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    <title>Video - Global Justice Project</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-08T05:07:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://globaljusticeproject.wid.world/video/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Global Justice Project was launched at the World Inequality Conference 2026. Soon, you will find here the replay of all plenary sessions discussing the main themes of the Global Justice Report."

[See also:
https://globaljusticeproject.wid.world/

"The Global Justice Project attempts to set out a new vision for global progress in the 21st century: grounding human development and equality in planetary habitability. It explores the conditions under which the world could move toward this horizon and traces an economically and ecologically consistent transition path from 2026 to 2100."]

[via:
https://48hills.org/2026/06/a-profound-new-report-on-climate-and-economy-ingored-by-most-major-news-media/

"In a widely recounted story, the authors Kurt Vonnegut and Joseph Heller were at a party on Shelter Island, in New York, hosted by a billionaire hedge fund investor. Vonnegut tells Heller that the host probably made more money in one day than Heller will make in his entire life from the royalties on his best-selling book (and movie) Catch-22.

Heller responds:

<blockquote>“I’ve got something he can never have.”
And I said, “What on earth could that be, Joe?”
And Joe said, “The knowledge that I’ve got enough.”</blockquote>

That, in essence, is the theme behind on of the most important reports on climate change and global economics that anyone has produced in decades. It’s a model for Democrats to use to challenge the Heritage Foundation Project 2025. It’s written by brilliant and widely respected economists and climate scientists.

And it’s been largely ignored by the news media in the United States.

You can watch a video here that explains the basics. The world needs to redefine what is meant by income and prosperity. We need, as a global society, to shift to a model where we don’t consume more than we need, and the bottom half of humanity sees its share of wealth and income rise from 2 percent to 30 percent:

<blockquote>Against the bleak techno-authoritarian futures now being sold to us, a radical new vision for global progress in the 21st century feels urgently needed. The most credible vision is one in which the habitability of the planet is a precondition for human development and equality.

Our new report examines the conditions required for the world to progress towards this ambition on an economically and ecologically compatible path, by the end of the century.

Its conclusion? A global transformation that reconciles planetary habitability and high standards of wellbeing for all is possible – as long as three conditions are simultaneously met. Fast decarbonisation of energy systems is necessary. But we also need a major shift away from overconsumption towards “sufficiency”. This would involve a sharp reduction in labour hours and the use of raw materials, along with big changes in consumption patterns, food habits, land use and forest cover. Financing and politically sustaining decarbonisation and sufficiency will require a drastic reduction in inequality of income, wealth and power, between countries and within them. This reduction of global inequality is compatible with deep decarbonisation; indeed, it is a necessary condition for shared prosperity on a finite planet.</blockquote>

Note that the report does not discuss or demand any particular political system; it’s not about socialism, communism, capitalism, about European or US style electoral democracy … it’s just about economic and climate sanity.

It’s about the fact that nobody needs $100 billion, and that overconsumption is making the planet uninhabitable, and that a much better alternative exists, is feasible, will save humanity, and just takes collective will.

The New York Times has ignored it. The Washington Post has ignored it. The LA Times has ignored it. The SF Chronicle has ignored it. No national TV news outlet has covered it. Only the UK Guardian and Le Monde have reported on its profound conclusions, all of which are backed up by extensive, demonstrative data.

I will be honest here: This is never going to happen when most of the globe is currently living in a state of plutocracy, where a few radically greedy oligarchs control not only most of the wealth but most of the political influence.

Still: Even 20 years ago, the Heritage Foundation Project 2025 would have been dismissed as the works of a few far-right crackpots. Now it’s the law of the land.

I think it is more than fair to ask anyone running for any political office at the local, state, or national level to read the report and tell us if they agree and what they would do to implement its findings."]]]></description>
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    <title>Understanding Late-Stage Capitalism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-06T00:20:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/understanding-late-stage-capitalism</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xr1zscNHeYI&amp;t=2s">
    <title>The Great Global Transformation: The U.S., China, and the Remaking of the World Economic Order - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T18:47:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xr1zscNHeYI&amp;t=2s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video was recorded live on May 6, 2026.

After unprecedented economic growth during the 20th century, is the U.S. losing its place as a world power? How have China’s economic rise and its growing class of uber-wealthy elites shaken up its society? How are the seismic changes to both countries reshuffling the global economic order? Are Trump, Xi Jinping, and Putin — all products of neoliberal globalization — leading its reversal? A panel of experts discusses questions raised in the new book by Branko Milanovic, author of Capitalism, Alone and other landmark works, who is a research professor at the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, CUNY Graduate Center. 

Featuring Qin Gao, professor of social policy and social work at Columbia University; Daniel Markovits, professor at Yale Law School and author of The Meritocracy Trap; and Adam Tooze, professor of History at Columbia University and author of Shutdown: How Covid Shook the World Economy. Janet Gornick, professor of Political Science and Sociology and director of the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality at the CUNY Graduate Center, moderates.

Presented with the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality."

[book: 

The Great Global Transformation: The United States, China, and the Remaking of the World Economic Order (2026)
https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/G/bo269830239.html

"From the essential chronicler of the world economy, a portrait of the Great Powers in transition.

The world’s two great economic powers are on opposite trajectories. In the United States, decades of neoliberal policies produced a small class of rich elites and gutted the middle class. In China, the same global forces have created a massive new upper class. The result is the greatest reshuffling of global incomes since the Industrial Revolution—a dramatic shakeup of each country’s political order. As the two powers retreat from one another, the implications for their futures, and for the world economy, are uncertain.

In The Great Global Transformation, acclaimed economist Branko Milanovic draws on original research to chart how these seismic shifts will shape the next century of the global economy. As both the US and China retreat into protectionism, Milanovic shows how a new and multipolar world order will follow—and how rising nationalism will have dramatically different effects on the two countries. And he shows us the fight ahead: as plutocracy returns, global war threatens, and a new system silently shapes our nations, driving populist discontent to the breaking point.

A worthy successor to Capitalism, Alone and his other landmark works, Milanovic’s new book announces the arrival of a new era he terms “national market liberalism,” in which liberalism survives in domestic economies, but not necessarily in the social arena. The Great Global Transformation is Milanovic’s indispensable account of the new twenty-first century now underway."]]]></description>
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    <title>We Found The REAL Reason Gen Z Wants To Be Tradwives - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T08:22:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dZ-Hsh1B2TA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As "tradwives" go viral, groups like Turning Point USA are urging Gen Z women to leave work and have babies. So we talked to tradwives who aren't rich influencers. One told us about relying on SNAP and Medicaid during her pregnancy — the exact programs the GOP is gutting."]]></description>
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    <title>New study shows poverty rate surging in key Bay Area city</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:03:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.sfgate.com/local/article/san-francisco-biggest-spike-poverty-bay-area-21197245.php</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.yesigiveafig.com/p/part-1-my-life-is-a-lie">
    <title>Part 1: My Life Is a Lie - by Michael W. Green</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-26T00:20:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.yesigiveafig.com/p/part-1-my-life-is-a-lie</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Real Math of Survival

The official poverty line for a family of four in 2024 is $31,200. The median household income is roughly $80,000. We have been told, implicitly, that a family earning $80,000 is doing fine—safely above poverty, solidly middle class, perhaps comfortable.

But if Orshansky’s crisis threshold were calculated today using her own methodology, that $80,000 family would be living in deep poverty.

I wanted to see what would happen if I ignored the official stats and simply calculated the cost of existing. I built a Basic Needs budget for a family of four (two earners, two kids). No vacations, no Netflix, no luxury. Just the “Participation Tickets” required to hold a job and raise kids in 2024.

Using conservative, national-average data:

Childcare: $32,773

Housing: $23,267

Food: $14,717

Transportation: $14,828

Healthcare: $10,567

Other essentials: $21,857

Required net income: $118,009

Add federal, state, and FICA taxes of roughly $18,500, and you arrive at a required gross income of $136,500.

This is Orshansky’s “too little” threshold, updated honestly. This is the floor.

The single largest line item isn’t housing. It’s childcare: $32,773.

This is the trap. To reach the median household income of $80,000, most families require two earners. But the moment you add the second earner to chase that income, you trigger the childcare expense.

If one parent stays home, the income drops to $40,000 or $50,000—well below what’s needed to survive. If both parents work to hit $100,000, they hand over $32,000 to a daycare center.

The second earner isn’t working for a vacation or a boat. The second earner is working to pay the stranger watching their children so they can go to work and clear $1-2K extra a month. It’s a closed loop."

...

"The Hedonic “Lie”: Why a Phone Costs $200, Not $58

Economists will look at my $140,000 figure and scream about “hedonic adjustments.” Heck, I will scream at you about them. They are valid attempts to measure the improvement in quality that we honestly value.

I will tell you that comparing 1955 to 2024 is unfair because cars today have airbags, homes have air conditioning, and phones are supercomputers. I will argue that because the quality of the good improved, the real price dropped.

And I would be making a category error. We are not calculating the price of luxury. We are calculating the price of participation.

To function in 1955 society—to have a job, call a doctor, and be a citizen—you needed a telephone line. That “Participation Ticket” cost $5 a month.

Adjusted for standard inflation, that $5 should be $58 today.

But you cannot run a household in 2024 on a $58 landline. To function today—to factor authenticate your bank account, to answer work emails, to check your child’s school portal (which is now digital-only)—you need a smartphone plan and home broadband.

The cost of that “Participation Ticket” for a family of four is not $58. It’s $200 a month.

The economists say, “But look at the computing power you get!”

I say, “Look at the computing power I need!”

The utility I’m buying is “connection to the economy.” The price of that utility didn’t just keep pace with inflation; it tripled relative to it.

I ran this “Participation Audit” across the entire 1955 budget. I didn’t ask “is the car better?” I asked “what does it cost to get to work?”

Healthcare: In 1955, Blue Cross family coverage was roughly $10/month ($115 in today’s dollars). Today, the average family premium is over $1,600/month. That’s 14x inflation.

Taxes (FICA): In 1955, the Social Security tax was 2.0% on the first $4,200 of income. The maximum annual contribution was $84. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $960 a year. Today, a family earning the median $80,000 pays over $6,100. That’s 6x inflation.

Childcare: In 1955, this cost was zero because the economy supported a single-earner model. Today, it’s $32,000. That’s an infinite increase in the cost of participation.

The only thing that actually tracked official CPI was… food. Everything else—the inescapable fees required to hold a job, stay healthy, and raise children—inflated at multiples of the official rate when considered on a participation basis. YES, these goods and services are BETTER. I would not trade my 65” 4K TV mounted flat on the wall for a 25” CRT dominating my living room; but I don’t have a choice, either.

The Valley of Death: Why $100,000 Is the New Poor

Once I established that $136,500 is the real break-even point, I ran the numbers on what happens to a family climbing the ladder toward that number.

What I found explains the “vibes” of the economy better than any CPI print.

Our entire safety net is designed to catch people at the very bottom, but it sets a trap for anyone trying to climb out. As income rises from $40,000 to $100,000, benefits disappear faster than wages increase.

I call this The Valley of Death.

Let’s look at the transition for a family in New Jersey:

1. The View from $35,000 (The “Official” Poor)

At this income, the family is struggling, but the state provides a floor. They qualify for Medicaid (free healthcare). They receive SNAP (food stamps). They receive heavy childcare subsidies. Their deficits are real, but capped.

2. The Cliff at $45,000 (The Healthcare Trap)

The family earns a $10,000 raise. Good news? No. At this level, the parents lose Medicaid eligibility. Suddenly, they must pay premiums and deductibles.

• Income Gain: +$10,000
• Expense Increase: +$10,567
• Net Result: They are poorer than before. The effective tax on this mobility is over 100%.

3. The Cliff at $65,000 (The Childcare Trap)

This is the breaker. The family works harder. They get promoted to $65,000. They are now solidly “Working Class.”

But at roughly this level, childcare subsidies vanish. They must now pay the full market rate for daycare.

• Income Gain: +$20,000 (from $45k)
• Expense Increase: +$28,000 (jumping from co-pays to full tuition)
• Net Result: Total collapse.

When you run the net-income numbers, a family earning $100,000 is effectively in a worse monthly financial position than a family earning $40,000.

At $40,000, you are drowning, but the state gives you a life vest. At $100,000, you are drowning, but the state says you are a “high earner” and ties an anchor to your ankle called “Market Price.”

In option terms, the government has sold a call option to the poor, but they’ve rigged the gamma. As you move “closer to the money” (self-sufficiency), the delta collapses. For every dollar of effort you put in, the system confiscates 70 to 100 cents.

No rational trader would take that trade. Yet we wonder why labor force participation lags. It’s not a mystery. It’s math.

The Physics of Ruin: The Phase Change

The most dangerous lie of modern economics is “Mean Reversion.” Economists assume that if a family falls into debt or bankruptcy, they can simply save their way back to the average.

They are confusing Volatility with Ruin.

Falling below the line isn’t like cooling water; it’s like freezing it. It is a Phase Change.

When a family hits the barrier—eviction, bankruptcy, or default—they don’t just have “less money.” They become Economically Inert.

• They are barred from the credit system (often for 7–10 years).
• They are barred from the prime rental market (landlord screens).
• They are barred from employment in sensitive sectors.

In physics, it takes massive “Latent Heat” to turn ice back into water. In economics, the energy required to reverse a bankruptcy is exponentially higher than the energy required to pay a bill.

The $140,000 line matters because it is the buffer against this Phase Change. If you are earning $80,000 with $79,000 in fixed costs, you are not stable. You are super-cooled water. One shock—a transmission failure, a broken arm—and you freeze instantly.

The Lockdown Arbitrage: Proof of Concept

If you need proof that the cost of participating, the cost of working, is the primary driver of this fragility, look at the Covid lockdowns.

In April 2020, the US personal savings rate hit a historic 33%. Economists attributed this to stimulus checks. But the math tells a different story.

During lockdown, the “Valley of Death” was temporarily filled.

• Childcare ($32k): Suspended. Kids were home.
• Commuting ($15k): Suspended.
• Work Lunches/Clothes ($5k): Suspended.

For a median family, the “Cost of Participation” in the economy is roughly $50,000 a year. When the economy stopped, that tax was repealed. Families earning $80,000 suddenly felt rich—not because they earned more, but because the leak in the bucket was plugged. For many, income actually rose thanks to the $600/week unemployment boost. But even for those whose income stayed flat, they felt rich because many costs were avoided.

When the world reopened, the costs returned, but now inflated by 20%. The rage we feel today is the hangover from that brief moment where the American Option was momentarily back in the money. Those with formal training in economics have dismissed these concerns, by and large. “Inflation” is the rate of change in the price level; these poor, deluded souls were outraged at the price LEVEL. Tut, tut… can’t have deflation now, can we? We promise you will like THAT even less.

But the price level does mean something, too. If you are below the ACTUAL poverty line, you are suffering constant deprivation; and a higher price level means you get even less in aggregate.

The Politics of Drowning

You load sixteen tons, what do you get?
Another day older and deeper in debt
Saint Peter, don’t you call me, ‘cause I can’t go
I owe my soul to the company store — Merle Travis, 1946

This mathematical valley explains the rage we see in the American electorate, specifically the animosity the “working poor” (the middle class) feel toward the “actual poor” and immigrants.

Economists and politicians look at this anger and call it racism, or lack of empathy. They are missing the mechanism.

Altruism is a function of surplus. It is easy to be charitable when you have excess capacity. It is impossible to be charitable when you are fighting for the last bruised banana.

The family earning $65,000—the family that just lost their subsidies and is paying $32,000 for daycare and $12,000 for healthcare deductibles—is hyper-aware of the family earning $30,000 and getting subsidized food, rent, childcare, and healthcare.

They see the neighbor at the grocery store using an EBT card while they put items back on the shelf. They see the immigrant family receiving emergency housing support while they face eviction.

They are not seeing “poverty.” They are seeing people getting for free the exact things that they are working 60 hours a week to barely afford. And even worse, even if THEY don’t see these things first hand… they are being shown them:

The anger isn’t about the goods. It’s about the breach of contract. The American Deal was that Effort ~ Security. Effort brought your Hope strike closer. But because the real poverty line is $140,000, effort no longer yields security or progress; it brings risk, exhaustion, and debt.

When you are drowning, and you see the lifeguard throw a life vest to the person treading water next to you—a person who isn’t swimming as hard as you are—you don’t feel happiness for them. You feel a homicidal rage at the lifeguard.

We have created a system where the only way to survive is to be destitute enough to qualify for aid, or rich enough to ignore the cost. Everyone in the middle is being cannibalized. The rich know this… and they are increasingly opting out of the shared spaces:

The Optical Illusion of Prosperity

If you need visual proof of this benchmark error, look at the charts that economists love to share on social media to prove that “vibes” are wrong and the economy is great.

You’ve likely seen this chart. It shows that the American middle class is shrinking not because people are getting poorer, but because they’re “moving up” into the $150,000+ bracket.

The economists look at this and cheer. “Look!” they say. “In 1967, only 5% of families made over $150,000 (adjusted for inflation). Now, 34% do! We are a nation of rising aristocrats.”

[chart]

But look at that chart through the lens of the real poverty line.

If the cost of basic self-sufficiency for a family of four—housing, childcare, healthcare, transportation—is $140,000, then that top light-blue tier isn’t “Upper Class.”

It’s the Survival Line.

This chart doesn’t show that 34% of Americans are rich. It shows that only 34% of Americans have managed to escape deprivation. It shows that the “Middle Class” (the dark blue section between $50,000 and $150,000)—roughly 45% of the country—is actually the Working Poor. These are the families earning enough to lose their benefits but not enough to pay for childcare and rent. They are the ones trapped in the Valley of Death.

But the commentary tells us something different"

...

"So that’s the trap. The real poverty line—the threshold where a family can afford housing, healthcare, childcare, and transportation without relying on means-tested benefits—isn’t $31,200.

It’s ~$140,000.

Most of my readers will have cleared this threshold. My parents never really did, but I was born lucky — brains, beauty (in the eye of the beholder admittedly), height (it really does help), parents that encouraged and sacrificed for education (even as the stress of those sacrifices eventually drove my mother clinically insane), and an American citizenship. But most of my readers are now seeing this trap for their children.

And the system is designed to prevent them from escaping. Every dollar you earn climbing from $40,000 to $100,000 triggers benefit losses that exceed your income gains. You are literally poorer for working harder.

The economists will tell you this is fine because you’re building wealth. Your 401(k) is growing. Your home equity is rising. You’re richer than you feel.

Next week, I’ll show you why that’s wrong. And THEN we can start the discussion of how to rebuild. Because we can.

The wealth you’re counting on—the retirement accounts, the home equity, the “nest egg” that’s supposed to make this all worthwhile—is just as fake as the poverty line. But the humans behind that wealth are real. And they are amazing."]]></description>
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    <title>A Conversation with Lina Khan - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T04:28:22+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>linakhan law legal history us monopolies trusts economics regulation joebiden ronaldreagan neoliberalism donaldtrump robertbork deregulation universityofchicago miltonfriedman consolidation markets prices profits profitmargins profit labor workers wages inequality innovation competition fragility covid-19 pandemic supplychains risk coronavirus 2022 2020 2024 heathercoxrichardson politics policy johndeere bigpharma healthcare amazon facebook marketplaces noncompete corporations corporatism abuse noncompetes toobigtofail corporateabuse ftc 2021 2023 income pay salaries wagesuppression antitrust injustice railroads power coercion shermanact claytonact newdeal constitution checksandbalances commerce control fdr franklinedelanoroosevelt wealth reaganism teddyroosevelt congress enforcement mergers acquisitions 1980s telecomindustry georgehwbush billclinton society entrepreneurship ideology kroger albertsons groceries supermarkets corruption paytoplay franklindelanoroosevelt theodoreroosevelt</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/democrats-new-abundance-platform-isnt-playing-out-well-in-san-francisco">
    <title>Democrats’ New Abundance Platform Isn’t Playing Out Well in San Francisco</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-27T02:56:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/democrats-new-abundance-platform-isnt-playing-out-well-in-san-francisco</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Under billionaire rule, the city’s so-called abundance means more for the rich—and less for everyone else."

...

"Billionaire-backed “moderates” have recently gained control of all arms of government in San Francisco and, just like that, a yearslong, concerted campaign to brand the city as failing and to pin blame on progressives has vanished. Our newest paper—which, incidentally, is also billionaire-backed—recently confirmed it: The Doom Loop is “Out”. 

Those living outside the Bay Area may not have heard of the “Doom Loop.” But progressives everywhere ought to familiarize themselves with this recent history before it shows up at their door. Over several years, a network of wealthy tech industry leaders pummeled every airwave available with a narrative that San Francisco was a failed city awash in dangerous criminals and unchecked violence (in direct contradiction of actual data), and this was all somehow the result of progressive policies enacted by people like me. Elon Musk took to X to call for my imprisonment and pledged $100,000 to unseat me from office. Venture capitalist and tech CEO Garry Tan, who called for me and several of my colleagues to “die slow motherfuckers” and donated $50,000 to the “Dump Dean” PAC, was one of the architects of this campaign. Tan told his listeners at an event that "if we can do this in San Francisco, we can do it anywhere." It worked.

After serving five years on the city’s Board of Supervisors as the lone Democratic Socialist, I was unseated in Nov. 2024—one key race in a sweeping transformation that has turned the country’s most famously progressive city into a test lab for billionaire politics.

With a new majority on the Board of Supervisors, along with control over the Mayor’s and District Attorney’s Offices, the school board, and the local Democratic County Central Committee, political power in San Francisco has been consolidated in the hands of so-called “moderates” funded by and friendly to the interests of the tech and real estate industries. Put in the language of our political moment, San Francisco’s halls of power are awash with Abundance. Not coincidentally, San Franciscans are suffering more than ever in just about every measurable way, and City Hall is simply ignoring their plight. 

Mayor Daniel Lurie, a political novice and heir to the Levi’s fortune, understands that what happens on his watch shapes perceptions of his Administration. Since his January 2025 inauguration, he’s hired high-paid consultants to help shape his image, and somebody is scrubbing anything controversial from his Wikipedia. Lurie also understands how damaging it was for our city’s national reputation when the last mayor, London Breed, embraced the Doom Loop narratives and those who invented it. She amplified unfair and inaccurate criticism of our city, tried to use it to her political advantage, and lost her next election resoundingly. While I understand why this new Mayor forcefully accentuates the positive, the fact is that, for most residents, life in San Francisco is getting worse under billionaire control. 

San Franciscans are highly preoccupied with Trump’s shocking and constant attacks on democracy, ICE raids disappearing of our neighbors, and exacerbation of the two-year-long genocide in Gaza. Mayor Lurie barely acknowledges these issues. In contrast to big city mayors like Boston Mayor Michelle Wu, Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee, and Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, Lurie refuses to take a stand against ICE kidnappings and his police department won’t even protect those who do. Outrageously, SFPD’s stated position is that its priority is to protect ICE agents from protestors. 

This is a stunning lack of leadership for a Democratic mayor in a sanctuary city widely considered to be the nation’s progressive heartland, at the precise moment when American fascism begs confrontation. But even more squarely on the plate of San Francisco’s current leaders is the fact that local economic conditions have rapidly deteriorated for the city’s working people and poor in the short time since they came into power. 

San Francisco rents are the highest in the Bay Area and the second highest in the entire country, surging 11.5 percent in the year ending in August 2025—the highest increase in the nation. Wages have failed to rise at the same rate, with $100k salaries now qualifying as “low income” and families still unable to afford area rents. Meanwhile, San Franciscans still can’t find jobs. The full embrace of AI and its impacts on SF affordability is making previous tech booms look like child’s play. AI is automating entry level jobs, and unemployment is way up for white collar jobs, with analysts saying that job decline looks like it did during the 2008 recession.  

Evictions are at their highest level in years and the rate has nearly doubled in the last year alone. The city is on track to hit 3,800 court eviction filings this year, up 16 percent from last year and the highest in over a decade. While this might be welcome news for corporate landlords seeking to flip apartments, it’s a disaster for San Franciscans struggling to survive and avoid homelessness.

Bus service has been slashed with cuts to numerous lines, undoing years of work to restore service after the pandemic. On top of that, fares were raised this year, kicking Muni riders when they are down. Billionaires and billionaire-backed political leaders have offered no extra resources to Muni, forcing cuts to continue. This has been done while aggressively expanding private alternatives to transit. A week after announcing that main bus lines would no longer travel down Market street, the Mayor announced Waymo and Uber X would be allowed to use this supposedly “car-free” transit corridor. 

Bold promises have been abandoned. Just as Trump promised to end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours, Lurie promised 1,500 new treatment beds in his first six months. Neither had a plan to accomplish these campaign promises. Both have failed. 

Without housing or treatment to offer, Lurie has ramped up arrests of people with behavioral health problems and people lacking stable housing. The jail population has surged to about 1,300 people daily. Our city’s progress in reducing the number of nonviolent offenders who languish in our jails has been reversed, disproportionately impacting low-income people, and particularly black and brown people and their families. 

Privatization is on a rampage. San Francisco’s only city-run nonpolice community ambassador program—a highly successful model—was eliminated entirely, paving the way for a complete takeover of nonpolice ambassador programs by private contractors. Lurie has slashed funding for crucial public services, and then handed PR opportunities to billionaires like Michael Moritz to backfill pennies on those slashed dollars. At the same time, control over public infrastructure is being seized by billionaires like Chris Larsen, who recently funded a new $9.4 million surveillance unit at the SF Police Department, where officers use drones, automated license-plate readers and other “modern crime-fighting tools” to “catch criminals.” (The unit is housed in Larsen’s corporate offices, in a building complex owned by Donald Trump and his associates). The capture of public infrastructure by billionaires ensures that funds are directed to the programs and services they hold dear. Hint: it isn’t the bus.

Now, Mayor Lurie has gone a step further by formally convening an A-list of billionaire CEOs to advise him on policy. The roster of “Partnership for San Francisco” includes Sam Altman of OpenAI, Ruth Porat of Google and Alphabet, Brian Chesky of AirBnB, and even Y Combinator’s Garry Tan (yes, the “die slow motherfuckers” Garry Tan). Public policy is looking astoundingly private. 

Meanwhile, the Transgender District was defunded, forcing the district to open a GoFundMe to survive. Immigrants lost funding for legal services. Food programs have been slashed. Affordable housing funds have been diverted. The Black community, in particular, has fared poorly under billionaire rule. Reparations recommendations adopted unanimously by the previous Board of Supervisors have been fully abandoned. The City has indefinitely delayed activation of the Fillmore Heritage Center, a key city-owned site in the heart of an historically Black neighborhood once known as the “Harlem of the West” that was devastated by “urban renewal.” The Fillmore’s only grocery store has been shuttered, along with multiple neighborhood pharmacies. The list goes on. Community leaders feel they have been abandoned by City Hall.

