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    <title>Fascism’s Building Blocks: 100 Years of Murdering Migrant Workers - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-13T05:49:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/fascisms-building-blocks-100-years-of-murdering-migrant-workers/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this series commissioned by A. Naomi Paik and Catherine S. Ramírez, contributors examine the laws and practices that paved the way for today’s emergent fascism."

[Series:
https://www.publicbooks.org/tag/the-border-is-the-crisis/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>In Indian Country, the Future of Sovereignty Is Closer Than You Think | The Futurology Podcast - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-29T21:05:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HHYXFu7GWGg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://open.spotify.com/episode/05wdNNP8tuhy2XDvIg5e3d
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-future-of-sovereignty-is-closer-than-you/id1821718921?i=1000742483803 ]

"The current world order seeks to make sovereignty simple. One map. One flag. One final authority. But in Indian Country, the borders break down. Tribal nations govern alongside the United States, and sovereignty overlaps in real, everyday ways. This isn’t a historical footnote. It’s the future, hiding in plain sight.

In this episode, Graham Brewer – the AP’s National Correspondent covering native lands and peoples – traces what sovereignty looks like when power overlaps and treaty promises from the 19th century adapt to the 21st. That negotiation is now playing out in the cloud: as languages are revived and culture moves onto servers. By its nature, the training of AI frontier models plunders native wisdom, but fully opting out risks another century of invisibility.

Chapters
Introduction - (0:00)
University of Oklahoma: Grant and Graham’s Shared Background - (3:48)
The Indigenous Journalists Association - (6:27)
Why Newsrooms Still Overlook Native Communities - (10:08)
What Oklahoma Schools Teach About Native History - (15:48)
Reporting on Oklahoma’s Prisons and Executions - (23:30)
Covering the Death Penalty: The Role of Witnesses - (27:51)
Clayton Lockett: The Execution That Caught National Attention - (34:49)
Journalism Today: Ethics, Media Distrust, and TikTok Journalists - (38:38)
Indigenous Journalism: Covering Native Communities Responsibly - (41:42)
Leonard Peltier and the Idea of “Aboriginal Sin” - (46:42)
Objectivity and Activism in Journalism - (51:01)
Imagining Indigenous Life Before Settler Colonialism - (59:20)
Treaties and Promises in Today’s Politics - (1:05:37)
State and Tribal Dual Sovereignty in Oklahoma - (1:07:33)
McGirt v. Oklahoma and Its Impact on Tribal Governance - (1:12:04)
Sovereign Internets and Indigenous Data Sovereignty - (1:19:10)
Large Language Models and Indigenous Languages - (1:29:18)
What Indigenous Worldviews Can Teach Us in a Climate Crisis - (1:33:58)
Closing: What Are We Wrong About Now? - (1:35:08)

Graham Brewer
https://apnews.com/author/graham-lee-brewer
https://x.com/grahambrewer

Subscribe to Futurology on your favorite listening platform
Apple Podcasts
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/futurology/id1821718921

Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/show/2I38HvHP6KlXrD5ysfygxk?nd=1&dlsi=ac8cda6751834298

Anywhere you get your podcasts 
https://linkin.bio/futurology/

Resources
The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity — David Graeber & David Wengrow (Book, 2021) 
https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374157357/thedawnofeverything/

The Cherokee Nation and the Trail of Tears — Theda Perdue & Michael D. Green (Book, 2007)
https://www.amazon.com/Cherokee-Penguin-Library-American-History/dp/0143113674

Prison Writings: My Life Is My Sun Dance — Leonard Peltier (Book, 1999)
https://birchbarkbooks.com/products/prison-writings

Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) — U.S. Congress (U.S. law, 1990)
https://www.nps.gov/subjects/nagpra/index.htm

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) — United Nations General Assembly (UN declaration, 2007)
https://social.desa.un.org/issues/indigenous-peoples/united-nations-declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples

Music Modernization Act — U.S. Congress (U.S. law, 2018)
https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/1551

McGirt v. Oklahoma — Supreme Court of the United States (Supreme Court case, 2020)
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/18-9526_9okb.pdf

Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta — Supreme Court of the United States (Supreme Court case, 2022)
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/21-429_8o6a.pdf

Treaty of New Echota — Cherokee Nation and United States Government (Treaty, 1835)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_New_Echota "]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://kottke.org/25/10/what-makes-for-a-healthy-society">
    <title>What Makes for a Healthy Society?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-07T00:42:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/25/10/what-makes-for-a-healthy-society</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a 2014 preface for his 1978 book The Ohlone Way, a description of how the indigenous peoples of California’s Bay Area lived before Europeans arrived, Malcolm Margolin shared a list of what he thought constituted a healthy society:

• Sustainable relationship with the environment. In a healthy society, the present generation doesn’t strip-mine the soil, water, forest, minerals, etc., leaving the future impoverished and the beauty of the world degraded.

• Few outcasts. A healthy society will have relatively few outcasts — prisoners, homeless, unemployed, insane.

• Relative egalitarianism. The gap between those with the most wealth and power and those with the least should be moderate, and those with the least should feel protected, cared for, or rewarded in some other way.

• Widespread participation in the arts.

• Moderation or control of individual power.

• Economic security attained through networks of family, friendship, and social reciprocity rather than through the individual hoarding of goods.

• Love of place. The feeling that one lives with emotional attachment to an area that is uniquely beautiful, abundant in natural resources, and rich in personal meaning.

• Knowing one’s place in the world. A sense, perhaps embodied in spiritual practice, that the individual is an insignificant part of a larger, more abiding universe.

• Work is done willingly, or at least with a minimum of resentment.

• Lots of laughter."]]></description>
<dc:subject>indigeneity indigenous ohlone 1978 malcolmmargolin society sustainability environment ecology soil water forests minerals mining outcasts homeless homelessness unemployment mentalhealth imprisonment incarceration prisonabolition place placebased arts art participation participatory egalitarianism wealth equality happiness inequality moderation power economics security stability families friendship laughter work labor coercion reciprocity civilization mutualaid hoarding sharing accumulation resources naturalresources meaning meaningmaking purpose spirituality individuals interdependence</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLW6vd9mO5Q">
    <title>El contundente mensaje de un confinado en la UPR en defensa de la educación - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-07T05:50:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLW6vd9mO5Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["El contundente mensaje de un confinado que logró tras las rejas completar sus estudios universitarios en la Universidad de Puerto Rico en defensa del acceso a la educación en el sistema correccional de Puerto Rico."]]></description>
<dc:subject>education prisons imprisonment 2025 via:javierarbona paulofreire universities colleges highered highereducation humanrights puertorico upuertorico liberation</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:30337541718a/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:via:javierarbona"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thefunambulist.net/editorials/philosophy-to-have-done-with-the-massacre-of-the-body-by-felix-guattari">
    <title># PHILOSOPHY /// To Have Done with the Massacre of the Body by Félix Guattari - THE FUNAMBULIST MAGAZINE</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-20T06:36:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thefunambulist.net/editorials/philosophy-to-have-done-with-the-massacre-of-the-body-by-felix-guattari</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Through it, Félix Guattari expresses a violent diatribe about capitalism’s mechanisms of capture of the body. The profound disorder – let’s recall that Guattari was a psychotherapist – felt within this system is produced by the dichotomy between the extremely subjective nature of desire and the narrow and oppressive characteristics of the norms issued from ideology (and religion) but also from the essence of a system which actively profits from a uniformization of desire. F.Guattari therefore argues for a resistance through what he calls micropolitics, a continuous ethical and creative production of desire at a small scale in an attempt for an immanent subversion within the system."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2012 félixguattari guattari body bodies sylvèrelotringer power profit productivity subjugation desire sexuality dictatorship patriarchy enslavement occupation institutions schools schooling sacrifice resignation aggression provocation blackmail masochism dehumanization oppression revolt subversion pleasure politics exploitation families noms personhood self liberation normality normalization tradition christianity imprisonment identity</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:28650f1ac7b1/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://surface.syr.edu/mend/">
    <title>Mend - Celebrating the Lives and Creative Works of Incarcerated People and those Impacted by the Criminal Justice System | Journals | Syracuse University</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-12T00:20:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://surface.syr.edu/mend/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Mend celebrates the lives and creative work of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people as well as individuals who have been impacted by the criminal justice system. This annual publication showcases writing of all types, including fiction, poetry, and nonfiction. While prospective authors may submit pieces that describe their experiences with incarceration, the publication welcomes contributions on any topic."]]></description>
<dc:subject>publications incarceration prisons imprisonment poems poetry fiction nonfiction creativity criminaljusticesystem</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5abe5e33c8ce/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.themarshallproject.org/2025/05/21/sunlight-jail-conditions-stlouis-cleveland-jackson">
    <title>What Is Jail Like? With Few Windows, People Can Go Years Without the Sun | The Marshall Project</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-09T07:36:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.themarshallproject.org/2025/05/21/sunlight-jail-conditions-stlouis-cleveland-jackson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jails in St. Louis, Cleveland and Jackson, Mississippi, don’t provide direct access to sunlight and fresh air – even when their own policies require it."]]></description>
<dc:subject>prisons imprisonment darkness sunlight freshair 2025 ivyscott brittanyhailer dajahenry jails incarceration civilrights</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:afedc637e27a/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:darkness"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://monthlyreview.org/2022/09/01/intelligence-under-racial-capitalism-from-eugenics-to-standardized-testing-and-online-learning/">
    <title>Monthly Review | Intelligence Under Racial Capitalism: From Eugenics to Standardized Testing and Online Learning</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-05T02:08:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://monthlyreview.org/2022/09/01/intelligence-under-racial-capitalism-from-eugenics-to-standardized-testing-and-online-learning/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2022 eugenics racialcapitalism capitalism standardizedtesting standardization education inequality meritocracy politicaleconomy media sorting intelligence us history yardenkatz cedricrobninson racialism covid-19 coronavirus pandemic hierarchy hierarchies coursera 2021 howardknox 1914 alfredbinet iq sterilzation incarceration racescience testing assessment institutions quantification francisgalton karlpearson charlesspearman ronaldfisher society socialcontrol psychology henrygoddard schools schooling lewsiterman stanford-binet prisons imprisonment germany nazis carlbringham civilrightsact 1964 charlesmurray bellcurve georgechurch children charterschools billgates elibroad civilrights corporations corporatism ai artificialintelligence onlinelearning learning online andrewng daphnekoller stanford johnshopkins sat difference profiteering profits worldbank algeria brazil brasil puertorico colonialism colonization latinamerica caribbean venezuela uruguay argentina costarica data gaza palestine israel michaelafricaj</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9618f8d0a2ff/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.humanrightsnetwork.org/publications/apartheid-in-israel-gaza-west-bank-universities">
    <title>Apartheid in Israel: An Analysis of Israel’s Laws and Policies and the Responsibilities of US Academic and Other Institutions — University Network for Human Rights</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-15T17:24:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.humanrightsnetwork.org/publications/apartheid-in-israel-gaza-west-bank-universities</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This report analyzes the crime of apartheid and its application to Israel’s policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)1 before and after October 7, 2023. Our analysis relies on a close examination of more than 25 credible human rights reports and judicial opinions from institutions and individuals with expertise in the region. Consistent with the findings of these experts, we conclude that Israel has committed and continues to commit the crime of apartheid as defined by the 1973 United Nations International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (Apartheid Convention).2 Although Israel is not a party to the Apartheid Convention, it is nonetheless bound by customary international law to refrain from acts of apartheid. The crime of apartheid constitutes jus cogens: a norm that binds all states, regardless of their treaty ratification status.  

