews did not belong to the new nation states created after the first world war.

In the months since 7 October, what I have learned over the course of my life and my career has become more painfully relevant than ever before. Like many others, I have found these last months emotionally and intellectually challenging. Like many others, members of my own and of my friends’ families have also been directly affected by the violence. There is no dearth of grief wherever you turn."

...

"Two days after the Hamas attack, defence minister Yoav Gallant declared, “We are fighting human animals, and we must act accordingly,” later adding that Israel would “break apart one neighbourhood after another in Gaza”. Former prime minister Naftali Bennett confirmed: “We are fighting Nazis.” Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu exhorted Israelis to “remember what Amalek has done to you”, alluding to the biblical call to exterminate Amalek’s “men and women, children and infants”. In a radio interview, he said about Hamas: “I don’t call them human animals because that would be insulting to animals.” Deputy Knesset speaker Nissim Vaturi wrote on X that Israel’s goal should be “erasing the Gaza Strip from the face of the Earth”. On Israeli TV he stated, “There are no uninvolved people … we must go in there and kill, kill, kill. We must kill them before they kill us.” Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich stressed in a speech, “The work must be completed … Total destruction. ‘Blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.’” Avi Dichter, agriculture minister and former head of the Shin Bet intelligence service, spoke about “rolling out the Gaza Nakba”. One Israeli 95-year-old military veteran, whose motivational speech to IDF troops preparing for the invasion of Gaza exhorted them to “wipe out their memory, their families, mothers and children”, was given a certificate of honour by Israeli president Herzog for “providing a wonderful example to generations of soldiers”. No wonder that there have been innumerable social media posts by IDF troops in Gaza calling to “kill the Arabs”, “burn their mothers” and “flatten” Gaza. There has been no known disciplinary action by their commanders.

This is the logic of endless violence, a logic that allows one to destroy entire populations and to feel totally justified in doing so. It is a logic of victimhood – we must kill them before they kill us, as they did before – and nothing empowers violence more than a righteous sense of victimhood. Look at what happened to us in 1918, German soldiers said in 1942, recalling the propagandistic “stab-in-the-back” myth, which attributed Germany’s catastrophic defeat in the first world war to Jewish and communist treason. Look at what happened to us in the Holocaust, when we trusted that others would come to our rescue, IDF troops say in 2024, thereby giving themselves licence for indiscriminate destruction based on a false analogy between Hamas and the Nazis.

The young men and women I spoke with that day were filled with rage, not so much against me – they calmed down a bit when I mentioned my own military service – but because, I think, they felt betrayed by everyone around them. Betrayed by the media, which they perceived as too critical, by senior commanders who they thought were too lenient toward Palestinians, by politicians who had failed to prevent the 7 October fiasco, by the IDF’s inability to achieve “total victory”, by intellectuals and leftists unfairly criticising them, by the US government for not delivering sufficient munitions fast enough, and by all those hypocritical European politicians and antisemitic students protesting against their actions in Gaza. They seemed fearful and insecure and confused, and some were likely also suffering from PTSD."

...

"This may also have been the reason why this time, for the first time, I had been apprehensive about going to Israel, and why part of me was glad to leave. The country had changed in ways visible and subtle, ways that might have raised a barrier between me, as an observer from the outside, and those who have remained an organic part of it.

On 10 November 2023, I wrote in the New York Times: “As a historian of genocide, I believe that there is no proof that genocide is now taking place in Gaza, although it is very likely that war crimes, and even crimes against humanity, are happening. […] We know from history that it is crucial to warn of the potential for genocide before it occurs, rather than belatedly condemn it after it has taken place. I think we still have that time.”

I no longer believe that. By the time I travelled to Israel, I had become convinced that at least since the attack by the IDF on Rafah on 6 May 2024, it was no longer possible to deny that Israel was engaged in systematic war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal actions. It was not just that this attack against the last concentration of Gazans – most of them displaced already several times by the IDF, which now once again pushed them to a so-called safe zone – demonstrated a total disregard of any humanitarian standards. It also clearly indicated that the ultimate goal of this entire undertaking from the very beginning had been to make the entire Gaza Strip uninhabitable, and to debilitate its population to such a degree that it would either die out or seek all possible options to flee the territory. In other words, the rhetoric spouted by Israeli leaders since 7 October was now being translated into reality – namely, as the 1948 UN Genocide Convention puts it, that Israel was acting “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part”, the Palestinian population in Gaza, “as such, by killing, causing serious harm, or inflicting conditions of life meant to bring about the group’s destruction”.

These were issues that I could only discuss with a very small handful of activists, scholars, experts in international law and, not surprisingly, Palestinian citizens of Israel. Beyond this limited circle, such statements on the illegality of Israeli actions in Gaza are anathema in Israel. Even the vast majority of protesters against the government, those calling for a ceasefire and the release of the hostages, will not countenance them.

Since I returned from my visit, I have been trying to place my experiences there into a larger context. The reality on the ground is so devastating, and the future appears so bleak, that I have allowed myself to indulge in some counter-factual history and to entertain some hopeful speculations about a different future. I ask myself, what would have happened had the newly created state of Israel fulfilled its commitment to enact a constitution based on its Declaration of Independence? That same declaration which stated that Israel “will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations”.

What effect would such a constitution have had on the nature of the state? How would it have tempered the transformation of Zionism from an ideology that sought to liberate the Jews from the degradation of exile and discrimination and to put them on equal standing with the other nations of the world, to a state ideology of ethnonationalism, oppression of others, expansionism and apartheid? During the few hopeful years of the Oslo peace process, people in Israel began speaking of making it into a “state of all its citizens”, Jews and Palestinians alike. The assassination of prime minister Rabin in 1995 put an end to that dream. Will it ever be possible for Israel to discard the violent, exclusionary, militant and increasingly racist aspects of its vision as it is embraced there now by so many of its Jewish citizens? Will it ever be able to reimagine itself as its founders had so eloquently envisioned it – as a nation based on freedom, justice and peace?

It is difficult to indulge in such fantasies at the moment. But perhaps precisely because of the nadir in which Israelis, and much more so Palestinians, now find themselves, and the trajectory of regional destruction their leaders have set them on, I pray that alternative voices will finally be raised. For, in the words of the poet Eldan, “there is a time when darkness roars but there is dawn and radiance”."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hcn.org/articles/the-theft-of-the-commons/">
    <title>The theft of the commons - High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-06T21:28:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hcn.org/articles/the-theft-of-the-commons/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s time to turn away from land ownership and back to land relationship."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1rHHvIkTOSs">
    <title>Yanis Varoufakis on Julian Assange's release - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-26T16:03:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1rHHvIkTOSs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Yanis Varoufakis with a passionate speech about Julian Assange's release and a scathing criticism of those who sought to keep him behind bars for the crime of 'journalism'.

Julian Assange is finally a free man. The WikiLeaks co-founder was released from Belmarsh prison on Monday morning after 1,901 days of being kept inside the maximum-security location.

On May 20, judges at the UK high court in London had granted Assange the right to appeal his United States extradition and, on June 24, he was finally granted bail and was released at Stansted airport from where he boarded a plane and departed for Australia.

For us at MERA25 and DiEM25, in which Julian has been with us from the beginning as a founding member, the liberation of our comrade is a milestone: the fight for justice is never in vain.

This is the moment to redouble our efforts to free every political prisoner, everywhere!"]]></description>
<dc:subject>yanisvaroufakis juliaanassange diem25 2024 us uk jeremycorbyn berniesanders joebiden australia mera25 journalism nytimes russia india politicalprisoners iceland sweden arundhatiroy justice injustice mudslinging defamation feminism antisemitism alexandriaocasio-cortez progressives politics solidarity anothereuropeispossible alliances left vilification progressivemovement 2018 progressiveinternational katrínjakobsdóttir labourparty anthonyalbanese gaza palestine israel 2020 donaldtrump guam extradition davidmcbride whistelblowers afghanistan narendramodi boriskagarlitsky washingtonpost derspiegel guardian lemonde aoc wapo</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/Tyler_A_Harper/status/1781349038194860496">
    <title>Tyler Austin Harper on X: &quot;This isn’t just a contradiction coming to a head, it’s an intractable problem that may well light elite academia on fire. You have a customer base that demands social justice and a donor base that is concerned with elite rep</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-19T18:38:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/Tyler_A_Harper/status/1781349038194860496</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This isn’t just a contradiction coming to a head, it’s an intractable problem that may well light elite academia on fire. You have a customer base that demands social justice and a donor base that is concerned with elite reproduction. The financial model requires both groups. 1/ https://twitter.com/nils_gilman/status/1781304643584401679

<blockquote>This is because the left critique of academia (“an engine of neoliberal elite reproduction”) and the right critique (“a hothouse of woke indoctrination”) both have a strong element of truth. The contradiction between these is coming to a head. https://twitter.com/nils_gilman/status/1781303995769962754 

<blockquote>It’s hard to exaggerate the extent of elite academia’s hypocritical performativity
https://twitter.com/anguishreid/status/1781160992350834740

<blockquote>"we've ordered the NYPD to kettle and arrest your friends and colleagues, but you can spend 4 hours at the audre lorde community space"</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>

The social justice model is deeply entrenched. Universities have loaded up on pseudo-radical faculty at places like Columbia—faculty notably silent about those student arrests, by the way—and you can’t get rid of them. There’s no magic wand to simply “de-woke” the university. 2/

Many of those “radical” tenured professors are craven mercenaries who believe in nothing but their own self-importance and their next dinner party invite. The thing is: many students DO believe what those faculty teach them about injustice and inequality. Hence the protests. 3/

These universities—in what is a truly hilarious Ponzi scheme—have managed to convince students that elite academia is the vanguard of social justice. Universities thought their front-of-house “radicalism” was compatible with back-of-house courtship of the country club set. 4/

The problem for elite universities is that both students and donors have something university administrators can scarcely imagine: principles. Principles that aren’t for sale to the highest bidder. Both students and donors have a view of what the university should stand for. 5/

Many donors believe the university should be in the business of elite reproduction and the re-entrenchment of established hierarchies. Many students believe the university should be a place that explodes those same hierarchies. Universities require money from both groups. 6/

The gamble—and it’s hard to over-emphasize how a big a gamble this was—was that both groups could be appeased. That you could brand yourself as Social Justice U and cater to student customers, meanwhile courting another set of more conservative customers behind the scenes. 7/

What we are witnessing at Columbia is that gamble exploding in real time. The bill is coming due. Donors are pissed. Students are pissed. Both groups are capable of making things very unpleasant for the university. Both are increasingly unwilling to compromise. It’s FUBAR. 8/

Students are capable of grinding Columbia to a halt. So are tenured faculty, if they could find what is at this point a vestigial organ: their spines. If watching students rounded up by the NYPD isn’t enough to rouse tenured faculty to say enough is enough, then nothing will. 9/