At a time when Democrats across the country are being begged by their constituents to stand for something, the local Democratic party and City Hall leaders are proudly championing their “moderate” bona fides, standing for nothing. They offer concerts and vibe shifts in place of principles, and elevate civility and cheerfulness over results. At every opportunity, this new political formation ignores the housing and economic needs of working people and those in poverty. In some ways, it feels like the dystopian fantasies of the Network State movement are being grafted onto our living, beloved city: limitless police spending, elimination of social programs, privatization of public services, and repression of any dissenting views. 

I’m rooting for SF’s success as I have every day for the 32 years I’ve lived here. But we have to be real about the impact of installing inexperienced, tech-industry aligned conservatives to run all branches of government. It’s already a failed experiment. San Francisco is in serious jeopardy because of the rising rents, evictions, unemployment, mass incarceration, income inequality, racism, and privatization that billionaires are inflicting on our city. While some may see the excessive accumulation at the top as “abundance,” it looks an awful lot like a war against the city’s working people."]]></description>
<dc:subject>deanpreston abundance abundancemovement abundancenetwork doomloop daniellurie moderates centists centrism elonmusk garrytan londonbreed billionaires michellewu boston barbaralee oakland gaza palestine ice democracy brandonjohnson chicago sfpd police policing donaldtrump rent housing income ai artificialintelligence sfmta muni publictransit transit transportation waymo uber inequality ukraine incarceration privatization michaelmoritz surveillance chrislarsen samaltman openaoi rithporat google brianchesky airbnb ycombinator oligarchy reparations fillmore networkstate tescreal governance government maga resistance sanfrancisco singularity singularitarianism extropianism rationalism cosmism longtermism transhumanism extroprianism effectivealtruism capitalism fascism technofascism abundanceagenda fillmoredistrict</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf">
    <title>Debunking the Abundance Agenda, by the Revolving Door Project [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-24T16:26:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Wealth disparities in the United States have reached extraordinary levels, with significant gaps in wages contributing to unequal opportunities for wealth accumulation. Today, wage growth is still uneven across income levels, with lower-paying positions seeing the lowest increases, and the federal minimum wage still at an abysmal $7.25/hour, while executive compensation has grown exponentially. These disparities make it increasingly difficult for working families to save money, invest in assets, or build the financial foundation necessary for long-term wealth creation, and at the same time, contribute to a cycle where economic benefits compound for those who are already wealthy.

Meanwhile, housing prices have risen far faster than wages in most metropolitan areas, with median home prices increasing by over 40% in many markets where wages have grown much more slowly. 1 This affordability crisis is exacerbated by the growing capture of the housing market by large private equity firms who purchase single-family homes as rental properties, thereby reducing homeownership opportunities and driving up both house prices and rents.2

Given these trends, it’s no wonder the economy ranked as the most important issue to voters in the 2024 election.3 While the Biden administration’s policies attempted to connect ambitious industrial policymaking with pocketbook issues, the timeline for seeing results was several years out. In this vacuum, liberal pundits Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson published their book Abundance, which sought to identify hindrances to the economy while offering solutions. The book issues a rallying cry for “a liberalism that 2 OPEN MARKETS INSTITUTE + THE REVOLVING DOOR PROJECT | DEBUNKING THE ABUNDANCE AGENDA builds,” which the writers hope will become the trademark economic and political platform of the Democratic Party. Yet, behind the catchy phrase lies a policy agenda that discourages the public sector from regulating the private sector for the sake of encouraging growth. This analysis has found favor in some policy circles, including right-leaning ones, but the Abundance agenda’s success poses a danger to all of us who truly believe in addressing corporate power in the fight for a democratic and egalitarian society.

This report delves into the Abundance agenda and focuses on some key components:

- How Abundance-aligned principles and policies accelerate the growth of corporate power. With more power, corporations have both the incentives and the means to warp the political and regulatory system to their own ends, keeping out competitors, inflating costs, and creating the kind of bottlenecks Abundance advocates say they are trying to avoid.

- How the Abundance movement’s support for land use reform while abandoning tenant protections and regulations is inadequate to meeting its own goal of increasing supply, while antithetical to housing justice. Land use reform belongs in a housing agenda as one, targeted component of a broader program of public investments, tenant protections, and rent stabilization. Wholesale land use deregulation by itself fails to solve the supply problem while creating new problems including suburban sprawl.

- How the Abundance faction’s attacks on bedrock environmental law benefit the fossil fuel and AI industries.

This report also touches on what an agenda promoting real abundance would look like, one built on the democratic legacy of the New Deal that puts working people, renters, and our communities before developers and corporations. The hope is that this will ignite a deeper conversation about how we fight for abundance for all, not just some."

[also here:
https://www.are.na/block/39806062 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/why-this-economy-feels-weird-and">
    <title>Why This Economy Feels Weird and Scary</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-10T06:26:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/why-this-economy-feels-weird-and</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["American households are in a much more financially fragile state than we were in the 1980s. It's a Chinese finger trap economy, dependent on the stock market and more inequality to keep going."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/education-doesnt-work-30">
    <title>Education Doesn't Work 3.0 - Freddie deBoer</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-09T05:39:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/education-doesnt-work-30</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["a comprehensive argument that education cannot close academic gaps"

...

"Even if schools cannot fundamentally reshuffle the deck of academic ability - if they can’t turn every struggling student into a top performer, or indeed if they can’t even consistently turn 40th percentile students into 50th percentile students - it does not follow that education is unimportant. On the contrary, once we let go of the magical thinking that schools can erase all differences in aptitude, we can begin to value them for what they actually do well. Education creates the conditions for children and young adults to discover ideas, literature, science, and art that might otherwise remain inaccessible. It provides the structured time and social environment where curiosity can blossom, where students can learn how to think about problems that don’t have easy answers, and where they can build lasting relationships with peers and mentors. The point of school, then, is not to guarantee that every child climbs into the top decile of performance but to offer each student the chance to cultivate knowledge, resilience, and imagination in ways that enrich their lives.

Liberating ourselves from the false promise that schools alone can deliver social mobility allows us to build a healthier vision of both education and society. A strong social safety net ensures that those who are not destined for elite academic or professional success can still live with dignity and security. With those protections in place, we can let schools reclaim their true mission: nurturing intellectual curiosity for its own sake, encouraging students to pursue their interests in history, music, coding, or carpentry, and creating communities that teach empathy and civic responsibility. When education is a constant site of student-on-student competition, battling over zero-sum prizes, some students are destined to lose; when education becomes less about competing for scarce prizes and more about cultivating the full human being, everyone wins. When we stop demanding that schools do what they can’t do and have never done - erase innate differences in ability and in so doing dramatically change the performance hierarchy - we open the door to celebrating what they can do, which is to enrich lives, expand minds, and anchor the civic and cultural fabric of a free society.

But if you’re really dead set on education as the key to improving the economic fortunes of the disadvantaged, and you don’t think we can or should redistribute our way to a more just and equal society, and you’re fixated on moving kids from the bottom of the academic performance spectrum to the top, what can we do? What pedagogical or administrative or technological or social or communicative or political interventions reliably produce meaningful academic benefits such that those “left behind” improve their station? What works?

Nothing."]]></description>
<dc:subject>freddiebdeboer 2025 education schools schooling difference academicgaps pedagogy intelligence ability us spending funding racescience learning howelearn outcomes inequality policy socialsafetynet capitalism socialism redistribution politics performance technology edtech tracking math mathematics matheducation teaching howweteach standards standardization france employment income learningloss covid-19 coronavirus pandemic scientificracism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://robinrendle.com/notes/notes-on-poverty/">
    <title>Poverty, By America</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-09T03:13:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://robinrendle.com/notes/notes-on-poverty/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There are books and then there are books. The kind where you can’t put down until they’re finished with you. The kind that captures every atom of your attention and changes something deep down. You walk away altered, the words having not really been words or sentences but something else altogether.

That’s how I felt reading Matthew Desmond’s Poverty, By America. This is no dreamy communist manifesto, no incoherent rant that leads to nothing but sadness and frustration, but a shocking book full of actionable, kind ideas entirely backed by careful study of a complex problem. Desmond makes his argument clear through this complexity though: the reason why poor folks are poor is because rich folks are rich.

Here’s my notes.

***

<blockquote>Poverty isn't simply the condition of not having enough money. It's the condition of not having enough choice and being taken advantage of because of that.</blockquote>

(I remember being caught in a web of overdraft fees when I struggled with money. There’s still this lingering feeling fifteen years later where I doubt every time a check will clear, a credit card will go through. I still assume that banks have caught me in some great trap beyond my comprehension. There’s a spider lurking behind me, ready and waiting to devour every paycheck that clears my account. This is not a healthy way to run a society, or a healthy way to live. But tens of millions of Americans do.)

***

<blockquote>When we are preoccupied by poverty, “we have less mind to give to the rest of life.” Poverty does not just deprive people of security and comfort; it siphons off their brainpower, too.</blockquote>

(I remember being shocked by how similar poverty felt like a sickness, as if I had blinkers on, as if a strong vignette had been applied to my vision. Money was all I could think about. I would count the pounds and pennies, counting and counting and counting at night. I couldn’t think straight, I couldn’t think about a 401k or future investments because I was so paralyzed by Today, this big and brutal and terrifying thing. What if someone after work asked me out for a beer? What if we walk passed a shop and my credit card fails when trying to buy water? What if someone finds out how much is in my account?)

(And yet! I was one of the lucky ones to have family to bail me out, as embarrassing as it was to ask them over and over again. Most folks however don’t have people to help them. This is what the government should be. And, currently, what it is not.)

(But we can fix this.)

***

<blockquote>A higher minimum wage is an antidepressant. It is a sleep aid. A stress reliever. Vocal segments of the American public, those with brain space to spare, seem to believe the poor should change their behavior to escape poverty. Get a better job. Stop having children. Make smarter financial decisions. In truth, it’s the other way around: Economic security leads to better choices.</blockquote>

(I remember my first real paycheck. The one where I didn’t have to struggle. The one where I was lifted out of worrying so much. I could suddenly go out and buy food and start going out for dinner or the pub intermittently without feeling anxious the whole time about embarrassing myself by my card failing. I could make rent. But it wasn’t all these material things that money gifted me: it was sleep. With the sudden turn of a week I could now make predictions about my future. Mere days before my life was broken up into excruciatingly long weeks. Paycheck, no-paycheck, no-paycheck, no-paycheck. This is not a healthy way to run a society, etc. etc.)

***

<blockquote>Somehow, the United States has the unique distinction of lacking universal healthcare while still having the most expensive healthcare system in the world.</blockquote>

(One time back in the UK I had 40 quid in my bank account but found myself with a serious and embarrassing medical emergency. At midnight I went to the hospital and I suddenly found myself begging a doctor for help in a corridor outside his office. He told me the STD clinic opens in the morning, come back then. In agony I laughed and said “I might not be a doctor my dude but I can GUARANTEE that isn’t the problem here.” A few days later, the embarrassing surgery is over, they tell me to go, and I simply walk out of the hospital. There’s no pay station, no worry about handing out cash or finding myself slammed with debt because the UK has a modern, humane health care system. When I moved to the states I learned that how much money I make doesn’t really matter. One foul move, an uncontrollable accident like the one I had back in the UK, and that’s all it takes to lose your financial footing. And, because of this, poverty haunts everyone in America.)

(But we can fix this.)

(I think this is why I loved this book. It’s angry but not cynical. Desmond argues over and over again that we have fixed the balance of power in this country before and we can do it again. Poverty is not a hex, a curse,a chronic condition or necessary evil. It can be fixed!)

(We just have to make it so.)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/economy/archive/2025/08/billionaire-tax-study/683987/">
    <title>How the Richest People in America Avoid Paying Taxes - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-03T21:58:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/economy/archive/2025/08/billionaire-tax-study/683987/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A clever new paper puts concrete numbers to the taxes paid by members of the Forbes 400."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/594-under-construction">
    <title>Under Construction | The Sun Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-25T02:35:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/594-under-construction</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Richard Reeves on Rebuilding Masculinity"

...

"Where I think the debate goes wrong sometimes is when people look at these disadvantages for men and boys and try to find a villain or an oppressor. They’ll claim the “feminist woke takeover of institutions” is causing men’s problems. That’s just horseshit, and it distracts us from structural issues. For example, the school system doesn’t work quite as well for boys. It’s not intentional; there’s no feminist plot here. I have never argued that men are being intentionally excluded. Those are all myths—and dangerous ones at that. But that doesn’t mean that boys and men aren’t struggling in systems that are difficult for them to navigate. Can we have a problem without a villain? I think so, but that’s an unfashionable view right now."

...

"My basic view is that, in politics, something almost always beats nothing. We saw this huge swing to the right among young men because they felt there was something for them on the Republican side. I’m not suggesting that it was substantive policy, but there was a degree of cultural welcome, of playfulness, of transgressive humor. Most important, Republicans went to where men are, not the least of which is the podcast realm. That’s where young men get a lot of their information.

And while the Republicans met men where they are, it was just a deafening silence from the Democrats. The way I interpret this election outcome is not as a particularly strong embrace of Donald Trump or the Republican Party in general, but more as an indication that young men’s votes were up for grabs in a way that people on the Left didn’t consider, and the Right made a stronger appeal for them. I think the fatal miscalculation Democrats made was to think this was going to be an election about women, and it wasn’t. The danger now is that they will decide these men who voted for Trump are all reactionaries and misogynists, and that’s not true. But that interpretation could be dangerous for Democrats."

...

"Peggy Orenstein, in her 2020 book, Boys & Sex—she’s also written one about girls and sex—asks late-teen boys and young men, “What’s good about being a boy or a man?” They can’t answer. They’re stumped by the question. That wasn’t true when she asked the same question of girls. We’ve created something of an empty set. I don’t know about you, Daniel, but I think it’s awesome being a dude. I didn’t get to choose it, but I really like it. When I say that to people, they’re like, “Oh, that’s a bold thing to say.” But is it? I desperately want my sons to feel good about themselves. I also don’t want a society where my sons go around thinking about how masculine they are. To get past that being such a strong identity, you have to feel very comfortable in it, and that’s hard to do when people tend to pathologize or problematize it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://culture.ghost.io/the-age-of-the-double-sell-out/">
    <title>The Age of the Double Sell-Out</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-11T21:03:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://culture.ghost.io/the-age-of-the-double-sell-out/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the last three decades, youth culture has moved from a deep suspicion of commerce to a passionate defense of anti-anti-commerce to an entire generation of "creatives” who leverage the commercial market… to do even more commerce

In the 1990s, there was a single ethical principle at the heart of youth culture — don’t sell out. There was a logic behind it: When artists serve the commercial marketplace, they blunt their pure artistic vision in compromising with conventional tastes. This ethic was also core to subcultures, which were supposed to be social spaces for personal expression and community bonding, not style laboratories for the fashion industry.

The ethics against commercial art set strong boundaries for "alternative" culture, which arguably allowed it to flourish as a separate entity. As that culture began to hit the mainstream in the early 1990s, the taboo against selling out spread into broader youth culture. As Chuck Klosterman writes in The Nineties, “The concept of ‘selling out’ — and the degree to which that notion altered the meaning and perception of almost everything is the single most nineties aspect of the nineties.” The kids actually cared. When mainstream radio began to play alternative music, middle school playgrounds erupted with debates on whether REM’s “The Sidewinder Sleeps Tonite” crossed a dangerous "pop" line and whether Stone Temple Pilots were just “poseurs.”

By the late 1990s, however, that very merger between alternative and mainstream culture made the debate around selling out seem very silly. Moreover Britney Spears and the boy bands ushered in a return of manufactured pop. By the early 2000s, everyone — from VICE editors to Total Request Live viewers — agreed that selling out was a dated concept. This backlash found its purest expression when critic Kelefa Sanneh — who spent his youth listening to obscure punk seven-inches and crafting Harvard radio’s notoriously snobby “rock test” — published an op-ed in the New York Times defending Ashlee Simpson for lip syncing on Saturday Night Live. Pop was good, he argued, precisely because it was an industrially manufactured product. This new critical ideology soon crystallized into an "anti-anti-sellout movement" known as “poptimism,” which gave fans of sophisticated culture blanket permission to engage with things made explicitly for profit.

The poptimist ideology succeeded because it made compelling points about why it was unfair to castigate selling out:

1. Artists deserve to make a livelihood: With music sales down after Napster, musicians needed to supplement their income with commercial sponsorship

2. Artists from marginalized communities tend to work in commercially-oriented genres: It was essentially bigotry to see R&B, disco, and teen pop as “lesser"

3. Commercial success is key to true cultural influence: Nirvana and Pearl Jam changed aesthetics because they sold a lot of records

These points were neither cynical nor nihilistic. There was a strong belief that loosening the taboo against selling out would allow art and creativity to flourish. A detente with the marketplace could make art more democratic, more diverse, more sustainable, and more impactful.

There is no question that the poptimists won this debate, and by the mid-Aughts, all lingering anxieties about selling out evaporated from youth culture. The Columbia University students who formed Vampire Weekend didn’t have to take day jobs at Accenture, because they could make a decent living composing Honda ditties alongside their catchy odes to generational wealth.

At this point, the new ideal for an artistic career is what I'd call the “single sell-out.” The artist was "allowed" to make a few commercial compromises to gain attention in the increasingly competitive marketplace, but once they achieved fame and fortune, they were expected to use their vaulted platform to provide the world with meaningful and ground-breaking art. This actually did happen: The Neptunes leveraged their strong track record of pop hits to push legitimately bizarre minimalist tracks like Clipse’s “Grindin’” and Snoop Dogg’s “Drop It Like It's Hot.”  Beyoncé’s “Formation” was musically adventurous, and the video is now considered “the best of all time.”

Unfortunately these examples became rarer and rarer over time. In fact, the 21st century has been the age of the “double sell-out”: Creators who produce market-friendly content to achieve fame — and then use that fame to pursue even more commerce-for-commerce's-sake. MrBeast is arguably one of the most important "creators" of our times. He dreams up, produces, and directs elaborate and sensational video content, which made him the #1 channel on YouTube. He then used this world-historical level of fame... to open a generic fast food chain. This has also become common amongst established stars: George Clooney worked hard for decades to become a well-respected actor... who could take the lead role in a Nespresso commercial.

YouTuber Emma Chamberlain may be the clearest example of the double-sellout, in that she could have taken a very different path. Chamberlain rose to fame through charming confessional videos, arguably a new art form for the internet age. And in not being a total sociopath like many other popular YouTubers, she won the endorsements of mainstream brands. In 2019, she became an official Louis Vuitton ambassador and has been one of the few digital-natives to still receive invitations to the Met Gala. By almost every metric, Chamberlain "made it."

Such fame and financial stability opened the door to a bewildering panoply of opportunity, so where did she put her non-video energy? She worked with her talent agency to create a brand of coffee called Chamberlain Coffee. There are already many coffee brands. What was the innovation Chamberlain hoped to bring to the world of coffee? Well, unlike other brands, Chamberlain Coffee is “passionate about providing high quality, delicious beverages.” Okay, but did she pursue some manner of product differentiation? “We believe that drinks can be more than just drinks, but sources of joy, inspiration and creativity in a cup.” But hold on: Chamberlain holds a very strong belief: “Coffee. For some people (aka me), it’s more than a drink. It’s a way to connect. It’s a way to share moments. And, ok, sometimes it’s just a way to wake up and get stuff done.” Alright.

On first glance, celebrity coffee brands appear to be cynical cash-grabs — a way to nudge captive audiences into buying merch on a monthly basis. They're actually much more cynical than that. James Hoffmann interviewed a guy from Masteroast, which produces the actual coffee for most of these brands. As that guy describes, "We no longer produce products. We produce a code." In this "paint by numbers" model, celebrities provide Masteroast with a diagnostic code outlying certain manufacturing parameters, which the company then automates into bags of mass-produced coffee.

The 20th century taboo against selling out was, at its heart, a communal norm to reward young artists who focused on craft and punish those who appropriated art and subculture for empty profiteering. Now the culture is most exemplified by people whose entire end goal appears to be empty profiteering.

Ultra-poptimists believe that celebrities have the god-given right to always be profitmaxxing — no questions asked — but the problem is that all this explicitly non-artistic output, such as moldy Lunchlys and charmless coffee, becomes the culture. MrBeast is a businessman masking as a creator, but unlike Mark Burnett, he is understood as a star engaged in personal cultural expression.

Whether we like it or not, culture operates on norms, and changes in norms have consequences. The old norm was "don't sell out." The new norm is "do sell-out," or maybe more charitably, "don't judge people on selling out." The outcome is Chamberlain Coffee. If we want different outcomes, we can change the norms, which conveniently costs no money. If we want culture to be culture and not just advertorials for a sprawling network of micro-QVCs pumping out low-quality goods, an easy step would be to re-shift the norms towards, at least, “Don’t be a double sell-out.” This is already a quite generous compromise in that it blesses artists to be conventional to stabilize their income and try to win over large fanbases. But this esteem must be given on the promise that the money and fame are used in pursuit of artistic or creative innovation. Double sell-outs don't deserve our esteem as "creative" people. They should be content with the reward they chose: the money extracted from fans who snap up their mediocre commodities out of parasocial loyalty.

The challenge for our times is to locate and elevate the artists using their platforms for art and other social goods rather than just securing further personal profit. Every time we don't condemn the double sell-outs, we're insulting those in pursuit of what used to be the clear goal: to move culture forward."]]></description>
<dc:subject>wdavidmarx 2025 sellouts capitalism art culture stability economics cynicism nihilism left poptimists kelefasanneh 1990s youth youthculture rem stonetemplepilots chuckklosterman music income nirvana pearljam neptunes mrbeast beyoncé georgeclooney ads advertising clipse snoopdog fame jameshoffmann celebrity celebrities socialgoods sellingout</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://annehelen.substack.com/p/are-people-bad-at-their-jobsor-are">
    <title>Are People Bad At Their Jobs....or Are The Jobs Just Bad?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-02T22:16:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://annehelen.substack.com/p/are-people-bad-at-their-jobsor-are</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a society, we have decided that we want more for less: more convenience, more purchases, more technology, but none of it at prices that render it out of reach. For years, we allowed immediate gratification to blind ourselves to the reality that making something cheaper and more accessible almost always makes it worse. It didn’t matter if the shirt fell apart or the couch collapsed — you could always buy a new one and survive on the glow of its novelty until it had to be replaced as well.

The exploitation (of workers, of natural resources) that made that abundant cheapness possible was largely invisible and thus ignorable. Some people paid the time tax and figured out new homes for their discarded items, but most people pile it into Goodwill or the dumpster, telling themselves a story about how it’d find a second life, or telling themselves nothing at all.

A badly made pair of sandals is annoying but survivable. But people being bad at their jobs in your everyday life is far more difficult to ignore. It adds unanticipated rupture. It blows up your carefully planned day. It exacts a stiff time tax — and while you have money (in part because everything is so cheap!) your time has become far more precious. You’re just standing there in line at Walgreens, stewing about how there has to be a better way, absolutely indignant that they can’t manage to figure out one prescription that refills every three months seriously how hard can it be. Our hunt for the frictionless deal turns a purchase into a quagmire that takes weeks to fully undo, restore, and solve.

Even if you don’t personally hold these values, the vast majority of us are members of societies that do. But resistance is very possible. If everyone’s good at their job, shop there. If you need help with something, find a local company or self-employed person to pay directly — and tip them. If something feels like a massive deal, someone or some part of the earth is paying steeply for it, and chances are high you will pay more for it (in replacement costs, in labor, in time) later. And if you’re forced to use a company with bad services and bad products, the fault is very rarely the worker themselves, but the organization that makes it so difficult for them to be good at their job.

I’m not saying we should all spend more money on everything. Or that we should collectively lower our standards and accept shoddy work. I keenly understand that part of the reason we rely on these exploitative services is because we, ourselves, are subject to the demands of the same economy: one that tells us our time is always better spent working or recovering from work, instead of helping others with their bedframe assembly or, say, shopping in person.

But I do think it’s worth wondering: what would happen, how might the paradigm shift, if we continue normalizing paying far more for far less?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>annehelenpetersen 2025 work labor exploitation wages income ups fedex gigeconomy workconditions convenience jobs us society costco fredmeyer unions organizing employment benefits apple applestore</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/03/new-study-by-fed-economists-directly-contradicts-yimby-narrative-on-housing-prices/">
    <title>New study by Fed economists directly contradicts Yimby narrative on housing prices - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-29T02:13:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/03/new-study-by-fed-economists-directly-contradicts-yimby-narrative-on-housing-prices/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dramatic data suggests gentrification and income inequality are far more important than 'constraints' on development as the cause of high housing prices"]]></description>
<dc:subject>housing timredmond 2025 yimbys yimby yimbyism economics inequality gentrification johnmondragon johanneswieland schuylerlouie hosuton income incomeinequality vancouver britishcolumbia housingcrisis affordability housingsupply edlee taxes taxation displacement ellisact costahawkins landlords rent eviction</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_yC0dsTtRVo">
    <title>Thomas Sowell and the American Dream - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-20T21:28:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_yC0dsTtRVo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Chapters:
0:00 Intro
4:33 Productivity and Pay
27:49 Land of Opportunity?
38:47 Welfare is Well-Fair
53:46 Trickle-Down Economics
1:06:30 Paid Your Worth
1:31:46 Handling Heterogeneity
1:41:31 Death of Econ101, Redux
1:53:58 Immigration
2:17:57 Discrimination and Disparities
2:48:20 America: Fuck Yeah

References:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Ef4OlRTlHrxxTmvpLDJKopcwZJORt2TY/edit "

[previous video:

"Thomas Sowell Is Worse Than I Thought - YouTube
Wow, and it's only part one! How long can UE go on for?"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vZjSXS2NdS0 ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/the-cruel-reality-of-public-assistance-programs/">
    <title>The Cruel Reality of Public Assistance Programs | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-13T19:52:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/the-cruel-reality-of-public-assistance-programs/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I tried to overhaul a system meant to help people in need, but it was designed to fail."
]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JMeuMznCMgo">
    <title>El futuro de las historias - Javier Argüello y Rafael Gumucio | Valparaíso 2024 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-23T20:00:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JMeuMznCMgo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["En esta conversación, los escritores Javier Argüello y Rafael Gumucio abordarán el oficio de escribir y cómo las narrativas configuran nuestra visión del mundo. Se explorará el poder del relato científico como la narrativa dominante en la actualidad, así como el papel de la memoria en la reconstrucción de la realidad familiar y social. 

En un contexto marcado por la inteligencia artificial, las redes sociales y los modelos generativos, se reflexionará sobre el papel y el futuro de las historias en una era de transformación tecnológica, invitando al público a repensar la creación literaria en el mundo contemporáneo.