Israel’s perpetration of the crime of apartheid, as explained in this report, extends into numerous spheres of public and private life in Israel and the OPT. Apartheid in Israel violates the human rights of several groups protected by international law—including children, women, persons facing criminal prosecution, and others. Apartheid contributes to violations of Palestinians’ rights to life, self-determination, due process, freedom from torture and cruel or degrading treatment, human dignity, freedom of movement, development, and freedom of association and expression. The crime of apartheid also provides a legal framework for assessing Israel’s actions since October 7, 2023. This is the first report to undertake this analysis. 

This report also examines whether academic institutions of higher education have obligations under human rights law that are triggered by the conclusion that Israel has engaged in apartheid. International law was developed to control the actions of States. Universities, like multinational corporations, are non-State actors, yet they wield immense power. Meanwhile, unlike corporations, universities also claim to embrace altruistic objectives to educate students, advance understanding, and enhance respect for individual rights. Though universities are not expressly bound by international law, their own guiding missions, alongside international guidelines for socially responsible practices by non-State actors, impose obligations that these institutions refrain from supporting crimes against humanity such as apartheid.  

Finally, the report analyzes universities’ use of punitive sanctions against students, faculty, and staff who have engaged in peaceful protests or acts of civil disobedience in solidarity with Palestinian victims of human rights abuses. Concluding that protestors are entitled to protection under the UN Declaration on the Rights of Human Rights Defenders, the report affirms the recent findings of the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression that universities’ suppression of speech and peaceful protest violates international law and undermines the role of academic institutions as bastions of free thought and civic participation. "

[See also:


"We are human rights lawyers. Our new report is clear: Israel perpetrates apartheid
Sandra L Babcock, Susan M Akram, Thomas Becker and James Cavallaro

We conclude that Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, including mass killing, arbitrary detention and torture, meets the legal threshold for the term"
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/15/israel-apartheid-human-rights

"Israel’s “Crime of Apartheid”: New Report by U.S. Professors as Palestinians Mark Nakba Day"
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/5/15/nakba_day_palestinians_mark_77
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h7IsOh6ksBg

"A major new report by U.S. academics analyzes Israel’s occupation of Palestine under the legal framework of the crime of apartheid. The report was intentionally released on Nakba Day — the day that marks the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their homes during Israel’s violent founding in 1948. Citing dozens of experts, human rights organizations and judicial decisions, it concludes that Israel’s treatment of Palestinians “meets the legal threshold of apartheid.” Researchers found that Israel imposes “policies that are designed to ensure the perpetual racial subordination of the Palestinian people,” says Sandra Babcock, a clinical professor at Cornell Law School who helped author the report."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/15/israel-apartheid-human-rights">
    <title>We are human rights lawyers. Our new report is clear: Israel perpetrates apartheid | Sandra L Babcock, Susan M Akram, Thomas Becker and James Cavallaro | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-15T17:24:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/15/israel-apartheid-human-rights</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We conclude that Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, including mass killing, arbitrary detention and torture, meets the legal threshold for the term"

[See also:

"Apartheid in Israel: An Analysis of Israel’s Laws and Policies and the Responsibilities of US Academic and Other Institutions"
https://www.humanrightsnetwork.org/publications/apartheid-in-israel-gaza-west-bank-universities

"Israel’s “Crime of Apartheid”: New Report by U.S. Professors as Palestinians Mark Nakba Day"
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/5/15/nakba_day_palestinians_mark_77
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h7IsOh6ksBg

"A major new report by U.S. academics analyzes Israel’s occupation of Palestine under the legal framework of the crime of apartheid. The report was intentionally released on Nakba Day — the day that marks the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their homes during Israel’s violent founding in 1948. Citing dozens of experts, human rights organizations and judicial decisions, it concludes that Israel’s treatment of Palestinians “meets the legal threshold of apartheid.” Researchers found that Israel imposes “policies that are designed to ensure the perpetual racial subordination of the Palestinian people,” says Sandra Babcock, a clinical professor at Cornell Law School who helped author the report."]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.hcn.org/issues/57-4/the-murder-the-museum-and-the-monument/">
    <title>The murder, the museum and the monument - High Country News</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-02T22:22:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hcn.org/issues/57-4/the-murder-the-museum-and-the-monument/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How the discovery of a long-lost monument shattered the trust between a Japanese American community and the museum built to preserve their history."]]></description>
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    <title>3,100+ Indigenous Students Died at U.S. &quot;Boarding Schools&quot;: Native American Journalist Dana Hedgpeth - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-26T23:04:12+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["More than 3,100 Indigenous students died at boarding schools in the United States between 1828 and 1970 — three times the number of deaths reported earlier this year by the Department of Interior, according to a new investigation by _The Washington Post_. Many of the students had been forcibly removed from their families and tribes as part of a government policy of cultural eradication and assimilation. The new report was led by Dana Hedgpeth, an enrolled member of the Haliwa-Saponi Tribe of North Carolina, and expanded its reach beyond federal records to achieve a full public accounting of the death toll of what many scholars and survivors have described as "prison camps," not schools. Hedgpeth shares how some tribes have now been able to recover the remains of children who had been buried at the boarding schools and return them for traditional burials in their ancestral homelands. "The impact of these schools is still being felt in many ways," she says."

[transcript:
https://www.democracynow.org/2024/12/26/native_american_boarding_schools ]]]></description>
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    <title>Why Hospitals Report Women to Child Welfare Over Prescribed Drugs for Childbirth | The Marshall Project</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-13T21:55:20+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Mothers were reported after they were given medications used routinely for pain or in epidurals, to reduce anxiety or to manage blood pressure during cesarean sections."

]]></description>
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    <title>Hostile Intelligence: Reflections from a Visit to the West Bank - David Graeber</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-10T05:50:14+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In Nablus, every street seems to have a men’s hair salon. There are literally thousands of them. Most stay open until at least 2 at night; often other than mosques they’re the only places lit up and open at two at night; and it seems any time you pass by one, there are likely to be four or five nicely coiffed young men clustered inside, watching someone get a haircut. The odd thing is that women’s hair salons seem entirely absent. Occasionally you do see impressive posters for women’s cosmetics and hair products; often, the women are blonde (and a surprising number of Palestinians in Nablus are, in fact, blonde; even children), but the shops are absent. I asked a friend why this was. He explained that while Palestinian society was traditionally considered the most liberal Arab society outside of Beirut, and young women never used to go with their hair covered, things started to change in the ‘90s with the political rise of Hamas. But in the case of women’s hair salons, there was another, much more immediate factor. During the ‘80s, Israeli intelligence agents began taking advantage of their existence to spike the sweet tea with knock-out drugs, and take nude pictures of women so as to blackmail their husbands into turning collaborator or informant. So now women’s salons exist, but they’re not visible from the street, and women no longer take tea from strangers.