It seems increasingly clear to me that universities like Columbia can’t be fixed because the crisis of legitimacy they are currently navigating pits two equally necessary but incompatible wings of their financial model against one another. We’ll see how it all shakes out."]]></description>
<dc:subject>tyleraustinharper 2024 us highered highereducation academia universities colleges columbia socialjustice liberalism elitism education hypocrisy principles integrity capitalism injustice inequality radicalism protests protest hierarchy conservatism nilsgilman performance performativity</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fLQfDKYntIw">
    <title>In solidarity with Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-16T02:37:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fLQfDKYntIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers reflect on the suspension of Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian for having committed herself to justice, equality, rights, freedom and love: principles which Zionist institutions and the Zionist state clearly find themselves to be incompatible."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/30396168
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/in-solidarity-with-nadera-shalhoub-kevorkian ]

[See also:

"Call to Action: Support academic freedom for Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian
Hebrew University's suspension of Palestinian professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian sends a chilling message to scholars worldwide. Silencing her undermines academic freedom and the broader struggle for human rights and dignity in Palestine and beyond."
https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/call-to-action-support-academic-freedom-for-nadera-shalhoub-kevorkian/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>naderashalhoub-kevorkian 2024 makdisistreet zionism israel palestine sareemakdisi ussamamakdisi karimmakdisi academia highereducation highered solidarity humanrights academicfreedom antizionism denial dispossession ethniccleansing genocide gaza unchilding defamation occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization feminism destruction violence humanism silencing fragility weakness fear injustice witness testimony humanity persecution</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/the-customs-of-obedience-in-academe/">
    <title>The Customs of Obedience in Academe - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-13T01:46:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/the-customs-of-obedience-in-academe/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A longform reflection on the interplay between obedience and disobedience in the modern corporate university."

...

"I once had an acquaintance who nearly rose to the level of friend.  Before forming a personal relationship, we had known of each other for many years and had even met on one occasion, quite by chance, outside of an ice cream shop in Ramallah.  We were young then, both in graduate school, both figuring out what it meant for us, born in the United States, to be Palestinian.  We chatted with a mutual friend serving as mediator and then went our separate ways, aware of each other’s existence in subsequent years through a tight-knit but complicated network of Arab Americans. 

When I was hired as the Edward Said Chair at the American University of Beirut in 2015, a one-year position, I was welcomed on campus by the same not-quite-a-friend (but strong acquaintance) from that summer in Palestine, more than a decade before.  He had been at AUB for a long time, had grown into middle age (as had I), had a family (as did I), and was firmly rooted in Lebanon.  I was new to the country and arrived on campus with a great deal of notoriety, having been fired from a tenured position at the University of Illinois a year prior in what became a huge public controversy, so my would-be friend/old acquaintance, being a leader of AUB’s formal but unofficial faculty union, promptly reached out to make use of my presence.  I met with the union to discuss possibilities for growth and engagement and to think through the meaning of academic freedom at a private university in the Middle East. 

We were both busy, maybe a bit aloof, so no deep connection materialized, but we met a few times for coffee and chatted on campus whenever we happened to pass one another.  I had been assigned his old on-campus apartment, so we could always talk about housekeeping and local personalities we knew in common.  I kept abreast of the union’s activities, which consisted mostly of discussion meetings despite the presence of a first-year administration on campus.  There didn’t seem much to contest, in any case.  Precarious sentiment was built into the faculty culture thanks to decades of financial and political instability.  The new administration gave off a hostile vibe beneath its campy, slaphappy veneer.  Anybody who has ever held a job knows that campy and slaphappy is the worst type of boss. 

I was moving from a one-year gig into a permanent faculty position when the administration intervened to cancel the appointment at the behest of various U.S. politicians, including Illinois senator Dick Durbin, in what was unambiguously a violation of hiring protocols (and arguably a violation of academic freedom).  That intervention created some unrest on campus and various colleagues urged the faculty union to take up the cause.  It would have been a wise move if only to set an antagonistic tone against managerial overreach.  The union chose to steer clear of controversy, holding a few public forums where its leaders fielded strategic ideas they had no will or desire to implement, much to the frustration of student-activists and a handful of faculty worried that conciliation would set a bad precedent.  The discourse never moved beyond locution.  My old acquaintance/failed comrade oversaw an elaborate ritual of nothingness.  The union, it turns out, was merely a social club for compradors of the upper-class who liked to play activist. 

A few months later, I and this almost-a-friend-but-now-a-class-antagonist once again went our separate ways, he as the new dean of one of AUB’s colleges and I as a born-again exile in disgrace. "

...

"To speak more plainly:  nothing worth a shit will happen in the United States and Canada.  Forgot a lack of political imagination (itself a debilitating reality).  Shit won’t happen because North America lacks the social conditions necessary for widescale revolutionary action (something only the most disobedient beings on campus want in the first place).  Conditions exist in particular communities—among African Americans, for example, or in certain tribal nations—but even at its strongest, protest in those communities eventually runs up against insurmountable counterforces:  police brutality, systemic repression, media hostility, internal opportunism, liberal backlash, political malfeasance.  And because activism now enjoys real-time coverage, it attracts all manner of social climber and hanger-on in search of the nearest camera, a pitiful archetype that media across the spectrum are happy to elevate.  All the so-called leftist factions filling the digital universe with drama, for instance, emerged from the Bernie Sanders 2015-16 campaign.  It is the same liberalism to which they will return at the first hint of a real insurgency—if, of course, they aren’t already entrenched among the paleoconservatives."

...

"So: 

No more electoralism in reliable four-year increments.  No more uncritical discourse about “authoritarianism” and “human rights,” which, as truisms with assumed meanings, represent the vocabulary of American conquest.  No more symposia about people of the colonies who don’t care what their apparent emissaries in academe have to say.  In short, no more of the academic in our work. 

The point feels especially pressing now that thought-leaders in the West showed up unprepared for the onset of the Zionist entity’s genocide in Gaza, just as they were unprepared for decades of Black insurgency, Indigenous nationalism, and revolutionary uprisings throughout the Global South.  (They were unprepared not from lack of preparation, per se, but because they prepared for the wrong events.)  These thought-leaders are beyond redemption, mostly because they well understand the lucrative possibilities of always being wrong in exactly the right way.  But their audiences have less reason to obey convention. 

It is important to make sure that people associated with Palestine solidarity don’t forget what Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Jamaal Bowman, Pramila Jayapal, and other progressive stalwarts have done (or haven’t done) during this genocide, but more important is making sure that our colleagues don’t fall for the next set of frauds cultivated by the liberal establishment.  How does that happen?  With a lot of intervention, for starters, which will result, as it always does, in accusations of purity, sabotage, and childishness.  (Those who enjoy success through painstaking obedience consider themselves uniquely mature.)  The role of the intellectual, so heavily discussed over the decades, has now been streamlined into a forthright metric:  is the intellectual celebrated or abhorred and derided by the managerial classes?  Perhaps we can do away with the category of “intellectual” altogether and invite all people into abhorrence and derision. 

The sense of urgency should unsettle our sensibilities.  Genocide is occurring in full view of the world.  Nazism is seeing a global resurgence.  The natural environment is in conspicuous decline.  Rent is impossible.  Food is inaccessible.  Poverty is inevitable.  People are irascible.  Capitalism tries to resolve its contradictions with ever-growing depravity.  Dissimulation and compatibility don’t merely waste time; they suck away the energy and optimism of anyone, prole or professional, who demands a viable future for this planet.  Urgency is a condition, but it can also be a vocation, such that the exigencies of obedience and disobedience present as instinctual. 

Let’s allow for sabotage rather than accommodation.  Even if we don’t participate directly, it’s useful to affirm already-existing strategies and to offer a contextual understanding of the discontent informing various forms of upheaval.  Let’s return to Palestine as an example.  Affirming various forms of resistance instead of reciting bromides about “democracy” and “coexistence” will shift the conversation in important ways.  Primarily, it will better align the topic of Palestine with political sensibilities inside of Palestine, the supposed site of concern.  Allowing what the West flatly classifies as “violence” to remain verboten is a failure of both allyship and intellectual honesty. There is often a personal cost to treating resistance with the seriousness it deserves.  The risk is unavoidable.  It helps to remember that there is a greater cost for those on the front lines of the resistance we claim to support. 

We might call these varieties of rejection and affirmation revolutionary disobedience. 

The term implies an active sort of comportment.  It counsels provocation rather than retreat, deriving from a simple calculus:  emphasis on the unloved and underrepresented.  You want revolution?  Actual revolution?  Then you have to think like a revolutionary and not like a cipher selling opinions on the internet. 

And you especially have to quit thinking like a liberal, whether it happens by custom or by having been habituated to the rewards.  If you do insist on thinking like a liberal while branding as some kind of leftist, then it would be altogether helpful to drop the nonsense about socialism and the working class.  The first thing a potential comrade needs to know is that you won’t default to liberal commonplaces in a moment of insurgency or gravitate toward reaction once adequately tempted by its benefits. 

These arguments aren’t about being “realistic.”  They ask us to rethink the very concept of realism in the capitalist imagination.  A turn toward the unreal might be our only option if we want to create a world that’s habitable and humane.  And why shouldn’t we be unrealistic?  All our talk of justice is already rooted in fantasy.  Unreality is a much better alternative than what’s currently at hand. 

Maybe it’s time for scholars to disobey our own compunctions—that we’re important or even indispensable, that our education gives us special insight, that innovation would die if we suddenly went away.  Our main compunction, as with all the professions, is to obey class loyalties.  Disobedience should be introspective, then.  We have to disrupt the norms and procedures that advantage the compliant.  How can this be done?  It’s hard to say.  But that it needs doing is by now beyond doubt. 

Do it or don’t do it.  But you can no longer expect audiences to accept social climbing as a method, no matter how meticulously it is branded as courageous or conscientious.  Today’s intellectual economy is growing more competitive and subsequently more insipid.  The change benefits a small class of content creators, but has also increased cynicism among consumers toward the sources of that content.  The revolutionary promise of decentralized information never materialized.  The ruling class is stronger than ever, in no small part based on the consent of those who claim to be its enemy. 