Presenta Colbún y Coopeuch. Proyecto financiado por PAOCC"]]></description>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:4e8991bc6674/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>What’s the Labor Share of National Income?</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-06T05:58:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/24/10/whats-the-labor-share-of-national-income?</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/education-and-genes-grab-bag">
    <title>Education and Genes Grab Bag - Freddie deBoer</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-10T18:30:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/education-and-genes-grab-bag</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A common complaint among critics of a genetics-academics link is to ask, why does this matter? What can you do with this, other than provide the worst people with more justification for eugenics and oppression? The most consistent criticisms of Kathryn Paige Harden’s book expressed this concern, questioning whether knowledge of genetic propensity for better or worse academic performance could ever help achieve Harden’s stated progressive ends. Personally, I think that this conversation tends to be too fixated on the usefulness of genetic testing of individuals and not sufficiently focused on the big picture - the fact that, if every student does not actually have equal potential, the entire foundation of modern educational philosophy has been utterly destabilized. As I put it exactly three years ago, you can define the problem with blank slate thinking in four words: No Child Left Behind. The most radical and destructive piece of educational policy in our country’s history, passed with remarkably broad bipartisan report, could only have been conceived of by those who believed that students have no intrinsic tendency towards a given performance level. And the result was disastrous - there was an immense waste of resources associated with NCLB, students and teachers and schools were suddenly forced to undertake inefficient and unnecessary census testing, and teacher tenure and unions were attacked. All because of a cheery and casually destructive insistence that every child was in possession of the same educational potential.

Yes, the existence of pseudoscientific racism claims of inherent genetic superiority/inferiority of different races invites particular scrutiny in this regard. But as I will not stop insisting, it is not only possible but in fact intuitive and evidence-based to believe that individual differences in academic ability are genetically influenced while group differences like racial or gender differences are environmental in origin. And I will go to my grave pointing out that blank slate thinking is the enemy of a better, more humane education system. Once you stop insisting that the only noble outcome for any and all children is to go to a top twenty university and join the ranks of our Brahmin class, we can dramatically broaden the purpose of school and our definitions of success. If you don’t do that, though, our neoliberal system is going to continue to try to use the meritocratic process as the only tool for achieving “social justice,” with the bonus outcome that those who struggle within that system are made to believe that they deserve their sad fate."

...

"Here’s a core point. When we talk about this stuff, there’s a lot of quick insistence that these traits aren’t just genetic, but also environmental, and there’s always gene by environment interactions, and there’s epigenetics…. All true! Just as Merchant is surely right here about the influence of social interactions. But I think it’s important to say that the existence of such complicating factors can’t deny the salience of a particularly important factor. So consider height. Height is highly polygenic, it’s heavily influenced by environment, there are gene by environment interactions, all true. However, none of this means that height is not significantly heritable, and crucially if your genes don’t want you to be 7 feet tall, you’re not going to be 7 feet tall. The existence of the complicating factors doesn’t change the reality that height is probably about 80% heritable. Severe malnourishment in childhood can absolutely stunt someone’s growth, but you can overfeed a kid whose genes want him to be 5’4 and it’s not going to make him a six footer. Similarly, I could never be a chess grandmaster no matter how hard I tried; I lack the raw processing power. Because genes matter.

<blockquote>both sides are buying into and thereby furthering the larger eugenicist project of attributing socioeconomic inequality to genetic variation.</blockquote>

I am again in this position where the basic moral values I’m evaluating simply do not make sense to me. Merchant reveals herself to be a committed progressive and critic of contemporary capitalism in this essay. Good. But what is progressive about denying the role of genetic variation in socioeconomic inequality? Our genetic endowment lies entirely outside of our own control, and the fact that we are born with a given genome is a matter of pure random chance, just like being born into a rich family. The neoliberal capitalist project depends on a widespread societal belief that our system is fair and consistently gives almost everyone a decent shot to succeed. But how can the outcomes be fair if our genes disadvantage us before we can make a single choice, before we attend a single class, before we work a single job?

It’s rude and unscientific to believe that fat people are just gluttons without self-discipline. It’s rude and unscientific to believe that everyone has the same risk of being an alcoholic or drug addict. It’s rude and unscientific to believe that schizophrenia is caused by cold and distant mothers. And it’s rude and unscientific to believe that when one kid excels in the classroom and the other one struggles, that process is equitable and fair."]]></description>
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    <title>Will the rich leave the UK? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-07T20:25:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=luobN4xGOdA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>garystevenson 2024 taxes taxation passiveincome inequality mobility uk china us australia policy politics income capitalism wealth labor economics</dc:subject>
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    <title>Opinion | It’s Time to Tax the Billionaires - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-12T23:56:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/05/03/opinion/global-billionaires-tax.html</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fKv1Mixv0Hk">
    <title>This is a teenager. Let's track hundreds of teens into adulthood using this huge dataset. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-23T02:10:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fKv1Mixv0Hk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We trace the paths of hundreds of teenagers, starting in 1997, to see how their childhood experiences affected their life outcomes.

View the interactive version at https://pudding.cool/2024/03/teenagers "

[via:
https://kottke.org/24/04/are-the-kids-alright-when-they-grow-up

See also:
https://www.bls.gov/nls/nlsy97.htm ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>childhood teens experience life 2024 inequality health income visualization data research 1997 education poverty</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/bidenomics-criticism-economy-election/">
    <title>Bidenomics and Its Discontents | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-07T22:18:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/bidenomics-criticism-economy-election/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The White House believes American workers have seldom had it so good. And lots of prestigious economists agree. But the voters aren’t buying. Maybe they know something?"

...

"In short, Biden’s economists and their acolytes in the press appear locked into a statistical and cognitive paradigm that is old and irrelevant—a metaphor, if you like, for our political class. The voters appear to know this. Dire consequences may follow, come November."

]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1.7032238">
    <title>CBC Massey Lectures | #1: Cura’s Gift | CBC.ca</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-23T19:44:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1.7032238</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Insecurity has become a "defining feature of our time," says CBC Massey lecturer Astra Taylor. The Winnipeg-born writer and filmmaker explores how rising inequality, declining mental health, the climate crisis, and the threat of authoritarianism originate from a social order built on insecurity. In her first lecture, she explores the existential insecurity we can’t escape — and the manufactured insecurity imposed on us from above."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newrepublic.com/post/175343/wage-theft-versus-shoplifting-crime">
    <title>The Real Crime Isn’t Shoplifting—It’s Wage Theft | The New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2023-09-11T02:39:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/post/175343/wage-theft-versus-shoplifting-crime</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why has the media gone all in on small time scofflaws when organized financial crime is robbing people straight from their paychecks?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2023 media shoplifting crime wagetheft capitalism salaries labor income jasonlinkins lcd</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://archive.is/rYEe5">
    <title>Opinion | Christine Emba: Men are lost. Here’s a map out of the wilderness. - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-15T03:04:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archive.is/rYEe5</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[saved from here:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/07/10/christine-emba-masculinity-new-model/ ]

"Worrying about the state of our men is an American tradition. But today’s problems are real and well documented. Deindustrialization, automation, free trade and peacetime have shifted the labor market dramatically, and not in men’s favor — the need for physical labor has declined, while soft skills and academic credentials are increasingly rewarded. Growing numbers of working-age men have detached from the labor market, with the biggest drop in employment among men ages 25 to 34. For those in a job, wages have stagnated everywhere except the top.

Meanwhile, women are surging ahead in school and in the workplace, putting a further dent in the “provider” model that has long been ingrained in our conception of masculinity. Men now receive about 74 bachelor’s degrees for every 100 awarded to women, and men account for more than 70 percent of the decline in college enrollment overall. In 2020, nearly half of women reported in a TD Ameritrade survey that they out-earn or make the same amount as their husbands or partners — a huge jump from fewer than 4 percent of women in 1960.

Then there’s the domestic sphere. Last summer, a Psychology Today article caused a stir online by pointing out that “dating opportunities for heterosexual men are diminishing as relationship standards rise.” No longer dependent on marriage as a means to financial security or even motherhood (a growing number of women are choosing to create families by themselves, with the help of reproductive technology), women are “increasingly selective,” leading to a rise in lonely, single young men — more of whom now live with their parents than a romantic partner. Men also account for almost 3 of every 4 “deaths of despair,” either from a suicide, alcohol abuse or an overdose.

And while the past 50 years have been revolutionary for women — the feminist movement championed their power, and an entire academic discipline emerged to theorize about gender and excavate women’s history — there hasn’t been a corresponding conversation about what role men should play in a changing world. At the same time, the increasing visibility of the LGBTQ+ movement has made the gender dynamic seem less stable, less defined.

Because men still dominate leadership positions in government and corporations, many assume they’re doing fine and bristle at male complaint. After all, all 45 U.S. presidents have been male, and men still make up more than two-thirds of Congress. A 2020 analysis of the S&P 500 found that there were more CEOs named Michael or James than there were female CEOs, period. Women are still dealing with historical discrimination and centuries of male domination that haven’t been fully accounted for or rectified. Are we really worrying that men feel a little emasculated because their female classmates are doing well?

But millions of men lack access to that kind of power and success — and, downstream, cut loose from a stable identity as patriarchs deserving of respect, they feel demoralized and adrift. The data show it, but so does the general mood: Men find themselves lonely, depressed, anxious and directionless."

...

"Past models of masculinity feel unreachable or socially unacceptable; new ones have yet to crystallize. What are men for in the modern world? What do they look like? Where do they fit? These are social questions but also ones with major political ramifications. Whatever self-definition men settle on will have an enormous impact on society. Yet many people, like Taylor, hesitate to be the one to try to outline a new standard of manliness. Who are they to set the rules?

Only one group seems to have no such doubts about offering men a plan."

...

"Men were constantly told to be “better” and less “toxic,” he said, but what that “better” might look like seemed hard to pin down. “You pretty much have to figure it out yourself. But yet society still has the expectation that, you know, you have to be a certain way.”

Then he turned wistful. “I don’t feel like men in general have the same types of role models that women do, even in their own personal lives. … Just because you’re in the majority doesn’t mean you don’t need support.”

Technically, men are slightly in the minority in the United States. But apart from that, Bray had a point — and what he said explained a lot about why the left and the mainstream are losing men."

...

"What ends up happening is that, if women are still seen as needing tools to overcome disadvantage, men are often expected to just shape up by themselves. For a group that can be focused to a fault on addressing microaggressions, it’s surprisingly acceptable for those on the left to victim-blame men who are struggling themselves. “So we just let men off the hook? Maybe we should give them electroshock therapy for their hysteria,” a progressive female friend of mine joked when I told her about this essay.

To the extent that any vision of “nontoxic” masculinity is proposed, it ends up sounding more like stereotypical femininity than anything else: Guys should learn to be more sensitive, quiet and socially apt, seemingly overnight. It’s the equivalent of “learn to code!” as a solution for those struggling to adjust to a new economy: simultaneously hectoring, dismissive and jejune.

The thing is, I get it. I understand the reluctance to spend time worrying about men. And I say that as someone who loves them: as friends, romantic partners and members of my family.

Justifiably, progressives want to preserve the major gains made for women over the past several decades — gains that are still fragile. It’s easy to mistake attention as zero-sum, to fear that putting effort toward helping men might mean we won’t have space for women anymore.

There is something appealing, too, in the idea of gender neutrality — or at least rejecting gender essentialism — as a social ethos. After all, attaching specific traits to men will redound to women, too. If we say “real” men are strong, does that mean real women must be weak? If men are leaders, are women destined to follow?

I’m convinced that men are in a crisis. And I strongly suspect that ending it will require a positive vision of what masculinity entails that is particular — that is, neither neutral nor interchangeable with femininity. Still, I find myself reluctant to fully articulate one. There’s a reason a lot of the writing on the crisis in masculinity ends at the diagnosis stage."

...

"Reeves, who is launching his own institute focused on men and boys, knows there’s a danger inherent in seeming too eager to help men or too intent on promoting a particular vision of masculinity.

“As soon as you start articulating virtues, advantages, good things about being male … then you’ve just dialed up the risk factor of the conversation,” he said. “But I’m also acutely aware that the risk of not doing it is much greater. Because without it, there’s a vacuum. And along comes Andrew Tate to make Jordan Peterson look like a cuddly old uncle.”

A new script for men

If the right has overcorrected to an old-fashioned (and somewhat hostile) vision of masculinity, many progressives have ignored the opportunity to sell men on a better vision of what they can be.

In the conversations I had with men for this essay, I kept hearing that many would still find some kind of normative standard of masculinity meaningful and useful, if only to give them a starting point from which to expand.

...

"“Where I think this conversation has come off the tracks is where being a man is essentially trying to ignore all masculinity and act more like a woman. And even some women who say that — they don’t want to have sex with those guys. They may believe they’re right, and think it’s a good narrative, but they don’t want to partner with them.”

I, a heterosexual woman, cringed in recognition.

“And so men should think, ‘I want to take advantage of my maleness. I want to be aggressive, I want to set goals, go hard at it. I want to be physically really strong. I want to take care of myself.’”

Galloway leaned into the screen. “My view is that, for masculinity, a decent place to start is garnering the skills and strength that you can advocate for and protect others with. If you’re really strong and smart, you will garner enough power, influence, kindness to begin protecting others. That is it. Full stop. Real men protect other people.”

Richard Reeves, in our earlier conversation, had put it somewhat more subtly. “I try to raise my boys” — he has three — “to have the confidence to ask a girl out, if that’s their inclination; the grace to accept no for an answer; and the responsibility to make sure that, either way, she gets home safely.” His recipe for masculine success echoed Galloway’s: proactiveness, agency, risk-taking and courage, but with a pro-social cast.

This tracked with my intuitions about what “good masculinity” might look like — the sort that I actually admire, the sort that women I know find attractive but often can’t seem to find at all. It also aligns with what the many young men I spoke with would describe as aspirational, once they finally felt safe enough to admit they did in fact carry an ideal of manhood with its own particular features.

Physical strength came up frequently, as did a desire for personal mastery. They cited adventurousness, leadership, problem-solving, dignity and sexual drive. None of these are negative traits, but many men I spoke with felt that these archetypes were unfairly stigmatized: Men were too assertive, too boisterous, too horny.

But, in fact, most of these features are scaffolded by biology — all are associated with testosterone, the male sex hormone. It’s not an excuse for “boys will be boys”-style bad behavior, but, realistically, these traits would be better acknowledged and harnessed for pro-social aims than stifled or downplayed. Ignoring obvious truths about human nature, even general ones, fosters the idea that progressives are out of touch with reality.

The essentialist view — that it’s in men’s nature to be brave, stoic and in charge while women remain docile, nurturing and submissive — would be dire news for social equality and for the vast numbers of individuals who don’t fit those stereotypes. Biology isn’t destiny — there is no one script for how to be a woman or a man. But despite a push by some advocates to make everything from bathrooms to birthing gender-neutral, most people don’t actually want a completely androgynous society. And if a new model for masculinity is going to find popular appeal, it will depend on putting the distinctiveness of men to good use in whatever form it comes.

“Femininity or masculinity are a social construct that we get to define,” Galloway concluded. “They are, loosely speaking, behaviors we associate with people born as men or born as women, or attributes more common among people born as men or as women. But the key is that we still get to fill that vessel and define what those attributes are, and then try and reinforce them with our behavior and our views and our media.”

What would creating a positive vision of masculinity look like? Recognizing distinctiveness but not pathologizing it. Finding new ways to valorize it and tell a story that is appealing to young men and socially beneficial, rather than ceding ground to those who would warp a perceived difference into something ugly and destructive."

...

"A path forward

"For all their problems, the strict gender roles of the past did give boys a script for how to be a man. But if trying to smash the patriarchy has left a vacuum in our ideal of masculinity, it also gives us a chance at a fresh start: an opportunity to take what is useful from models of the past and repurpose it for boys and men today.

We can find ways to work with the distinctive traits and powerful stories that already exist — risk-taking, strength, self-mastery, protecting, providing, procreating. We can recognize how real and important they are. And we can attempt to make them pro-social — to help not just men but also women, and to support the common good.

Influencers on the right have found an audience by recognizing and exaggerating these tropes. What else is an incel but a stymied procreator building an identity out of his failures? Who are Tucker Carlson’s tire-flipping civilizational guards but the protector, made absurd? Right-wing political figures such as Josh Hawley have clearly latched on to many men’s desire to provide, but their solutions are often 1950s throwbacks that depend on castigating women for providing for themselves.

What critics miss is that if there were nothing valid at the core of these constructs, they wouldn’t command this sort of popularity. People need codes for how to be human. And when those aren’t easily found, they’ll take whatever is offered, no matter what else is attached.

For the left, there’s room to elaborate on visions of these qualities that are expansive, not reductive, that allow for many varieties of masculinity and don’t deny female value and agency.

In my ideal, the mainstream could embrace a model that acknowledges male particularity and difference but doesn’t denigrate women to do so. It’s a vision of gender that’s not androgynous but still equal, and relies on character, not just biology. And it acknowledges that certain themes — protector, provider, even procreator — still resonate with many men and should be worked with, not against.

But how to implement it? Frankly, it will be slow. A new masculinity will be a norm shift, and that takes time. The women’s movement succeeded in changing structures and aspirations, but the social transformation didn’t take place overnight. And empathy will be required, as grating as that might feel.

It is harder to be a man today, and in many ways, that is a good thing: Finally, the freer sex is being held to a higher standard.

Even so, not all of the changes that have led us to this moment are unequivocally positive. And if left unaddressed, the current confusion of men and boys will have destructive social outcomes, in the form of resentment and radicalization.

In the end, the sexes rise and fall together. The truth is that most women still want to have intimate relationships with good men. And even those who don’t still want their sons, brothers, fathers and friends to live good lives.

The old script for masculinity might be on its way out. It’s time we replaced it with something better."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/SarahTaber_bww/status/1478067856545927170">
    <title>Dr Sarah Taber on Twitter: &quot;So I'm at the part of the book where I go through public health data: &quot;Here are all the things that we know increase diabetes, heart disease, cancer, mental illness, etc that AREN'T diet.&quot; holy shit this is dystopian&quot; / Twitter</title>
    <dc:date>2022-05-08T22:59:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/SarahTaber_bww/status/1478067856545927170</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So I'm at the part of the book where I go through public health data: "Here are all the things that we know increase diabetes, heart disease, cancer, mental illness, etc that AREN'T diet."

holy shit this is dystopian

Sleeping less than 7-8 hrs/night messes up appetite AND glucose tolerance, to the point where it's a huge risk factor for diabetes. *After* controlling for demographics, lifestyle/activity, age, & other factors.

Worse, we've known that for 15+ years. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK19961/#a2000f7efddd00073

Insofar as being fat is in itself a health problem (the data don't necessarily hold that up- as we'll cover more in the thread)

it doesn't come from "just eating too much junk food & not exercising enough."

The body is a complex machine w lots of potential for software bugs.

I just think it's funny how ~the obesity epidemic~ started at the same time that falling real wages, longer work hours, & longer commutes started to eat away at Americans' sleep time

almost like it's a symptom of larger-scale societal problems that are profitable for some people

[image]

Chronic stress (overwork, poverty, sexual harassment, discrimination, etc) also has a lot more to do with fatness than anybody wants to admit. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3428710/

More on chronic stress: fight-or-flight destroys your body when it goes on too long.

One good way to tamp down the fight-or-flight reflex?

Stress-eating high-calorie foods.

🎵 it's self-medicating 🎶

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15142987/

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/17543357/

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12975524/

An important source of chronic stress: untreated PTSD. Which is surprisingly common- a lot of us pick it up very early.

@DrBurkeHarris has done a lot of work on this in marginalized communities. Her TED talk on it is unmissable. https://www.ted.com/talks/nadine_burke_harris_how_childhood_trauma_affects_health_across_a_lifetime

And an important note: While Dr Burke-Harris works with poor BIPOC communities, she points out that untreated early-life trauma is super common in high-SES people too.

The study that out out how much childhood trauma fucks people up? Done in patients that were 70% college grads & 70% white.

Over half had at least 1 ACE (adverse childhood event- DV, abuse, neglect, untreated mental illness in the family, etc). https://pinetreeinstitute.org/aces/

In other words, as much as the middle & upper class might want to see this as a "those people" problem : /

childhood trauma is an extremely middle & upper class problem too.

Remember when lots of young people told Freud about sexual abuse by family & close family friends, & people said "haha NO WAY Freud that can't be right. Find the *real* answer" & that's why we have this Oedipus/Elektra complex bullshit?

Yeah turns out we're still doing that.

Dr Burke-Harris put it this way:

"I’m beginning to believe that we marginalize the issue because it does apply to us. Maybe it’s easier to see in other zip codes because we don’t want to look at it. We’d rather be sick."

It helps explain why rich white people are so fucking dead-set on blaming all these health problems on diet, doesn't it.

It's not JUST about blaming the poor for their own problems.

It's also about avoiding the real problems in their own house.

but we fuckin' see you, rich ppl

I'm pulling all these data together to push back on the stupid-ass narratives we've had the last 30+ years about "you are what you eat uwu." That food is medicine, THEREFORE if someone is sick it's because they eat junk food. And they are a bad lazy person who should feel bad.

This is why you hear constantly hear about "consumer education" in foodie/sustainability circles.

It really sucks that they call it that, bc what they really mean is telling people "if you buy my health food it'll cure your sick body."

THAT'S NOT EDUCATION. IT'S ADVERTISING.

Veggies & cooking from scratch are great & all! Healthy food is a fine & good thing.

But it's no substitute for sleep, PTSD treatment, & ending domestic violence & overwork.

And that's how health food is being sold.

Sorry folks, farmers markets are capitalism too.

Anyway this is all stuff I kinda knew already. I'd seen studies here & there.

Yesterday was supposed to be finding the 5-10 studies on it & moving on.

But turns out the volume of data we have on "obesity & metabolic disease come from stress & trauma" is goddamn overwhelming.

[image]

so idk pour one out for me today while I figure out how to pull this all into a coherent narrative about how much of the food movement is a reactionary disinfo-for-profit enterprise

& try to stay focused instead of running off to light something on fire

[image]

the problem with naps and not beating your family,, is you can do those things for free

If this stuff is ringing a bell for you (and for whomst does it not), this bird site is full of nutritionists & public health professionals who have been working on this stuff for years!

I am but a lone weirdo who really does more on the ag/distro side of the food system.

For just a couple starters check out @fattyMPH, @fatnutritionist, and "health at any size." These folks & terms are about actually doing evidence-based healthcare instead of recycling just-so stories."]]></description>
<dc:subject>sarahtaber 2022 health publichealth capitalism work diabetes obesity labor trauma psychology marketing advertising wealth income inequality ptsd neoliberalism sustainability disease unschooling deschooling stress sleep healthcare medicine disinformation information food domesticviolence overwork sickness bodies</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture? ❧ Current Affairs</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-07T01:19:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves.”

[via: https://jomc.substack.com/p/casablance-happy-hacker-and-the-burgundy 

See also:
“Black Enough for TV?” (Bad Faith podcast)
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/black-enough-for-tv/id1531192509?i=1000531047800
https://www.patreon.com/posts/episode-95-black-54541034

“After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper’s viral Current Affairs article “Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?,” we invited Very Smart Brothers co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it’s a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of “the Black experience” is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter.”

"Is it Possible for Black Creatives to Exploit the Poor? w/ Damon Young & Bertrand Cooper"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qG8yj6rVaHw

"After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper's viral Current Affairs article "Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?," we invited Very Smart Brothas co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it's a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of "the Black experience" is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter. As tragedies like George Floyd's death open the door for "Black content," how concerned should we be that creative opportunities flow to elite, often Ivy League Black folks rather than members of communities like the one George Floyd came from? Do affluent Black creators have an obligation to disclose the gap between their own life experiences and the cultural products they produce? Is it "right" for Dave Chapelle or Donald Glover allow their audiences to assume they're "from the streets", or is it appropriative for them to profit off of assumed "authenticity?" Must a creator share the class identity of the characters they produce? Is the Black middle class sufficiently precarious that it's "entitled" to tell all Black stories? We tackle these questions and more on this week's episode of Bad Faith."]

“You see, there were two Harlems. There were those who lived in Sugar Hill and there was the Hollow, where we lived. There was a great divide between the black people on the Hill and us. I was just a ragged, funky black shoeshine boy and was afraid of the people on the Hill, who, for their part, didn’t want to have anything to do with me.”
– James Baldwin interviewed by Julius Lester, the New York Times Book Review, May 27, 1984

“You got 1 percent of the population in America who owns 41 percent of the wealth… but within the black community, the top 1 percent of black folk have over 70 percent of the wealth. So that means you got a lot of precious Jamals and Letitias who are told to live vicariously through the lives of black celebrities so that it’s all about ‘representation’ rather than substantive transformation… ‘you gotta black president, all y’all must be free.’”
– Cornel West interviewed by Joe Rogan, July 24, 2019]]></description>
<dc:subject>bertrandcooper 2021 class middleclass education popculture culture race racism georgefloyd representation inequality damonyoung briahnajoygray publishing theatlantic cornelwest jamesbaldwin 2019 1984 gatekeeping privilege poverty income highered highereducation upperclass journalism hbo netflix michaelshur thefloridaproject harvardlampoon ivyleague conono’brien stephencolbert comedy film tv television elliekemper abbijacobson amypoehler tiktok youtube twitter instagram culturecreation nickkroll johnmulaney ilanaglazer julialouise-dreyfus sethmeyers chrisrock shondarhimes avaduvernay debbieallen issarae marabrockakil courtneykemp britbennet deeshaphilyaw jesmynward donaldglover atlantafx nerds roxanegay colsonwhitehead blackness us society serenawilliams ta-nehisicoates williamjuliuswilson jimcrow blackculture blackpoor henrylouisgatesjr rajchetty cassiedecosta keishablain vannnewkirkii seanbaker moonlight barryjenkins ibramkendi davechapelle nytimes joebiden democrats centrists moderates elite mainstre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/education-and-economic-mobility/541041/">
    <title>Why Education is a Limited Determinant of Mobility - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-24T16:51:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/education-and-economic-mobility/541041/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Rothstein’s work also comports well with some research findings out of Canada. The country has relatively high rates of intergenerational mobility—significantly higher than in the United States or Britain. That said, this past year, the University of Ottawa economist Miles Corak found that, similar to the U.S., where one grows up in Canada seems to largely determine one’s economic chances in adulthood.

Marie Connolly, an economist at the University of Quebec in Montreal who collaborates with Corak, told me that after studying geographic mobility across Canada, her team has identified similar patterns as Rothstein did in the United States.

“Education is just not a big part of the story,” she says. “You can see a little role for school quality, but the structure of the labor market seems to be a much bigger driver.”

Rothstein’s research is certainly not the final word on the subject, and his study comes with some caveats. The first, as mentioned earlier, is that his findings are not causal. It could be, for example, that whatever is going on in places where children are more likely to rise up the economic ladder, like Salt Lake City and San Jose, have low-income families that have some other unidentified characteristic—such as different parenting styles—that affects their children’s lives. It’s possible these families produce economically successful children for reasons that have nothing to do with where they live.  