My first reaction on hearing the story was: Did this really happen? It sounds like the very definition of a paranoid fantasy. But Palestinians in Nablus are living in an environment where insane things do happen; where there actually are people conspiring against them; spies, informants, security forces of a dozen varieties including many with advanced degrees in psychology and social theory do exist and are actively trying to come up with ways to destroy social trust and tear apart the fabric of society. Innumerable stories circulate. Only some are true. How can anyone possibly know which?

And of course that’s always half the point in such situations. The Stasi, the East German secret police, at one point developed a technique of breaking into dissidents’ homes at night and rearranging their furniture. Doing it left the victim in an impossible situation. Either you tell people that spies broke into your house and rearranged your furniture, leaving many with the impression you are insane, or keep the information to yourself, and gradually begin to doubt your own sanity. Sometimes, in Palestine, you feel you’re in an entire country that’s been given such treatment.

In this case, however, the rumor turns out to be at least partly true. Someone put up a web page for Mossad agents with guilty consciences to make anonymous confessions. And one did, indeed, make reference to drugging the tea in hair salons.

My friend Amin said: “I’ve always felt that the turn to religious conservatism, the headscarves, the covering up— it’s not just the political rise of Hamas in the ‘80s and ‘90s. I think it’s partly a reaction to the fact that you always know that people are staring at you. I mean look around. Practically every other hill, there’s a Jewish settlement. But you look up and it’s just architecture, the blank face of some pre-designed gated community, you can’t see the people. And next to that there’s always a military base, fenced, with towers which may or may not have someone gazing out at you. And then there’s the actual wall. Everybody talks about the wall as being an impediment to movement. And it is that, and it’s incredibly annoying, but the other thing about the wall is, it’s an impediment to vision. You can never see what’s going on right next to you. They have their own roads. Actually they have two sets of roads: there are settler roads. Then there are the military roads. You can’t really see either from roads we Arabs get to use. Just glimpses here and there, or there are spots where you cross the road to a settlement, and there are guards and posters for right-wing Israeli politicians and kids wearing yarmulke’s hitchhiking. But other than that you never see them. But you know they can see you when you’re driving, or walking, or whatever you’re doing they’re staring at you from a thousand different angles from places you don’t even know about. You’re trapped in these little pockets where you can see each other but you never get the panoptic view, there’s a little chunk of city you live in, a little chunk of country where you take your sheep, these discontinuous islands; you don’t even have a proper map, the maps you get to use are wrong or out of date, you never get to look down from the commanding heights. So you start covering up. You don’t go out so much. Women hide their hairstyles, even. It’s just a gesture, but it’s one tiny way of asserting control.”

This what it feels like, to live in Palestine. The constant awareness of the existence of a ferocious, hostile intelligence that is organizing the terms of one’s existence, but which, ultimately, does not wish one well. One never sees them. But one knows what they must be like: a brain trust of extremely well educated and sophisticated men and women meeting in air-conditioned offices, presenting power-points, tabulating research, and developing sophisticated plans and scenarios; except, all you know is that these people are utterly inimical to your existence, and you have no idea what they say and do. You can only grasp at rumors and analogies.

The North Korean regime in the ‘50s developed a series of remarkably effective torture techniques, techniques that were so effective, in fact, that they were able to make captured American airmen admit to all sorts of atrocities they had not in fact committed, all the time, being convinced they had not, actually, been tortured. The techniques were quite simple. Just make the victim do something mildly uncomfortable—sit on the edge of chair, for example, or lean against a wall in a slightly awkward position—only, make them do it for an extremely long period of time. After eight hours the victim would be willing to do virtually anything to make it stop. But try going to the International Court of Justice at The Hague and tell them you’ve been made to sit on the edge of a chair all day. Even the victims were unwilling to describe their captors as torturers. When the CIA learned about these techniques—according to Korean friends of mine, they’re actually just particularly sadistic versions of classic Korean ways of punishing small children—they were intrigued, and, apparently, conducted extensive research on how they could be adopted for their own detention centers.

Again, sometimes, in Palestine, one feels one is in an entire country that’s being treated this way. Obviously, there is also outright torture, people who are actually being shot, beaten, tortured, or violently abused. But I’m speaking here even of the ones that aren’t. For most, it’s as if the very texture of everyday life has been designed to be intolerable—only, in a way that you can never quite say is exactly a human rights violation. There’s never enough water. Showering requires almost military discipline. You can’t get a permit. You’re always standing in line. If something breaks it’s impossible to get permission to fix it. Or else you can’t get spare parts. There are four different bodies of law that might apply to any legal situation (Ottoman, British, Jordanian, Israeli), it’s anyone’s guess which court will say what applies where, or what document is required, or acceptable. Most rules are not even supposed to make sense. It can take eight hours to drive 20 kilometers to see your girlfriend, and doing so will almost certainly mean having machine guns waved in your faces and being shouted at in a language you half understand by people who think you’re subhuman. So you do most of your dalliance by phone. When you can afford the minutes. There are endless traffic jams before and after checkpoints and drivers bicker and curse and try not to take it out on one another. Everyone lives no more than 12 or 15 miles from the Mediterranean but even on the hottest day, it’s absolutely impossible to get to the beach. Unless you climb the wall, there are places you can do that; but then you can expect to be hunted every moment by security patrols. Of course teenagers do it anyway. But it means swimming is always accompanied by the fear of being shot. If you’re a trader, or a laborer, or a driver, or a tobacco farmer, or clerk, the very process of subsistence is continual stream of minor humiliations. Your tomatoes are held and left two days to rot while someone grins at you. You have to beg to get your child out of detention. And if you do go to beseech the guards, those same guards might arbitrarily decide to hold you to pressure him to confess to rock-throwing, and suddenly you are in a concrete cell without cigarettes. Your toilet backs up. And you realize: you’re going to have to live like this forever. There is no “political process.” It will never end. Barring some kind of divine intervention, you can expect to be facing exactly this sort of terror and absurdity for the rest of your natural life.

But when someone does snap under the pressure, and, say, stabs a soldier at a checkpoint, or joins a cell to shoot at settlers, there’s no one specific act one can point to that seems to justify what seems like an act of disproportionate madness.

Palestine was, after all, the land that produced Gnosticism—the belief that human beings lived in a universe created by a hostile Demiurge, full of arbitrary moral regulations which exist only to bewilder and demoralize us, because the real God is in some absolute, unknowable Elsewhere. But what possible reason would a political regime have to try to consciously create a system of rule that actually brought a simulation of such a corrupt and meaningless universe into being?

The strategy seems especially puzzling because even from the Israeli point of view, it’s impossible to figure out the logic. Back in the ‘90s, had the opportunity to peace with its neighbors. The terms offered were extremely advantageous, both economically and politically. No one was even really expecting Israel to allow any significant number of the ‘48 refugees to return; all it would have taken was the clearing out of what were then a handful of settlements inhabited by what most Israeli citizens then considered to be violent religious lunatics, and handing the PLO some kind of toothless rump state. Instead Israeli governments have used the diplomatic cover of a two- state solution—a solution nobody now believes could ever possibly happen, even as hundreds of lucrative bureaucratic careers have been created under the pretense that it will—to turn the West Bank into a maze of military bases and Jewish-only planned communities, condemned by almost every country on earth as illegal under international law. It is extremely difficult to imagine how this project will not, ultimately, lead to catastrophe. Already it has transformed the image of the country in most of the world from a group of idealistic holocaust survivors making the desert bloom, into a collection of snarling bigots who have made a science out of techniques for brutalizing 12-year-olds. They have ensured they will remain a nation surrounded by bitter enemies, even as economically and politically, they have become almost entirely dependent on the unquestioning support a single rapidly declining imperial power.

How could this possibly end well?

So: what is the Israeli long-term strategy, really?

Insofar as there’s an answer, it seems to be that they simply don’t have one; the Israeli government no more has a long-term strategy for dealing with their future in the region than Exxon Mobil has a long-term strategy for dealing with climate change. They seem to just figure that, if US power does collapse or give up on them, something will turn up. No doubt too they have people in thinktanks brainstorming that, too, coming with reports and scenarios, but all this is basically an afterthought. The driving force behind the colonization of ’67 Palestine is not any sort of grand strategy; it’s a kind of terrible confluence of short-term political and economic advantage.

First, the settlements. They were originally the project of a relatively isolated, if well funded, collection of religious zealots. Now everything seems to be organized around them. The government pours in endless resources. Why? The answer seems to be that since at least the ‘90s, rightwing politicians in Israel have figured out that the settlements are a kind of political magic. The more money gets funneled into them, the more the Jewish electorate turns to the Right. The reason is simple. Israel is expensive. Housing inside the 1948 boundaries is exorbitantly expensive. If you are a young person without means, you increasingly has two options: to live with one’s parents until well into your 30s, or find a place in an illegal settlement, where apartments cost perhaps a third of what they would in Haifa or Tel Aviv—and that’s not to mention the superior roads, schools, utilities, and social services. At this point the vast majority of settlers live on the West Bank for economic, not ideological, reasons. (This is especially true around Jerusalem.) But consider who these people are. In the past, young people in difficult circumstances, students, well-educated young parents, have been the traditional constituency of the Left. Put these same people in a settlement, and they will, inexorably, even without realizing it, begin to think like fascists. Settlements are, in their own way, giant engines for the production of right-wing consciousness. It is very difficult for someone placed in hostile territory, given training in automatic weapons and warned to be constantly on one’s guard against a local population seething over the fact that your next-door neighbors have been killing their sheep and destroying their olive trees, not to gradually see ethno-nationalism as common sense. As a result, with every election, the old Left electorate further dissipates, and a host of religious, fascist, or semi-fascist parties win a larger and larger stake of the vote. For politicians, who can barely think past the next election, the lure is inescapable.