Do it or don’t do it.  Keep in mind, though:  you can go up on the university’s front page, all smiles and sartorial splendor, an avatar of all the great things the institution can offer, happily having avoided the disrepute that comes of the wrong type of obedience, but the world is no longer made to sustain old habits of subservience.  It has grown tremendously precarious, which means it has also become simpler to understand.  So go ahead and make your choice.  We’ll revolt either way."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita 2024 academia israel labor obedience disobedience highered highereducation zionism antizionism palestine faculty academicfreedom virtue compliance conformity collegiality civility unions punishment rewards criticism careerism careers community administration institutions controversy avoidance cowardice inclusion kinship probity citizenship rulingclass dickdurbin socialmedia hierarchy hierarchies antagonism ostracism class consumerism cooperation devotion dispossession power structuresofpower censorship repression freespeech freedomofspeech ideology liberalism adminstrativebloat socialtransformation inequality society solidarity struggle resistance activism capitalism gatekeeping civilliberties liberation insurgency electoralism access infamy ethics hiring coercion inquiry objectivity acculturation productivity loyalty classloyalty groupthink criticalthinking liberals policebrutality paleoconservatives behavior cohesion algorithms unionbusting work funding employment bds divestment imperialism co</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://switchedonpop.com/episodes/vijay-iyer-jazz-politics">
    <title>Vijay Iyer on why jazz has always been political — Switched On Pop</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-24T06:29:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://switchedonpop.com/episodes/vijay-iyer-jazz-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When you think of jazz, you might think of La La Land, luxury car commercials, or fancy dinner parties. Cool, sophisticated, complex, jazz today seems to signify the epitome of class and taste. For pianist Vijay Iyer, that view gets the music completely wrong. Jazz isn’t cool. Jazz is countercultural. Jazz is alive and relevant. Jazz fights racism and injustice. And for those reasons, maybe we shouldn’t be calling this music “jazz” at all.

With a trio of Linda May Han Oh on bass and Tyshawn Sorey on drums, Iyer has recorded a new album, Uneasy, that continues the defiant political legacy of improvised music. Through songs that tackles the Flint water crisis, the murder of Eric Garner, and social unrest, Iyer connects to the key of issues of our day without saying a word. While his songs speak to our chaotic present and crackle with fierce urgency, they also reach back to elders like John Coltrane, Geri Allen, and Charles Mingus—musicians who never shied away from a fight."]]></description>
<dc:subject>vijayayer music jazz 2021 switchedonpop natesloan charlieharding lindamayhanoh tyshawnsorey ericgarner johncoltrane geriallen charlesmingus racism injustice politics counterculture antiracism resistance civilrightsmovement orvalfaubus georgewallace segregation 1950s lyrics communication columbiarecords littlerock arkansas expression advertising protest activism integration race tamirrice michaelbrown blacklivesmatter blm uneasy</dc:subject>
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    <dc:date>2024-01-14T18:06:42+00:00</dc:date>
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https://thedigradio.com/podcast/the-missing-revolution-w-vincent-bevins/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thedigradio.com/podcast/the-missing-revolution-w-vincent-bevins/">
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    <dc:date>2024-01-14T18:06:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/the-missing-revolution-w-vincent-bevins/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[part 1:
https://thedigradio.com/podcast/if-we-burn-w-vincent-bevins/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1927/03/the-case-of-sacco-and-vanzetti/306625/">
    <title>The Case of Sacco and Vanzetti - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-01T09:55:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1927/03/the-case-of-sacco-and-vanzetti/306625/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[.pdf is here:
https://cdn.theatlantic.com/media/archives/1927/03/139-3/132413768.pdf ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>1921 1927 bartolomeovanzetti felixfrankfurter us law injustice italianamericans nicolasacco saccoandvanzetti</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/world/palestinians-claim-the-right-to-narrate/">
    <title>The Right to Speak for Ourselves | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-27T16:57:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/world/palestinians-claim-the-right-to-narrate/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For far too long, Palestinians have been denied the freedom to tell our own story."

...

"Growing up, field workers and human rights researchers were constant guests in our house. I would show them pictures of my grandmother being beaten by settlers to try to make the case, as they’d eat maqluba from our table every Friday. And I would offer my analysis—“This is what I think is happening”—but they wouldn’t take it, as if to say, “I just want pictures of your bruises, a sample of your blood, and I’ll announce what’s happening later.”

Every now and then, Israeli politicians slip up, boasting about killing Arabs or promising Palestinians another Nakba. Sometimes a Zionist paper runs a headline confirming that “Israel is a settler-colony,” and we cite their words endlessly. But why do their words carry so much heft? Why do we give the authority of narration to those who have murdered and displaced us, when the scarcity of their guilty consciences means honesty is never guaranteed? Why do we wait for those carrying the batons to speak when our bruised bodies told the whole truth?

I know I am native to Jerusalem, not because Jabotinsky said so, but because I am. I know that Zionists have colonized Palestine without the need to cite Herzl. I know this because I live it, because the ruins of countless depopulated villages provide the material evidence of calculated ethnic cleansing. When we as Palestinians speak about this ongoing and ignored ethnic cleansing—which is inherent to Zionist ideology, by the way—we are at best passionate and at worst angry and hateful. But in reality, we are just reliable narrators. I say we are reliable narrators not because we’re Palestinians. It’s not on an identitarian basis that we must be given, or must take, the authority to narrate. But history tells us that those who have oppressed, who have monopolized and institutionalized violence, will not tell the truth, let alone hold themselves accountable.

The past few years have been quite interesting for Palestinians. We have been at the table, sometimes even somewhat steering the conversation. This marks an opportunity to change the rhetoric, to change the discourse, and to create a radical shift in the public sentiment about Palestine and Palestinians. It is up to us as cultural workers, as knowledge producers, as academics, as journalists, as activists, as social media commentators, to be brave. This is a time not to hide behind our fingers or behind qualifiers.

And for those of us who are journalists, it’s not even about being brave. It’s about doing our jobs. If our job is to report the truth, we must report the truth.

I want to touch on one more thing. When I go onstage, I usually joke a lot. I joke on purpose, first of all because I want to believe I’m funny. But there’s another reason: Any Palestinians operating in the public eye, especially Palestinians who have suffered Israeli violence, are expected to behave a certain way. You are supposed to be miserable—head bowed, wailing and weak and asking for mercy. You’re supposed to be polite in your suffering. And I completely refuse this. I refuse these politics of appeal. I don’t want to appeal to anyone. I can experience travesty and tragedy, and profound loss, and I can still make a joke about it. And that is the full spectrum of Palestinian humanity—or human humanity at large. We are human not just because we cry when we lose our mothers, or when we lose our homes, or because we have pets or hobbies. We are humans because we feel rage and we feel disdain—because we resist.

And I am honestly grateful for my disdain, because it reminds me that I am human. I am grateful for my rage, because it reminds me of my ability to react naturally to injustice. I am grateful for the opportunity to be flippant, to satirize and ridicule my impenetrable, indelible occupier. So, I invite you all to interrogate your biases as you leave this lecture, to interrogate what makes you want to qualify a Palestinian’s humanity. And I invite you, again, to be brave. Thank you so much."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag2y7pl3y6k">
    <title>“A True Prophet”: Why Sinéad O’Connor Risked Her Career to Call Out Catholic Church Abuse - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-01T21:14:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag2y7pl3y6k</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In an in-depth interview, we look at the life and legacy of the groundbreaking musician Sinéad O’Connor, who converted to Islam and also started using the name Shuhada’ Sadaqat in 2018. O’Connor died last week at the age of 56 and was known for her music as much as for her outspoken activism. In 1992, she performed Bob Marley’s “War” on Saturday Night Live, then proceeded to rip up a photo of Pope John Paul II on live TV to protest systemic child abuse in the Catholic Church, of which she was a survivor. The move provoked widespread uproar. O’Connor was also an ally to LGBTQ communities, an opponent of police brutality on some of her earliest records, a staunch supporter of Palestinian rights, and marched for abortion rights decades before it was legalized in Ireland. We are joined by Jamie Manson, president of advocacy group Catholics for Choice, and Allyson McCabe, music journalist and author of the recent book Why Sinéad O’Connor Matters.

Transcript: https://www.democracynow.org/2023/8/1/remembering_sinead_oconnor "

[References:

"Sinéad O’Connor Was Always a Protest Singer"
https://www.vulture.com/2023/07/sinead-oconnor-best-songs-protest.html ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/">
    <title>Neoliberal Keywords: Creative, Passionate, Confident - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2023-06-13T20:29:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Some recent dispatches from my university inbox:

<blockquote>Everything Is Fine: A Toolkit for Surviving and Thriving in Grad School … 

Register for our Empowered Educator Online Conference … Leverage technology to increase students’ digital literacy and career readiness … 

The most important thing you will do in this role (and maybe your entire career!) is be a part of building the future of education for your area of domain expertise. You will design a program to teach traditional school subjects but in a non-traditional way. If you are a passionate subject matter expert who believes that technology—not teachers—is the key to unlocking students’ full learning potential, then this job is for you.</blockquote>

There is something so banal, even embarrassing, in the aggressive positivity and predictable cant of these emails. Such exhortations have become ubiquitous on the corporatized university campus, where a diverse cast of players—administrators, student clubs, brand ambassadors, Christian ministries, military recruiters, corporate employers, fitness organizations, test prep companies—coalesce around a shared set of keywords. But when did we all become so empowered, passionate, and self-enterprising? And how did having those qualities get to be so important?

Three new books address those questions, each dismantling a core myth of neoliberal discourse. In The Cult of Creativity: A Surprisingly Recent History, Samuel W. Franklin uncovers the contemporary premium placed on “creativity” as a product of postwar US anxiety. Passionate Work: Endurance After the Good Life, by Renyi Hong, critiques the contemporary idea of “passion” for one’s work as an affective tool for managing the disappointments, alienation, and injustices of labor under late capitalism. And in Confidence Culture, Shani Orgad and Rosalind Gill contend that the contemporary discourse of self-empowerment directed at women—both a “culture” and a “cult”—represents a neoliberal strand of feminism that makes the individual responsible for improving her own circumstances rather than addressing systemic and institutional injustices.

Together, these books provide historical context for some of neoliberalism’s most persistent idioms: grit, resilience, initiative, innovation, positive mindset, and self-improvement. The books also remind us of the stakes of language in all this. When we continue to rely on such keywords, we obscure the structural reality—and political urgency—of issues like worker precarity and widening economic inequality. Our linguistic repetition reinforces the unquestioned “truth” of the words themselves, and we thus naturalize political problems as personal ones."]]></description>
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    <title>Computer user interfaces just got smarter; this is worrying | The Star</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-10T20:44:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thestar.com/business/2022/12/10/voice-user-interfaces-on-computers-just-got-smarter-and-this-should-worry-us.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["That capability to, not just spit out knowledge but sometimes to synthesize it, is both the strength and weakness of AI, however.

Much of what we do day-to-day falls just under that category of bringing together or packaging information, things that thus far ChatGPT seems to be quite good at.

If one’s job is to analyze data, wade through spreadsheets, or write simple content, such as a press release, it’s not hard to imagine that, in a decade or two, an AI will do some of that work, not simply because it’s “smart,” but also because capitalism is relentlessly looking for efficiency.

If that sets off alarm bells, it should. The disadvantage of the capacity of AI to synthesize information is that it will replicate the bad and the good in the data it has been trained on.

Already, there have been many examples of ChatGPT spitting out incorrect information, or simply repeating the biases that still plague us today. (One saw it suggesting that white and Asian people make better scientists).

Imagine how bad misinformation or systemic prejudice will be when it is presented in the form of convincingly written AI-speak. It’s the very definition of dystopia, not least because artificial intelligence isn’t actually “intelligent” as such; it can, at least for now, only ever be a product of the people and structures that created it.