Another caveat, related specifically to Rothstein’s school-quality finding, is that low-income children who grow up in places that see lots of children transcend poverty could have some unobservable characteristic that leads them to have good employment  outcomes but poor academic performance. And Rothstein does not identify specific schools in his paper when drawing his school-quality conclusions, meaning he’s making indirect inferences.

Ultimately, most Americans would probably agree that leaders should work to build great schools, and that individuals who work hard should be able to improve their economic earnings over time. Devoting the bulk of one’s attention to the former in the hopes that it causes the latter, however, might prove to be a real mistake."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-how-race-income-and-opportunity-hoarding-will-shape-canadas-back/">
    <title>How race, income and ‘opportunity hoarding’ will shape Canada’s back-to-school season - The Globe and Mail</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-06T04:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-how-race-income-and-opportunity-hoarding-will-shape-canadas-back/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Privileged families are isolating children from COVID-19 in ‘learning pods,’ while racialized and lower-income families are hesitant to return to public schools, transit and communities with unknown risks. Can Canada seize the opportunity to close the gaps in education?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://bostonreview.net/class-inequality-education-opportunity/richard-v-reeves-dream-hoarders-how-americas-top-20-percent">
    <title>The Dream Hoarders: How America's Top 20 Percent Perpetuates Inequality | Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2020-08-23T09:03:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bostonreview.net/class-inequality-education-opportunity/richard-v-reeves-dream-hoarders-how-americas-top-20-percent</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MerkGUx-2V4">
    <title>The Myth of Scandinavian Socialism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-06-17T00:21:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MerkGUx-2V4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Left-wing movements in Britain, and further afield, are increasingly citing the Scandinavian or Nordic economic model as a desirable alternative to capitalism.

But is Scandinavian socialism really all its cracked up to be?

Today, Dr Steve Davies and Kate Andrews of the IEA put the Nordic model under the spotlight - and examine to what extent these countries are indeed socialist, or even ‘left wing’."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://eand.co/why-america-is-the-worlds-first-poor-rich-country-17f5a80e444a">
    <title>Why America is the World’s First Poor Rich Country - Eudaimonia and Co</title>
    <dc:date>2020-03-20T21:37:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://eand.co/why-america-is-the-worlds-first-poor-rich-country-17f5a80e444a</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Consider the following statistics. The average American can’t scrape together $500 for an emergency. A third of Americans can’t afford food, shelter, and healthcare. Healthcare for a family now costs $28k — about half of median income, which is $60k.

By themselves, of course, statistics say little. But together these facts speak volumes. The story they are beginning to tell is this.

America, it seems, is becoming something like the world’s first poor rich country. And that is the elephant in the room we aren’t quite grasping. After all, authoritarianism and extremism don’t arise in prosperous societies — but in troubled ones, which are growing impoverished, like America is today. What do I mean by all that?

Let’s begin with what I don’t mean. I don’t mean absolute poverty. Americans are not living on a few dollars a day, by and large, like people in, for example, Somalia or Bangladesh. America’s median income is still that of a rich country, around $50k, depending on how it’s counted. Nor do I really mean relative poverty — people living below median income. While that’s a growing problem in America, because the middle class is imploding, that is not really the true problem these numbers hint at, either.

America appears to be pioneering a new kind of poverty altogether. One for which we do not yet have a name. It is something like living at the knife’s edge, constantly being on the brink of ruin, one small step away from catastrophe and disaster, ever at the risk of falling through the cracks. It has two components — massive inflation for the basics of life, coupled with crushing, asymmetrical risk. I’ll come to what those mean shortly.

The average American has a relatively high income, that of a person in a nominally rich country. Only his income does not go very far. Most of it is eaten up by attempting to afford the basics of life. We’ve already seen how steep healthcare costs are. But then there is education. There is transport. There is interest and rent. There is media and communications. There is childcare and elderly care. All these things reduce the average American to constantly living right at the edge of ruin — one paycheck away from penury, one emergency away from losing it all.

But this isn’t true for America’s peers. In Europe, Canada, and even Australia, society invests in all these things — and the costs of basic necessities societies don’t provide are regulated. For example, I pay $50 dollars for broadband and TV in London — but $200 for the same thing in New York — yet in London, I get vastly more and better media for my money (even including, yes, American junk like Ancient Aliens). That’s regulation at work. And when basic goods like healthcare or elderly care or education are provided and managed at a social scale, that is when they are cheapest, and often of the best quality, too. Hence, healthcare costs far less in London, Paris, or Geneva — and life expectancy is longer, too.

So if you are earning $50k in America, it is a very different thing than earning $50k in France, Germany, or Sweden — in America, you must pay steeply for the basics of life, for basic necessities. Thus, incomes stretch much further in other countries, which enjoy a vastly higher quality of life, even though people there earn roughly the same amount, because they pay vastly less for basic necessities. Americans are rich, but only nominally — their money doesn’t buy nearly as much as their peers does, where it matters and counts most, for the basics of life.

What happens when societies don’t understand all the above? Well, a strange thing has happened to the American economy. While it’s true that things like TVs and Playstations have gotten cheaper, the costs of the basics of life have skyrocketed. All the things that really elevate people’s quality of life — healthcare, finance, education, transport, housing, and so on — have come to consume such a large share of the average household’s income that they have little left to save, invest, or spend on anything else. And what’s worse, while the basics of life have seen massive inflation, wages and incomes (not to mention savings and benefits and safety nets and opportunities) for most have stagnated. The result is an economy — and a society — that’s collapsing.

Yet all that is the straightforward effect of giving, for example, hedge funds control over drugs, or speculators control over housing, healthcare, and education — they will of course maximize profits, whereas investing in these things socially, or at least regulating them, minimizes real costs, and maximizes accessibility, affordability, and quality.

So the average American, who is left high and dry, must borrow, borrow, borrow, just to maintain a decent quality of life — because handing capitalism control of the basics of life has caused massive, skyrocketing inflation in necessities, while flatlining his income. Healthcare didn’t used to cost half of median income even a decade ago, after all — but now it does. So what happens when, in a decade or two, healthcare costs all of median income? How can an economy — let alone a society — function that way?

Well, what happens if the average American steps over the line? Misses a mortgage payment, gets ill and is unable to pay a few bills on time, can’t pay the costs of healthcare? Then they are punished severely and mercilessly. Their “credit rating” (note how banks and hedge funds don’t have them) is ruined. They can easily find themselves out on the street, without finance, without a second chance, without access to any kind of redress or support . And then they are rejected, shunned, and ostracized. They might not have an address anymore — so who will hire them? They are no longer a part of society — they have fallen through the cracks, and finding one’s way back is often next to impossible. Asymmetrical risk — corporations and lobbies and banks bear no risk at all, precisely because the average American bears them all now.

So Americans aren’t just absolutely or relatively poor, but poor in a new way entirely. First, the basics of life exploded in price, to the point that they are now unaffordable for many, maybe most, households. Second, Americans bear the risks of paying those unaffordable costs to an extreme degree, bearing the risks that institutions should, and so those risks are now ruinously high. A bank or hedge fund or corporation might go bankrupt, and liquidate its assets, and its owners stay rich — but if an American’s credit rating is ruined, loses his job, cannot pay his bills, or even if he declares bankruptcy, he falls through the cracks, hounded, embattled, institutionally black-marked. He finds himself outside society, with little way to get back in. Little wonder then that Americans work so much harder than anywhere else — they are always one step away from losing it all, from genuine ruin, but their peers in truly rich countries aren’t.

Marx probably would have called this immiseration. Neo-Marxist theorists call it precarity. And while there’s truth in both those ideas and perspectives, I think they miss three vital points.

We don’t see America as a poor country, but we should begin to. Americans live fairly abysmal lives — short, lonely, unhappy, full of work and stress and despair, compared to their peers. That is because they cannot afford better ones — predatory capitalism coupled with total economic mismanagement of social investments has made the basics of life ruinously unaffordable. In this way, it’s effectively a poor country — yes, there’s a tiny number of ultra-rich, but they are outliers now, off the map of the normal. Because it’s not just any kind of poverty, yesterday’s poverty, or even poverty as we are used to thinking about it.

America is pioneering a new kind of poverty. The kind of poverty that’s developed in America isn’t just bizarre and gruesome — it’s novel and unseen. It isn’t something that we understand well, economists, intellectuals, thinkers, because we have no good framework to think about it. It’s not absolute poverty like Somalia, and it’s not just relative poverty, like in gilded banana republics. It’s a uniquely American creation. It’s extreme capitalism meets Social Darwinism by way of rugged self-reliance crossed with puritanical cruelty.

The kind of poverty America’s pioneering today isn’t absolute, or even relative , but something more like perfectly tuned poverty, strategic poverty, basic poverty— nominally well-off people whose money doesn’t go far enough to make them actually live well, constantly living at the edge of ruin, and thus forced to choke down their bitter anger and serve the very systems which oppress and subjugate with more and more indignity and fear and servility by the year.

America’s still an innovator today. Unfortunately, what it’s innovating now is a new kind of poverty. Yet poverty is poverty. What happens in societies where poverty is growing? Authoritarianism rises, as people lose faith in democracy, which can’t seem to offer them working social contracts. Authoritarian soon enough becomes fascism — “this country, this land, its harvest — it is only for the true volk!”, the cry goes up, when there is not enough to go around. And the rest of the dark and grim story of the fall into the abyss you should know well enough by now. It ends in words we do not say.

Still, history, laughing, has told this tale to us many times. And it is telling it to tomorrow, again, in the tale of American collapse.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>unairhaque 2018 poverty us economics inequality infrastructure europe australia canada policy precarity healthcare finance education highered highereducation transit transportation hosuing savings hedgefunds drugs qualityoflife inflation income risk socialdarwinism politics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/global-trumpism-bailouts-brexit-and-battling-climate-change-1.5321199">
    <title>'Global Trumpism': Bailouts, Brexit and battling climate change | CBC Radio</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-17T03:15:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/global-trumpism-bailouts-brexit-and-battling-climate-change-1.5321199</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Also here:
https://www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/global-trumpism-how-rogue-code-writers-became-the-authors-of-our-politics-1.5321199
https://www.cbc.ca/listen/live-radio/1-23-ideas/clip/15741291-global-trumpism-bailouts-brexit-and-battling-climate-change ]

“How did the middle class end up in perpetual debt? Why is there ‘no money’ for infrastructure or social programs, but there is for waging war? And what does all this have to do with Donald Trump, or Brexit, or climate change? 

If you’re mystified about any of the above, then author and Brown University professor Mark Blyth can clarify things for you. He says it’s helpful to use a computer metaphor to describe the economy. 

In his lecture at McMaster University as part of their Socrates Project, Blyth compared capitalist economies to laptops: different makes, but similar in appearance. He argues these computers run just fine for a while — say, about 30 years . But all the while, there are bugs in the software that eventually causes the system to crash. Then you rebuild the hardware, fix the software, and reboot.

System breakdown
That’s what happened in the 1970s and 1980s, when labour costs and inflation became a problem. The ‘system rebuild’ included less powerful unions, more global trade, and central bankers who were put in charge of setting interest rates. 

But this new system generated bugs of its own, among them, a runaway culture of lending, and a lack of wage growth among the middle classes, who did a lot more borrowing than they could afford. 

Mark Blyth says this borrowing wasn’t just driven by rampant consumerism.

“How do you get by when … everybody tells you there’s no inflation, yet the cost of everything that matters is actually going up? Education, health care, all that sort of stuff,” Blyth said in his lecture.

“And the only way you can fill in the gap is to borrow more money.” 

Cue the 2008 financial crisis
However this time, Blyth says there was no rebuild. Instead, the United States Federal Reserve led a bailout of the big banks, domestically and internationally.  The rich got much richer, the middle class got perpetual low interest rates to keep carrying their debts, and the poor had their social programs cut in the name of austerity.

Blyth contends this dynamic is what lit the fuse of global populism: the rise of leaders who appeal to public outrage, alienation, and lack of trust toward career politicians and traditional political parties.

“Your debts are too high…you can’t pay them off, but you can roll them over. They’re not going to be eaten away by inflation, and the people who brought you here have zero credibility,” said Blyth.

[video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KGuaoARJYU0 ]

Blyth compares populist leaders to ‘rogue code-writers’, hacking into the software of a system that was never properly rebuilt after the crisis of 2008.  This is not necessarily a bad thing, especially if it strengthens democracies. 

“[Populism] is now part of the furniture … It’s already changed, so just get used to it.  And let’s remember historically that 100 years ago, the people who were the populists then, the people that everyone was afraid of, became the established parties in many cases,” Blyth told IDEAS host Nahlah Ayed.

“So every now and again you have to have a little revolution, and that’s what’s happening now.”

Populism is springing up on the right and the left, said Blyth. The difficult choices that need to be made about climate change could come from a left-wing populist movement, not unlike the so-called ‘Green New Deal’ proposed by younger American Democrats like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. 

Looking at how things may unfold in the not-too-distant future, Blyth speculates “right populism wins round one.”

“But ultimately, left populism wins round two, because left populism is the only one that takes climate change seriously,” he concludes.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2019/10/these-3-policy-failures-are-killing-the-american-dream.html">
    <title>These 3 Policy Failures Are Killing the American Dream</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-09T06:23:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2019/10/these-3-policy-failures-are-killing-the-american-dream.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In sum: The “middle-class crunch” is a choice. The American Dream isn’t dying of natural causes. We know what must be done to revive it. The problem is simply that a lot of powerful people would rather pull the plug than pay for the cure."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/10/opinion/college-vocational-education-students.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Misguided Priorities of Our Educational System - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-27T03:13:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/10/opinion/college-vocational-education-students.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Consider two high school seniors — one who exhibits strong academic talent and one who does not. For one, December marks the homestretch of a yearslong effort, intensively supported by his school, to prepare the perfect college application. For the other, December is just another month on the path to, well, whatever might come after graduation. The former will likely proceed steadily toward a bachelor’s degree; the latter is unlikely to finish college if he enrolls at all. To whom does our education system owe what?

That second student, to be clear, has done nothing wrong. He probably clawed his way through his town’s standard college-oriented curriculum, though it neither targeted his interests and abilities nor prepared him for work force success. Looking ahead, he faces a labor market in which he may need to work harder than his college-bound counterpart for lower pay, with fewer options and slower advancement. Yet we celebrate the first student and lavish taxpayer funds on his education. To the second student, we offer little beyond a sympathetic “Sorry.” Our education system has become one of our nation’s most regressive institutions.

After high school graduation, the first student can access more than $10,000 annually in public funds to support his college experience. Federal funding for higher education has grown by 133 percent in the past 30 years; combined with tax breaks, loan subsidies and state-level funding, the annual total exceeds $150 billion. That funding will cover not only genuine instructional costs, but also state-of-the-art gyms, psychiatric and career counseling services, and whatever social programming the student-life bureaucracy can conceive. At Ohio State, students living off campus get free fire alarms.

The second graduate likely gets nothing. Annual federal funding for a non-college, vocational pathway, at both the high school and postsecondary levels, totals $1 billion. Certainly, he will need to buy his own fire alarm.

One explanation for this bizarre state of affairs, in which society invests heavily in those headed for economic success while ignoring those falling behind, is the widespread belief that everyone can be a college graduate. If that were true, the shove toward the college pipeline might make sense.

But most young Americans do not achieve even a community-college degree. Federal data show that fewer than one in five students smoothly navigate the high school to college to career pathway. More students fail to complete high school on time, more fail to move on from high school to college, and more drop out of college. Forty years of reform, accompanied by a doubling of per pupil spending, has failed to improve this picture. Standardized test scores haven’t budged. SAT scores have declined. More students enroll in college, but the share of 25-year-olds with a bachelor’s degree did not increase from 1995 to 2015, and it stands barely above the 1975 level.

A second explanation is the widespread belief that a college diploma is a necessary and sufficient “ticket to the middle class.” If that were true, even a small chance at escaping the supposedly sad fate of inadequate education is better than ever admitting defeat.

But while the median college graduate earns more than the median high school graduate, those workers are not the same person — indeed, they are likely people with very different academic prospects. Look instead at the wage distributions for more comparable samples: those with earnings toward the high end for workers with only high school degrees and those at the low end among college graduates. The federal Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that high school grads with above-average earnings (50th to 90th percentile) earn $34,000 to $70,000 annually. College grads with below-average earnings (10th to 50th percentile) earn $28,000 to $58,000.

Pushing people from the former category to attend college and land in the latter category does them few favors. And remember, that assumes they graduate; people in their position typically will not. Remember also, those are the outcomes before we attempt to create an attractive non-college pathway that they might prefer and that might equip them for success.

What might such a pathway look like? For the roughly $100,000 that the public spends to carry many students through high school and college today, we could offer instead two years of traditional high school, a third year that splits time between a sophisticated vocational program and a subsidized internship, two more years split between subsidized work and employer-sponsored training, and a savings account with $25,000, perhaps for future training. Any American could have, at age 20, three years of work experience, an industry credential and earnings in the bank.

To reverse the system’s regressive nature, we should shift our college subsidies toward funding this new pathway. The burden of financing a college education remains manageable for those who actually graduate and use their degrees. They will still be the economy’s winners, even while paying off loans. That some young Americans assume unaffordable debts is not an argument for yet more spending on college, but rather a reminder that its value proposition can prove to be a poor one.

For student borrowers unlikely to graduate, the current subsidies succeed mainly in luring them toward a substantial investment of time and money that is both high-risk and low-return. If a good alternative existed, they would be well served to take it. Certainly, the choice should remain theirs. But to decide wisely whether college is worth the cost, they need to actually face the cost.

People often applaud vocational education in theory, provided it is “for someone else’s kids.” Those kids are most kids, and a false promise of college success does more harm than good. We owe them our focus and the best pathway that we can construct — one that carries them as close as possible to the destination their college-bound peers will reach, and sometimes beyond."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/26/style/silicon-valley-nannies.html">
    <title>Silicon Valley Nannies Are Phone Police for Kids - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-10-31T19:40:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/26/style/silicon-valley-nannies.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[This is one of three connected articles:]

"Silicon Valley Nannies Are Phone Police for Kids
Child care contracts now demand that nannies hide phones, tablets, computers and TVs from their charges."
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/26/style/silicon-valley-nannies.html

"The Digital Gap Between Rich and Poor Kids Is Not What We Expected
America’s public schools are still promoting devices with screens — even offering digital-only preschools. The rich are banning screens from class altogether."
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/26/style/digital-divide-screens-schools.html

"A Dark Consensus About Screens and Kids Begins to Emerge in Silicon Valley
“I am convinced the devil lives in our phones.”"
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/26/style/phones-children-silicon-valley.html

[See also:
"What the Times got wrong about kids and phones"
https://www.cjr.org/criticism/times-silicon-valley-kids.php

https://twitter.com/edifiedlistener/status/1058438953299333120
"Now that I've had a chance to read this article [specifically: "The Digital Gap Between Rich and Poor Kids Is Not What We Expected"] and some others related to children and screen time and the wealthy and the poor, I have some thoughts. 1/

First, this article on the unexpected digital divide between rich and poor seems entirely incomplete. There is an early reference to racial differences in screen usage but in the article there are no voices of black or brown folks that I could detect. 2/

We are told a number of things: Wealthy parents are shunning screens in their children's lives, psychologists underscore the addictive nature of screen time on kids, and of course, whatever the short end of the stick is - poor kids get that. 3/

We hear "It could happen that the children of poorer and middle-class parents will be raised by screens," while wealthy kids will perhaps enjoy "wooden toys and the luxury of human interaction." 4/

Think about that and think about the stories that have long been told about poor families, about single parents, about poor parents of color - They aren't as involved in their kids' education, they are too busy working. Familiar stereotypes. 5/

Many of these judgments often don't hold up under scrutiny. So much depends upon who gets to tell those stories and how those stories are marketed, sold and reproduced. 6/

In this particular story about the privilege of being able to withdraw from or reduce screen time, we get to fall back into familiar narratives especially about the poor and non-elite. 7/

Of course those with less will be told after a time by those with much more  - "You're doing it wrong." And "My child will be distinguished by the fact that he/she/they is not dependent on a device for entertainment or diversion." 8/

My point is not that I doubt the risks and challenges of excessive screen time for kids and adults. Our dependence on tech *is* a huge social experiment and the outcomes are looking scarier by the day. 9/

I do, however, resist the consistent need of the wealthy elite to seek ways to maintain their distance to the mainstream. To be the ones who tell us what's "hot, or not" - 10/

Chris Anderson points out "“The digital divide was about access to technology, and now that  everyone has access, the new digital divide is limiting access to  technology,” - 11/

This article and its recent close cousins about spying nannies in SV & more elite parent hand wringing over screen in the NYT feel like their own category of expensive PR work - again allowing SV to set the tone. 12/

It's not really about screens or damage to children's imaginations - it's about maintaining divides, about insuring that we know what the rich do (and must be correct) vs what the rest of us must manage (sad, bad). 13/fin]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/pa9899/heres-fresh-evidence-student-loans-are-a-massive-generational-scam">
    <title>Here's Fresh Evidence Student Loans Are a Massive, Generational Scam - VICE</title>
    <dc:date>2018-10-17T19:26:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/pa9899/heres-fresh-evidence-student-loans-are-a-massive-generational-scam</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the centuries, America has bestowed generous, state-sponsored privileges upon select classes of its citizens. Veterans and old people get free socialized healthcare—and, for the most part, they love it. Corporations (who count as people, look it up) get sweet tax breaks and, in the case of defense contractors, no-bid deals to build extremely expensive weapons unlikely to be used in the near future. And young people get thousands and thousands of dollars of student loans to pay for college, putting them in a hole they might spend the rest of their lives digging out of.

Obviously, one of these things is not like the others—the United States has put many students in the position of making decisions that can determine their financial futures when they're teenagers. This has nightmarish consequences: Some 44 million people have $1.5 trillion in student loan debt on the books. And even when young people do get through college and find a decent job, many can't fathom possibly buying a home or taking on other trappings of adulthood when faced with decades of monthly loan bills.

The worst part is that those who sought an elite education on the widely accepted notion that it would help them later in life were basically sold a bad bill of goods.

All that debt provides awfully little payoff in terms of boosted wages, even as it ensnares more and more people and hits youth of color especially hard, according to a new paper released Tuesday by two researchers at the left-leaning Roosevelt Institute. Research fellows Julie Margetta Morgan and Marshall Steinbaum concluded that more and more debt hasn't significantly boosted income for college grads—it just seems that way because high school grads without BAs are making less than they once did. They also found that looking at decent rates of repayment by student debtors is a misleading way to look at the scale of this crisis. And thanks to workers lacking the power they once enjoyed in an increasingly skill-obsessed economy, young people are often being pressured into getting extra degrees on their own dime (which is to say by taking on more debt) for minimal payoff.

For some perspective on how America let student loans get so out of control, why taking on debt is so often a mistake, and what we can do about it, I called co-author Julie Margetta Morgan for a chat.

VICE: Why do you think this has been allowed to get so bad, to the point not only that it's widely known as a crisis, but one that gets worse and worse?

[A] Julie Margetta Morgan: We have seen the overall amount of student debt grow and we've seen some of the industries around repayment get worse over time, although default rates recently got a little bit better. But I think that the reason why it's sort of been allowed to exist as this quiet crisis is that there's not a lot of agreement among experts that, on the whole, student debt is getting worse. I think that's because experts primarily look at measures around successful repayment of the loan as the target. And in this paper we try to take a slightly different look. First of all we interrogate those questions around repayments themselves—so we have a section around, like, experts have said that student debt is not a bigger burden now than it was a generation ago. And yet if you delve into the figures a little bit deeper you can see that, in fact, it is worse—the burden is worse but the repayment plans are slightly better, which masks the burden on students.

So part of what we're trying to do here is combat some of the common wisdom in the higher education policy world—what we tend to hear is: Yeah, students are taking on a lot of debt but ultimately that debt is worth it because their degrees are paying off in the long run. And we're finding that that's not necessarily true.

[Q] Is the most radical conclusion you reached here that the increased debt burden people are bearing is not paying off in terms of boosted income? Or is that already well known?

[A] That higher education is not paying off in terms of overall changes in the distribution of income is definitely apparent to labor economists but not necessarily apparent to higher education policy experts and those who advocate on behalf of students, because we are so often fed the college earnings premium as the single measure of whether college pays off over time. Yes of course college still pays off, but it pays off because it's becoming less and less viable for someone to make a living with just a high-school diploma. It's no longer this thing of, I'd like to earn a higher income, I guess I'll go to college. It's like, I have to go to college in order to not end up in poverty—and I'm also forced to take on debt to get there.

[Q] Is there any evidence that, thanks to income growth in the last year or two, college debt is paying off more than it did?

[A] It remains to be seen, but I'm not sure that it's a good idea for us to tie higher education policy—how we fund college—to the swings of the labor market. Our focus should be on taking the risk off of the individual and spreading it across the public, because the public is getting a lot of the benefit of college degrees.

[Q] Have you seen any indicators that people—including the communities hit hardest by college debt—might actively be avoiding college because of the specter of endless debt? 

[A] We have lower levels of college attainment already among African American and Latino populations and we do see polls that suggest people are more and more skeptical of the value of college. And that's exactly the result we don't want to see. We don't want to see the people already discriminated against in the labor market avoiding going to college.

The other trend that comes to mind is this trend of programs that we would have previously considered trade programs, whether they're now being offered at for-profit colleges or as industry credentials that are trying to become part of the mainstream higher education system and get access to the loans. So there's a world in which people are trying to avoid getting the loans but the loans are actually following them to these trade programs.

[Q] But given that discrimination, is it not rational to—in some cases—calculate against attending college given the massive debt burden and how it hits some communities extra hard?

[A] I think it's absolutely at an individual level a rational decision that we're seeing people make. And at a national level we ought to be concerned about that and looking to change policies so people don't have to make that decision.

[Q] I know one of your aims here was to reinforce that this is a worse crisis than people think, but isn't the problem that Republicans just don't care?

[A] There's obviously a group of policymakers who don't want to deal with it. But I think there's another subset of policymakers who are looking at the student debt crisis through the lens of repayment—that the goal is to ensure that people can repay their loans. Keeping people out of default shouldn't be the biggest goal we set for ourselves.

If student debt is a crisis, is the answer that we should have less student debt? Or just that people are able to make their monthly payments? Our answer is that we should have less debt overall.

[Q] Part of your paper is about how workers keep getting pressured to gain new degrees and credentials that load them up with debt—all because they have no power. Is this about unions disappearing, or what would help there?

[A] Certainly the declining power of unions is one part of it. The lack of say for average workers in the decision-making at the companies they work for, the increase in corporate concentration within the economy—the rise of monopoly power makes it harder for workers to have a say, because there are fewer employers. And back during the recession, the scarcity of jobs made it harder for employees to have power and negotiate for themselves.