But what of the policies towards the Palestinians? How does that make any sort of sense?

Again, it’s important to underline that the people designing Israeli policy in the West Bank are anything but idiots. Most are clearly extremely intelligent. Large proportions have advanced degrees, and are very well read in the history and sociology of military rule and the science of civil governance. They are well aware of the techniques that have been successfully applied by occupying powers in the past aiming to pacify and coopt a conquered population. It isn’t rocket science. There’s a standard playbook: cooptation, divide and rule, a certain carefully nuanced balance of carrot and stick, the application of certain strategies for the creation of dependencies and mixed allegiances… And it’s not as if those developing Israeli strategy don’t apply these techniques. But they seem determined to offer as small a carrot, and wield as large a stick, as they possibly can without sparking a major conflagration. The old PLO leadership, the political cream of the Palestinian diaspora, had indeed been coopted: it was allowed it’s own small-scale right of return from their former bases in Lebanon or North Africa, and granted special privileges in exchange for agreeing to help police the Arab population. They in turn organized incoming aid money in such a way to absorb former leftist radicals into NGOs. A few rich Arab businessmen do move back and forth freely across checkpoints and make lucrative housing deals. There’s even a minor housing bubble, as money pours in from doctors and lawyers the diaspora to relatives with nothing to spend it on, with the result that endless great cement mansions with red Chinese roofs pop up in areas under the Palestinian authority, only, mansions whose toilets still don’t really work properly for lack of water. (All the water, needless to say, is going to the settlers’ swimming pools.) The territories are, ironically, Israel’s biggest export market, and since they’ve largely destroyed the old agricultural, trade, and light industrial economy through hostile “regulations,” what this basically means is seizing their cut of Palestinian remittance money by any means available. Still, what’s really remarkable about these divide-and-rule strategies is how little of it there really is. Economically, it would be extremely easy to create a sizeable middle class with a strong economic interest in cooperation with the occupation authorities. Yet the authorities seem to have intentionally decided not to do this.

Instead I think we have to ask the same question as we did with the settlements. Settlements are engines for the production of a certain kind of ethno-nationalist consciousness, funded basically for political advantage. What sort of Palestinians, then, are the occupation authorities trying to create? Clearly not docile and obedient ones. There would be no reason to engineer a life of continual hardship, terror, and humiliation—to ensure, for instance that practically every Palestinian mother and father has to worry if their 12-year-old son or daughter will come home safely from school, or is already lying shackled and blindfolded in a concrete cell—if one were trying to pacify a former enemy. The only answer that makes sense is that the Israel forces want the Palestinians to seethe; they want there to be resistance; but the also want to ensure that political resistance is completely ineffective. They want a population that is compliant on a day-to-day basis, but that periodically explodes, individually or collectively, in a unstrategic and uncoordinated fashion that can represented to the outside world as irrational demonic madness.

And why would they wish to do this? Almost every Arab political analyst I talked to considered the answer self- evident. Israel’s economy has become largely dependent on the high-tech arms trade, and the supply of complex electronic “security” systems. Israel is today the world’s fourth largest arms exporter, after the US, Russia, and UK (it has recently pushed back France to #5). This is actually quite a feat for such a tiny country. But as everyone also hastens to add: Israeli arms and security systems have an enormous advantage over their rivals, one Israeli firms never fail to emphasize in their promotional literature. They are extensively field-tested. This new type of shell that was used to destroy tunnels in Gaza! This new type of random-distribution tear gas dispenser was successfully used against protestors in the Balata refugee camp. This new type of laser-detection device has repeatedly foiled attacks on settlers. Arab resistance has become a key economic resource for Israeli capital, and were it to completely quiet down, the export economy would take an immediate hit.

If bullying is to be defined as, in its essence, a form of aggression designed to produce a reaction that can then be used as retroactive justification for the initial act of aggression itself, then the Israeli Occupation has taken bullying and turned it into a principle of governance. Everything is designed to provoke. The provocations are daily. They are ugly and humiliating. But they are also designed to fly just under the point of flagrant, undeniable aggression, where you can claim they were not even, precisely, an “attack,” but like the schoolyard bully who’s constantly subtly poking and jabbing and kicking his victim, hoping for some outraged burst of ineffective rage that can get the victim hauled before the principal.

I only came to fully understand the agony of the Palestinian situation when I came to understand that the entire point of life, in traditional Palestinian society, is put oneself in a position where you can be generous to strangers. Hospitality is everything. When I first entered Nablus, in a van full of an American film crew, everyone in the neighborhood we entered (of course I only learned this later) immediately began pulling out cell phones to try to figure out what was going on. Who were these foreigners? What kind of equipment were they carrying? Why were they here? The moment we entered a local home everything was different. A neighborhood committee quickly assembled a group of 30 or 40 young volunteers who pledged to physically intervene if corrupt elements of the Palestinian authority, or Israeli security forces, tried to give us any trouble. After all, we were now somebody’s houseguest, and our security was a matter of the neighborhood’s collective honour.

Of course we had no idea this was happening at the time. We only found out a week later, when someone mentioned it to Amin in a casual aside. One of the film crew’s first trip was to Arraba, an agricultural town whose center is full of posters and black flags of Islamic Jihad and the remains of Medieval mosques and forts. At first it sometimes seemed as if people were trying to avoid us, the houses were mostly shuttered, but eventually we realized, that was just because the sun had not yet set: it was Ramadan and people were embarrassed to receive visitors if they were unable to offer them food. By dusk it seemed like everywhere we went we were regaled with lamb, pastries and sage tea. Old women in headscarves endlessly refilled our glasses as they sat on patios telling stories of how archeologists had discovered the graves of some kind of ancient Jewish leaders—I didn’t catch the names, I think they might have been Maccabees—and since then, the tombs had been declared a place of pilgrimage. Normally, of course, the discovery of such a site is an economic windfall for the community. In Palestine, it might mean an entire village is simply expelled. Arraba was too big for that. So in this case it merely meant that periodically, hundreds of Israeli soldiers would sweep into town in full battle gear, snipers would position themselves on rooftops, and there would be a 12-hour curfew as religious settlers marched in to carry out commemorative rituals. And then they’d go away.

Then they started telling the stories of various children of the village currently in prison for conspiring to ambush settlers. It was at the moment it suddenly occurred to me—someone who had grown up in a Jewish family in New York fed almost entirely on Zionist propaganda—exactly what things must look like from the other side. Wherever we went, Palestinians would tell us about all the different sorts of people they had historically welcomed to the Holy Land: Armenians, Greeks, Persians, Russians, Africans, Jews… They saw the Zionists as originally their house- guests. Yet they were the worst house-guests one could possibly imagine. Every act of hospitality, of welcome, is turned into license for appropriation, and the world’s most skillful propagandists leapt into action to try to convince the world that their hosts were depraved inhuman monsters who had no right to their own homes. In such a situation, what can you possibly do? Stop being generous? But then one is absolutely, existentially defeated. This is what people really meant when they talked about a life of calculated degradation. People were being systematically deprived of the physical, the economical, and the political means to be magnanimous. And to be deprived of the means to make that kind of magnificent gesture is a kind of living death."]]></description>
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    <title>2024 Election was the Oligarchic Elite vs. Corporate Elite (with Chris Hedges) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-15T17:00:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=umDj2dUIQcA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, author, and minister Chris Hedges returns to Bad Faith for a left-focused deep dive into what happened on election night, what's next for the left, and the role spirituality may play in creating a sense of community that some are finding in the Joe Rogan media environment."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.bookforum.com/print/3102/grave-new-world-61346">
    <title>Grave New World – Bookforum Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-04T19:02:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bookforum.com/print/3102/grave-new-world-61346</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Richard Beck charts how 9/11 shapes the way we live now"

...

"RICHARD BECK WAS FOURTEEN WHEN THE PLANES HIT, the impact sites in Manhattan, Arlington, and Shanksville forming a triangle surrounding the Philadelphia suburb in which he grew up. In early October 2001, on a school choir trip to Manhattan, he saw two young women in the alto section tearfully embrace at the announcement of the first US airstrikes on Afghanistan, an emotional scene he didn’t fully understand at the time and would never shake. I’m three years older than Beck, and our shared generation has witnessed a series of cataclysmic events, but for many of us, 9/11 was the most indelible. More than two decades later, it’s hard not to feel like the fall of 2001 was when everything started to go terribly wrong.