That means that AI can’t replace people in some straightforward substitution; rather, in the same way that a calculator or spreadsheet can help you know how much cash flow a business needs, but not decide if a business is compelling, so, too, might AI be a thing most positively deployed only when in conjunction with human oversight.

That, however, is a best-case scenario.

Firstly, technology has inbuilt biases. Fifteen years on, for example, we can now see that Twitter is structured in a way to prioritize extreme discourse, much to our detriment.

What hidden biases or behaviours will be cultivated by an AI-trained on historical data, or one deployed to increase some Californian company’s profits?

It is now fair to say that we should not simply assume that Silicon Valley titans have good intentions. Nowhere among the breathless proselytizing of the technorati about a future of space travel or electric cars is there discussion of a world without hunger or injustice.

The glimmer of AI we get from ChatGPT is awe-inspiring, both in its promise, and its grave threat.

For too long, we ignored the same ambivalence in social media and digital at large.

We cannot afford to make the same mistake again."]]></description>
<dc:subject>navneetalang 2022 ai artificialintelligence openai chat dystopia californianideology technosolutionism bias biases ghatgpt socalmedia algorythms injustice socialjustice inequality robots society hunger siliconvalley behavior capitalism discourse twitter oversight prejudice misinformation information efficiency humanism synthesis elonmusk samaltman</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/">
    <title>Between Chaos and the Man: How not to become an anarchist, by Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-09T10:23:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I first heard of anarchism around forty-five years ago, as a teenage member of the Science Fiction Book Club. One day the U.S. Postal Service delivered a novel by Ursula K. Le Guin called The Dispossessed, which I read as soon as it arrived and immediately declared my favorite book—even better than Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood’s End or Loren Eiseley’s The Immense Journey, which had until that moment shared the honor. Then I dug out a moldy volume of our old World Book Encyclopedia and read about the history of anarchism.

My enthusiasm soon—I almost said faded, but that’s not quite right: lacking a point of focus, it diffracted. I retained my enthusiasm but didn’t know where to direct it. I hold Le Guin partly responsible, because she was too intelligent and honest a writer to portray her anarchist society as anything but “an ambiguous utopia,” as a cover blurb of a later edition put it, in a formulation that would eventually become the effective subtitle of the book. Even an anarchist society is made up of human beings, and we all know the warping that inevitably happens when that crooked timber is one’s primary building material. Le Guin made anarchism beautiful but also human—and therefore questionable.

I also came to feel increasingly strongly that I lived in a country dominated by two parties, two parties that could not be dislodged, and that could not be persuaded to take anarchist ideas seriously. Again and again I watched third-party candidates who deviated only slightly from political orthodoxy spring up and then wither away, along with the movements in which they were rooted; what chance, then, did something as bizarre as anarchism have? Anarchism was, I decided, fascinating in science fiction but irrelevant to the world in which I actually lived.

That was the story I told myself, anyway. Looking back, I see that there were other forces at work: a disinclination to marginalize myself; a reluctance to follow paths of thought that might lead to discomfort, or to unpleasant choices; and perhaps most important, an inchoate sense that I didn’t hold anarchism’s view of human nature. But none of this caused me to forget anarchism’s appeal.

Since that encounter with The Dispossessed I have read a great deal in the history of this subject. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was pedantic; Peter Kropotkin was sometimes stimulating but often dreary; Murray Bookchin was my best guide through the thickets of intra-anarchist divisions and hostilities, but he couldn’t help me cut them down to a reasonable density. Sometimes I felt that the most useful readings came not from self-declared anarchists but from anarchism-adjacent scholars such as Marshall Sahlins, whose Stone Age Economics makes a charming and largely convincing defense of the leisurely lives of hunter-gatherers—though it didn’t help me understand how I could adopt, even in a distant way, their approach to the basic problem of staying fed and clothed with the least possible expenditure of energy.

Sahlins’s argument is more than half a century old now, so I looked forward to reading a “new history of humanity,” The Dawn of Everything, by David Graeber and David Wengrow (a book completed just before Graeber’s sudden death in September 2020, at the age of fifty-nine). Their dismantling of the established sequence of social development that progresses from hunter-gatherer bands to agricultural tribes to urban kingdoms to our very own modern nation-states convinced me; they make clear through innumerable examples that the sequence is simply a myth. But I didn’t know where to take their ideas. Graeber and Wengrow are like Sixties gurus telling me to free my mind. Okay, so my mind feels freer now—what do I do with my freedom? Why am I even still drawn to this stuff? Trying to understand my own curious addiction, I decided to reread The Dispossessed.

The novel begins in a place called Anarres—the moon of the planet Urras—where we meet Le Guin’s protagonist, a physicist named Shevek. One of the most profound ambiguities of The Dispossessed involves the poverty of Anarres: its people live at scarcely better than a subsistence level, in dramatic contrast to the wealth and luxury experienced by many on Urras. But cause and effect are uncertain here. The Anarresti are the descendants of a revolutionary anarchist movement that arose on Urras two centuries earlier—they are called Odonians, after a political philosopher and revolutionary leader named Odo. The result of the Odonians’ revolution was not the rule of their own world, but rather the granting of exclusive residence on the arid and barely habitable Anarres. Their collective life is a kind of gift, and a kind of exile.

It is easy and partly correct to say that the resource-poor environment of Anarres ensured that its residents would live simply; but it is equally true to say that simplicity was what the Odonians preferred. They stood a better chance of adhering to that preference, and of remaining anarchist, on a world that never tempted them with a lush life and (therefore) a more differentiated social order. Ample natural resources and hierarchical political structures—such as existed on Urras, especially in the nation called A-Io—lead to innovation and productivity; but they also lead to inequality, injustice, and the exploitation of the world and its creatures, including its human creatures.

Every social order comes with trade-offs. The Odonians of Anarres know they have given up comforts that those on Urras would deem necessities. Most of them warmly accept those sacrifices, and indeed don’t think of them as sacrifices, because they believe themselves to be amply compensated by their freedom and egalitarian social solidarity. When Shevek visits A-Io, and meets some of its residents, he thinks, “They knew no relation but possession. They were possessed.” By contrast, the Anarresti have been dispossessed by Urras—and by themselves.

Dispossession initiates a particular kind of order. Proudhon, in the middle of the nineteenth century, asserted that liberty is “not the daughter but the mother of order,” and that “society seeks order in anarchy.” Anarchists do not reject order or rule or governance but insist that in a healthy society these things cannot be imposed from above—from some arche, some authoritative source. Rather they emerge from negotiations between social equals. When complex phenomena arise from simple rules distributed throughout a large population—as can be seen best in social insects and slime molds—modern humans tend to be puzzled. For a long time scientists thought that there had to be intelligent queens in bee colonies giving directions to the other bees, because how else could the behavior within colonies be explained? The idea that the complexity simply emerges from the rigorous application of a handful of simple behavioral rules is hard for us to grasp. Bees and ants demonstrate how anarchy is order. It’s a shame that Proudhon did not know this.

On Anarres, “negotiations between social equals” happen within the ambit of a particular task or project or profession. Shevek, for example, is part of a self-organizing and self-maintaining syndic of scientists, in which responsibilities are typically assumed by volunteers. Shevek wants to work on highly technical problems of theoretical physics, which makes him grateful that others are willing to take on the inevitable administrative tasks. One of these others is a man named Sabul, who serves as the conduit through whom scientific papers move from Anarres to Urras, Urras to Anarres. For the student of anarchism, Sabul may be the novel’s most significant character.

It is often said—not least by central figures in the history of anarchist thought—that anarchism as a political philosophy depends on a belief in the essential goodness of human beings. In an essay titled “Are You An Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You!,” Graeber poses the following question: “Do you believe that human beings are fundamentally corrupt and evil . . . ?” He continues, “If you answered ‘yes,’ then, well, it looks like you aren’t an anarchist after all.” But much hinges here on what is meant by “fundamentally corrupt and evil.” I don’t believe that everyone is wicked altogether; I don’t believe that without the restraint of law we would have what Thomas Hobbes called the “War of every man against every man.” But I do believe that everything we human beings do is to some extent infected by selfishness, by pride, by the often unconscious desire to make ourselves superior to others in some way—perhaps in wealth, perhaps in power, perhaps in virtue. Does this mean that I can’t be an anarchist after all?

Anarchism depends, Kropotkin claims in his seminal book Mutual Aid, on the belief that cooperation and reciprocity come more naturally to humans than competition and a desire for dominance do. When I first read Kropotkin’s argument, decades after encountering The Dispossessed, I found it unconvincing—because I remembered Sabul.

I remembered Sabul because, however strongly and sincerely he may affirm Odonian principles, he is not at all cooperative. He is, rather, intensely protective of his little field of authority. Jealous of Shevek’s more powerful mind, he gums up the works, preventing, as best he can, any real communication between Shevek and physicists on Urras. Indeed, the crucial events of the book are set in motion by Shevek’s decision to travel to Urras, and he makes that decision only because of Sabul’s petty obstructionism.

For those who associate anarchism with a belief in the cooperativeness of human beings, the key word in that sentence will probably be “obstructionism.” Does not Sabul’s jealousy of Shevek, and his determination to achieve and maintain control, suggest that a society built on the assumption of voluntary, emergent mutual aid is a pipe dream?

For me, though—a person with an exceptionally low anthropology, a skepticism about human motives that borders on the cynical—the key word is “petty.” The decentralized character of Anarresti society means that, however tyrannical Sabul may be in temperament, he does not and cannot exercise tyranny. In a more structured and hierarchical society he would be far more dangerous. As I reflected on these matters, it seemed to me that—whatever Graeber and Kropotkin may have thought to the contrary—anarchism may well be the ideal political philosophy for those of us who believe in original sin.

In every sector of society we are afflicted by a hierarchical centralization, a concentration of power in the hands of a few, typically a few who are directly accountable to no one—least of all to us, the people. Standards and canons of efficiency have come to rule all: the era in which “mechanization takes command”—the title of a 1948 book by Sigfried Giedion—has given way to the era of what Nikil Saval has called “self-Taylorizing,” the psychological internalization of the impulse toward efficiency and productivity. And only anarchic order, as far as I can tell, offers any real hope of rescue.

An accurate assessment of the character of the moment is needed here. Those of us drawn to any scheme of decentralization, either anarchism or the Distributism of G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, are often treated to a litany of the gifts of modern civilization that would be absent in an anarchist society. One could argue about the quality of those gifts—the meaning of the German word Gift comes to mind: poison—but I think it more expedient to waive the point. I am not at all certain that any of us are better off with iPhones than we were without them but, sure, let’s posit that iPhones are wonderful, gifts in the English sense rather than the German. Without contesting that point let’s simply say: enough is enough.