[Q] It's hard not to read the paper and feel like taking on student loans is maybe (very often) a mistake or even that the larger system is a scam. Even when students are not being preyed upon by for-profit schools or predatory lenders, the whole seems flimsy or even fraudulent. Is that unreasonable?

[A] I don't think it's unreasonable. I think of it as a failed social experiment that young people are caught in the middle of. It wasn't intentionally sold like a scam, but the way young people experience this is they were told: You go to college, you study, don't worry so much about how much it costs, it's going to be worth it in the end. And they get out on the other side, they have a ton of debt, they are working as hard as they can, but they're not getting ahead—they're treading water. They're making payments on their debt, but not able to buy a house, they're not able to save for retirement. You were sold on a promise, you come out on the other hand that that promise was false, and everybody looks at you like, What's wrong?

One of the things I thought was so exciting about writing this paper is it puts data to that deep frustration that we see in younger generations right now.

[Q] It doesn't seem likely that we'll see a major overhaul of the system in DC right now, with unified Republican control. But what can and should be done, the next time Democrats have control of the government, or in the meantime?

[A] There are things we can do right now. it's encouraging to see what's happening in the courts—some great student advocates and lawyers have taken action to make sure the [Education Secretary Betsy] DeVos administration at least enforces rules on the books to help get student loan cancellation for a smaller group of borrowers and limit predatory practices at for-profit schools.

As we look to the future, we have to think a lot bigger. We should be looking at both free and debt-free options for college. Free college at public universities and more debt-free options for students. That's how we take care of generations moving forward.

But we also need to do something about borrowers stuck with debt right now. My sense is we should be taking a really hard look at ways to cancel at least some of the existing debt."]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | Why the Wealth Gap Hits Families the Hardest - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-05-21T01:57:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/18/opinion/wealth-inequality-families-children-elderly.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why did older households fare better? First, older Americans’ incomes were largely stable. Their primary source of income, Social Security, is indexed to inflation. With stable income, fewer older people dipped into savings to pay their bills, and they had more money to invest. Second, most of them bought their homes before the housing bubble, and third, they graduated from college before the era of high student loan debt. Thanks to these three factors, the median net worth of poor and middle-class older people rose by 70 percent from 1989 to 2013.

There are a few policy changes that may help. Increasing the purchasing power of Pell Grants and then indexing it to rising tuition costs would be a start. The government could also expand tax credits that benefit families, and compensate families who were victims of predatory lending practices.

But the magnitude of the problem is so great that these measures are not enough. The United States needs a fundamental rethinking of public policy priorities to improve the lives of the next generation of children."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://highline.huffingtonpost.com/articles/en/poor-millennials/">
    <title>Millennials Are Screwed - The Huffington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-16T20:31:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://highline.huffingtonpost.com/articles/en/poor-millennials/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In what seems like some kind of perverse joke, nearly every form of welfare now available to young people is attached to traditional employment. Unemployment benefits and workers’ compensation are limited to employees. The only major expansions of welfare since 1980 have been to the Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit, both of which pay wages back to workers who have already collected them.

Back when we had decent jobs and strong unions, it (kind of) made sense to provide things like health care and retirement savings through employer benefits. But now, for freelancers and temps and short-term contractors—i.e., us—those benefits might as well be Monopoly money. Forty-one percent of working millennials aren’t even eligible for retirement plans through their companies."

…

"The most striking thing about the problems of millennials is how intertwined and self-reinforcing and everywhere they are.

Over the eight months I spent reporting this story, I spent a few evenings at a youth homeless shelter and met unpaid interns and gig-economy bike messengers saving for their first month of rent. During the days I interviewed people like Josh, a 33-year-old affordable housing developer who mentioned that his mother struggles to make ends meet as a contractor in a profession that used to be reliable government work. Every Thanksgiving, she reminds him that her retirement plan is a “401(j)”—J for Josh.

Fixing what has been done to us is going to take more than tinkering. Even if economic growth picks up and unemployment continues to fall, we’re still on a track toward ever more insecurity for young people. The “Leave It To Beaver” workforce, in which everyone has the same job from graduation until gold watch, is not coming back. Any attempt to recreate the economic conditions the boomers had is just sending lifeboats to a whirlpool.

But still, there is already a foot-long list of overdue federal policy changes that would at least begin to fortify our future and reknit the safety net. Even amid the awfulness of our political moment, we can start to build a platform to rally around. Raise the minimum wage and tie it to inflation. Roll back anti-union laws to give workers more leverage against companies that treat them as if they’re disposable. Tilt the tax code away from the wealthy. Right now, rich people can write off mortgage interest on their second home and expenses related to being a landlord or (I'm not kidding) owning a racehorse. The rest of us can’t even deduct student loans or the cost of getting an occupational license.

Some of the trendiest Big Policy Fixes these days are efforts to rebuild government services from the ground up. The ur-example is the Universal Basic Income, a no-questions-asked monthly cash payment to every single American. The idea is to establish a level of basic subsistence below which no one in a civilized country should be allowed to fall. The venture capital firm Y Combinator is planning a pilot program that would give $1,000 each month to 1,000 low- and middle-income participants. And while, yes, it’s inspiring that a pro-poor policy idea has won the support of D.C. wonks and Ayn Rand tech bros alike, it’s worth noting that existing programs like food stamps, TANF, public housing and government-subsidized day care are not inherently ineffective. They have been intentionally made so. It would be nice if the people excited by the shiny new programs would expend a little effort defending and expanding the ones we already have.

But they’re right about one thing: We’re going to need government structures that respond to the way we work now. “Portable benefits,” an idea that’s been bouncing around for years, attempts to break down the zero-sum distinction between full-time employees who get government-backed worker protections and independent contractors who get nothing. The way to solve this, when you think about it, is ridiculously simple: Attach benefits to work instead of jobs. The existing proposals vary, but the good ones are based on the same principle: For every hour you work, your boss chips in to a fund that pays out when you get sick, pregnant, old or fired. The fund follows you from job to job, and companies have to contribute to it whether you work there a day, a month or a year.

Seriously, you should sign up. It doesn’t cost anything.

Small-scale versions of this idea have been offsetting the inherent insecurity of the gig economy since long before we called it that. Some construction workers have an “hour bank” that fills up when they’re working and provides benefits even when they’re between jobs. Hollywood actors and technical staff have health and pension plans that follow them from movie to movie. In both cases, the benefits are negotiated by unions, but they don’t have to be. Since 1962, California has offered “elective coverage” insurance that allows independent contractors to file for payouts if their kids get sick or if they get injured on the job. “The offloading of risks onto workers and families was not a natural occurrence,” says Hacker, the Yale political scientist. “It was a deliberate effort. And we can roll it back the same way.”

Another no-brainer experiment is to expand jobs programs. As decent opportunities have dwindled and wage inequality has soared, the government’s message to the poorest citizens has remained exactly the same: You’re not trying hard enough. But at the same time, the government has not actually attempted to give people jobs on a large scale since the 1970s.

Because most of us grew up in a world without them, jobs programs can sound overly ambitious or suspiciously Leninist. In fact, they’re neither. In 2010, as part of the stimulus, Mississippi launched a program that simply reimbursed employers for the wages they paid to eligible new hires—100 percent at first, then tapering down to 25 percent. The initiative primarily reached low-income mothers and the long-term unemployed. Nearly half of the recipients were under 30.

The results were impressive. For the average participant, the subsidized wages lasted only 13 weeks. Yet the year after the program ended, long-term unemployed workers were still earning nearly nine times more than they had the previous year. Either they kept the jobs they got through the subsidies or the experience helped them find something new. Plus, the program was a bargain. Subsidizing more than 3,000 jobs cost $22 million, which existing businesses doled out to workers who weren’t required to get special training. It wasn’t an isolated success, either. A Georgetown Center on Poverty and Inequality review of 15 jobs programs from the past four decades concluded that they were “a proven, promising, and underutilized tool for lifting up disadvantaged workers.” The review found that subsidizing employment raised wages and reduced long-term unemployment. Children of the participants even did better at school.

But before I get carried away listing urgent and obvious solutions for the plight of millennials, let’s pause for a bit of reality: Who are we kidding? Donald Trump, Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnell are not interested in our innovative proposals to lift up the systemically disadvantaged. Their entire political agenda, from the Scrooge McDuck tax reform bill to the ongoing assassination attempt on Obamacare, is explicitly designed to turbocharge the forces that are causing this misery. Federally speaking, things are only going to get worse.

Which is why, for now, we need to take the fight to where we can win it.

Over the last decade, states and cities have made remarkable progress adapting to the new economy. Minimum-wage hikes have been passed by voters in nine states, even dark red rectangles like Nebraska and South Dakota. Following a long campaign by the Working Families Party and other activist organizations, eight states and the District of Columbia have instituted guaranteed sick leave. Bills to combat exploitative scheduling practices have been introduced in more than a dozen state legislatures. San Francisco now gives retail and fast-food workers the right to learn their schedules two weeks in advance and get compensated for sudden shift changes. Local initiatives are popular, effective and our best hope of preventing the country’s slide into “Mad Max”-style individualism.

The court system, the only branch of our government currently functioning, offers other encouraging avenues. Class-action lawsuits and state and federal investigations have resulted in a wave of judgments against companies that “misclassify” their workers as contractors. FedEx, which requires some of its drivers to buy their own trucks and then work as independent contractors, recently reached a $227 million settlement with more than 12,000 plaintiffs in 19 states. In 2014, a startup called Hello Alfred—Uber for chores, basically—announced that it would rely exclusively on direct hires instead of “1099s.” Part of the reason, its CEO told Fast Company, was that the legal and financial risk of relying on contractors had gotten too high. A tsunami of similar lawsuits over working conditions and wage theft would be enough to force the same calculation onto every CEO in America.

And then there’s housing, where the potential—and necessity—of local action is obvious. This doesn’t just mean showing up to city council hearings to drown out the NIMBYs (though let’s definitely do that). It also means ensuring that the entire system for approving new construction doesn’t prioritize homeowners at the expense of everyone else. Right now, permitting processes examine, in excruciating detail, how one new building will affect rents, noise, traffic, parking, shadows and squirrel populations. But they never investigate the consequences of not building anything—rising prices, displaced renters, low-wage workers commuting hours from outside the sprawl.

Some cities are finally acknowledging this reality. Portland and Denver have sped up approvals and streamlined permitting. In 2016, Seattle’s mayor announced that the city would cut ties with its mostly old, mostly white, very NIMBY district councils and establish a “community involvement commission.” The name is terrible, obviously, but the mandate is groundbreaking: Include renters, the poor, ethnic minorities—and everyone else unable to attend a consultation at 2 p.m. on a Wednesday—in construction decisions. For decades, politicians have been terrified of making the slightest twitch that might upset homeowners. But with renters now outnumbering owners in nine of America’s 11 largest cities, we have the potential to be a powerful political constituency.

The same logic could be applied to our entire generation. In 2018, there will be more millennials than boomers in the voting-age population. The problem, as you’ve already heard a million times, is that we don’t vote enough. Only 49 percent of Americans ages 18 to 35 turned out to vote in the last presidential election, compared to about 70 percent of boomers and Greatests. (It’s lower in midterm elections and positively dire in primaries.)

But like everything about millennials, once you dig into the numbers you find a more complicated story. Youth turnout is low, sure, but not universally. In 2012, it ranged from 68 percent in Mississippi (!) to 24 percent in West Virginia. And across the country, younger Americans who are registered to vote show up at the polls nearly as often as older Americans.

The fact is, it’s simply harder for us to vote. Consider that nearly half of millennials are minorities and that voter suppression efforts are laser-focused on blacks and Latinos. Or that the states with the simplest registration procedures have youth turnout rates significantly higher than the national average. (In Oregon it’s automatic, in Idaho you can do it the same day you vote and in North Dakota you don’t have to register at all.) Adopting voting rights as a cause—forcing politicians to listen to us like they do to the boomers—is the only way we’re ever going to get a shot at creating our own New Deal.

Or, as Shaun Scott, the author of Millennials and the Moments That Made Us, told me, “We can either do politics or we can have politics done to us.”

And that’s exactly it. The boomer-benefiting system we’ve inherited was not inevitable and it is not irreversible. There is still a choice here. For the generations ahead of us, it is whether to pass down some of the opportunities they enjoyed in their youth or to continue hoarding them. Since 1989, the median wealth of families headed by someone over 62 has increased 40 percent. The median wealth of families headed by someone under 40 has decreased by 28 percent. Boomers, it's up to you: Do you want your children to have decent jobs and places to live and a non-Dickensian old age? Or do you want lower taxes and more parking?

Then there’s our responsibility. We’re used to feeling helpless because for most of our lives we’ve been subject to huge forces beyond our control. But pretty soon, we’ll actually be in charge. And the question, as we age into power, is whether our children will one day write the same article about us. We can let our economic infrastructure keep disintegrating and wait to see if the rising seas get us before our social contract dies. Or we can build an equitable future that reflects our values and our demographics and all the chances we wish we'd had. Maybe that sounds naïve, and maybe it is. But I think we're entitled to it."]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics housing retirement inequality highered highereducation employment wealth income politics generations babyboomers michaelhobbes poverty policy anirudhkrishna unions healthcare cities socialmobility socialsafetynet zoning urban nimbys urbanization unemployment nimbyism boomers nimby</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/06/rent-is-affordable-to-low-wage-workers-in-exactly-12-us-counties/529782/">
    <title>The Hourly Wage Required to Rent a 2-Bedroom Apartment, 2017 - CityLab</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-10T03:27:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/06/rent-is-affordable-to-low-wage-workers-in-exactly-12-us-counties/529782/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["America’s mismatch between wages and rental prices is more perverse than ever."

…

"[map: "How many hourly wages workers make enough to afford modest rents?"]

For millions of Americans, housing costs are perversely mismatched to hourly wages. In 2017, the average U.S. worker would need to bring in a whopping $21.21 per hour to reasonably afford a modest two-bedroom apartment. That’s nearly three times the federal minimum wage of $7.25, and roughly 30 percent more than the $16.38 hourly wage that the average U.S. renter brings home.

These stark numbers come from the National Low Income Housing Coalition’s latest Out of Reach report, which maps the minimum hourly wage required to afford a modest rental based on federal Fair Market Rent (FMR) estimates. The report defines “affordable” as housing and utilities that cost no more than 30 percent of a person’s annual income—also the basic standard used by the feds. NLIHC has run these reports since 2005, and this minimum “housing wage” is rising year over year.

[chart: "Remote Hawaii is an outlier for its extreme housing unaffordability, but some of the nation’s most populous states have huge shortfalls between average renter wages and “housing” wages."]

Even with a handful of states and cities celebrating recent “livable wage” victories (or defeats, if you ask a certain Georgia congressional candidate), there’s not a single state, county, or metro area in which a simple two-bedroom rental is affordable to a person working 40 hours per week, 52 weeks per year, at the local statutory minimum wage. And in states with particularly in-demand urban housing markets, the shortfall between rent and housing costs is particularly staggering.

For example, a FMR two-bedroom apartment in Hawaii, with the highest statewide housing costs in the nation, is $1,830. That would require earning $35.20 per hour, close to four times the state minimum wage of $9.25, and $19.56 per hour less than what the average renter there earns. In Maryland, a simple two-bedroom costs considerably less on average—$1,470 per month—but renters would still need to draw in $28.27 per hour to afford it.

[maps: "The twelves counties in Oregon, Arizona, and Washington where a one-bedroom apartment is affordable to minimum wage workers (shown in yellow) are largely rural, far from job centers. (NLIHC)"]

In only 12 counties in Washington, Arizona, and Oregon (all states with minimum wages above the federal standard) can that worker afford a modest one-bedroom unit. Almost all of these are in sparsely populated rural areas, far from job centers. More than 76 percent of renter households reside in a county or metro area where it takes more than 60 hours per week of full-time, minimum-wage work to reasonably afford even a one-bedroom unit. In California, the nation’s most populous state, it would take 92 hours. In Virginia, it would take 109.

More than 2 million U.S. workers are paid wages at or below the federal minimum, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. That represents nearly 3 percent of all workers paid hourly. For these workers, the affordable housing pinch is most acute. The struggle is real for the rest, too. Americans earning median wages in many of the country’s fastest-growing occupations—customer service agents, nursing assistants, health aides, retail workers—aren’t making enough to manage even a one-bedroom without dumping more than 30 percent of their income.     

[chart: "Of the seven fastest-growing jobs, only nurses make enough to reasonably afford rent."]

What gives? Rents are declining in some of the priciest American cities; it seems the luxury rental bubble has finally sprung a leak. But a persistent shortage of affordable units is still pinching renters in lower income brackets. Fewer families are buying homes, often due to a lack of access to mortgage credit or insufficient savings for a downpayment. Demand for rentals continues to surge, and households across the income spectrum are competing for the same scarce units. Low-wage workers have seen pay increases over the past two years, but those haven’t kept up with the cost of living through an affordable housing crisis with no end in sight."]]></description>
<dc:subject>labor housing rent 2017 minimumwage affordability california hawaii jobs wages income</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/31/business/economy/volatile-income-economy-jobs.html?_r=0">
    <title>Steady Jobs, With Pay and Hours That Are Anything But - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-03T19:06:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/31/business/economy/volatile-income-economy-jobs.html?_r=0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Mirella Casares has what used to be considered the keystone of economic security: a job. But even a reliable paycheck no longer delivers a reliable income.

Like Ms. Casares, who works at a Victoria’s Secret store in Ocala, Fla., more and more employees across a growing range of industries find the number of hours they work is swinging giddily from week to week — bringing chaos not only to family scheduling, but also to family finances.

And a new wave of research shows that the main culprit is not the so-called gig economy, but shifting pay within the same job.

This volatility helps unravel a persistent puzzle: why a below-average jobless rate — 4.4 percent in April — is still producing an above-average level of economic anxiety. Turbulence has replaced the traditional American narrative of steady financial progress over a lifetime.

Continue reading the main story
“Since the 1970s, steady work that pays a predictable and living wage has become increasingly difficult to find,” said Jonathan Morduch, a director of the U.S. Financial Diaries project, an in-depth study of 235 low- and moderate-income households. “This shift has left many more families vulnerable to income volatility.”

Ever-changing schedules at Victoria’s Secret, for example, make it difficult for Ms. Casares, 27, to find care for her 2-year-old and 6-year-old and to cover the bills. “The lowest hours I’ve gotten is 15 and the highest I’ve gotten is 39,” said Ms. Casares, who started in October, earning $10 an hour. The schedule is usually posted a month in advance, she said, but there are frequently last-minute changes.

Stability is worth a lot to workers. On average, employees are willing to give up a fifth of their weekly wage to avoid a schedule set by an employer on a week’s notice, according to a field experiment where workers were offered a range of alternative hours at different pay levels.

“That is totally the story,” said Mr. Morduch, who watched household incomes in his study rise and fall. “And that instability and insecurity are increasingly a part of middle-class life, too.”

In the course of a year, for example, the monthly income of a California family with one child that Mr. Morduch’s team tracked jumped to $5,279 from as low as $1,175. (Strict ethics protocols prohibit the release of participants’ names.) The husband supplemented his steady $400-a-week salaried construction job with extra remodeling work that could add from $323 to $1,588 a month to his total. His wife picked up from zero to $1,824 a month from babysitting, and from selling jewelry, clothing and flowers.

Monthly expenses can pendulum as much as income, but the two do not necessarily move in tandem. An analysis of 250,000 bank accounts by the JPMorgan Chase Institute, a nonprofit research arm of the bank, found that roughly 80 percent of households had an insufficient cash buffer to manage the mismatch between income and expenses in a given month.

Few people can comfortably ride out the inevitable financial bronco ride. “Only households that earn $105,000 or more a year are secure against the volatility they are exposed to,” said Diana Farrell, the institute’s president and chief executive. “It’s not just about the unemployed or the poor.”

Middle-income households, for example, saw their monthly expenses deviate by nearly $1,300, the equivalent of a month’s rent or mortgage payment. And one uh-oh expense — usually in the form of a medical, tax or car repair bill — can wreck a family’s balance sheet for a year or more.

Even a single month’s volatility can have a cascading effect. One month, a family copes by using the money earmarked for, say, the utility bill to cover the cost of replacing a busted water heater. The next month, it’s the telephone company that goes unpaid as the family struggles to make up the missed utility bill plus late fees and interest — and so on. Emergencies are not the only source of expense spikes. So are bridal showers, Christmas gifts and outgrown winter coats.

May turned out to be an expensive month for Tomika Waggoner, 44, a nursing home aide in Newport, Ky. Her daughter was graduating from high school, and she needed a few hundred dollars to pay for her cap and gown, commencement fees, a prom ticket and a dress."]]></description>
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    <title>These maps explore modern American in ways you might not have considered before | World Economic Forum</title>
    <dc:date>2016-12-22T20:16:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/09/22-maps-that-explore-modern-america</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2016 maps mapping demographic economics us data population age work labor inequality jobs migration immigration names naming children education government marriage income incomeinequality costofliving</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://qz.com/708266/the-next-hillary-clinton-will-be-more-like-chelsea/">
    <title>Most women won’t be able to follow in Hillary Clinton’s footsteps—unless they’re already rich — Quartz</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-29T23:18:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://qz.com/708266/the-next-hillary-clinton-will-be-more-like-chelsea/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The hard work and ambition of women like the young Hillary Clinton have much less currency in today’s system, because only one type of currency—hard currency—counts.

When Hillary Clinton entered Wellesley in 1965, annual tuition was $3,600. This was not cheap–median income was $6900–but it is a far cry from today, when it is $45,078, not counting room and board and other fees, which bring the annual cost to $63, 916. US median income is currently $51,939–less than one year at Wellesley. Women of Hillary’s generation had cheaper educational alternatives: Wellesley’s fee was about as high as tuition went, and many public universities were still free. Today, after decades of exorbitant increases and slashed public funding, even a public university leaves most students saddled with debt.

When Hillary entered Yale in 1969, the average tuition at an Ivy League law school was about $2,000 per year. Today, a year at Yale will set you back $80,229, with tuition costing $57,615. Already burdened with undergraduate debt, many do not want to continue on to law school—long a starting point for those seeking careers in government or politics—particularly since there is little work available upon graduation. In 2014, only 60% of law school graduates found full-time jobs that required them to pass the bar exam. The average debt for a law student is now $127,000, a rate that increased by 25% for private schools and 34% for private schools between 2006 and 2014. Due to the decrease in jobs and surplus of lawyers, law clerkships pay as little as $10 per hour.

Aspiring female politicians who do not pursue law often choose policy institutions as an alternative, but those positions similarly require expensive advanced degrees and unpaid labor. Hillary Clinton, like most policy officials, does not pay her interns. Cost of living in cities with a high concentration of policy jobs, such as New York or Washington DC, have skyrocketed over the past decade, while wages stagnated and student debt rose, putting the younger generation in an impossible bind.

In her Jun. 7 speech, Hillary praised her mother, who had grown up in poverty, and remarked in awe that a woman of such humble means had raised a daughter who became a presidential nominee. It was a touching moment—but we may not see many more like it. As economist Joseph Stiglitz notes, nowadays “the life prospects of an American are more dependent on the income and education of his parents than in almost any other advanced country.”

Opportunity hoarding by wealthy families is not new: for much of American history, it dominated our economic and political landscape. Political, intellectual and business leaders were often beneficiaries of inherited wealth, and non-white groups–particularly African-Americans–were purposefully locked out due to institutions like slavery and Jim Crow that prevented generation after generation of families from attaining the money and status of their white peers.

What is new is the realization that this mid-20th century period of upward mobility–the conditions many deem synonymous with the “American Dream”–was an aberration. The baby boomers benefited from a meritocracy that valued education over background, and came of age when wages were relatively high. These structural advantages began to disappear in the mid-to-late 1970s, when the cost of education began to climb and wages began to stagnate.

And while social media has offered a more democratic pathway in terms of political self-expression–particularly for female and/or non-white Americans–it rarely provides the stable income one needs to build a future in politics. Twitter fame does not pay the bills, and often comes, for women, with constant harassment that make many reluctant to participate. Even Hillary Clinton’s female supporters have felt compelled to converse in secret Facebook groups.

Aspiring female politicians face, as they always have, barriers due to gender and race. But they also face far more financial constraints than when Clinton was a young adult. An entrenched meritocracy, relying on expensive credentials, has replaced the old aristocracy.

In November, Clinton may finally shatter the glass ceiling, but the road to success for young women remains paved in gold. If Clinton truly wants to transform politics, she should focus on policy reforms that allow lower-class and middle-class girls to follow her own path."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gender privilege class hillaryclinton chelseaclinton sarahkendzior 2016 elections sexism upwardmobility socialmobility society access education highereducation women income wealth inequality josephstiglitz money</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/07/nordic-american-dream-partanen/489032/">
    <title>The American Dream Is Alive in Finland - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-10T05:13:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/07/nordic-american-dream-partanen/489032/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If the U.S. presidential campaign has made one thing clear, it’s this: The United States is not Finland. Nor is it Norway. This might seem self-evident. But America’s Americanness has had to be reaffirmed ever since Bernie Sanders suggested that Americans could learn something from Nordic countries about reducing income inequality, providing people with universal health care, and guaranteeing them paid family and medical leave.

“I think Bernie Sanders is a good candidate for president … of Sweden,” Marco Rubio scoffed. “We don’t want to be Sweden. We want to be the United States of America.”

“We are not Denmark,” Hillary Clinton clarified. “We are the United States of America. … [W]hen I think about capitalism, I think about all the small businesses that were started because we have the opportunity and the freedom in our country for people to do that and to make a good living for themselves and their families.”

Opportunity. Freedom. Independence. These words are bound up with American identity and the American Dream. The problem is that they’re often repeated like an incantation, with little reflection on the extent to which they still ring true in America, and are still exceptionally American.

Anu Partanen’s new book, The Nordic Theory of Everything: In Search of a Better Life, argues that the freedom and opportunity Americans cherish are currently thriving more in Nordic countries than in the United States. (The Nordic countries comprise Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, and Finland.) But she also pushes back—albeit gently—against the trendy notion that Nordic countries are paradises.

Partanen is an unusual messenger. After all, her personal story is a testament to the Land of Opportunity’s enduring magnetism and vibrancy; she recently became a U.S. citizen, after moving from her native Finland to the United States in part because she felt she was more likely to find work as a journalist in New York City than her American husband was as a writer in Helsinki. But her time in America has also convinced her that Finland and its neighbors are doing a better job of promoting a 21st-century version of the American Dream than her adoptive country.