But Beck, now in his late thirties and a regular contributor to n+1, is well aware that the crises of twenty-first-century America have much deeper roots than a single day of terror. In his wildly ambitious second book, Homeland: The War on Terror in American Life, Beck argues that the US response to 9/11 is both the logical culmination of American history dating back to the first white settlers on the continent and the backdrop of all that has followed. As he guides the reader through a generation’s still-unresolved collective trauma, he links it—for the most part, convincingly—to seemingly every aspect of contemporary American life. 

IN HIS INTRODUCTION, Beck writes that Donald Trump’s presidency and the constellation of reactionary forces it represents were made possible by the 9/11 attacks. Homeland is not the first book to make this argument; three years ago, Spencer Ackerman’s Reign of Terror: How the 9/11 Era Destabilized America and Produced Trump was organized around the same premise. But Beck seems to strain against the Trump framing as soon as he brings it up: “In fifty, twenty-five, or even ten years, Trump may look more like a precursor to larger social and political fractures,” Beck writes. “I would rather not gratify Trump’s narcissism by making a multi-decade, global war entirely about him.” And he doesn’t—relatively little of Homeland is concerned with Trump, and some of the strongest sections of the book situate the war on terror as part of a primordial American crusade against perceived alien threats, rather than a departure from a mythologized age of national innocence.

While Ackerman approached the war on terror as a seasoned national security reporter, Beck approaches it as a cultural critic. He observes that most Americans experienced 9/11 as a televisual spectacle, perhaps the largest such event that ever was or will be, watched in real time by two billion people worldwide. Beck rewatches the ABC News broadcast from that morning and devotes several pages to unpacking everything from Peter Jennings’s shock at the unbelievable story unfolding before him to the frivolous news items—“a man whose cell phone had continued to work even though his kayak had overturned”—that were interrupted by the explosions in Lower Manhattan. Of the camera crews that arrived downtown after the first tower was hit but before the second was, Beck writes, “They understood themselves to be reporting the news, but at 9:03 they learned that they had been unwittingly pressed into service as publicists for terrorism.” Al-Qaeda, in other words, managed to enlist the American media as producers and distributors of the world’s most widely viewed snuff film.

Americans’ pervasive feeling of helplessness after the attacks seemed to have few precursors, but Beck finds earlier parallels, drawing on the insights of Susan Faludi’s 2007 book, The Terror Dream, and Richard Slotkin’s earlier trilogy of histories on the myths of the frontier. In a long digression about the popular “captivity narratives” produced in response to the extended pre-Revolutionary wars between Puritan colonists and Indigenous peoples in New England, Beck recalls that for centuries, Americans have told versions of the same basic story: “savages” inexplicably attack our blameless, vulnerable Christian civilization. Over time, iterations of this narrative developed a genre of American hero who responds with righteous violence, “the figure who would serve as the template for all the myth heroes to follow, from the cowboys and outlaws of the American West all the way down to Batman. That figure was the hunter.” There is a straight line, Beck persuasively shows, from the exploits of Daniel Boone to the celebrated Special Forces who became the defining real-world heroes of the war on terror, as well as the various fictional archetypes who came out of the same era, from 24’s Jack Bauer to Robert Downey Jr.’s rendition of Iron Man. The fantasy Americans embraced, and that the Pentagon spent billions trying to make real, was one in which small teams of high-tech, heavily armored superheroes patrolled the deadly frontiers to protect American innocence at home.

The titular homeland itself, meanwhile, would never feel safe again. Beck chronicles the expansion of security theater in the post-9/11 years, noting the ineffective obtrusiveness of both airport screenings and the NSA’s notorious surveillance programs. Those come in for plenty of criticism, of course, but Beck extends his indictment to include less obvious topics like the soaring popularity of SUVs, which were simultaneously symbols of consumerist excess, expressions of stubborn indifference to US dependence on Middle Eastern oil, and machines that provided the illusion of individual security while making everyone else less safe. “Now the world was a dangerous place where terrorists could strike without warning, and SUVs, because they were taller and heavier than anything else on the road, made people feel secure,” Beck writes. “The vehicles’ military origins returned to the foreground—this was the car to drive when the homeland was a potential war zone.” Meanwhile, there was a rush to privatize public spaces and establish security zones in major US cities—Beck notes that the number of Neighborhood Watch groups nationwide increased by 85 percent after 9/11, and that large sections of San Francisco and other major cities were subsequently closed off and blanketed with surveillance cameras to prevent the non-wealthy from loitering or congregating—producing “an environment in which the public can barely function at all.” None of this made anyone more secure, Beck argues: “When the terrorist threat has been so wildly exaggerated, the only remaining explanation for the security zones is that their purpose is to monitor the public itself.” While relatively few Americans have served on the front lines of the war on terror abroad or been victimized directly by it at home, all of us can feel its unsettling presence in the architecture of our quotidian lives.

Beck also devotes a large section of the book to documenting the xenophobic racism against Muslims and Arabs that came directly out of 9/11. Much of this is familiar: soaring hate crimes, FBI entrapment schemes, routine violations of civil liberties, and innocent lives destroyed by a zealous prosecutorial apparatus operating in a state of exception. Beck has a fine sense of the ultimate stakes of these abuses. “For Muslims themselves,” he writes, “one of the most devastating effects of these campaigns was that it became difficult and sometimes impossible to participate in civic life—to speak your mind freely in a student group, attend public discussions at a mosque, respond to a bigot on a Facebook thread about politics, or even argue with someone who was being a jerk in public.”

He spotlights the story of Adama Bah, a Muslim immigrant from Guinea whose life became a Kafkaesque nightmare from ages sixteen to twenty-five after she was caught up in an FBI dragnet that resulted in her father’s arrest and deportation and in her being interrogated, imprisoned, forced to drop out of school, and placed on a no-fly list. While she eventually won an ACLU lawsuit restoring her rights, irreparable damage had been done. “The story’s ‘happy ending’ notwithstanding, the United States successfully delivered a message to Adama and people like her: You are not a full and equal member of our society,” Beck writes. “Whatever dreams and aspirations you might have cultivated as a child must now take a backseat to the smaller dream of staying out of trouble.” While Arab and Muslim communities felt this domestic terror most acutely, Beck demonstrates that precedents were being established for targeting other groups, including Black and Indigenous activists and their allies.

HOMELAND’S MOST ORIGINAL AND PROVOCATIVE SECTION, and the one Beck claims that he enjoyed working on the most, offers a theory of the political economy of the war on terror—the deeper materialist explanations for why all this happened. Never one to go small, Beck immerses readers in a five-hundred-year history of global capitalism, in which an economic system premised on permanent GDP growth has always depended on hegemonic states to protect and advance it, from the Italian city-states to the seafaring Dutch Republic to the British Empire and finally to the United States. To Beck’s mind, the standard Marxist explanations for post-9/11 US foreign policy—blood for oil and public subsidies for defense contractors—are unsatisfying and insufficient. They certainly factored in, but they weren’t causal. Rather, Beck argues, the attacks occurred at a moment when “the United States found itself at the head of a global economic order that had been founded on a growth surge that was slowly but surely running out of steam.” Here he draws on a wide range of thinkers—Mike Davis on the slums of the Global South, Aaron Benanav on secular stagnation, Giovanni Arrighi on the cyclic nature of capitalist accumulation, and Pankaj Mishra on the rage of the developing world—to argue that the war on terror has functioned as a kind of extended police action against restive surplus populations that the US-led global economic system can’t provide prosperity for.

The form of American imperialism jump-started by the attacks thus served a holistic function: it became a tool for managing and suppressing the wretched of the earth in places where capitalism itself had failed to deliver. Counterterrorism and counterinsurgency tactics honed in Iraq and Afghanistan could be just as useful in the Sahel, or on the Mexican border, or in American cities like Ferguson, Missouri—or, as we’ve seen dramatically demonstrated in the past year, in Gaza and the West Bank. All of these deployments of state violence, Beck stresses, “are part of the same project, the same larger effort to preserve American supremacy at the expense of the global poor even as America loses the economic capabilities that legitimized its global leadership in the first place.”

Beck also contends that the most enduring legacies of the war on terror include a sense of elite impunity and a corresponding sense of hopelessness among younger Americans. His account of the journalistic failures that manufactured consent for the Iraq invasion is expansive and unsparing, if perhaps familiar to media junkies by now. We see how Susan Sontag was pilloried for her measured response to 9/11, how the New York Times was criminally negligent in publishing Judith Miller’s anonymously sourced stories about Saddam Hussein’s nonexistent weapons of mass destruction, and how even ambitious young progressive bloggers like Ezra Klein and Matthew Yglesias understood, correctly, that it would help their careers to endorse the war and apologize later. Beck doesn’t want to pick on anyone in particular; the failure, as he sees it, was systemic. “The very idea that the American news media, in its current form, can just decide to cultivate a consistently adversarial relationship with the government it covers is a fantasy,” he writes. Corporate conglomeration and the perverse incentives of audience and access make it difficult for journalists to act as an effective check on power. This is why even today, when it’s generally understood that the Iraq War was folly and many onetime advocates have recanted, few seem to have internalized any deeper lesson. We are condemned to keep making the same mistakes, in what Beck aptly characterizes in Freudian terms as “a repetition compulsion carried out on a national scale”—in which the war on terror’s supporters, its opponents, and the majority of Americans who try to ignore it and carry on with their lives all find themselves implicated in its endless, self-sustaining logic.