As I noted earlier, I was fascinated but also somewhat confused by The Dawn of Everything. It was meant—before Graeber’s untimely death—to be the first of several volumes. Maybe Wengrow will write the successors, and maybe they will clarify the path forward, but in the interim, I found myself knowing very well what it means to be interested in anarchism but not at all what it means to become an anarchist. I found myself wondering whether “How do I become an anarchist?” is even the right question. Maybe (I thought) becoming an anarchist is a very un-anarchistic thing to do.

Around the time The Dispossessed came out, Le Guin published a kind of pendant to it, a short story called “The Day Before the Revolution,” in which Odo spends the eve of the revolution that will lead to the colonization of Anarres not dreaming of the future but lost in her past. Living with her disciples, most of them much younger, she realizes that they dress in a way that would have been considered immodest in her youth. By contrast, she continues to dress in accordance with the conventions of her own upbringing. “They had grown up in the principle of freedom of dress and sex and all the rest, and she hadn’t. All she had done was invent it. It’s not the same.” When she speaks of her late “husband” Asieo, her followers grow uncomfortable. “The word she should use as a good Odonian, of course, was ‘partner.’ ” But, Odo reflects, “Why the hell did she have to be a good Odonian?” The leader of an anarchist movement has become uncomfortable as anarchy has settled into habit, into structure, into expectation. There is something livelier and more human about being Odo than there is about being an Odonian. Which may be another way of saying: something more anarchic.

One of the ways the Anarresti are dispossessed is through their language, called Pravic, which doesn’t dispense with possessive pronouns altogether but is idiomatically resistant to them. “To say ‘this one is mine and that’s yours’ in Pravic, one said, ‘I use this one and you use that.’ ” A child is encouraged to say not “my mother” but “the mother.” It is significant, though, that we are told all this about Pravic because a friend of Shevek’s, who learns that he plans to work with Sabul, warns him: “You will be his man.” The use of the possessive startles Shevek, but eventually he learns the ways in which that uncommon usage was appropriate. These tensions between Pravic and its speakers indicate what language can’t do; what politics can’t do; and what order, even the order that is anarchy, can’t do.

“State is the name for the coldest of all cold monsters,” Nietzsche writes in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. In the same passage he elaborates:

Every people speaks its own tongue of good and evil: this the neighbor does not understand. It has invented its own language of customs and rights. But the state lies in all the tongues of good and evil.

Is not Pravic, subtly yet necessarily, the tongue of a kind of state?

In “The Day Before the Revolution” Odo—an elderly woman, suffering the effects of a stroke—walks slowly through the city she lives in, and thinks, “There would not be slums like this, if the Revolution prevailed.” She continues:

But there would be misery. There would always be misery, waste, cruelty. She had never pretended to be changing the human condition, to be Mama taking tragedy away from the children so they won’t hurt themselves. Anything but. So long as people were free to choose, if they chose to drink flybane and live in sewers, it was their business. Just so long as it wasn’t the business of Business, the source of profit and the means of power for other people.

At another point in the story Odo quotes herself: “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice.” Is this statement profound—or fatuous? I think it’s fatuous in our current social order, in which choice is always already governed by the logic and power of consumption: that we choose is an illusion that it’s the business of Business to maintain. But if you ask yourself in what circumstances might this sentence be necessary wisdom, maybe it will look different. If the whole formulation strikes you as individualistic, perhaps you might reflect that one cannot truly have individualism until one has individuals. And if the question of what might serve to form genuine individuals is one that anarchism cannot answer—well, perhaps anarchy can.

Some years ago, Walter Mosley published a novella called Archibald Lawless, Anarchist at Large—in which, let me be quick to say, the titular character acknowledges the peculiarity of his last name, though he never explains it. Lawless does, however, freely and frequently state his convictions to his new scribe, Felix Orlean. He says, for instance, “I walk the line between chaos and the man.” He says, even more portentously,

I am, everyone is, a potential sovereignty, a nation upon my own. I am responsible for every action taken in my name and for every step that I take—or that I don’t take. When you get to the place that you can see yourself as a completely autonomous, self-governing entity then everything will come to you; everything that you will need.

I was in a pro-anarchist frame of mind when I first read this story, and so I tried to make the best of it, but no—this is the common caricature of anarchism: radically self-indulgent and “lawless,” without any order at all. Nevertheless, there’s something intriguing about that notion of walking the line “between chaos and the man,” between the absence of order and a rigid simulacrum of order imposed from above. Isn’t that, after all, what anarchy in practice is: a tightrope strung across a double abyss?

Trying to think these matters through, I found myself returning to Graeber’s voluminous writings, many of which appear on obscure websites. I was not wholly deterred by his suggestion that my cynicism debars me from being an anarchist; my obsession was not so easily dispelled. So I kept reading, and in a long essay titled “Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology” I came across this:

Anarchistic societies are no more unaware of human capacities for greed or vainglory than modern Americans are unaware of human capacities for envy, gluttony, or sloth; they would just find them equally unappealing as the basis for their civilization. In fact, they see these phenomena as moral dangers so dire they end up organizing much of their social life around containing them.

I like this; I think of it as Graeber opening his heart to reveal the secular Calvinist hidden within. And such clear-eyed awareness of our darker proclivities is surely a better ground for anarchist action than any celebration of the human propensity for cooperative action. The best reason to pursue anarchism, to walk that line between chaos and the man, is that none of us is free from greed or vainglory. Insofar as anarchism arises from that sober and constant awareness of the “moral dangers” our own libido dominandi present to social order, I am all for it.

Graeber also helps me to understand how to pursue it. One of his core concepts is “prefigurative politics”: action that practically instantiates what you hope for and therefore “prefigures” it. “Revolutionary action is not a form of self-sacrifice,” he writes, “a grim dedication to doing whatever it takes to achieve a future world of freedom. It is the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free.” But, I would say, that prefigured freedom should primarily be freedom not from the man out there but the man that I always, by nature, want to be.

There are many schools of anarchism, most only partly reconcilable with the others: anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-communism, primitivism, cooperativism, and so on. The most interesting thing they have in common, Graeber notes, is that they aren’t named for a person (Marxism) or an economic system (capitalism) but rather for modes of practice—ways of acting in the world. Somewhere down the line perhaps one becomes an anarchist of one description or another; but however that may be, to act in accordance with the better world imaginatively prefigured is an option for me, for each of us, right now.

So this is what I have come around to, this is how I have made sense of my obsession with anarchism: the first target of anarchistic practice ought to be whatever it is in me that resists anarchy—what resists negotiation, the turning toward the Other as neighbor and potential collaborator. I return to Odo’s line, “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice,” but I add this: The responsibility of choice arises when I acknowledge my own participation, in a thousand different ways, in the imposition of order on others. This is where anarchism begins; where the turning aside from the coldest of all cold monsters begins; where I begin. The possibility of anarchic action arises when I acknowledge my own will to power. Self-dispossession begins when I say to myself: Je suis Sabul."]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2022-08-22T22:16:22+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing and professor of sociology at Brooklyn College, and Alex Karakatsanis, civil rights lawyer and co-founder of Equal Justice Under Law, join Briahna to discuss how the left should respond to the new conservative call to abolish the FBI. What could be done from a left perspective, and is it more important to potentially stick Trump with a crime than to take down an organization that has long targeted the left?"]]></description>
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    <title>Line Goes Up – The Problem With NFTs - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-28T20:29:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQ_xWvX1n9g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If someone pitches you on a "great" Web3 project, ask them if it requires buying or selling crypto to do what they say it does."

[See also:
https://www.theverge.com/2022/1/28/22906010/web3-nft-internet-history-video-platformer ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://myersedpress.presswarehouse.com/browse/book/9781975504113/Childhoods-in-More-Just-Worlds">
    <title>Childhoods in More Just Worlds: An International Handbook, Edited by Timothy Kinard and Gaile S. Cannella – Myers Education Press</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-05T00:35:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://myersedpress.presswarehouse.com/browse/book/9781975504113/Childhoods-in-More-Just-Worlds</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Those who are younger continue to be objects of injustice and inequity; those who are younger, people of color, females, and human beings living in poverty have never been included in equitable performances of justice, care, respect, and fairness.

The authors in this international volume use existing social values and institutions–and the strengths of these varied perspectives–to address justice in ways that have not previously been considered. The aim is to create more just worlds for those who are young–as well as for the rest of us.

The first set of chapters, Bodies, Beings, and Relations in More Just Worlds, place at the forefront the lives of those who are younger who are commonly situated in positions of invisibility, disqualification, and even erasure. In the second section, Performances of Care and Education for More Just Worlds, the authors acknowledge that needed (re)conceptualizations of those who are younger, along with appreciation for human diversity and entanglements between the so-called human and nonhuman worlds, are the foundations for more just care and education environments. From the critique of neoliberal reform discourses to reconceptualizing human relations with nonhuman animal and material worlds, care and learning environments are rethought. The set of chapters in the final section, Stir of Echoes: 20th Century Childhoods in the 21st, take-up the 20th century critical concerns with constructions of “child” that have dominated and continue to govern perspectives imposed on those who are younger. Suggestions for becoming-with those who are younger through resources like reconceptualist scholarship, Black and Indigenous Studies, and various posthuman perspectives are provided throughout.

Whatever the emphasis or focus of a section or chapter, throughout the volume is the recognition that dominant discourses (e.g. neoliberal capitalism, conservativism, progressivism, human exceptionalism) and the policies they create (and that facilitate them), influence possibilities for, and limitations to, more just childhood worlds. Therefore, each section includes chapters that address these complex discourses and policy issues. The reader is invited to engage with these complexities, to become-with the various texts, and to generate unthought possibilities for childhoods in more just worlds.