Partanen’s principal question is the following: What’s the best way for a modern society to advance freedom and opportunity? She explains that Nordic governments do so by providing social services that the U.S. government doesn’t—things like free college education and heavily subsidized child care. Within that big question, Partanen poses more pointed questions about contemporary life in the United States: Is “freedom” remaining in a job you hate because you don’t want to lose the health insurance that comes with it? Is “independence” putting your career on hold, and relying on your partner’s income, so you can take care of a young child when your employer doesn’t offer paid parental leave or day care is too expensive? Is “opportunity” depending on the resources of your parents, or a bundle of loans, to get a university degree? Is realizing the American Dream supposed to be so stressful?

“What Finland and its neighbors do is actually walk the walk of opportunity that America now only talks,” Partanen writes. “It’s a fact: A citizen of Finland, Norway, or Denmark is today much more likely to rise above his or her parents’ socioeconomic status than is a citizen of the United States.” The United States is not Finland. And, in one sense, that’s bad news for America. Numerous studies have shown that there is far greater upward social mobility in Nordic countries than in the United States, partly because of the high level of income inequality in the U.S.

In another sense, though, it’s perfectly fine to not be Finland. As Nathan Heller observed in The New Yorker, the modern Nordic welfare state is meant to “minimize the causes of inequality” and be “more climbing web than safety net.” Yet the system, especially in Sweden, is currently being tested by increased immigration and rising income inequality. And it’s ultimately predicated on a different—and not necessarily superior—definition of freedom than that which prevails in America. “In Sweden,” Heller argued, “control comes through protection against risk. Americans think the opposite: control means taking personal responsibility for risk and, in some cases, social status.”

Last week, I spoke with Partanen about what she feels Nordic countries have gotten right, where they’ve gone wrong, and why, if Finland is really so great, she’s now living in America. An edited and condensed transcript of our conversation follows.

Uri Friedman: You make an argument in the book that if you think about the American Dream in a certain way—if you define it in terms of opportunity, independence, and freedom—it is actually flourishing in the Nordic region more than in the United States. Why?

Anu Partanen: For a long time now, we’ve all, both in the United States and in Europe, thought that the United States is the land of freedom. For a long time, it was certainly true: American democracy was leading the way, the American middle class was the wealthiest. America was really the place where you could make your own life and you could decide who you wanted to be and pursue the dream.

When I moved to the United States in 2008, that was the idea I had. [But] when I came here, I was actually surprised [to learn that] people were very anxious. They were in many ways very dependent on their circumstances, the opposite of being a self-made woman or man. And a lot of this is related to family: if, [when] you were a child, your parents could provide opportunities, if they could offer you a life in a good neighborhood, offer you a life in a good school.

…"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://davidstockmanscontracorner.com/what-does-it-take-to-be-upper-middle-class/">
    <title>Upper Middle Class, Lower Class And The Great Squeeze In The Middle | David Stockman's Contra Corner</title>
    <dc:date>2016-06-24T18:54:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://davidstockmanscontracorner.com/what-does-it-take-to-be-upper-middle-class/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does it take to be upper middle class? According to one analyst, the answer is: at least $100,000 a year for a family of three. The Growing Size and Incomes of the Upper Middle Class (Urban Institute).

The paper claims the upper middle class has grown from 12.9% of the population in 1979 to 29.4% in 2014–in essence, the shrinkage of the “middle class” is not just from households dropping down the ladder but millions of households climbing up to the upper middle class.

Not Just the 1%: The Upper Middle Class Is Larger and Richer Than Ever (WSJ.com)

While the evidence broadly supports this secular shift–the concentration of income and wealth in the top 20% increases while the wealth and income of the bottom 80% stagnates–I think the claim that 30% of all U.S. households are upper middle class grossly overstates the reality, which is it’s become increasingly costly to even qualify as middle class, never mind upper middle class.

I’ve explored these topics in depth over the past few years:

How Many Slots Are Open in the Upper Middle Class? Not As Many As You Might Think (March 30, 2015) http://www.oftwominds.com/blogmar15/few-slots3-15.html

What Does It Take To Be Middle Class? (December 5, 2013) http://www.oftwominds.com/blogdec13/middle-class12-13.html

If we measure financial characteristics of middle class status rather than income, we find $100,000 is borderline middle class, not upper middle class.The above essay lists the baseline of 10 minimum metrics of middle class status. In high-cost regions, $100,000 barely qualifies a household as middle class; to be upper middle class, households must earn closer to $200,000.

A household income of $190,000 is in the top 5% nationally. According to the Social Security Administration data for 2013 (the latest data available), individuals who earn $125,000 or more are in the top 5% of all earners. Two such workers would earn $250,000 together. The 2.8 million households with incomes of $250,000 or more are in the top 2.5%.

I think it is reasonable to define the 12% of households earning between $125,000 (top 15%) and $350,000 (the cut-off for the top 1%) as upper middle class. This is around 14.5 million households, out of a total of 121 million households.

This is a far cry from 30% of all households qualifying as upper middle class.What we’re seeing is the inflation of “middle class” to “upper middle class,” just as a B grade is now an A, and jobs that don’t require a university degree now nominally require a bachelors degree or higher.

The increasingly desperate effort to reach the upper middle class is evidenced by a slew of books and articles on what it takes to succeed in an increasingly winners-take-all economy, and on the anxieties of those trying to “make it”: note that most of the articles are published in magazines/media outlets that appeal to the very upper middle class that’s anxious about maintaining their tenuous hold on prosperity:

How to Save Like the Rich and the Upper Middle Class (Hint: It’s Not With Your House) (WSJ.com)

The Hidden Cost for Stay-At-Home American Parents (Bloomberg)

The War on Stupid People: American society increasingly mistakes intelligence for human worth (The Atlantic)

The Limits of “Grit” (New Yorker)

The Talent Code: Greatness Isn’t Born. It’s Grown. Here’s How. (via Ron G.)

The Geography of Genius: A Search for the World’s Most Creative Places from Ancient Athens to Silicon Valley (via Ron G.)

Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance (book)

I’ve laid out my own bootstrap blueprint in Get a Job, Build a Real Career and Defy a Bewildering Economy (hint: don’t cling to credentials and privilege as your strategy–acquire skills and entrepreneurial income streams).

What’s left unsaid in all these articles is much of the upper middle class is prospering due to privileged positions that are increasingly at risk of disruption–a topic I discussed in If You Want More Jobs and More Job Stability, Disrupt More, Not Less (June 21, 2016) and How Many Law Schools Need to Close? Plenty (June 20, 2016).

And just a reminder: of the supposed 30% of households who are upper middle class, only the top 10% have significant wealth-building assets: that tells us in no uncertain terms that two-thirds of the supposedly upper middle class 30% are only middle class."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/11/cities-economic-fates-diverge/417372/">
    <title>Why the Economic Fates of America’s Cities Diverged - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2016-03-19T19:05:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/11/cities-economic-fates-diverge/417372/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What accounts for these anomalous and unpredicted trends? The first explanation many people cite is the decline of the Rust Belt, and certainly that played a role."

…

"Another conventional explanation is that the decline of Heartland cities reflects the growing importance of high-end services and rarified consumption."

…

"Another explanation for the increase in regional inequality is that it reflects the growing demand for “innovation.” A prominent example of this line of thinking comes from the Berkeley economist Enrico Moretti, whose 2012 book, The New Geography of Jobs, explains the increase in regional inequality as the result of two new supposed mega-trends: markets offering far higher rewards to “innovation,” and innovative people increasingly needing and preferring each other’s company."

…

"What, then, is the missing piece? A major factor that has not received sufficient attention is the role of public policy. Throughout most of the country’s history, American government at all levels has pursued policies designed to preserve local control of businesses and to check the tendency of a few dominant cities to monopolize power over the rest of the country. These efforts moved to the federal level beginning in the late 19th century and reached a climax of enforcement in the 1960s and ’70s. Yet starting shortly thereafter, each of these policy levers were flipped, one after the other, in the opposite direction, usually in the guise of “deregulation.” Understanding this history, largely forgotten today, is essential to turning the problem of inequality around.

Starting with the country’s founding, government policy worked to ensure that specific towns, cities, and regions would not gain an unwarranted competitive advantage. The very structure of the U.S. Senate reflects a compromise among the Founders meant to balance the power of densely and sparsely populated states. Similarly, the Founders, understanding that private enterprise would not by itself provide broadly distributed postal service (because of the high cost of delivering mail to smaller towns and far-flung cities), wrote into the Constitution that a government monopoly would take on the challenge of providing the necessary cross-subsidization.

Throughout most of the 19th century and much of the 20th, generations of Americans similarly struggled with how to keep railroads from engaging in price discrimination against specific areas or otherwise favoring one town or region over another. Many states set up their own bureaucracies to regulate railroad fares—“to the end,” as the head of the Texas Railroad Commission put it, “that our producers, manufacturers, and merchants may be placed on an equal footing with their rivals in other states.” In 1887, the federal government took over the task of regulating railroad rates with the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Railroads came to be regulated much as telegraph, telephone, and power companies would be—as natural monopolies that were allowed to remain in private hands and earn a profit, but only if they did not engage in pricing or service patterns that would add significantly to the competitive advantage of some regions over others.

Passage of the Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890 was another watershed moment in the use of public policy to limit regional inequality. The antitrust movement that sprung up during the Populist and Progressive era was very much about checking regional concentrations of wealth and power. Across the Midwest, hard-pressed farmers formed the “Granger” movement and demanded protection from eastern monopolists controlling railroads, wholesale-grain distribution, and the country’s manufacturing base. The South in this era was also, in the words of the historian C. Vann Woodward, in a “revolt against the East” and its attempts to impose a “colonial economy.”"

…

"By the 1960s, antitrust enforcement grew to proportions never seen before, while at the same time the broad middle class grew and prospered, overall levels of inequality fell dramatically, and midsize metro areas across the South, the Midwest, and the West Coast achieved a standard of living that converged with that of America’s historically richest cites in the East. Of course, antitrust was not the only cause of the increase in regional equality, but it played a much larger role than most people realize today.

To get a flavor of how thoroughly the federal government managed competition throughout the economy in the 1960s, consider the case of Brown Shoe Co., Inc. v. United States, in which the Supreme Court blocked a merger that would have given a single distributor a mere 2 percent share of the national shoe market.

Writing for the majority, Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren explained that the Court was following a clear and long-established desire by Congress to keep many forms of business small and local: “We cannot fail to recognize Congress’ desire to promote competition through the protection of viable, small, locally owned business. Congress appreciated that occasional higher costs and prices might result from the maintenance of fragmented industries and markets. It resolved these competing considerations in favor of decentralization. We must give effect to that decision.”

In 1964, the historian and public intellectual Richard Hofstadter would observe that an “antitrust movement” no longer existed, but only because regulators were managing competition with such effectiveness that monopoly no longer appeared to be a realistic threat. “Today, anybody who knows anything about the conduct of American business,” Hofstadter observed, “knows that the managers of the large corporations do their business with one eye constantly cast over their shoulders at the antitrust division.”

In 1966, the Supreme Court blocked a merger of two supermarket chains in Los Angeles that, had they been allowed to combine, would have controlled just 7.5 percent of the local market. (Today, by contrast there are nearly 40 metro areas in the U.S where Walmart controls half or more of all grocery sales.) Writing for the majority, Justice Harry Blackmun noted the long opposition of Congress and the Court to business combinations that restrained competition “by driving out of business the small dealers and worthy men.”

During this era, other policy levers, large and small, were also pulled in the same direction—such as bank regulation, for example. Since the Great Recession, America has relearned the history of how New Deal legislation such as the Glass-Steagall Act served to contain the risks of financial contagion. Less well remembered is how New Deal-era and subsequent banking regulation long served to contain the growth of banks that were “too big to fail” by pushing power in the banking system out to the hinterland. Into the early 1990s, federal laws severely limited banks headquartered in one state from setting up branches in any other state. State and federal law fostered a dense web of small-scale community banks and locally operated thrifts and credit unions.

Meanwhile, bank mergers, along with mergers of all kinds, faced tough regulatory barriers that included close scrutiny of their effects on the social fabric and political economy of local communities. Lawmakers realized that levels of civic engagement and community trust tended to decline in towns that came under the control of outside ownership, and they resolved not to let that happen in their time.

In other realms, too, federal policy during the New Deal and for several decades afterward pushed strongly to spread regional equality. For example, New Deal programs such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Bonneville Power Administration, and the Rural Electrification Administration dramatically improved the infrastructure of the South and West. During and after World War II, federal spending on the military and the space program also tilted heavily in the Sunbelt’s favor.

The government’s role in regulating prices and levels of service in transportation was also a huge factor in promoting regional equality. In 1952, the Interstate Commerce Commission ordered a 10-percent reduction in railroad freight rates for southern shippers, a political decision that played a substantial role in enabling the South’s economic ascent after the war. The ICC and state governments also ordered railroads to run money-losing long-distance and commuter passenger trains to ensure that far-flung towns and villages remained connected to the national economy.

Into the 1970s, the ICC also closely regulated trucking routes and prices so they did not tilt in favor of any one region. Similarly, the Civil Aeronautics Board made sure that passengers flying to and from small and midsize cities paid roughly the same price per mile as those flying to and from the largest cities. It also required airlines to offer service to less populous areas even when such routes were unprofitable.

Meanwhile, massive public investments in the interstate-highway system and other arterial roads added enormously to regional equality. First, it vastly increased the connectivity of rural areas to major population centers. Second, it facilitated the growth of reasonably priced suburban housing around high-wage metro areas such as New York and Los Angeles, thus making it much more possible than it is now for working-class people to move to or remain in those areas.

Beginning in the late 1970s, however, nearly all the policy levers that had been used to push for greater regional income equality suddenly reversed direction. The first major changes came during Jimmy Carter’s administration. Fearful of inflation, and under the spell of policy entrepreneurs such as Alfred Kahn, Carter signed the Airline Deregulation Act in 1978. This abolished the Civil Aeronautics Board, which had worked to offer rough regional parity in airfares and levels of service since 1938."

…

"Another turning point came in 1982, when President Ronald Reagan’s Justice Department adopted new guidelines for antitrust prosecutions. Largely informed by the work of Robert Bork, then a Yale law professor who had served as solicitor general under Richard Nixon, these guidelines explicitly ruled out any consideration of social cost, regional equity, or local control in deciding whether to block mergers or prosecute monopolies. Instead, the only criteria that could trigger antitrust enforcement would be either proven instances of collusion or combinations that would immediately bring higher prices to consumers.

This has led to the effective colonization of many once-great American cities, as the financial institutions and industrial companies that once were headquartered there have come under the control of distant corporations. Empirical studies have shown that when a city loses a major corporate headquarters in a merger, the replacement of locally based managers by “absentee” managers usually leads to lower levels of local corporate giving, civic engagement, employment, and investment, often setting in motion further regional decline. A Harvard Business School study that analyzed the community involvement of 180 companies in Boston, Cleveland, and Miami found that “[l]ocally headquartered companies do most for the community on every measure,” including having “the most active involvement by their leaders in prominent local civic and cultural organizations.”

According to another survey of the literature on how corporate consolidation affects the health of local communities, “local owners and managers … are more invested in the community personally and financially than ‘distant’ owners and managers.” In contrast, the literature survey finds, “branch firms are managed either by ‘outsiders’ with no local ties who are brought in for short-term assignments or by locals who have less ability to benefit the community because they lack sufficient autonomy or prestige or have less incentive because their professional advancement will require them to move.” The loss of social capital in many Heartland communities documented by Robert Putnam, George Packer, and many other observers is at least in part a consequence of the wave of corporate consolidations that occurred after the federal government largely abandoned traditional antitrust enforcement 30-some years ago.

Financial deregulation also contributed mightily to the growth of regional inequality. Prohibitions against interstate branching disappeared entirely by the 1990s. The first-order effect was that most midsize and even major cities saw most of their major banks bought up by larger banks headquartered somewhere else. Initially, the trend strengthened some regional-banking centers, such as Charlotte, North Carolina, even as it hollowed out local control of banking nearly everywhere else across America. But eventually, further financial deregulation, combined with enormous subsidies and bailouts for banks that had become “too big to fail,” led to the eclipse of even once strong regional money centers such as Philadelphia and St. Louis by a handful of elite cities such as New York and London, bringing the geography of modern finance full circle back to the patterns prevailing in the Gilded Age.

Meanwhile, dramatic changes in the treatment of what, in the 1980s, came to be known as “intellectual property,” combined with the general retreat from antitrust enforcement, had the effect of vastly concentrating the geographical distribution of power in the technology sector. At the start of the 1980s, federal policy remained so hostile to patent monopolies that it refused even to grant patents for software. But then came a series of Supreme Court decisions and acts of Congress that vastly expanded the scope of patents and the monopoly power granted to patent holders. In 1991, Bill Gates reflected on the change and noted in a memo to his executives at Microsoft that “[i]f people had understood how patents would be granted when most of today’s ideas were invented, and had taken out patents, the industry would be at a complete standstill today.”

These changes caused the tech industry to become much more geographically concentrated than it otherwise would have been. They did so primarily by making the tech industry much less about engineering and much more about lawyering and deal making. In 2011, spending by Apple and Google on patent lawsuits and patent purchases exceeded their spending on research and development for the first time. Meanwhile, faced with growing barriers to entry created by patent monopolies and the consolidated power of giants like Apple and Google, the business model for most new start-ups became to sell themselves as quickly as possible to one of the tech industry’s entrenched incumbents.

For both of these reasons, success in this sector now increasingly requires being physically located where large concentrations of incumbents are seeking “innovation through acquisition,” and where there are supporting phalanxes of highly specialized legal and financial wheeler-dealers. Back in the 1970s, a young entrepreneur like Bill Gates was able to grow a new high-tech firm into a Fortune 500 company in his hometown of Seattle, which at the time was little better off than Detroit and Cleveland—a depopulating, worn-out manufacturing city, labeled by The Economist as “the city of despair”—are today.

Now, a young entrepreneur as smart and ambitious as the young Gates is most likely aiming to sell his company to a high-tech goliath—or will have to settle for doing so. Sure, high-tech entrepreneurs still emerge in the hinterland, and often start promising companies there. But to succeed they need to cash out, which means that they typically need to go where they’ll be in the deal flow of patent trading and mergers and acquisition, which means an already-established hub of high-tech “innovation” like Silicon Valley, or, ironically, today’s Seattle.

They may also need to maintain a Washington office, the better to protect and expand the policies that have allowed the concentration of wealth and power in a few imperial cities, including intellectual-property protections, minimal antitrust enforcement, and financial regulations that benefit behemoth banks. The spectacular rise in the affluence of the D.C. metro area since the 1970s belies the idea that “deregulation” has brought a triumph of open and competitive markets. Instead, it is the result of a boom in what libertarians in other contexts like to call “rent seeking,” or the enrichment of a few through the manipulation of government and the cornering of markets.

Inequality, an issue politicians talked about hesitantly, if at all, a decade ago, is now a central focus of candidates in both parties. The terms of the debate, however, are about individuals and classes: the elite versus the middle, the 1 percent versus the 99 percent. That’s fair enough. But the language currently used to describe inequality doesn’t capture the way it is manifesting geographically. Growing inequality between and among regions and metro areas is obvious. But it is almost completely absent from the current political conversation. This absence would have been unfathomable to earlier generations of Americans; for most of this country’s history, equalizing opportunity among different parts of the country was at the center of politics. The resulting policies led to the greatest mass prosperity in human history. Yet somehow, about 30 years ago, America forgot its own history."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us cities policy economics history inequality via:robinsonmeyer 2016 philliplongman regulation deregulation capitalism trusts antitrustlaw mergers competition markets banks finance ronaldreagan corporatization intellectualproperty patents law legal equality politics government rentseeking innovation acquisitions antitrustenforcement income detroit nyc siliconvalley technology banking peterganong danielshoag 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s greatdepression horacegreely chicago denver cleveland seattle atlanta houston saltlakecity stlouis enricomoretti shermanantitrustact 1890 cvannwoodward woodrowwilson 1912 claytonantitrustact louisbrandeis federalreserve minneapolis kansascity robinson-patmanact 1920s 1930s miller-tydingsact fdr celler-kefauveract emanuelceller huberhumphrey earlwarren richardhofstadter harryblackmun newdeal interstatecommercecommission jimmycarter alfredkahn airlinederegulationact 1978 memphis cincinnati losangeles airlines transportation rail railroads 1980 texas florida 1976 amazon walmart r</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://harrygiles.org/2015/02/11/the-crowd-the-community-and-patronage/">
    <title>The Crowd, the Community, and Patronage | Harry Giles</title>
    <dc:date>2016-01-31T06:24:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://harrygiles.org/2015/02/11/the-crowd-the-community-and-patronage/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I like talking about patronage, though, and I like the idea of opening up what patronage can be. I like making it clear that art is not something that just happens, is not something that other people decide to make happen, but rather something that we all have a stake in making happen, and in making happen in more radical ways. For me, Patreon is a way of not asking single entities for patronage, but asking the crowd — or the community — for support. Like all crowdfunding, it’s a means of circumventing various power structures and barriers to survival, but unlike Kickstarter and most crowdfunding sites, the regular contribution makes it more about sustainable support, long-term income, and a relationship with the people who like what you do.

It’s also just about the only way I can think of to make the art I really want to make. Possibly because I grew up on the internet, making lots of things and giving them away feels natural to me. I don’t just want to make the art that sells, and I don’t just want to make the art that meets the targets of state funding bodies: I want to make the art that I believe in. And I don’t just want to make big monolithic state-of-the-world art projects (though sometimes they’re fun): I want to do little things, and silly things, and radical sparks, and awkward moments that drive a wedge into difficult politics. And I don’t want only the people who can afford it to be able to enjoy my art: I want everyone to be able to enjoy it, and then pay me if they like it. I think I’m good at making art like that. Maybe I want too much. Maybe that’s not the world we’re in together. But I’d like to try, and this seems like a good way of asking everyone if I can."]]></description>
<dc:subject>harrygiles patronage art 2014 via:tealtan funding making internet glvo openstudioproject lcproject small crowdfunding income relationships</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://avc.com/2015/07/the-gig-economy/">
    <title>The Gig Economy – AVC</title>
    <dc:date>2015-07-14T22:11:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://avc.com/2015/07/the-gig-economy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Warning: This post touches politics. The comments will likely be incendiary and polarizing. Don’t go into the comments if you don’t want to be annoyed or irritated.

Many in the tech industry are taking these comments by Hillary Clinton yesterday as an ‘attack on Uber and the tech sector':

<blockquote> Meanwhile, many Americans are making extra money renting out a small room, designing websites, selling products they design themselves at home, or even driving their own car. This on-demand, or so-called gig economy is creating exciting economies and unleashing innovation.

But it is also raising hard questions about work-place protections and what a good job will look like in the future.</blockquote>

The first example is Airbnb, the second example is oDesk, the third example is Etsy, and the fourth example is Uber.

My view on these comments is that Hillary is right. These companies are creating exciting new economies and unleashing innovation. And she is also right that these companies raise questions about work place protections and what a good job will look like in the future.

We should not be afraid of this discussion. We should embrace it and have it.

Can you be a freelance worker if you don’t own the data about your work and earnings history and be able to take it with you when you leave a platform or export it to a third party for optimization? Can you be a freelance worker if you are indentured to your employer because they loaned you the money to purchase the asset you are using to earn your income? I think the answer to both is obviously no. But there are companies who argue that it is yes.

Let’s have that argument. It is important and it is also a good idea to have a President who understands where the economy is headed and the significance of the policy issues raised by all of this.

I also really liked what she had to say about women and the workforce. The entire transcript of her remarks is here."

[See also: http://continuations.com/post/124069363855/debating-the-gig-economy-going-past-industrial ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics politics fredwilson 2015 hillaryclinton gigeconomy universalbasicincome socialsafetynet work labor uber airbnb odesk etsy income policy ubi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/education-economic-growth-by-ricardo-hausmann-2015-05">
    <title>The Education Myth by Ricardo Hausmann - Project Syndicate</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-14T00:34:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/education-economic-growth-by-ricardo-hausmann-2015-05</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the 50 years from 1960 to 2010, the global labor force’s average time in school essentially tripled, from 2.8 years to 8.3 years. This means that the average worker in a median country went from less than half a primary education to more than half a high school education.

How much richer should these countries have expected to become? In 1965, France had a labor force that averaged less than five years of schooling and a per capita income of $14,000 (at 2005 prices). In 2010, countries with a similar level of education had a per capita income of less than $1,000.

In 1960, countries with an education level of 8.3 years of schooling were 5.5 times richer than those with 2.8 year of schooling. By contrast, countries that had increased their education from 2.8 years of schooling in 1960 to 8.3 years of schooling in 2010 were only 167% richer. Moreover, much of this increase cannot possibly be attributed to education, as workers in 2010 had the advantage of technologies that were 50 years more advanced than those in 1960. Clearly, something other than education is needed to generate prosperity.

As is often the case, the experience of individual countries is more revealing than the averages. China started with less education than Tunisia, Mexico, Kenya, or Iran in 1960, and had made less progress than them by 2010. And yet, in terms of economic growth, China blew all of them out of the water. The same can be said of Thailand and Indonesia vis-à-vis the Philippines, Cameroon, Ghana, or Panama. Again, the fast growers must be doing something in addition to providing education.

The experience within countries is also revealing. In Mexico, the average income of men aged 25-30 with a full primary education differs by more than a factor of three between poorer municipalities and richer ones. The difference cannot possibly be related to educational quality, because those who moved from poor municipalities to richer ones also earned more.

And there is more bad news for the “education, education, education” crowd: Most of the skills that a labor force possesses were acquired on the job. What a society knows how to do is known mainly in its firms, not in its schools. At most modern firms, fewer than 15% of the positions are open for entry-level workers, meaning that employers demand something that the education system cannot – and is not expected – to provide.

When presented with these facts, education enthusiasts often argue that education is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for growth. But in that case, investment in education is unlikely to deliver much if the other conditions are missing. After all, though the typical country with ten years of schooling had a per capita income of $30,000 in 2010, per capita income in Albania, Armenia, and Sri Lanka, which have achieved that level of schooling, was less than $5,000. Whatever is preventing these countries from becoming richer, it is not lack of education.

A country’s income is the sum of the output produced by each worker. To increase income, we need to increase worker productivity. Evidently, “something in the water,” other than education, makes people much more productive in some places than in others. A successful growth strategy needs to figure out what this is.

Make no mistake: education presumably does raise productivity. But to say that education is your growth strategy means that you are giving up on everyone who has already gone through the school system – most people over 18, and almost all over 25. It is a strategy that ignores the potential that is in 100% of today’s labor force, 98% of next year’s, and a huge number of people who will be around for the next half-century. An education-only strategy is bound to make all of them regret having been born too soon.