HOMELAND COMES OUT TO AROUND FIVE HUNDRED PAGES (not including endnotes), and the range of topics it covers, from Black Lives Matter to mass shootings to the 2008 financial crisis to the Standing Rock protests, amounts to an exhaustive survey of the past quarter century and the news events our generation followed in real time. Though Beck’s judgments are largely earned, at times the expansiveness of his interests undermines what could have been a tighter focus on the war on terror as conventionally defined. There is a trend in nonfiction publishing wherein a book must promise to explain everything about our times; whether Beck was encouraged to do so or took it upon himself, he is insistent that everything that has happened since 9/11 has been, in some sense, a product of it, even though he also often gestures at important trends that predate the attacks and whose ongoing salience didn’t depend on them. John Ganz’s recent book When the Clock Broke locates the roots of today’s populist right in the underbelly of early 1990s politics, which, if we accept the argument, suggests that America was headed in a certain direction regardless of whether a few terrorists armed with box cutters managed to slip through airport security in 2001. Similarly, the housing bubble that popped in 2008 was largely the product of a series of neoliberal economic policies that either preceded the 9/11 attacks or would likely have been enacted regardless. The war on terror may have affected everything, but that doesn’t mean it caused everything.

Still, it’s hard not to admire Beck’s ambition and the clarity of both his prose and his moral vision. Homeland is less an explanation of the precise ephemeral moment that is 2024 than an extended reckoning with a whole era of American history, one that will remain relevant to readers who didn’t live through the events it revisits. Beck seems to anticipate these future generations in his conclusion, in which he writes, “In the decades to come, some of those people are going to find ways of changing and living in society that don’t require a militarized world of swat teams, armored police vehicles, fortified borders, surveillance, night raids, secret prisons, and bombs, if only because they have no other choice.” We may still be living in the long imperial shadow of 9/11, but Beck can see a faint light in the distance."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw">
    <title>Chris Hedges: The Cost of Resistance - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T02:54:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video is a recording of a talk given by Chris Hedges at the Kairos Club London on September 11, 2024. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of resistance and repression, Hedges detailed the methods we need to adopt to defeat the powerful interests, including the fossil fuel industry and the animal agriculture industry, which have placed their profits above the protection of our species and all life on earth. 

Hedges’ talk is preceded by an audio intro from Roger Hallam. Hallam is part of the “Whole Truth Five,” who are five members of Just Stop Oil who were sentenced last month to the longest ever prison sentences for non-violent protest.

Following their conviction, the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst said “Today marks a dark day for peaceful environmental protest, the protection of environmental defenders and indeed anyone concerned with the exercise of their fundamental freedoms in the United Kingdom.”"

[transcript here:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-cost-of-resistance ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-OLQTmRT-80">
    <title>The Zionist Carceral State, the University &amp; Campus Resistance with Lara Sheehi &amp; Stephen Sheehi - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-21T22:20:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-OLQTmRT-80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we'll discuss the recent arrest of Nadera
Shalhoub-Kevorkian who recently co-edited an issue of the journal State Crime with Stephen Sheehi.

We will also discuss the A15 actions, Gaza Solidarity Encampment at Columbia, the cancellation of the valedictorian speech of Asna Tabassum by USC, the continued international increase in state repression of solidarity with Palestinians and disrupting psychic intrusion among other topics.

For this episode we'll talk to Lara Sheehi and Stephen Sheehi, authors of Psychoanalysis Under Occupation: Practicing Resistance in Palestine. They'll approach the discussion through a Fanonian perspective, bringing in psychoanalytic insights, and examining the settler colonial entity known as Israel and the Palestinian anticolonial struggle.

Lara Sheehi is an Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychology. She got her Doctorate of Psychology from the George Washington University's Professional Psychology Program where she also taught doctoral level students and is the founding faculty director of the Psychoanalysis and the Arab World Lab. Lara's work takes up decolonial and anti-oppressive approaches to psychoanalysis, with a focus on liberation struggles in the Global South. She is co-author with Stephen Sheehi of Psychoanalysis Under Occupation: Practicing Resistance in Palestine (Routledge, 2022) which won the Middle East Monitor's 2022 Palestine Book Award for Best Academic Book. Lara is the author of the forthcoming book, From the Clinic to the Street: Psychoanalysis for Revolutionary Futures (Pluto Press, 2025)

Stephen Sheehi’s is the Sultan Qaboos Professor of Middle East Studies at William and Mary, where he also directs the Decolonizing Humanities Project. His scholarship engages the long tentacle of empire, colonialism, racial capitalism  and cisheternormativy in the Arab world and the Global North. Among his recent books are Psychoanalysis Under Occupation (with Lara Sheehi), Camera Palaestina: Photography and the Displaced History of Palestine and Islamophobia: The Ideological Campaign Against Muslims."]]></description>
<dc:subject>larasheehi stephensheehi 2024 palestine israel naderashalhoub-kevorkian us prisons imprisonment torture carceralstate capitalism ideology prisonabolotion settlercolonialism colonialism colonization academia highered highereducation colleges universities columbia law legal scholarship resistance repression oppression psychology politicalprisoners villainization apartheid usc asnatabassum research femicide scholasticide feminism zionism antizionism necropolitics necrocapitalism orisanmiburton massincarceration politics unchilding children solidarity millennialsarekillingcapitalism minoucheshafik jaredware neoliberalism classtraitors antiwar economics ivyleague meritocracy competition inequality liberalism rightwing media mainstreammedia journalism 1960s protests sitins tracking education internships labor work ihra freespeech gulfwar iraqwar freedomofspeech georgewbush catastrophecapitalism civilliberties rulingclass imperialism empire 1968 ucberkeley bds divestment integrity extraction extractivism exploitatio</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thefunambulist.net/magazine/prison-uprisings/sixty-meters-to-freedom">
    <title>Sixty Meters to Freedom - THE FUNAMBULIST MAGAZINE</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-29T23:27:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thefunambulist.net/magazine/prison-uprisings/sixty-meters-to-freedom</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On January 30, 1990, a group of forty-nine activists imprisoned by the Pinochet dictatorship escaped from the Cárcel Pública in Santiago de Chile. We asked Yasna Mussa to describe this bold historical episode, which occurred just a few weeks before the end of the dictatorial rule in Chile. She wrote the following text after speaking with two of its protagonists: Luis González and Santiago Montenegro."]]></description>
<dc:subject>yasnamussa chile 2024 1990 pinochet luisgonzález santiagomontenegro dictatorship politicalprisoners prisons escape prisoners imprisonment</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xKO_j-uylhU">
    <title>&quot;Humanitarian Violence&quot; in Gaza: Architect Eyal Weizman on Mapping Israel's &quot;Genocidal Campaign&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-21T18:51:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xKO_j-uylhU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A new report by the research group Forensic Architecture counters Israel's argument at the International Court of Justice that it followed humanitarian policies to safeguard civilian life in Gaza. South Africa argued in January before the ICJ that Israel was guilty of genocide during its war on Gaza. The report argues that what Israel says are humanitarian evacuations in Gaza actually amount to the forced displacement of Palestinians, which is a war crime. It found that since October 7, Israel has issued imprecise and sometimes contradictory evacuation orders, attacked people even in so-called safe zones and evacuation routes, and failed to provide the necessities of life for those civilians, all while pushing the population further and further south into areas that are then also attacked or evacuated at a later time. "We cannot see it as anything else but part of the genocidal campaign," says Forensic Architecture director Eyal Weizman, who accuses Israel of using humanitarian principles as yet another weapon against Palestinians in Gaza. He says Israel's objective is to "exercise pain on the civilian population" in order to deter "ongoing resistance to the Israeli occupation.""]]></description>
<dc:subject>eyalweizman israel palestine gaza genocide ethniccleansing icj humanitarianism southafrica evacuations warcrimes forensicarchitecture occupation resistance hostages captivity massdisplacement displacement internationallaw law legal imprisonment captives violence safety destruction settlercolonialism colonialism colonization infrastructure</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9boE53Z_lAg">
    <title>Why Israel has so many Palestinian prisoners - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-12T03:17:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9boE53Z_lAg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Inside Israel’s dual criminal justice system.

Israel has been engaged in harrowing negotiations to recover the roughly 240 hostages held by Hamas and other militant groups in Gaza following the October 7 attack. In exchange for their release, the Israeli government has  a bargaining chip that is extremely valuable to Palestinians: the thousands of Palestinian prisoners locked up in Israeli prisons. 

Each one of these Palestinian prisoners has been processed by Israel’s military court system, which exists completely separate from the civilian court system that Jewish Israelis interact with. This system and the military orders that govern it have their origins in the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967.

In this video, two experts explain Israel’s military court system, why it’s been a focus of outcry from human rights organizations and why hostage negotiations have historically involved the exchange of Palestinian prisoners. 