Perfect for courses such as: Curriculum Theory │ Multicultural Education │ Cultural Knowledge of Teachers and Teaching │ Sociocultural Foundations │ Anthropology of Education │ Identity, Agency, and Education │ Race and Ethnic Relations in Schools │ Philosophical Foundations of Education │ Educational Epistemologies │ Theorizing and Researching Teaching and Learning │ Qualitative Research in Education: Paradigms, Theories, and Exemplars │ Epistemologies and Theories in Multicultural and Equity Studies │ Curricular Approaches to Multicultural and Equity Studies in Education │ Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (3) │ Multicultural and Global Perspectives in Teaching and Learning │ Teaching for Social Justice │ Diversity and Equity in Education │ 21st Century Childhood Curriculum │ Childhood and Globalization

Table of Contents:

Preface: Childhoods in More Just Worlds: An International Handbook
Gaile S. Cannella and Tim Kinard

Bodies, Beings, and Relations in More Just Worlds

1. The Reduction of Children to “Bare Life”: The Case of Child Migration
Michael O’Loughlin and Renata de Assis

2. “Forward to No Place at All”: Forceful Migration and Child Welfare
Mlado Ivanovic

3. A Romani Analysis of English Preschool Education
Mandy Pierlejewski and Gyula Vamosi

4. The Shadows and Silences of Colonialism: Resisting Eroding Realities for Māori Children Through Language Re-Vernacularisation in Antipodean New Zealand
Mere Skerrett

5. Staying with the Troubles of Colonised Emotional Well-Being of Young Children in Aotearoa (New Zealand)
Jenny Ritchie

6. Competing Discourses about Immigrant Children: Metaphors of the Right and Left
Theodora Lightfoot

Care and Education: Performing Just Childhood Worlds

7. Refusing Policymakers’ Manufactured Crisis: Countering Conceptions of School Readiness
Christopher P. Brown, David P. Barry, and Da Hei Ku

8. Politics of Childhoods: Paradoxical Moments of Be(com)ing
I-Fang Lee

9. Sitting With the Agency Paradox to Stand for Childhood Liberation: The Case of Critical Mathematics Education
José Martínez Hinestroza

10. “Your Children Are Having Too Much Fun”: Teaching Literacy With Radical Hope
Luz A. Murillo

11. Justice Mapping: Making Theoretical Kin With/in Childhood Studies
Tim Kinard

12. Becoming-with Water: Collaboration, Ethico-onto-epistemologies, Experimentations, and Creativity
Mindy Blaise and Claire O’Callaghan

13. Entanglements of Neoliberalism, Childhoods and Environmental Justice
Kylie Smith, Casey Myers, and Marek Tesar

Stir of Echoes: 20th-Century Childhoods in the 21st

14. Figurations of the Child in Swedish Early Childhood Education
Therese Lindgren

15. Innocence and Parenting in Difficult Times
Emily L. Murphy and Hannah Dyer

16. Playing With the Politics of Play
Sue Grieshaber and Sally Barnes

17. Becoming Convivial With Child: Dismantling the Race/Child/Learning/Human Assemblage
Maria Kromidas

About the Authors

Index”]]></description>
<dc:subject>children unschooling mariakromidas timothykinard gailecannella 2021 deschooling justicee socialjustice conviviality multispecies morethanhuman place education learning howwelearn teaching howweteach childhood experientiallearning relationships sallybarnes suegrieshaber emilymurphy hannahdyer parenting innocence politics play thereselindgren sweden us neoliberalism environment environmentaljustice kyliesmith caseymyers marektesar mindyblaise claireo’callaghan creativity experimentation pedagogy luzmurillo literacy josémartínezhinestroza agency liberation freedom i-fanglee becoming christopherbrown davidbarry daheiku refusal resistance schools schooling schoolreadiness theodoralightfoot jennyritchie decolonization colonialism colonization well-being newzealand maori aoterroa mereskerrett mandypierlejewski gyulavamosi romani uk preschool mladoivanovic migration immigration michaelo’loughlin renatadeassis bodeis globalization curriculum equity inequality multiculturalism anthropology indigenei</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://archipelagobooks.org/book/good-will-come-from-the-sea/">
    <title>Good Will Come From the Sea – Archipelago Books</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-16T04:28:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archipelagobooks.org/book/good-will-come-from-the-sea/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Christos Ikonomou’s collection Good Will Come From the Sea is a dirge for the Greek economic crisis and the devastation it has wrought, a profound meditation on the nature of justice in an unjust world. On an unnamed island, struggling migrants and trapped locals endure the crushing weight of poverty in these four linked stories.

Artemis and Stavros see their dreams destroyed when a local cartel burns down their restaurant; wheelchair-bound Chronis agonizes as a neighbor assaults a young girl. Meanwhile, Lazarus wanders the island in search of his lost son, “disappeared” at the hands of the local mob – the same gangsters who break visionary Tasos’s body and spirit for daring to stand up to them.

As the characters mourn their livelihoods, loved ones, and dreams, only ghostly threads of hope keep them marching toward a future that shows little promise of change. Good Will Come From the Sea is a tender and defiant song of loss, a study of poverty’s toll on the human soul."]]></description>
<dc:subject>christosikonomou 2019 books poverty economics greatrecession justice injustice greece stories shortstories globalfinancialcrisis</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/06/leadership-crisis-campus/613678/">
    <title>A Leadership Crisis on Campus - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-08-24T04:33:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/06/leadership-crisis-campus/613678/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Covid-19 won’t last forever, or so we hope. Even if the virus persists as a long-term human affliction, there is confidence that treatments, vaccines, and other methods will help manage it. The “novel” coronavirus will cease to be so novel, and its immediate impact on daily life will abate.

But colleges and universities will still have to address a variety of threats and injustices, and should be held accountable for how they choose to do so.

College rankings are bad. They fan the flames of economic inequality, reinforce a Matthew effect in educational opportunity, and degrade the civic function of higher education. It is never possible to capture evanescent properties like educational quality, let alone equity, with metrics shoehorned into statistical models. In 2005, Washington Monthly launched its own rankings, seeking to evaluate universities based on their contribution to the public good. It is not as influential as the U.S. News ranking, and it still tries to boil racial, economic, and medical justice down to a “score.” But if colleges must be scored, then let us judge them based on the justice they produce, not just the wealth they accrue. That would motivate their leaders to make real progress, and not just to pay lip service to these goals so the fundraising and test-score boosting can continue.

The obsession of many college leaders with preserving or improving campus metrics, rather than human lives, is a disgrace. The coronavirus offers these leaders an opportunity to demonstrate an actual commitment to social welfare and justice. That will be a difficult change for college presidents, provosts, deans, and other executives. They will have to redirect resources and revise goals. They will have to fight new battles with trustees, boards, and chancellors. They will have to stick their necks out; some might risk getting fired. But that’s what leaders are paid to do.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>ianbogost colleges universities ethics priorities highered highereducation management administration covid-19 coronavirus pandemic 2020 leadership metrics rankings usnewsandworldreport mattheweffect inequality education socialmobility purpose values health publichealth responsibility justice socialjustice injustice accountability collegerankings</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.jessicazeller.net/blog/pedagogy-as-protest">
    <title>Pedagogy as Protest: Reimagining the Center — Jessica Zeller</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-14T04:50:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.jessicazeller.net/blog/pedagogy-as-protest</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I write this in the wake of the unjust murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery; Atatiana Jefferson and Fred Rouse where I live in Fort Worth; and just two days ago father of four Rayshard Brooks; among too many other innocents who should have been alive today. 

I write this as we are still inexplicably engaged in a conversation about the humanity of Black people, as though it were somehow up for debate. 

I write this as global uprisings against police violence and systemic racism are entering their third week while losing the attention of the 24-hour news cycle and those who hashtagged their way to a suspiciously visible allyship. 

I write this during Pride month, as LGBTQIA+ people’s legal rights are being deliberately rescinded by a bigoted president and their identities publicly invalidated by a bigoted children’s book author. As Black trans women are still being murdered and forgotten at an alarming rate.

I write this as the Coronavirus pandemic that disproportionately affects BIPOC continues to escalate. 110,000+ Americans have died and the government has turned away—willfully negligent and criminally inept. Our national mourning has been negated by a political horror show. 

I write this as grief has become pervasive and accepted. As “just checking in” and “wanted to see how you’re doing” have become essential daily communications with loved ones. As “I hope this finds you safe and well during this difficult time,” has become the standard prologue to our emails. 

I write this as I am hesitant to acknowledge my anger. My white, female, cishet identity keeps me from the prejudices, the racism, the centuries of hate. I can only try to imagine the degree of rage and the kind of exhaustion that one might feel in the face of it daily. As a woman I can sometimes relate. Sometimes. To some extent. I donate and read and call and write until the fury gives way to a less volatile feeling of existential malaise. There is too much suffering in too many places happening all at the same time; seeking out moments of joy takes dedicated effort. Doing the work helps. No one needs another white woman’s tears.

*

Scholar and activist bell hooks is renowned for her work to dismantle what she calls “imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.” These interrelated centers of power, she teaches, are responsible for the oppression and domination that shape our world. In 2010, hooks came to my alma mater as a Visiting Distinguished Professor of Women’s Studies. Despite being hosted by five different departments and centers across the massive Ohio State University campus—interdisciplinary voice that she is—hooks’s one public lecture took place in a not-nearly-big-enough lecture hall. We broke fire code, cramming as many people as we could into the rows and clogging the aisles. We were doubled up in seats and smashed against walls. The administrators present stood aghast, powerless. And as only a true critical pedagogue would, hooks invited hordes of students from the audience to fill the stage with her. She physically brought us together in community around her, a generous act which served as the precursor to an intellectual ass-kicking that brought us—if possible—even closer. 

If you’ve ever been fortunate enough to hear hooks speak, you know it’s a near-spiritual experience. She’s a philosopher and a storyteller; sharing her own narrative in a way both theoretically significant and personally meaningful. Her work to expose systems of oppression is at once about her and about all of us, collectively and as individuals in the world. It seems to reach out from multiple centers, and all at the same time. Through publicly accessible academic discourse rooted in a love ethic, she finds us where we are and shepherds us into a critical awareness of ourselves and others. Her work always feels urgent, essential, human.

*

In the face of so many unknowns as we approach the Fall semester, universities are treating educators like vehicles for “content delivery.” They’re pushing too many one-size-fits-all course models that, like department store winter gloves, don’t actually fit all. There are too many cookie-cutter solutions. Too many catchphrases. Too many online platforms and learning management systems with too many biases that disadvantage too many students. And too many damn hyphenates; “standards-based” and “data-driven” among the worst offenders. 

“Student-centered” might be the most misused of all the hyphenates the education field has ever devised; it’s lipstick on a pig, so to speak. Ideally, we wouldn’t have to say “student-centered” at all. It would be apparent in our work. It would manifest. And yet for some reason we’ve come to need a term like “student-centered” to remind ourselves and our institutions that there are indeed students present. In spite of our slick buzzwords and “flipped classrooms,” the students are nowhere near the center. Many have left the room unnoticed.

Often occupying the center of the learning space in their stead, “imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy” has taught us that students are the enemy. Our syllabi are a bloated ten pages long and thick with policy statements, as too many in education have come to believe that good teaching and rigid rule enforcement are one and the same: no late work accepted; grade deductions for late arrivals; required use of surveillance software; “fairness” as represented by uniform punishments regardless of personal circumstance or hardship. 

Where is our humanity? 

It’s no wonder that many students seem only mildly interested in school, if at all. School isn’t made for them. Not when there are accrediting agencies and state standards and educational technology contracts in play. Not when universities rely on unethically sourced student data analyzed with questionable integrity to confirm their use of often inequitable “best practices.” Not when the Ivory Tower doesn’t. even. try. to respond to those learning or trying to learn.

*

In this fraught moment, I am looking to pedagogy. I am embracing the curriculum and the classroom and yes, even the Euro-centric ballet studio as sites for resistance; locales where trusting students, expressing interest in them, and giving them the benefit of the doubt are seen as radical acts that defy the “imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist patriarchy” that we’ve allowed to remain in the center for too long.