This generation is too old for education to be its growth strategy. It needs a growth strategy that will make it more productive – and thus able to create the resources to invest more in the education of the next generation. Our generation owes it to theirs to have a growth strategy for ourselves. And that strategy will not be about us going back to school."]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics policy education 2015 ricardohausmann productivity labor work growth schooling income society</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a9dbbdbec066/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/06/09/how-our-cars-our-neighborhoods-and-our-schools-are-pulling-us-apart/">
    <title>How our cars, our neighborhoods, and our schools are pulling us apart - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-09T18:33:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/06/09/how-our-cars-our-neighborhoods-and-our-schools-are-pulling-us-apart/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Americans are pulling apart. We're pulling apart from each other in general. And, in particular, we're pulling apart from people who differ from us.

The evidence on this idea is varied, broad and often weird.

We are, as Robert Putnam famously put it, less likely to join community bowling leagues.

We're more likely, as I mentioned yesterday after a police confrontation with a group of black teens at a private swimming pool, to swim in seclusion, in gated community clubs and back-yard pools that have taken the place of public pools.

We're more likely to spend time isolated in our cars, making what was historically a communal experience — the commute to work — a private one. In 1960, 63 percent of American commuters got to work in a private car.

Now, 85 percent of us do. And three-quarters of us are riding in that car alone.

Within large metropolitan areas, we live more spread out, more distant, from each other than we once did. The population density in central cities plummeted by half after the 1950s, as many residents left for the suburbs.

As a result, writes economist Joseph Cortright in a new City Observatory report, in metropolitan America we now have fewer neighbors, on average, and we live farther from them than we did five decades ago.

It's little wonder, then, that we now socialize with them less often, too.

Add up all of these seemingly disconnected facts, and here you are: "There is compelling evidence," Cortright writes in the new report, "that the connective tissue that binds us together is coming apart."

The shared experiences and communal spaces where our lives intersect — even if just for a ride to a work, or a monthly PTA meeting — have grown seemingly more sparse. And all of this isolation means that the wealthy have little idea what the lives of the poor look like, that people who count on private resources shy away from spending on public ones, that misconceptions about groups unlike ourselves are broadly held.

Cortright's underlying point is the same as Putnam's 20 years ago. We're receding from the public realm in ways that could undermine communities and the will that arises when people within them know and trust each other.

We're even living further apart from each other within our own homes. As our houses have gotten bigger — and the size of the average household has declined — we're a lot less likely today in America to share bedrooms.A particularly curious data point Cortright unearths: In 1960, 3.5 percent of U.S. households lived in a home where bedrooms outnumbered occupants. Today, 44 percent of households do.

Here's another: We no longer even share the same experience of public safety. In the 1970s, Cortright points out that there were about 40 percent more private security officers in this country than public law enforcement officers. By the 1990s, there were twice as many. And their presence — monitoring gated communities, private clubs, quasi-public spaces like shopping malls — marks a kind of "anti-social capital." It implies that private guards must manage communities where that missing "connective tissue" can't.

When we retreat into these private spaces and separate enclaves, now increasingly sorted by income, too, we have less and less in common. And when we have little left in common, it's hard to imagine how we'll agree on fixes to big problems, or how we'll empathize with the people touched by them.

This familiar argument  is particularly relevant now to many of the bitter debates we're having around racial unrest and even poverty. If rich and poor, black and white, don't share the same commons — if they attend separate schools, live in separate neighborhoods, swim in separate pools, rely on separate transportation — then there's little reason for them to mutually invest in any of these resources.

Historically in American cities, the ghetto didn't just separate black homes from white ones. It ensured that the rest of the city would never share in the concerns — shoddy trash pickup, weak policing, meager public investments — of the people who lived there.

The relationships that run between social capital, trust and the public realm, as Cortright writes, are complicated (likely even more so by modern technology). But they feel tremendously relevant today.

"Arguably," he writes, "the decline in social capital is both a cause and an effect of the decline of the public realm: people exhibit less trust because they have fewer interactions; we have fewer interactions, so we have lower levels of trust and less willingness to invest in the public realm that supports it.""]]></description>
<dc:subject>segregation us cities urbanism urban cars transportation schools education 2015 emilybadger robertputnam race class commuting josephcortright neighborhoods community communitities isolation trust publiccommons gatedcommunities social capitalism security lawenforcement income</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.epi.org/publication/broad-based-wage-growth-is-a-key-tool-in-the-fight-against-poverty/">
    <title>Broad-Based Wage Growth Is a Key Tool in the Fight Against Poverty | Economic Policy Institute</title>
    <dc:date>2015-05-20T19:37:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.epi.org/publication/broad-based-wage-growth-is-a-key-tool-in-the-fight-against-poverty/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Over the last three-and-a-half decades, progress in reducing poverty has been painfully slow despite significant gains in economic productivity and average incomes. During the same time period, the inflation-adjusted wages of most low- and middle-income households have been essentially stagnant, which is the root cause of rising income inequality.

A primary objective of the Economic Policy Institute’s Raising America’s Pay initiative is to expose the roots of growing inequality and demonstrate inequality’s real, adverse effects on low- and middle-income households (Bivens et al. 2014). In this paper, we explore how wage stagnation and growing inequality have undermined progress in reducing poverty.

Between 1979 and 2013, hourly wage growth stagnated for the vast majority—even while those at the bottom relied increasingly heavily on their wages to make ends meet. At the same time, the vast majority of annual earnings increases for the bottom fifth were due to increasing work hours, not rising hourly wages. Income inequality over this period also increased—largely due to stagnant wages for low- and middle-income households—and became the single most important factor in the increase in poverty.

To show the significance of wage growth in reducing poverty, we simulate what would have happened to poverty rates had we experienced broad-based wage growth from 1979 to 2013. We first examine the effects on poverty had wage inequality not increased since 1979 (i.e., had everyone’s wages grown at the same rate as average wages). Next we examine how the poverty rate would have been lower had economic gains been broadly shared (i.e., had all wages grown at the same rate as economy-wide productivity). Both simulations show that we could achieve real gains in poverty reduction by ensuring that lower-income workers are able to share in our country’s economic growth. And even these projected gains likely understate the extent to which a full-employment economy could alleviate poverty, as it would disproportionately benefit low-wage workers. Had wages grown in tandem with productivity over 1979–2013 and if the economy were at full employment, the non-elderly market-based poverty rate (i.e., the poverty rate for Americans under age 65 before safety-net supports are taken into account) would be 4.2 percentage points lower. This means that 11.2 million fewer people would be in poverty.

These simulations show that increasing inequality, stagnant wages, and chronic shortfalls in labor demand have come at a serious cost to poverty-reduction efforts. Indeed, the economy’s failure to deliver gains to low-wage workers in recent decades means that the tax-and-transfer system is responsible for all of the progress made in poverty reduction since 1967. To boost the pace of poverty reduction going forward, fiscal transfers that help low-income families almost surely need to be accompanied by policies to foster widely shared wage growth. In fact, the simulated 4.2 percentage-point poverty-rate decline from using full employment and broad-based wage growth to reduce poverty is more than half as large as the poverty reduction from our entire range of anti-poverty programs.

Without wage gains, the tax-and-transfer system needs to work harder every year simply to keep poverty rates from increasing. We argue that a policy agenda to fight poverty must include an agenda to raise wages. This agenda should include raising the minimum wage, setting a new overtime threshold, eliminating wage theft, strengthening workers’ collective bargaining rights, and targeting full employment.

The paper’s key findings include: [continues]"]]></description>
<dc:subject>poverty inequality us economics 2015 productivity policy wages income taxes taxation wealthtransfer labor work elisegould alyssadavis willkimball</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:caead03f6deb/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.cbpp.org/cms/?fa=view&amp;id=4067">
    <title>Chart Book: Federal Housing Spending Is Poorly Matched to Need — Center on Budget and Policy Priorities</title>
    <dc:date>2015-04-09T23:01:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.cbpp.org/cms/?fa=view&amp;id=4067</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Chart Book: Federal Housing Spending Is Poorly Matched to Need 
Tilt Toward Well-Off Homeowners Leaves Struggling Low-Income Renters Without Help"

…

"Part I:  Federal Housing Spending Disproportionately Targets Higher-Income Households …

Part II:  Federal Housing Policy Favors Owning Over Renting …

Part III:  Poor Renters Have Greatest Need for Housing Assistance …

Part IV:  Rental Affordability Problems Have Worsened Since 2000 …

Part V:  Federal Rental Assistance Targets the Neediest Low-Income People …

Part VI:  Funding Limitations Prevent Rental Assistance from Reaching Most Families in Need …"

[via: http://notes.husk.org/post/115973482479/chart-book-federal-housing-spending-is-poorly ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>housing income us inequality subsidies homeownership renters 2015 government poverty data</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b9242ab66fe0/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/200257/score-wages-liberal-nihilism">
    <title>Why Are Liberals Resigned to Low Wages? | The Nation [“Focusing on unsolvable problems excuses them from dealing with tough political problems.”]</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-17T22:22:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/200257/score-wages-liberal-nihilism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Liberals need to own the wage problem. Wages remain lower than they were before the Great Recession, following a generation of virtually no growth. Identifying why this is, and understanding the way out, will be essential as the economy gains steam yet still leaves many people behind. And this, in turn, will require overthrowing the reigning attitude that liberals have brought to our economic crisis. Let’s call it liberal nihilism.

Liberal nihilists try to explain why the economy isn’t serving workers, but they do so in ways that render us powerless to fix the problem. There’s a version where workers simply don’t have the education or skills necessary to handle new high-tech jobs. There’s another, similar story in which robots and globalization are taking all the jobs, leaving workers behind in the process.

These stories blame an impersonal market and individual failures for the stagnation of wages, but they don’t fully explain the thirty-five-year decline. For example, we don’t see the gains that would be expected if robots were really replacing workers. (Indeed, low pay for workers is a likely reason many businesses don’t even bother trying to upgrade their equipment.) The economy isn’t even working anymore for highly skilled workers, with many well-educated people seeing stagnant pay or being forced to take low-skill jobs.

But while these explanations are incorrect, that isn’t what makes them nihilistic. The nihilism rests in the fact that these stories are palliatives meant to relieve the anxiety of facing a massive political problem. They describe the collapse in wage growth not as a site of collective political struggle but instead as a story where no one—especially policy-makers—is responsible.

To address the issue of stagnant wages, we’ll have to leave that attitude behind, because the three major institutions that will determine wage growth are political ones.

The Federal Reserve is the first culprit. Contrary to popular belief, the Fed has been overly cautious during the Great Recession, refusing to announce bolder targets or set long-term interest rates directly. This caution will come to a head this year, when the Fed’s chair, Janet Yellen, will have to decide when to begin raising interest rates. If she acts too soon, she will slow down the economy, meaning labor will never regain the bargaining power it needs.

But wage growth is also a matter of how our productive enterprises are organized. Over the past thirty-five years, a “shareholder revolution” has re-engineered our companies in order to channel wealth toward the top, especially corporate executives and shareholders, rather than toward innovation, investments and workers’ wages. As the economist J.W. Mason recently noted, companies used to borrow to invest before the 1980s; now they borrow to give money to stockholders. Meanwhile, innovations in corporate structures, including contingent contracts and franchise models, have shifted the risk down, toward precarious workers, even as profits rise. As a result, the basic productive building blocks of our economy are now inequality-generating machines.

The third driver of wage stagnation is government policy. As anthropologist David Graeber puts it, “Whenever someone starts talking about the ‘free market,’ it’s a good idea to look around for the man with the gun.” Despite the endless talk of a “free market,” our economy is shaped by myriad government policies—and no matter where we look, we see government policies working against everyday workers. Whether it’s letting the real value of the minimum wage decline, making it harder to unionize, or creating bankruptcy laws and intellectual-property regimes that primarily benefit capital and the 1 percent, the way the government structures markets is responsible for weakening labor and causing wages to stay stuck.

This is not how Democratic politicians and liberal thinkers usually talk about the economy. There is a comfort—perhaps even a glee—in waving away these difficult political problems and replacing them with a story in which no one is at fault, save the workers themselves. But if liberals want to ensure a broadly shared prosperity, let alone present a compelling narrative about how their policies will work for voters, they’ll need to recover these stories."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mikekonczal economics wages income employment salaries 2015 government corporations federalreserve markets davidgraeber</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3c8618caf9ee/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://recode.net/2015/02/06/startups-and-loathing-crunchies/">
    <title>Startups and Self-Loathing at the 8th Annual Crunchies Awards | Re/code</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-09T23:11:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://recode.net/2015/02/06/startups-and-loathing-crunchies/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Outside, Stewart Butterfield, the co-founder of Slack and an award winner that evening, was having a cigarette. He said the Valley loved satire because it cuts to the core of the issue: Much of the work and money in the startup industry is absurd. It’s almost disturbing. Satire is a way to cope.

“Everyone here must know that everyone is making too much money, and that’s why we love satire,” he said. “If anyone is honest with themselves, they must think that the reward is disproportionate to the work.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>stewartbutterfield technology startups money economics inequality work pay income crunchies 2015</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:ba3562868a6a/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/basic-income/wouldnt-unconditional-basic-income-just-cause-massive-inflation-fe71d69f15e7">
    <title>Wouldn’t Unconditional Basic Income Just Cause Massive Inflation? — Basic income — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-07T18:22:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/basic-income/wouldnt-unconditional-basic-income-just-cause-massive-inflation-fe71d69f15e7</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The money for a basic income guarantee would be already existing money circulated through the economic system. It would not be new money, just money shifted from one location to another. This means that the value of each dollar has not changed. The dollar itself has only changed hands.

It is also important to note the observation that even when money supply is vastly expanded, the effects on prices need not be extreme. For example, the Fed’s quantitative easing added over four trillion new dollars to the U.S. money supply, and the results were not enough inflation, as defined by the Fed."

…

"So even though basic income would not be printing new money for everyone, even if it were, inflation would not be a guaranteed result.

With that understood, to then understand how much we should actually fear rising prices as a result of redistributing existing money from one place to another instead of printing new money requires some studying, but the short answer is that capitalism not only still exists with basic income, it is enhanced.

By enhanced, I mean there is growing evidence from where basic incomes have been actually tried that it increases entrepreneurship. We also have actual examples of partial basic incomes, that we can examine for inflationary evidence.

Aside from this evidence, we also need to understand how increased demand leading to higher prices isn’t as simple as we might think is is, and how when it comes to housing prices, in a future where everyone has basic incomes, we are likely to see some very interesting market adjustments. Meanwhile, fears involving unearned income and increased velocity require a closer examination."

…

"The Inflation Bogeyman

Inflation is not the unmanageable danger it is made out to be. It is a complex equation involving multiple variables, and in the context of evaluating the idea of a universal basic income guarantee, because a basic income will be set at a basic level, there is even less to fear.

Because we have actual evidence, there is less to fear.

Because capitalism will be enhanced, there is less to fear.

Because technology will continue to advance and make goods like housing cheaper, there is less to fear.

Because our economic capacity is underutilized and underconsumption is systemic, there is less to fear.

There is however one real thing to fear…

Increased Wages and Salaries

Basic income could provide an upward force on wages through increased individual bargaining power and slightly decreased labor force participation rates, and businesses as a result of new higher labor costs could raise their prices so as to keep their profits unchanged.

This would mean that if you are currently earning $20,000 per year, you’d not only get an extra $12,000 per year in basic income, but also $10,000 in higher wages. Your new yearly income would be $42,000 and groceries might end up costing you an extra 1.4 percent per month.

Would you personally have a problem with earning an extra $22,000 and paying an extra $50 on groceries? Let’s assume you would, and that you also think it’s wrong the cost of food would go up for everyone else as well, including those with only $12,000 per year basic incomes, and therefore with tighter fixed budgets. There is one last final detail to understand.

Any basic income can and should be indexed to match or beat inflation.

Indexing Basic Income

Just as the minimum wage has eroded over time because of inflation and the political fight over ever raising it, a basic income should automatically rise each year to match inflation so that it doesn’t erode in the same way.

Better yet, instead of just indexing a basic income to CPI, it could even be indexed to something like productivity, so that the gains of society continue to accrue more widely for everyone, instead of only the few.

(Because wages and salaries certainly aren’t rising with productivity and haven’t for decades.)

The result of this would be a basic income that always increases faster than inflation, so that each and every year, we would be able to buy a greater amount of goods and services than the year before.

It cannot be stressed enough that this ability is especially important to enable in advance of the decades ahead of us as software and hardware continue to decrease the need for human labor, and as a result, decreases availability of ever decreasing incomes derived from human labor."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/basic-income/breaking-down-without-a-spare-a271a6ef6f7e">
    <title>Breaking Down Without a Spare — Basic income — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-07T17:32:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/basic-income/breaking-down-without-a-spare-a271a6ef6f7e</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["America’s lopsided welfare system of counterproductive public assistance"

…

"Our current system is not productive. It is not the fully functional safety net we need, especially as technology increasingly disrupts our day to day lives. If one day we can be a driver for Uber, and the next day Uber can buy a fleet of self-driving cars and fire all of us, that’s a world where we need a real safety net that doesn’t just drop away. We need more than a safety net. We need a floor set above the poverty level, so that regardless of any amount of disruption, we are still allowed to stand on our own two feet and start climbing again.

Don’t catch us and trap us with nets. We need a solid foundation that allows all of us a space in which to build our futures.

We also need to understand that those at the bottom aren’t the only ones receiving welfare. There exists a great deal of netting underneath the feet of all of us. We just don’t see it. It is the invisible safety net, lacking in any stigma."

…

"But is that what the working Americans who work for them want?

Driving on Spares
It may have seemed a small detail and one possibly gone unnoticed, but it’s possibly the most important detail of all in our automotive parable.

“Unfortunately there’s no spare. We had no choice but to drive on it.”

It’s not that we made the unwise choice to go driving around without a spare tire. It’s that we could not make the wise choice, because our car had already suffered a previous blown tire and there was no money in the budget for a new one. After replacing our blown tire with our spare tire, we could only hope nothing else would happen until there was money for a new tire.

But something did happen. That’s the nature of unfortunate surprises.

It is this fact we must recognize, possibly above all. No one wants to suffer a flat tire, and no one wants to have no options but to call for help when we do get one. And we see this reflected in what we have done for decades now, as we have faithfully sought all possible avenues of increasing our incomes.

We went from one earner per household to two.

We asked for more hours and sought second, third, and even fourth jobs.

We got credit cards, took out second mortgages, and are now even tapping our own retirement funds."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://motherboard.vice.com/read/the-mincome-experiment-dauphin">
    <title>The Town Where Everyone Got Free Money | Motherboard</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-05T05:05:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://motherboard.vice.com/read/the-mincome-experiment-dauphin</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The motto of Dauphin, Manitoba, a small farming town in the middle of Canada, is “everything you deserve.” What a citizen deserves, and what effects those deserts have, was a question at the heart of a 40-year-old experiment that has lately become a focal point in a debate over social welfare that's raging from Switzerland to Silicon Valley. 

Between 1974 and 1979, the Canadian government tested the idea of a basic income guarantee (BIG) across an entire town, giving people enough money to survive in a way that no other place in North America has before or since. For those four years—until the project was cancelled and its findings packed away—the town's poorest residents were given monthly checks that supplemented what modest earnings they had and rewarded them for working more. And for that time, it seemed that the effects of poverty began to melt away. Doctor and hospital visits declined, mental health appeared to improve, and more teenagers completed high school. 

“Do we have to behave in particular ways to justify compassion and support?” Evelyn Forget, a Canadian social scientist who unearthed ​some of the findings of the Dauphin experiment, asked me rhetorically when I reached her by phone. “Or is simply human dignity enough?”

Critics of basic income guarantees have insisted that giving the poor money would disincentivize them to work, and point to studies that show ​a drop in peoples' willingness to work under pilot programs. But in Dauphin—thought to be the largest such experiment conducted in North America—the experimenters found that the primary breadwinner in the families who received stipends were in fact not less motivated to work than before. Though there was some reduction in work effort from mothers of young children and teenagers still in high school—mothers wanted to stay at home longer with their newborns and teenagers weren’t under as much pressure to support their families—the reduction was not anywhere close to disastrous, as skeptics had predicted. 

“People work hard and it’s still not enough,” Doreen Henderson, who is now 70 and was a participant in the experiment, told the ​Wi​nnipeg Free Pres​s​ in 2009. Her husband Hugh, now 73, worked as a janitor while she stayed at home with their two kids. Together they raised chickens and grew a lot of their own food. “They should have kept it,” she said of the minimum income program. “It made a real difference.”

The recovered data from “Mincome,” as the Dauphin experiment was known, has given more impetus to a growing call for some sort of guaranteed income. This year, the Swis​s Parliament will vote on whether to extend a monthly stipend to all residents, and the Indian government has already begun replacing aid programs with direct cash transfers. Former US Labor Secretary Robert Reich has called a BIG “alm​ost inevitable.” In the US, Canada, and much of Western Europe, where the conversation around radically adapting social security remains mostly hypothetical, the lessons of Dauphin might be especially relevant in helping these ideas materialize sooner rather than later."

…

"Advocates have argued that a single coordinated program providing a base income is more efficient than the current panoply of welfare and social security programs and the bureaucracy required to maintain them (in the U.S. there are currently 79 means-tested social welfare programs, not including Medicare or Medicaid). “Existing social assistance programs were riddled with overlaps and gaps that allowed some families to qualify under two or more programs while others fell between programs,” says Forget.

When Mincome was first conceived, in the early '70s heyday of social welfare reform, some thought the experiment in Dauphin could be the prelude to a program that could be introduced across Canada. South of the border, there was widespread support for minimum income as well. A 1969 Harris poll for Life Magazine found that 79 percent of respondents supported a federal program President Nixon had proposed called the Family Assi​stance Plan that guaranteed a family of four an annual income of $1,600, or about $10,000 today. Nixon’s FAP plan (it wasn't guaranteed income, he insisted, but it was) made it through the House before it was killed in the Senate, voted down by Democrats. Still, there remained a sense of experimentation in the air. Four minimum income trials occurred in the US between 1968 and 1975, which appeared to show that the work hours of basic income recipients fell more sharply than expected.

But these experiments were done with small sample sizes; the experiment in Dauphin was unusual in that in encompassed a whole town. Forget, now a community health professor at the University of Manitoba who studies a range of social welfare programs, saw in the Mincome data a rare chance to examine the effects of BIG on a wider scale. 

An undergrad in Toronto at the time the experiment was first being conducted, she remembers hearing about it in class. “My professor would tell us about this wonderful and important experiment taking place ‘out west’ that would revolutionize the way we delivered social programs.” 

Years later, when she ended up “out west” herself, she began piecing together what information she could find about Dauphin. After a five-year struggle, Forget secured access to the experiment's data—all 1,800 cubic feet of it—which had been all but lost inside a warehouse belonging to the provincial government archives in Winnipeg. Since 2005, she’s been thoroughly analyzing it, carefully comparing surveys of Dauphin residents with those collected in neighboring towns at the time.

Forget's analysis of the data reveals that providing minimum income can have a substantial positive impact on a community beyond reducing poverty alone. “Participant contacts with physicians declined, especially for mental health, and more adolescents continued into grade 12,” she concludes in her paper, “The Town with No ​Poverty,” published in Canadian Public Policy in 2011. Forget also documented an 8.5 percent reduction in the hospitalization rate for participants as well, suggesting a minimum income could save health care costs. (Her research was unable to substantiate claims from US researchers that showed increases in fertility rates, improved neonatal outcomes or increased family dissolution rates for recipients of guaranteed incomes.)"

…

"When Forget looks at politics and culture and the economy now, she sees forces converging to create a more hospitable climate for minimum income experiments on a grander scale than before.

“This is an interesting time,” she said. “A lot of our social services were based on the notion that there are a lot of 40 hour-per-week jobs out there, full-time jobs, and it was just a matter of connecting people to those jobs and everything will be fine. Of course, one of the things we know is that’s certainly not the case, particularly for young people who often find themselves working in precarious jobs, working in contracts for long periods of time without the benefits and long-term support that those of us who have been around longer take for granted.”

In the Canadian context, at least, she said, “I’m optimistic enough to believe that at some point we are going to end up with a guaranteed income.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2015 manitoba universalbasicincome wellbeing poverty economics dauphin 1970s labor income mincome switzerland health healthcare education mentalilliness thomaspaine martinlutherkinkjr miltonfriedman libertarianism socialwelfare motivation via:anne jamesmanzi evelynforget canada ubi well-being</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://tinyletter.com/metafoundry/letters/metafoundry-16-fission-fusion-society">
    <title>Metafoundry 16: Fission-Fusion Society</title>
    <dc:date>2014-12-01T05:27:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://tinyletter.com/metafoundry/letters/metafoundry-16-fission-fusion-society</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["FEARLESS ASYMMETRY: Earlier this week, Silicon Valley venture capitalist Paul Graham wrote a short piece on about how successful people aren't mean, which—well, that’s surely a question of perspective. My daily commute to work takes me through a four-way stop in the affluent Boston suburb of Wellesley, so this is probably my favourite piece of research contradicting Graham's assertion. He also talked about how famous thinkers weren't ruthless, which I find an especially interesting example. Historically, one of the best things about academia, when it works well, is that it allows people to be intrinsically motivated [vid]: it provides them with sufficient income, security, and autonomy, as well as meaningful work—basically, it’s an environment where there is relatively little incentive to be mean. But it’s also worth noting that the idea of what constitutes ‘mean’ has changed appreciably over time, particularly in terms of how you treat people who are not like you: I recently re-read parts of Richard Feynman’s autobiography and some of his behaviour towards women, largely unremarkable at the time, is appalling by current standards.

But Graham and I do agree on the disutility of competition, which I cordially despise. I hate how it’s considered to be a motivating force, especially in education. I once asked ten STEM educators, from four continents, if they were motivated by competition themselves. Only two people said they were, both men. It’s possible that women are socialized to dislike competition, but it’s probably more an awareness of implicit bias, that most competitions they were likely to participate in were effectively rigged.

Apart from being an ineffective motivator for all but a few, my significant issue with competition is that it’s inefficient. By definition, in a competition, you are doing the same thing as other people. An enormous amount of effort is poured into leveling that playing field to absolutely ensure that everyone is doing the same thing. My issue with competitive spectator sports isn't that it’s pointless (it’s play; play is, by definition, pointless). It’s that it normalizes the idea that this ‘doing the same thing, only better’, should be valorized. By contrast, art is not fungible or directly comparable. This is why “It’s an honour to be nominated” is a cliché—being recognized for one’s work is lovely, but the concept of ‘winning’ at art is bolted on. Every comparison between works of art (painting, novels, and so on) is an apples-to-oranges comparison, not a level playing field. In casual conversation at a conference, a faculty member at another institution described himself to me as 'competitive', and I told him that I wasn't—that I was more interested in using the resources available to me to do new things, rather than doing the same thing as everyone else, only better (it's why I joined the faculty of a new college, where this is explicitly part of its mission). But that means I mostly do things that I am uniquely positioned or qualified to do, and—aside from that being a much more efficient use of my personal resources—it turns out that if you’re creating new playing fields, you are in a good position to convince other people (like funding agencies) that you know how to play on them. While Graham highlights how successful people like to create entirely new domains (hello, Apple), the impetus for doing so, at least in business, is usually to monopolize them (why hello again, Apple) rather than to open them up for other people to use. If your goal is to protect that new turf, having sharp elbows and sharper lawyers is certainly an advantage. By contrast, thinkers are often considered successful when they are influential—that is, precisely because they open up new spaces for others to explore. 