Vox policy correspondent Abdallah Fayyad wrote about Israel’s military court system for Vox’s site: 
https://www.vox.com/world-politics/2023/11/22/23972908/palestinian-prisoners-israel-administrative-detention

For statistics on Palestinian prisoners, we relied on the work of Israeli human rights organization Addameer: 
https://www.addameer.org/statistics

We relied on B’Tselem as a source and some of the footage you see in the video: 
https://www.btselem.org/topic/military_courts

For a list of our other sources: 
https://www.hrw.org/report/2010/12/19/separate-and-unequal/israels-discriminatory-treatment-palestinians-occupied

https://www.btselem.org/download/19670827_order_regarding_prohibition_of_incitement_and_hostile_propaganda.pdf

https://www.adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/Public/files/English/Publications/Review/5/Adalahs-Review-5-65-Baker-Definition-Security-Prisoners.pdf

https://www.btselem.org/statistics/detainees_and_prisoners

https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/5141/2022/en/

https://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/i/israel/israel946.pdf

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/briefing_note/join/2013/491484/EXPO-AFET_SP%282013%29491484_EN.pdf

https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/10/unchilded-birth-un-expert-calls-decisive-protection-palestinian-children "]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.972mag.com/palestinian-prisoners-israeli-hostages-exchange/">
    <title>What Israelis won’t be asking about the Palestinians released for hostages</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-27T16:53:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.972mag.com/palestinian-prisoners-israeli-hostages-exchange/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The list of Palestinians slated to be exchanged for Israelis should provoke reflection over the role of mass imprisonment in the occupation.

Earlier today, Israel and Hamas finalized the details of an agreement to pause hostilities in the Gaza Strip nearly seven weeks into the war. The deal includes a four-day ceasefire and an exchange of 50 Israeli hostages for 150 Palestinian “security prisoners,” with the possibility of further exchanges thereafter. These are terms that Hamas reportedly offered Israel weeks ago in the early phases of the war, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu preferred to wage an all-out assault on the besieged Strip, killing more than 14,000 Palestinians, before considering a deal — even at the detriment of the safety and wellbeing of the Israeli hostages. 

Israel has published the names of 300 Palestinian prisoners that it is considering releasing as part of the deal or upon the freeing of more Israeli hostages, in order to allow for legal appeals in Israeli courts against the release of specific individuals. All of the hostages and prisoners to be exchanged at this stage are women and minors. Still, many among the Israeli right, and perhaps the wider public, believe that the government is making a significant concession by releasing dangerous “terrorists” for the sake of the few hostages.

Reading through the list of Palestinian prisoners slated for release, the first thing that strikes you is their ages. The vast majority of them — 287 — are aged 18 or under, including five as young as 14, which begs the question: how does a 14-year-old boy become a “security prisoner?”

The names on the list include alleged members of Palestinian political factions like Hamas, Fatah, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), as well as many who are not affiliated with any group. None were convicted of murder. Some were convicted of attempted murder, while the majority were charged with less significant offenses, including a large number who were arrested for throwing stones. One of them, a 17-year-old, has been behind bars for two years for throwing stones at an Israeli police vehicle in Jerusalem — the same city where Jewish settlers can carry out riots against Palestinians that rarely end in investigations, let alone arrests.

Most of all, the list is a dizzying testament to just how central detention and imprisonment are to Israel’s occupation and control over Palestinians. According to data from the Israeli human rights group HaMoked, as of November 2023, Israel holds 6,809 “security prisoners.” Of these, 2,313 are serving a prison sentence; 2,321 have not yet been convicted in court; 2,070 are being held under administrative detention (indefinitely imprisoned without trial or due process); and 105 are “illegal combatants” who were arrested during Hamas’ October 7 attacks in southern Israel.

Almost all of the 300 Palestinians being considered for release are relatively new prisoners, arrested in the last year or two. The exceptions are 10 women from Jerusalem and the West Bank who have been imprisoned since 2015-17, most of them on charges of attempting or committing stabbing attacks against Israeli security forces — some of which ended without any harm, while others caused minor to moderate injuries.

All of this, it should be recalled, is overseen by the same judicial system that, among countless other examples, decided to close the case against an Israeli settler who stabbed a young Palestinian to death in May 2022 because “it was not possible to rule out [the suspect’s] version that he acted in self-defense.” It is the same system that, in July of this year, acquitted an Israeli police officer who shot dead Iyad al-Hallaq, an autistic Palestinian man, despite clear testimonies and video evidence proving he was unarmed and made no threat of any kind.

This is in addition to the fact that Palestinian “security prisoners” are judged in a separate military court system that boasts a conviction rate of between 95 to 99 percent. Lenience, in the eyes of the Israeli apartheid regime, is a right reserved for Jews only.

While Jews who riot, attack, and even kill Palestinians are immune from prosecution, the prisoners list reminds us that Palestinians can be arrested wholesale based solely on the “intention” to carry out a violent act. One of those on the list, a 45-year-old woman from Jerusalem, has been in prison for more than two years because “she was caught in the Old City with a knife in her hand,” and “said that she intended to carry out an attack.” Meanwhile, Israel’s Kahanist national security minister is urging Jews to arm themselves while handing out weapons like candy, and many right-wing Israelis are writing countless messages, in public and private, gleefully announcing their intention to “murder as many Arabs as possible.”

Sometimes “intent” doesn’t even appear on the list of charges. An 18-year-old from Jerusalem was “arrested along with others because he cried out ‘Allahu Akbar.’” An 18-year-old woman from the West Bank has been imprisoned for months for “incitement on Instagram.” Among the Israeli public in contrast, explicit calls for genocide are considered a legitimate way to raise the national morale, while Palestinians with Israeli citizenship may be arrested for posting something as simple as a photo of shakshuka next to the Palestinian flag.

Of the indictments listed, only a few are related to the use of weapons and opening fire on Israeli forces (and even in these cases, there were no fatalities). The vast majority of incidents involve throwing stones or Molotov cocktails, shooting fireworks, and causing “public disorder.” Was it worth letting Israeli hostages, women, and children, languish in Gaza for a few more weeks for the sake of continuing to imprison a young man who dared to cry “God is great?”

Of course, this list is composed of “soft” prisoners, who won’t arouse as much public opposition, while Palestinian prisoners who have been charged with far more severe and deadly crimes remain in Israeli jails. But the 300 names that Israel was able to put together — almost all of them young, arrested in the last two years, and doing time for some form of popular resistance — should lead to some reflection among Israelis. 

There is, after all, a clear connection between the heavy-handed suppression of any expression of Palestinian opposition, and the strengthening of armed groups that see violence as the only way to seriously challenge their occupiers. But this would require the Israeli public to finally grasp the basic fact that as long as oppression continues, resistance will inevitably continue as well."]]></description>
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    <title>Life in Occupied PALESTINE by Anna Baltzer - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-23T05:07:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_MDC2Gty4I</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this documentary you wil watch a Realistic vision of a jewish a girl about the colonialism of the palestine by the zionists."]]></description>
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    <title>Why Norm Finkelstein Won't CONDEMN Hamas - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-13T21:23:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BqXikmXo2Gw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The foremost scholar on the Israel-Palestine conflict returns to Bad Faith podcast to weigh in on why he refuses to condemn Hamas despite acknowledging the atrocities of October 7th, and update the pod on the most recent hospital bombing. He also destroys Jake Tapper and Hillary Clinton's rationales for Israel's siege against the civilians of Gaza, and debunks common talking points circulated by Zionist mainstream media figures. This is an epic nearly 3 hour conversation you're not going to want to miss."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=svvk5IDUlXE">
    <title>E86: Gaza screams for help. Why won’t Europe listen? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-24T23:00:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=svvk5IDUlXE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We’re more than two weeks into the implacable collective punishment of the Palestinian people by Israel. Thousands of civilians have been killed, most of them children, in a campaign that has Palestinians and Western activists and academics ringing the alarm bells of genocide.

And yet our European leaders seem incapable to see anything but Israel exercising its “right to self-defence”. Unelected Commission President Ursula von der Leyen offered her unqualified support to Israel, with not a word about respect for the rights of Palestinians. French leader Emmanuel Macron criminalised pro-Palestine protests, as did German chancellor Olaf Scholz—who has also called for less refugees coming into Germany, and even for mass deportations.

How independent can Europe be, when it falls so nakedly in line with the US’ position on the conflict? What’s really behind these cowardly moves of our 'leaders'? And what can all of us, watching the horrors unfold on our screens, do about it?

That’s what our panel, including Yanis Varoufakis, Erik Edman and Julijana Zita, will discuss. Join us and put your questions to them live!

End the siege on Gaza! End Israeli apartheid!: Sign the petition: https://diem25.org/end-the-siege-gaza-end-israeli-apartheid/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://scalawagmagazine.org/2023/06/abolitionist-palestine/">
    <title>The prison of Palestine through an abolitionist lens – Scalawag</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-12T18:26:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scalawagmagazine.org/2023/06/abolitionist-palestine/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Zionist colonialism through an abolitionist lens."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2023 israel palestine zionism imprisonment prisonabolition abolitionism rawanmasri fathinemer incarceration freedom davidhacochen gaza criminalization jerusalem resistance</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/2023-10-09/ty-article-opinion/.premium/israel-cant-imprison-2-million-gazans-without-paying-a-cruel-price/0000018b-1476-d465-abbb-14f6262a0000">
    <title>Israel Can’t Imprison Two Million Gazans Without Paying a Cruel Price - Opinion - Haaretz.com</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-12T18:18:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/2023-10-09/ty-article-opinion/.premium/israel-cant-imprison-2-million-gazans-without-paying-a-cruel-price/0000018b-1476-d465-abbb-14f6262a0000</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Behind all this lies Israeli arrogance; the idea that we can do whatever we like, that we’ll never pay the price and be punished for it. We’ll carry on undisturbed.