The pedagogy I see is equitable. It invites students into the center by valuing their differences, recognizing their experiences, and affirming their identities. It practices acceptance. It centers our collective humanity, asking out loud and as part of the process: Who is learning for? Who is learning about? Who authors learning? And why?

This pedagogy is responsive. It prioritizes checking in on loved ones, holding space for grief, and honoring rage at injustice. It situates learning in and through and with community. It is at once about our individual stories and about us, together, in the world.

This pedagogy is vital. It eschews reductive assessment practices and grading for the sake of competition. It stands opposed to pre-determined learning outcomes and welcomes incidental, unexpected developments that we call learning. It is impassioned and joyous and nerdy. It refuses to measure what is not legitimately measurable. It does not make objects from subjects. It pushes back against any policy that seeks to silence, falsify, or diminish. Failure is critical, as is self-reflection; it loves these processes—it thrives on them.

Moving pedagogy from philosophy to praxis is always a challenge, but the how and the what tend to become visible once I articulate the why and the for/by/about whom. This attempt at a pedagogy of resistance isn’t new for me, and yet no matter how pedagogically disruptive I think I am, there’s usually further to go. This moment in our history is calling for a full-scale radical overhaul of our systems. It’s asking us to reimagine the centers: of pedagogies, curricula, courses, methodologies, and individual lessons inside individual classes. It’s asking us to consider who is there, who is not, and why. Perhaps most importantly, it’s asking us to consider why not, and why not now."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thestar.com/entertainment/books/2020/07/04/dionne-brand-on-narrative-reckoning-and-the-calculus-of-living-and-dying.html">
    <title>Dionne Brand: On narrative, reckoning and the calculus of living and dying | The Star</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-13T22:34:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thestar.com/entertainment/books/2020/07/04/dionne-brand-on-narrative-reckoning-and-the-calculus-of-living-and-dying.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have spent my days thinking about calculus and narrative and reckoning. I have spent them tuned to the stilled and heightened frequencies of everyday life. I’ve spent my days shadowboxing the radio and mainstream print media. I’ve spent them marveling at the courage, the foresight, and the astonishing brilliance of people, so many of them young, who are taking to the streets. All my life I have lived with the chronic fever of antiblack racism. So many of us have, and for so many years: generations. I know this as I go through my daily acrimonious back and forth with the commentators, experts, and politicians as they attempt to manage the pandemic as narrative, as calculus, but not yet as reckoning. I know, as many do, that I’ve been living a pandemic all my life; it is structural rather than viral; it is the global state of emergency of antiblackness. What the COVID-19 pandemic has done is expose even further the endoskeleton of the world. I have felt tremendous irritation at the innocence of those people (mostly, but not only, white) finally up against their historic and present culpability in a set of dreadful politics and dreadful economics — ecocidal and genocidal. Their innocence is politically, economically and psychically lucrative. In “Silencing the Past,” Michel-Rolph Trouillot wrote, ﻿“We are never as steeped in history as when we pretend not to be, but if we stop pretending we may gain in understanding what we lose in false innocence. Naiveté is often an excuse for those who exercise power. For those upon whom that power is exercised, naiveté is always a mistake.”

Those in power keep invoking “the normal” as in “when we get back to normal.” I’ve developed an aversion to that word normal. Of course, I understand the more benign meanings of normal; having dinner with friends, going to the movies, going back to work (not so benign). However, I have never used it with any confidence in the first place; now, I find it noxious. The repetition of “when things return to normal” as if that normal, was not in contention. Was the violence against women normal? Was the anti-Black and anti-Indigenous racism normal? Was white supremacy normal? Was the homelessness growing on the streets normal? Were homophobia and transphobia normal? Were pervasive surveillance and policing of Black and Indigenous and people of colour normal? Yes, I suppose all of that was normal. But, I and many other people hate that normal. Who would one have to be to sit in that normal restfully, to mourn it, or to desire its continuance? We are, in fact, still in that awful normal that is narrativized as minor injustices, or social ills that would get better if some of us waited, if we had the patience to bear it, if we had noticed and were grateful for the miniscule “progress” etc … Well, yes, this normal, this usual, this ease was predicated on dis-ease. The dis-ease was always presented as something to be solved in the future, but for certain exigences of budget, but for planning, but for the faults of “those” people, their lack of responsibility, but for all that, there were plans to remedy it, in some future time. We were to hold onto that hope and the suspension of disbelief it required to maintain “normal.”

I’ve spent many days thinking about the current political situation. And I noticed with shock and a certain bitter laughter, that the people who espoused cutbacks, belt tightening, austerity, privatization, the people who made up the atrocious clause, “running the country like a business,” have been spun around 180 degrees. Where they advocated, over the last 30 or 40 years, shrinking the state they have now swiftly expanded it. Though they have not admitted to the failure of their ideas and austerity policies, they have virtually, though temporarily, overturned 40 years of shrinking the state’s responsibilities to people. You wonder what additional things might have been done that they previously said could not be done. For we have seen how quickly these hitherto impossible changes were ramped up. And, so, why did they drag us through thirty years of dispossessing, dismantling, and disenfranchising? Well. Capital. I guess. Each day when the government trots out what it will do next is an opportunity to witness its intrinsic crisis and failure, its quotidian failures and its hypocrisies.

I don’t think that capital is in crisis, the neo-liberal state it created is in crisis.

Time in the city is usually taken up running around positioning oneself around this narrative of the normal. But the pandemic situates you in waiting. So much waiting, you gain clarity. You listen more attentively, more anxiously. “We must get the economy moving,” they say. And, “we must get people back to work,” they say. These hymns we’ve heard, these enticements to something called the normal, gesture us toward complicity. Most of my friends and family never stopped working anyway — they work in health and community services. The quarantine has alerted us all as to how much we’ve ceded to those (we put) in power. The state is in angst, too, about our political demands. It offers some the seduction but others the violence of the normative narrative. Because seriously, what is it to get people ‘back to work’ if there is no remedy or vaccine? If some people have never stopped working. If the only thing that has changed is the rate of infection not the presence of the virus? What is the calculation by which one arrives at this cruel expendability.

So, I have been thinking of the calculus of living and dying.

And it is no surprise that police and policing come into the frame. And it is no surprise that they must demonstrate state power, and it is no surprise on whom. The x-ray that is the novel coronavirus exposes once again the bare bones of the social structure in which for Black and Indigenous people governance equals policing. Governance as violence.

This we fear — this we know — that all of our thoughts will be rushed into editorial pages, used up in committee meetings; all the rich imaginings of activists and thinkers who urge us to live otherwise may be disappeared, modified into reform and inclusion, equity, diversity and palliation.

But I hear what they say and many others do as well, “Look we should never live the way we lived before; our lives need not be framed by the purely extractive, based on nothing but capital.” Everything is up in the air, all narratives for the moment have been blown open — the statues are falling — all the metrics are off, if only briefly. ﻿To paraphrase Trouillot, we want “a life that no narrative could provide, even the best fiction.” The reckoning might be now."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/MrDanZak/status/1270426367495155722">
    <title>Dan Zak on Twitter: &quot;Martin Gugino, the 75-year-old peace protester injured by Buffalo police &amp;amp; slandered by the president of the United States, is reportedly a supporter of the Catholic Worker movement &amp;amp; Plowshares movement. I don't know Gugino,</title>
    <dc:date>2020-06-11T00:54:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/MrDanZak/status/1270426367495155722</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/audreywatters/status/1270450895868751872

“Father Phil Berrigan came and spoke to a class I was in at JHU in 1990. I was so moved by his work, I named my son “Isaiah” in honor of the Plowshares. 

(See whole thread)”]

“Martin Gugino, the 75-year-old peace protester injured by Buffalo police & slandered by the president of the United States, is reportedly a supporter of the Catholic Worker movement & Plowshares movement. I don’t know Gugino, but I know Catholic Worker/Plowshares very well. [1/x]

I spent four years working to understand these activists—interviewing them, attending their peaceful protests of nuclear weapons & the military, walking with them on a peace march into the Nevada desert, watching them in court, corresponding by mail when they were in prison.

They are generally on the older side, & have been active for decades in peaceful protest: against the Vietnam War, against Reagan’s arms buildup, against School of the Americas &, most forcefully, against nukes. They see the link between war & poverty (of spirit and of body).

The Catholic Worker movement began nearly 90 years ago in NYC w/Dorothy Day. Here are a few pages of history from my book. From the beginning, the government smeared them as radicals, as enemies of the state, for daring to question our militarized identity & national priorities. [three photos of pages from a book]

J. Edgar Hoover spread rumors that Dorothy Day was a Russian spy; the FBI monitored her for “subversive” behavior, i.e. pointing out that internment camps in the U.S. were reminiscent of Nazi Germany. Years later, Hoover & Nixon did the same against anti-Vietnam protesters. [photo of a passage from the book]

And now, decades later, Trump is spreading similar demagoguery about a peace activist who reportedly walks in Dorothy Day’s footsteps. (A recognized theme of the Trump presidency is that he does out loud, and in the open, what the U.S. government has always tried to do covertly.)

Catholic Worker houses, all around the U.S., are hubs for intentional living & peace activism. On a weekly basis, members of D.C.’s Catholic Worker house protest in small groups at the Pentagon & White House. They also feed the poor & shelter single moms & their children.

The Plowshares movement is an intrepid offshoot of the Catholic Worker. It began in 1980 when activists entered a nuclear-weapons facility in PA. The goal was to manifest the command of the Book of Isaiah to transform weapons into tools of peace (“swords into plowshares”).

They got past security, found the nose cones for Minuteman missiles, hammered them & splashed them with blood. They brought a written indictment explaining their civil disobedience: General Electric was draining $3 million a day from the public to produce “genocidal” weaponry. [screenshot of archived newspaper article]

Plowshares actions have continued ever since. I wrote about the one in 2012 in Oak Ridge, Tenn., which included an 82-year-old Catholic nun: http://wapo.st/prophets The most recent one was two years ago; Dorothy Day’s granddaughter was part of the group: “Explainer: Who are the Kings Bay Plowshares 7, the Catholics convicted of protesting nuclear weapons?” https://www.americamagazine.org/politics-society/2019/11/20/explainer-who-are-kings-bay-plowshares-7-catholics-convicted-protesting 

Most Plowshares activists are senior citizens. Some are so committed that they risk arrest, injury & imprisonment; but they are paragons of peacefulness & kindness. The U.S. gov’t feels threatened by their ideals & goals, and prosecutes them accordingly. https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/nun-83-and-two-other-activists-guilty-of-intrusion-at-nuclear-complex/2013/05/08/9ae9d57a-b82f-11e2-92f3-f291801936b8_story.html

<blockquote>Nun, 83, and two other activists guilty of intrusion at nuclear complex
KNOXVILLE, Tenn. — An 83-year-old Catholic nun and two of her fellow peace activists were found guilty Wednesday of intending to harm national security when they intruded in July onto the Y-12</blockquote>

The mission of Plowshares activists is encapsulated by this quote from Richard T. McSorley, a Jesuit pacifist & POW during WW2: “The taproot of violence in our society today is our intent to use nuclear weapons. Once we have agreed to that, all other evil is minor in comparison.”