Finally, I dislike competition because life is too short for zero-sum games. I've been thinking recently about the often-asymmetric nature of asking for favours. It wasn't until I was in my thirties that I got my driver's license and a car, which means I’m aware of the frequently quite significant difference in cost (in time more than money, but often both) between getting a ride somewhere and not. Offering someone a ride is often a positive-sum exchange: the cost to me of driving them is far less than the cost to them of making their own way. But it’s more than that: asking for and granting favours, even positive-sum favours, is an act of trust, and it helps to cement social bonds, in part because it’s not a one-to-one exchange of goods. Graham writes that, "For most of history, success meant control of scarce resources...That is changing." as if it were a natural progression with time, like stars leaving the main sequence. But to the extent that resources are non-scarce, and that positive-sum games are possible (and these characteristics are by no means uniformly distributed, even within the United States), it's a result of people--'successful' and otherwise--choosing to create a society where that's the case. The ability to be successful without being mean follows directly from this."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.kpbs.org/news/2014/nov/21/wandering-city-heights-data-desert/">
    <title>Wandering The City Heights Data Desert | KPBS</title>
    <dc:date>2014-11-22T05:14:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.kpbs.org/news/2014/nov/21/wandering-city-heights-data-desert/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For a foundation that's made such a public commitment to turn City Heights around, you'd expect its president to come to an interview armed with statistics that trumpet the group's accomplishments in the community. That didn't happen with Robert Price of Price Philanthropies.

"We haven't focused so much on statistics," he said. "We're more about doing. We feel that if we're doing enough good things here, a lot of it will stick and help people."

Price Philanthropies has transformed the physical and nonprofit landscapes of City Heights, developing more than 50 acres with affordable housing, a police station and library. It's spent about $100 million on resident leadership programs during the past decade."

[See also: http://www.kpbs.org/news/2014/nov/18/san-diegos-richest-poor-neighborhood-two-decades-l/
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d05290a9d991 ]

[Cross-posted to:
http://voiceofsandiego.org/2014/11/20/wandering-the-city-heights-data-desert/ and
http://www.speakcityheights.org/2014/11/wandering-the-city-heights-data-desert/ ]

[See too the comments here and on the same cross-posted at VOSD. Ignore the immigrant hater “California Defender” and consider the following:

Ann Martin: "The lack of a measurable impact of all the dollars invested demonstrates that concentrating socially and economically disadvantaged people in one area does not provide a benefit to them. This "urban apartheid" contributes to the problem. If the City mandated that affordable housing units will be built as a percentage of every new development (actually built, not pay to get out of it), people in the situation that the folks in City Heights are in can then live everywhere throughout the City. They would have access to the same high performing schools, live in areas with lower crime rates, more parks and other amenities, be closer to better jobs, and be able to escape the cycle of poverty and despair that permeates the disadvantaged areas of the city."

Matt Wattkins: "Strikes me that any organization seeking to do good things in a beleaguered community has to straddle a line: how to make things better for residents while still keeping it affordable to live here. (I am a City Heights home owner/resident.)  City Heights is within walking distance of North Park and Kensington and Normal Heights. Those neighborhoods are among the most desirable neighborhoods south of the 8. (I'd argue there are no more desirable neighborhoods anywhere in San Diego county; Normal Heights is easily the most walkable neighborhood in the city.) Those neighborhoods have also gentrified relatively recently, so it doesn't take much imagination to see that process encroaching east of the 805 and south of Meade. White collar families like my own are already buying into City Heights because property values are relatively reasonable (my house located a mile west of its current location would cost 2-3 times what I paid), and it has walkable amenities and fairly quick access to Adams Ave. and 30th St., i.e. a 10 minute bike ride. I mean, if a Trader Joe's had gone into the Albertsons spot instead of El Super, I think affordable housing in our community would have been doomed within a decade. (And it's not terribly affordable now; rent for a stand-alone house with 2 or more bedrooms runs $1500+/month.) 

Anyway, neither the article nor the study mention quality of life improvements to the neighborhood; the Urban Village complex is always in use. Our library is open longer hours than most libraries in the city; our Starbucks is bustling; the playground is teeming with kids; the rec center and swimming pool offer great classes; every evening (it seems) there are soccer or baseball games on the playing fields, and local youth swarm the walkway doing tricks on skateboards and BMX bikes. We have a brand new YMCA going in on El Cajon; a couple of walk-in health clinics, pretty good transit access, some really great city parks (Azalea Garden, Hollywood) and a lot of potential in our canyon spaces, with teams of folks currently doing monthly maintenance in Olivia, Swan, and Manzanita Canyons. Most of these things are directly or indirectly a result of philanthropic dollars in our community. It's hard to quantify their impact, but similarly hard to argue that they don't improve the quality of residents' lives."

Chris Brewster: "Interesting to note that on Price Charities’ tax forms (apparently a different but related organization) the highest paid executive is Sherry Bahrambeygui. According to these forms her reportable compensation from related organizations was approximately: $1.8 million in 2010; $3.79 million in 2011 (plus $60k in other compensation); and $7.9 million in 2012 (plus $56k in other compensation). Rather astounding actually, but perhaps there is a back story?"

Dan Beeman: "adly the wealthy are manipulating the "public" system. Here we see two large conflict of interests, by two different media companies that are not asking the hard questions. This will continue to happen until we get the rich out of the media business, and trying to control community/public by their wealth. Remember they are not dumping all this money in without getting tax credit and/or write offs, it is not about being altruistic, but generally about getting their way by paying out some tax credit donations while were caught up with the long time bills. Here it was first the tenants of the housing, and businesses along 44th St/Fairmount area. We the City constituents and taxpayers are still paying off the Redevelopment loans, loan financing and insurance, plus other costs. Also the private landholders lost lots of land that is now off the tax rolls because they are either non-profits and/or government owned.

…

You see the report didn't say anything about the cost of living increases in the area/community. It also didn't mention the costs of the new schools, redevelopment loans, or other government funding put into the area. It didn't tell about what businesses failed or moved: ie tortilla store, 2 auto dealerships, the old Albertsons, etc. The new national franchise stores pay higher rent, increasing the market rate commercial rent in the area, as well as adding lots of other new commercial spaces that do the same! These higher rental rates, and astronomical new property values kill small businesses while also hurting families. The national franchises bring a few new management positions, but mostly pay low wage/limited to no benefit jobs, that many times get HUGE government tax credits! So when the BIG corporations don't pay their fair share of the taxes who do you think pays for it? YOU!! the "weak" taxpayer! They didn't make one mention of the higher cost in gasoline/fuel and/or the huge rate of inflation for vehicles. But they don't want to mention these things. They want you trapped in public transportation that also pays low wages to their workers while giving the private corporation and Billionaire CEO/owner that runs it huge profits.

This is just a few of the truths that should be known in projects like this. Be aware next ten years they will be looking to steal property from Barrio (already happening), Sherman Heights and SE San Diego via Civic San Diego and more eminent domain. And once again you will flip for the bills while the rich gain lots of property, huge tax credits, and write offs. Just like they have gentrified North & South Park, they will continue to steal the property, hope, and money from the poor. All while patting you on the head and kissing your cheek. Good luck City Heights, you will continue to be in my prayers."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://artmuseumteaching.com/2014/09/25/we-dont-need-new-models-we-need-a-new-mindset/">
    <title>We Don’t Need New Models, We Need a New Mindset | Art Museum Teaching</title>
    <dc:date>2014-09-26T07:09:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://artmuseumteaching.com/2014/09/25/we-dont-need-new-models-we-need-a-new-mindset/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The old models we’re using aren’t matching up with the deeply complex challenges we’re faced with right now.

Income/Revenue
Old model: Ticket sales + government + foundation + corporate + wealthy patrons + small donors + endowment income = Balanced budget
New challenge: To generate new sources of sustained revenue and capital

Audience development
Old model: Sell subscriptions and market shows
New challenge: To engage new and more diverse groups of people in meaningful arts experiences

Governance
Old model: Give/get boards focused on fiduciary oversight and maintaining stability
New challenge: To cultivate boards that are partners in change

Evaluation
Old model: More ticket sales, more revenue, bigger budget, nice building = Success!
New challenge: To evaluate the success of our organizations based on the value they create in people’s lives

Leadership development
Old model: Attend leadership conferences and seminars, build your network, wait for your boss to finally leave/retire/die. (Alternatively, change jobs every year.)
New challenge: To develop a generation of new leaders equipped with the tools they’ll need to tackle the wickedly complex challenges the future has in store

Artistic development
Old model: MFA programs, residencies, commissions, occasionally a grant, get a day job
New challenge: To support artists in making a living and a life

Strategic planning
Old model: Decide where you want to be in 5 years. Outline the steps to get there in a long document no one will read.
New challenge: To plan for the future in a way that allows us to stay close to our core values and make incremental improvement while also making room for experimentation, failure, and rapidly changing conditions.

Funding allocation
Old model: The money goes to whoever the funder says it to goes to. Usually bigger organizations run by white people in major cities.
Our challenge today: To distribute funds in a way that is equitable, geographically diverse, and creates the most value

Note: I decided I was too ignorant in the areas of creative placemaking, advocacy and arts education to weigh in. I’ll leave that to my colleagues.

Here’s my main argument

Over 60 years in the field, we’ve developed standard practices, or models, in all these different areas. They worked for a while. Now they don’t. This has given us a false notion that we need new models in each area. This is wrong.

Models, best practices, recipes, and blueprints work only when your challenge has a knowable, replicable solution. Sure, there are some challenges that fit this mold. I’d argue that having a great website, designing an effective ad, doing a successful crowd funding campaign, and producing a complicated show are all challenges where best practices, models, and experts are really valuable. You might not know the solution, but someone does, and you can find it out.

But what happens when there actually isn’t a knowable solution to your challenge? When there is no expert, no model to call upon? When the only way forward is through experimentation and failure?

I’d argue that every one of the big challenges I name above falls into the realm of complexity, where the search for replicable models is fruitless. There isn’t going to be a new model for generating revenue that the field can galvanize around that will work for every or even most arts organizations. Nor is there going to be a long lasting model for community engagement that can be replicated by organizations across the country. For the deeply complex challenges we face today, there simply isn’t a knowable solution or model that can reliably help us tackle them. These kinds of challenges require a new way of working.

We don’t need new models, we need a new theory of practice

Instead of new models, I’d argue that we need a new theory of practice, one that champions a different set of priorities in how we do our work.

Our old models imply a vision of success that’s rooted in growth, stability, and excellence. They drive us towards efficiency and competition by perpetuating an atmosphere of scarcity. They are not as creative as we are.

What if a new vision of success in our field could prioritize resilience, flexibility, and intimacy? What if we could be enablers, not producers? What if we could harness the abundance of creative potential around us?

This new vision of success doesn’t demand consensus around a new set of standards, best practices, or “examples for imitation,” it demands a new way of thinking and acting that empowers us to shift and change our routines all the time, as needed.

A proposed theory of practice for the future

Here is my call to the field: a proposed set of practices that align with the world as it is today, not as it was before:

• Let’s get clear about the challenges we’re facing and if they’re complex, treat them as such
• Let’s ask hard questions, listen, do research, and stay vulnerable to what we learn.
• Let’s question our assumptions and let go of what’s no longer working.
• Let’s embrace ambiguity and conflict as a crucial part of change
• Let’s bring together people with different experiences and lean into difference
• Let’s experiment our way forward and fail often
• Let’s recognize the system in which we’re operating.
• Let’s rigorously reflect and continuously learn

In conclusion

When I set out to write this post, I wanted to question the premise that a conversation about “broken models” could even be useful in a time when expertise, excellence and replicability are the values of the past. I wanted to propose that we move past the very notion of models – let’s jettison the word itself from our vocabulary.

In the end, I guess you could call what I’ve proposed a kind of “new model.” But I’d rather think of it as a new mindset."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.demos.org/blog/9/14/14/actual-way-beat-poverty">
    <title>The Actual Way to Beat Poverty | Demos</title>
    <dc:date>2014-09-25T18:14:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.demos.org/blog/9/14/14/actual-way-beat-poverty</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn have a piece in the New York Times titled "The Way to Beat Poverty." They note that the toxic stress that bombards poor children, especially very young ones, causes extreme developmental problems and propose funding home visits to teach techniques to lessen the stress, among other things. The implication, thought not quite spelled out, is that this will reduce poverty in a couple of decades by increasing the future market incomes of currently-poor children.

As far as "beating poverty" articles go, this is among the more innocuous, but I want to use it here to illuminate a point I have been meaning to make for some time.

Poverty ≠ Low Market Income

Commentators in America never actually talk about how to reduce the number of impoverished people in this country. Instead, they talk about how to reduce the number of people with low market incomes. But these are not the same thing.

Poverty is a lack of disposable income, not a lack of market income. Increasing market incomes can increase disposable incomes. But increasing non-market incomes can also increase disposable incomes. Yet, if you throw out "how do we fight poverty?" in a group of pundits, to a person, they start yammering about ways to increase market incomes.

I am convinced most of these commentators do this, not because they have some reasoned out preference for the market income channel, but because that is the only thing that even occurs to them. The cultural ideology is so strong on this point that the question "how do we fight poverty?" is immediately translated to "how do we fight low market incomes?" in the heads of those who hear it. This is a convenient translation insofar as it greatly narrows the domain of anti-poverty policy discussion, but it's more convenient for some than others.

The Case of Disability

Even noting the heavy doses of ideology that pundits are captured by, the immediate turn to market incomes in every discussion of poverty is a bit odd. On some base level, surely everyone realizes that poverty and low market incomes are not the same thing and that non-market incomes are, at least in some cases, the best way to beat poverty.

For example, 58.8% of disabled people are in poverty at the market distribution of income. How exactly do you "beat" this poverty? Home visits teaching stress-coping skills? A life coach hectoring about getting a job? Training? Education? Running advertisements for IUDs on Facebook (an actual Brookings' anti-poverty proposal)?

Some of these might help a bit, but they should strike you as absurd because they are all ultimately about increasing market incomes, and that is not possible for many disabled people. So what do you do instead? You give them non-market incomes. In 2012, non-market incomes reduced the disabled poverty rate from 58.8% to 22.9%, a decline of 35.9 percentage points or 61.1%.

Cutting Poverty More Generally

The case of disability might seem like a narrow one, but it's not for two reasons.

First, 53% of all (officially) impoverished people are either children, elderly, or disabled (what I call the "CED block"). We don't expect people in the CED block to increase their market incomes and we actually outlaw it in the case of most children. Thus, the majority of poor people are in the same position as the seriously disabled: they cannot increase their own market incomes. For the disabled and elderly, we have constructed (inadequate) non-market income channels to address this fact: Old-Age Social Security, SSDI, SSI, Medicare, and Medicaid. For children, we haven't done nearly as much, but it's common elsewhere in the world to erect a child allowance program, which we could easily use to cut child poverty in half in the US.

Second, the case of disability shows the promise of non-market solutions even if most people are not disabled. Providing non-market incomes to disabled people dramatically reduces their likelihood of impoverishment, and the same would be true of non-disabled people as well. The countries with the lowest poverty rates in the world get that way through transfer programs, not especially good market income distributions. In 2011, four of the five countries with the lowest poverty rates in the world utilized the transfer-heavy Nordic Welfare State Model.

In some ways, the immediate ideology-driven translation of "how do we beat poverty?" into "how do we beat low market incomes?" is understandable. After all, the untranslated first question is so trivially easy to answer that there isn't much to say: reduce the disposable incomes of the non-poor in order to increase the disposable incomes of the poor."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mattbruenig 2014 poverty wealth us policy transfers disability economics politics income inequality disabilities</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/aug/10/tax-benefits-citizens-income-self-employment">
    <title>Would a citizen’s income be better than our benefits system? | Business | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2014-08-10T23:25:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/aug/10/tax-benefits-citizens-income-self-employment</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let’s assume for a moment that there is more informal activity going on. What should the government response be? One option would be to employ more tax inspectors and launch a crackdown on evasion. That, though, would be an uphill struggle. The number of tax inspectors is small. Low-level evasion is large.

An alternative would be to encourage those working in the informal economy to join the formal economy. The impediment to that is a tax and benefits system that is hugely complex, means-tested and discourages those working less than full-time on low earnings from working longer hours (at least officially).

One radical suggestion is for everybody to receive a citizen’s income. Under this scheme, waged and unwaged, children and adults, the working aged and pensioner, rich and poor alike would receive the same basic income financed by the phasing out of virtually every tax relief and allowance. Those on benefits would not face high marginal tax rates if they took a job, but merely pay PAYE at the current standard rate of 20% on every pound they earned. Those working 20 hours a week on the minimum wage could work 40 hours a week without losing more than 50% of their extra earnings in lost tax credits.

There would be other advantages from such a system. First, it would be universal and hence avoid the stigma attached to benefits. Secondly, people taking a job or starting a business would have the security of knowing that they would still have their citizen’s income if the venture did not work out.

Concerns that a citizen’s income would encourage the idle to sit at home all day watching daytime TV do not appear to be supported by evidence from pilot schemes in other countries. Even so, there would be cases where this did happen and they would doubtless be highlighted as an example of a something-for-nothing culture. Other drawbacks include the failure so far to construct a citizen’s income that obviates the need for housing benefit, and the political difficulty in persuading voters that a millionaire should be getting the same citizen’s income as a milkman.

So far support for a citizen’s income is limited to the Green party, although the government’s switch to a flat-rate state pension is a step in that direction. The truth is that no tax and benefit system is perfect. But the one we have is costly, bureaucratic, ineffective – and ripe for reform."]]></description>
<dc:subject>universalbasicincome 2014 larryelliott uk economics government bureaucracy governance income ubi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://robertreich.org/post/93632709170">
    <title>Robert Reich (Work and Worth)</title>
    <dc:date>2014-08-04T23:17:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://robertreich.org/post/93632709170</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What someone is paid has little or no relationship to what their work is worth to society. 

Does anyone seriously believe hedge-fund mogul Steven A. Cohen is worth the $2.3 billion he raked in last year, despite being slapped with a $1.8 billion fine after his firm pleaded guilty to insider trading?

On the other hand, what’s the worth to society of social workers who put in long and difficult hours dealing with patients suffering from mental illness or substance abuse? Probably higher than their average pay of $18.14 an hour, which translates into less than $38,000 a year.

How much does society gain from personal-care aides who assist the elderly, convalescents, and persons with disabilities? Likely more than their average pay of $9.67 an hour, or just over $20,000 a year.

What’s the social worth of hospital orderlies who feed, bathe, dress, and move patients, and empty their ben pans? Surely higher than their median wage of $11.63 an hour, or $24,190 a year.

Or of child care workers, who get $10.33 an hour, $21.490 a year? And preschool teachers, who earn $13.26 an hour, $27,570 a year?

Yet what would the rest of us do without these dedicated people?

Or consider kindergarten teachers, who make an average of $53,590 a year.

Before you conclude that’s generous, consider that a good kindergarten teacher is worth his or her weight in gold, almost.

One study found that children with outstanding kindergarten teachers are more likely to go to college and less likely to become single parents than a random set of children similar to them in every way other than being assigned a superb teacher.

And what of writers, actors, painters, and poets? Only a tiny fraction ever become rich and famous. Most barely make enough to live on (many don’t, and are forced to take paying jobs to pursue their art). But society is surely all the richer for their efforts.

At the other extreme are hedge-fund and private-equity managers, investment bankers, corporate lawyers, management consultants, high-frequency traders, and top Washington lobbyists.

They’re getting paid vast sums for their labors. Yet it seems doubtful that society is really that much better off because of what they do.

I don’t mean to sound unduly harsh, but I’ve never heard of a hedge-fund manager whose jobs entails attending to basic human needs (unless you consider having more money as basic human need) or enriching our culture (except through the myriad novels, exposes, and movies made about greedy hedge-fund managers and investment bankers).

They don’t even build the economy. 

Most financiers, corporate lawyers, lobbyists, and management consultants are competing with other financiers, lawyers, lobbyists, and management consultants in zero-sum games that take money out of one set of pockets and put it into another.

They’re paid gigantic amounts because winning these games can generate far bigger sums, while losing them can be extremely costly.

It’s said that by moving money to where it can make more money, these games make the economy more efficient.

In fact, the games amount to a mammoth waste of societal resources.

They demand ever more cunning innovations but they create no social value. High-frequency traders who win by a thousandth of a second can reap a fortune, but society as a whole is no better off.

Meanwhile, the games consume the energies of loads of talented people who might otherwise be making real contributions to society — if not by tending to human needs or enriching our culture then by curing diseases or devising new technological breakthroughs, or helping solve some of our most intractable social problems.  

Graduates of Ivy League universities are more likely to enter finance and consulting than any other career. 

For example, in 2010 (the most recent date for which we have data) close to 36 percent of Princeton graduates went into finance (down from the pre-financial crisis high of 46 percent in 2006). Add in management consulting, and it was close to 60 percent.

The hefty endowments of such elite institutions are swollen with tax-subsidized donations from wealthy alumni, many of whom are seeking to guarantee their own kids’ admissions so they too can become enormously rich financiers and management consultants.

But I can think of a better way for taxpayers to subsidize occupations with more social merit: Forgive the student debts of graduates who choose social work, child care, elder care, nursing, and teaching."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2014 robertreich worlk labor inequality incomeinequality income pay economics productivity wages capitalism purpose value money</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://mattbruenig.com/2014/06/29/free-college-narratives/">
    <title>Free college narratives | MattBruenig | Politics</title>
    <dc:date>2014-07-16T13:46:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://mattbruenig.com/2014/06/29/free-college-narratives/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Supposing college was free, what would the social narrative about the recipients of it be? I have seen two basic approaches:

1. It is a right. I owe nothing.

Under this narrative, recipients of free college are due free college as a matter of right. To deprive them of it is to oppress them. When they receive the free college, it is not a privilege, a bonus, an excess; rather, they are simply getting what already belongs to them.

This is the way the student movement in the U.S. has gone. The students are the downtrodden and the oppressed because they are required to finance large parts of their college education. It is common now to even see them included in lists of oppressed people alongside people of color, women, and the poor.

The problem with this narrative is two-fold. First, on the merits, it is very implausible to include college students in the ranks of the oppressed. If you line up a list of identities and their opposite — black/white, man/woman, poor/rich, straight/gay, student/non-student — the thing that stands out about student is that, all else equal, it is the better identity to be. The college wage premium still stands at around $1 million, making it hard to really contemplate students as an especially oppressed category of people.

Second, and more important for my point here, it establishes the future economic elite of the country as not really owing others anything. They don’t owe others for their free college because it was theirs to begin with as a matter of right. I am generally fine with these kinds of statements, but not when they are being made about and by the future economic elite of the country. A narrative that paints them as just getting what they are due with respect to free college misses a huge and important opportunity to describe them as indebted to the rest of society for paying for their college.

2. It is a privilege. I owe everything.

Under this narrative, free college is described as a generous gratuity from the rest of society, especially those who never get to go. In order to allow you to study and not work for many years, the rest of society — including those workers who are your age but do not get to attend — puts aside some of the national product just for you.

The amount put aside comes to you, not as some hyper-individualist right, but as a humbling gift. Working class people who never get to use the colleges toil for you while you study. Accordingly, you are deeply indebted to them for that gift. Without it, you would not have been able to get your degree and all of the market benefits it generally comes with.

The benefit of this narrative is that it allows society, and working-class people in particular, to make totally legitimate claims on the future market incomes of the college-degreed. Under the first narrative, it is very easy for the college-degreed — who go on to be management and grab up all the other spots in the top of the economic hierarchy — to say that they don’t owe anybody anything. The free college certainly doesn’t bind them to anyone else: it was theirs as a matter of right, not some gratuity from society that they should reciprocate.

But under this second narrative, you don’t have that. A rich college-degreed person who looks back and says they don’t owe anyone anything and shouldn’t have their market income taxed at high rates to fund social benefits and such is being ridiculous. The only reason they have those high market incomes is because of the college everyone else toiled to provide for them. People gave up part of the national product to allow them to acquire the skills, abilities, and credentials precisely so that they could occupy those lucrative spots. Accordingly, you owe them for supporting you in such a generous way. That income is not exclusively yours: it was gotten through a concerted social effort to finance your education, something most people don’t get.

Conclusion
The fact that the free college people in the US almost exclusively gravitate towards the first narrative is very troubling to me. We already have a problem of people at the top of the economic hierarchy acting like they are owed the big chunk of the national income that some hypothetical set of market institutions would deliver to them. Put another way: the top of our society is already in the grips of a bad dose of entitlement mentality. Free college as a right only entrenches that mentality further, while free college as a gratuitous privilege from those who toil helps to undermine it.

The only way free college (as opposed to debt-financed college) is of much use to the majority of poor and working class people who do not attend it is if it can help ensure that the market income gains that flow to college graduates are spread around. But the rights-based narrative that animates the current free college movement makes that much harder to justify."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nesta.org.uk/sites/default/files/our_work_here_is_done_robot_economy.pdf">
    <title>Our Work Here Is Done: Visions of a Robot Economy [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2014-06-26T21:59:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nesta.org.uk/sites/default/files/our_work_here_is_done_robot_economy.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The essays in this volume address a number of possibilities for how the proceeds of a robot revolution might be redistributed. Notably, Noah Smith’s piece argues for a universal basic income for everyone, paid for from the proceeds of robot–enhanced  productivity.

What is clear is that if automation necessitates a big shift in how we tax, it offers an opportunity to start taxing more sensible things. Economists have long argued for taxing land, carbon emissions and other bads, rather than taxing work. If there is less work about in the future, this may be the chance to make a change.

There is also the question of how we share out the rewards of a robot economy. We may not yet be ready for a universal basic income, since at least for the time being so many people’s conception of (their own and others’) value to society is bound up in work. But it is surely worth making policies to encourage ownership of robots is widely dispersed. The simplest way to make sure everyone has a stake in robots is to encourage widespread pension ownership – so that people own shares in the companies that own the robots.

But if the riches of automation are really as abundant as some people think they are, we could go further, and learn a lesson from the few countries that have dealt well with natural resource riches, like Norway and Alaska, by establishing a national endowment to hold wealth on behalf of citizens. The proceeds of this could be used to pay an annual dividend to citizens (as in Alaska) or to invest in future productivity (as has been proposed in Norway)."]]></description>
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