The Catholic Worker & Plowshares movements have long seen the intersectionality of bloated weapons budgets, our intent to use nukes, racism, state violence & poverty. When they protest nukes they are protesting what they see as a cause/amplifier of injustice, violence & poverty.

These activists, many of whom are 70+ years old, have been in the streets for 50+ years. They would see a link between the knee on George Floyd’s neck, the shove of Martin Gugino, the maintenance of a Minuteman missile, the militarization of police, the racial lines of poverty.

P.S. I see Twitter trolls—carrying the mantle of J. Edgar, Nixon & now Trump—trying to slander Gugino as a “professional protester/agitator.” But that’s what devoting yourself to activism means: You agitate. You show up. You walk the walk, peacefully but firmly, as a way of life.”]]></description>
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    <title>Sarah Fathallah on Twitter: “A few weeks ago @kellyanagram recommended that I read “Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples” by Linda Tuhiwai Smith. So I did. And fantastic it really was. Thread for highlights! https://t.co/a61kW</title>
    <dc:date>2020-05-26T13:52:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/SFath/status/1257159589448962048</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“A few weeks ago @kellyanagram recommended that I read “Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples” by Linda Tuhiwai Smith.

So I did. And fantastic it really was. Thread for highlights!

[image of cover]

The basic premise of this book is that research is fundamentally imperialistic and colonial…

“Research is one of the ways in which the underlying code of imperialism and colonialism is both regulated and realized.” 

[image of text]

… when looking at how it’s been codified by the West.

“The globalization of knowledge and Western culture constantly reaffirms the West’s view of itself as the centre of legitimate knowledge, the arbiter of what counts as knowledge, and the source of ‘civilized’ knowledge.”

The book goes to great lengths to show the history of how research became a form of imperialism, starting with the European Enlightenment to the project of ‘modernity’ with knowledge (and thus research) being something to be “discovered, extracted, appropriated, and distributed.”

This quote by Maori filmmaker Merata Mita is telling: “We have a history of people putting Maori under a microscope in the same way a scientist looks at an insect. The ones doing the looking are giving themselves the power to define.”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merata_Mita

[image of text]

The author references Palestinian intellectual Edward Said’s ‘Orientalism’ field of study and the notion of ‘positional superiority’ which posits that knowledge and culture are as much part of imperialism as raw materials and military strength.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orientalism

Similarly, the author goes on to say that “the knowledge gained through our colonization has been used, in turn, to colonize us in what [Kenyan theorist] Ngugi wa Thiong’o calls the colonization ‘of the mind.’”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decolonising_the_Mind

Looking back, the 18th and 19th centuries “constituted an era of highly competitive ‘collecting’” of territories, species of flora and fauna, mineral resources, and cultures. (Indigenous people might call this ‘stealing’.) 

It’s through this lens that we should examine research.

[image of text]

And in particular disciplines like ethnography and anthropology.

James Clifford defined ethnography as “a “form of culture collecting… [which] implies a rescue of phenomena from inevitable historical decay or loss.”

The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art, by James Clifford
https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674698437

Anthropology is “closely associated with the study of the Other and with the defining of primitivism.” Hawaiian professor Haunani Kay Trask accuses anthropologists of being ’takers and users’ who exploit the hospitality and generosity of native people.” 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haunani-Kay_Trask

[image of text]

This is a deeply thought-provoking lens through which to  look at design research, which largely draws from ethnography and anthropology, and its data *collection* process. 

Because when collection is seen as rescuing from decay, it legitimizes practices of theft and extraction.

In addition, colonialism wasn’t “just about collection. It was also about re-arrangement, re-presentation and re-distribution.” So it’s crucial to also look at data storage, analysis, and dissemination.

Which brings us to issues of ownership, accountability, and responsibility.

As such, the author urges us to ask: “Whose research is it? Who owns it? Whose interests does it serve? Who will benefit from it? Who has designed its questions and framed its scope? Who will carry it out? Who will write it up? How will its results be disseminated?”

So what do we do about this? Is this just a matter of ethics? Yes and no. Ethics are mostly codified either through (1) legal requirements or (2) ethical codes of conduct.” 

Let’s look at each one.

(1) “The legal definitions of ethics are framed in ways which contain the Western sense of the individual and individualized property” (e.g., in giving informed consent). 

And (2) “cultural ethics or indigenous codes of conduct are being promulgated by different organizations.”

Here are a few examples.

The Charter of the Indigenous Tribal peoples of the Tropical Forests signed in Penang in 1993, insists that “all investigations in our territories should be carried out with our consent and under joint control and guidance.”

http://fao.org/3/w7746e/w7746e0a.htm

The Mataatua Declaration on Cultural and Intellectual Property Rights of Indigenous Peoples signed in Whakatane in 1993 declares that “the first beneficiaries of indigenous knowledge must be direct indigenous descendants of that knowledge.”

https://wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/databases/creative_heritage/docs/mataatua.pdf

Other indigenous statements include: “the Amazon Basin Declaration, the Kari Oca Declaration, the Pan American Health Organization, the Native Pan-American Draft Declaration, the Blue Mountain Declaration, […] and the Coolangatta Statement on Indigenous Rights in Education.”

Another example are the Kaupapa Maori practices “that are as much about personal integrity as they are about collective responsibility, and as much about research as they are about education and other forms of engagement,” including respectful, reciprocal, genuine relationships.

[image of text]

Later in the book, the author presents different indigenous projects, some inviting “multi-disciplinary research approaches” while others arising “directly out of indigenous practices.” I won’t cite them all, but wanted to show a few that seemed relevant for design researchers.

(a) Claiming: “The formal claims process demanded by tribunals, courts, and governments” for indigenous peoples to assert their rights “has required some indigenous groups to conduct intensive research projects, resulting in the writing of nation, tribe, and family histories.”

[image of text]

These claiming histories were written “to support claims to territories and resources, or about past injustices.” 

How might design research lean on legal research to honor these claiming histories?

(b) Testimonies: Testimonies are “a means through which oral evidence is presented to a particular type of audience” and carry “a formality” and “a notion that truth is being revealed ‘under oath.’ 

https://upress.umn.edu/book-division/books/testimonio

[image of text]

Commonly, “indigenous testimonies are a way of talking about an extremely painful event or series of events.” 

How might design research elevate Indigenous testimonies?

(c) Storytelling: “Storytelling, oral histories, the perspectives of elders and of women have become an integral part of all indigenous research.” While “each individual story is powerful,” it contributes “to a collective story in which every indigenous person has a place.”

[image of text]

How might design research make space for individual and collective stories?

(d) Survivance: Because “non-indigenous research has been intent on documenting the demise and cultural assimilation of indigenous peoples.” Anishinaabe scholar Gerald Vizenor called ’survivance’ (survival and resistance) the act of celebrating survival instead.

[image of text]

How might design research celebrate survival rather than downfall?

Acts of Survivance http://survivance.org/acts-of-survivance/

(e) Connecting: Making connections and affirming connectedness “positions individuals in sets of relationships with other people and with the environment,” as well as with “their traditional lands through the restoration of specific rituals and practices.”

[image of text]

How might design researchers have a “critical conscience about ensuring that their activities connect in humanizing ways with indigenous communities” by “establishing good relations”?

(f) Envisioning: “One of strategies that indigenous peoples have employed effectively to bind people together politically asks that people imagine a future, […] dream a new dream and set a new vision.”

[image of text]

Tewa educator Greg Cajete talks about vision making as “producing indigenous knowledge through vision quests and dreaming.” 

https://visionmakermedia.org/bios/greg-cajete

How might design research provide some impetus to a process of envisioning?

(g) Naming: As Brazilian educator Paulo Freire said, “name the word, name the world.” Naming is about renaming the landscape and “using the original indigenous names” of geographical sites as well as names of Indigenous people and children. 

http://historyisaweapon.com/defcon2/pedagogy/pedagogychapter3.html

[image of text]

How might design research name and honor the histories of people, places, and events?

And if “research methodology is based on the skill of matching the problem with an ‘appropriate’ set of investigative strategies,” is design research the right strategy?

Finally, the author outlines the questions that need to be asked:
- Who defined the research problem?
- For whom is this study worthy and relevant? Who says so?
- What knowledge will the community gain from this study?
- What knowledge will the researcher gain from this study?

- What are some likely positive outcomes from this study?
- What are some possible negative outcomes?
- How can the negative outcomes be eliminated?
- To whom is the researcher accountable?
- What processes are in place to support the research, the researched, and the researcher?”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-ruth-kinna/">
    <title>Interview: Ruth Kinna – Freedom News</title>
    <dc:date>2020-04-29T02:45:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-ruth-kinna/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“What do you find most attractive about anarchism?

I like the starting point. Anarchists usually start with a critique of injustice and an assumption of social imperfection. I would say that the anarchist project is to identify the institutional barriers that inhibit groups and individuals from initiating change, knowing that any proposed remedy will throw up new injustices. That compares to conventional political philosophy which typically starts with an idea of justice and strives to discover the social arrangements or movements capable of delivering it.

I like the way that anarchists express themselves, the latitude anarchism has for expression and the faith anarchists place in each one of us to resolve our differences. I don’t think that faith is naïve: I think it’s often informed by an appreciation of human irrationality, bias, prejudice, self-interest and mistrust.”

…

“The idea of anarchising is borrowed from Émile Armand — an individualist anarchist and noted advocate of free love. It appeals to me because I think it sidesteps the familiar dichotomy between ‘revolution’ and ‘reform’. It rejects the idea of zero-sum and leaves the determination of the means of change open.

Armand’s idea was that all institutions and relationships could be anarchised, in the same way that they could be liberalised. The difference would be that liberalising would typically result in an extension or recognition of rights, leaving both mainframes and micro-expressions of power intact, whereas anarchising involves challenging prevailing principles of authority, systems of domination and entrenchments of power. I like it because I think it helps make huge problems seem more manageable or imaginable. For example, I find it difficult to contemplate what the abolition of capitalism or the state involves. I can begin to think about the anarchisation of consumption or transport or health or education. Mutual aid is a big part of it, in that it asserts some basic principles for rebuilding social relationships. But anarchising helpfully emphasises how the environmental dimensions of Kropotkin’s concept may be aligned to constructive dismantling of exploitative institutions and practices.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism ruthkinna institutions change injustice justice 2020 freedom prejudice bias expression irrationality mistrust trust self-interest society collaboration unschooling deschooling émilearmand peterkropotkin marraybookchina mutualaid mikhailbakunin karlmarx authority capitalism hierarchy horizontality decisionmaking collectivism pierre-josephproudhon tolstoy via:anne social exploitation power proudhon</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:cb4895d28909/</dc:identifier>
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