We’ll arrest, kill, harass, dispossess and protect the settlers busy with their pogroms. We'll visit Joseph’s Tomb, Othniel’s Tomb and Joshua’s Altar in the Palestinian territories, and of course the Temple Mount – over 5,000 Jews on Sukkot alone.

We’ll fire at innocent people, take out people’s eyes and smash their faces, expel, confiscate, rob, grab people from their beds, carry out ethnic cleansing and of course continue with the unbelievable siege of the Gaza Strip, and everything will be all right.

We’ll build a terrifying obstacle around Gaza – the underground wall alone cost 3 billion shekels ($765 million) – and we’ll be safe. We’ll rely on the geniuses of the army's 8200 cyber-intelligence unit and on the Shin Bet security service agents who know everything. They’ll warn us in time.

We’ll transfer half an army from the Gaza border to the Hawara border in the West Bank, only to protect far-right lawmaker Zvi Sukkot and the settlers. And everything will be all right, both in Hawara and at the Erez crossing into Gaza.

It turns out that even the world's most sophisticated and expensive obstacle can be breached with a smoky old bulldozer when the motivation is great. This arrogant barrier can be crossed by bicycle and moped despite the billions poured into it and all the famous experts and fat-cat contractors.

The Gaza Palestinians are willing to pay any price for a moment of freedom. Will Israel learn its lesson? No.

We thought we’d continue to go down to Gaza, scatter a few crumbs in the form of tens of thousands of Israeli work permits – always contingent on good behavior – and still keep them in prison. We’ll make peace with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and the Palestinians will be forgotten until they’re erased, as quite a few Israelis would like.

We’ll keep holding thousands of Palestinian prisoners, sometimes without trial, most of them political prisoners. And we won’t agree to discuss their release even after they've been in prison for decades.

We’ll tell them that only by force will their prisoners see freedom. We thought we would arrogantly keep rejecting any attempt at a diplomatic solution, only because we don’t want to deal with all that, and everything would continue that way forever.

Once again it was proved that this isn’t how it is. A few hundred armed Palestinians breached the barrier and invaded Israel in a way no Israeli imagined was possible. A few hundred people proved that it’s impossible to imprison 2 million people forever without paying a cruel price.

Just as the smoky old Palestinian bulldozer tore through the world’s smartest barrier Saturday, it tore away at Israel’s arrogance and complacency. And that’s also how it tore away at the idea that it’s enough to occasionally attack Gaza with suicide drones – and sell them to half the world – to maintain security.

On Saturday, Israel saw pictures it has never seen before. Palestinian vehicles patrolling its cities, bike riders entering through the Gaza gates. These pictures tear away at that arrogance. The Gaza Palestinians have decided they’re willing to pay any price for a moment of freedom. Is there any hope in that? No. Will Israel learn its lesson? No.

On Saturday they were already talking about wiping out entire neighborhoods in Gaza, about occupying the Strip and punishing Gaza “as it has never been punished before.” But Israel hasn’t stopped punishing Gaza since 1948, not for a moment.

After 75 years of abuse, the worse possible scenario awaits it once again. The threats of “flattening Gaza” prove only one thing: We haven’t learned a thing. The arrogance is here to stay, even though Israel is paying a high price once again.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu bears very great responsibility for what happened, and he must pay the price, but it didn’t start with him and it won’t end after he goes. We now have to cry bitterly for the Israeli victims, but we should also cry for Gaza.

Gaza, most of whose residents are refugees created by Israel. Gaza, which has never known a single day of freedom."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZjKVpbXRvJo">
    <title>“They Could Kill Me At Any Time”: Life Under Israeli Occupation - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-09-07T00:43:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZjKVpbXRvJo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi captured international attention after she served eight months in an Israeli prison for slapping an Israeli soldier. Sine then, she and Dena Takruri have teamed up to write a book about this experience and growing up under military occupation. On the eve of the book’s publication, Dena catches up with the young activist, now 21, seen by many as an icon of Palestinian resistance.

Palestinian resistance.

You can order a copy of They Called Me A Lioness: A Palestinian Girl’s Fight For Freedom here: https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/634628/they-called-me-a-lioness-by-ahed-tamimi-and-dena-takruri/ "]]></description>
<dc:subject>ahedtamimi palestine occupation israel 2022 apartheid denatakruri resistance children prison imprisonment</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/MrDanZak/status/1270426367495155722">
    <title>Dan Zak on Twitter: &quot;Martin Gugino, the 75-year-old peace protester injured by Buffalo police &amp;amp; slandered by the president of the United States, is reportedly a supporter of the Catholic Worker movement &amp;amp; Plowshares movement. I don't know Gugino,</title>
    <dc:date>2020-06-11T00:54:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/MrDanZak/status/1270426367495155722</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/audreywatters/status/1270450895868751872

“Father Phil Berrigan came and spoke to a class I was in at JHU in 1990. I was so moved by his work, I named my son “Isaiah” in honor of the Plowshares. 

(See whole thread)”]

“Martin Gugino, the 75-year-old peace protester injured by Buffalo police & slandered by the president of the United States, is reportedly a supporter of the Catholic Worker movement & Plowshares movement. I don’t know Gugino, but I know Catholic Worker/Plowshares very well. [1/x]

I spent four years working to understand these activists—interviewing them, attending their peaceful protests of nuclear weapons & the military, walking with them on a peace march into the Nevada desert, watching them in court, corresponding by mail when they were in prison.

They are generally on the older side, & have been active for decades in peaceful protest: against the Vietnam War, against Reagan’s arms buildup, against School of the Americas &, most forcefully, against nukes. They see the link between war & poverty (of spirit and of body).

The Catholic Worker movement began nearly 90 years ago in NYC w/Dorothy Day. Here are a few pages of history from my book. From the beginning, the government smeared them as radicals, as enemies of the state, for daring to question our militarized identity & national priorities. [three photos of pages from a book]

J. Edgar Hoover spread rumors that Dorothy Day was a Russian spy; the FBI monitored her for “subversive” behavior, i.e. pointing out that internment camps in the U.S. were reminiscent of Nazi Germany. Years later, Hoover & Nixon did the same against anti-Vietnam protesters. [photo of a passage from the book]

And now, decades later, Trump is spreading similar demagoguery about a peace activist who reportedly walks in Dorothy Day’s footsteps. (A recognized theme of the Trump presidency is that he does out loud, and in the open, what the U.S. government has always tried to do covertly.)

Catholic Worker houses, all around the U.S., are hubs for intentional living & peace activism. On a weekly basis, members of D.C.’s Catholic Worker house protest in small groups at the Pentagon & White House. They also feed the poor & shelter single moms & their children.

The Plowshares movement is an intrepid offshoot of the Catholic Worker. It began in 1980 when activists entered a nuclear-weapons facility in PA. The goal was to manifest the command of the Book of Isaiah to transform weapons into tools of peace (“swords into plowshares”).

They got past security, found the nose cones for Minuteman missiles, hammered them & splashed them with blood. They brought a written indictment explaining their civil disobedience: General Electric was draining $3 million a day from the public to produce “genocidal” weaponry. [screenshot of archived newspaper article]

Plowshares actions have continued ever since. I wrote about the one in 2012 in Oak Ridge, Tenn., which included an 82-year-old Catholic nun: http://wapo.st/prophets The most recent one was two years ago; Dorothy Day’s granddaughter was part of the group: “Explainer: Who are the Kings Bay Plowshares 7, the Catholics convicted of protesting nuclear weapons?” https://www.americamagazine.org/politics-society/2019/11/20/explainer-who-are-kings-bay-plowshares-7-catholics-convicted-protesting 

Most Plowshares activists are senior citizens. Some are so committed that they risk arrest, injury & imprisonment; but they are paragons of peacefulness & kindness. The U.S. gov’t feels threatened by their ideals & goals, and prosecutes them accordingly. https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/nun-83-and-two-other-activists-guilty-of-intrusion-at-nuclear-complex/2013/05/08/9ae9d57a-b82f-11e2-92f3-f291801936b8_story.html

<blockquote>Nun, 83, and two other activists guilty of intrusion at nuclear complex
KNOXVILLE, Tenn. — An 83-year-old Catholic nun and two of her fellow peace activists were found guilty Wednesday of intending to harm national security when they intruded in July onto the Y-12</blockquote>

The mission of Plowshares activists is encapsulated by this quote from Richard T. McSorley, a Jesuit pacifist & POW during WW2: “The taproot of violence in our society today is our intent to use nuclear weapons. Once we have agreed to that, all other evil is minor in comparison.”

The Catholic Worker & Plowshares movements have long seen the intersectionality of bloated weapons budgets, our intent to use nukes, racism, state violence & poverty. When they protest nukes they are protesting what they see as a cause/amplifier of injustice, violence & poverty.

These activists, many of whom are 70+ years old, have been in the streets for 50+ years. They would see a link between the knee on George Floyd’s neck, the shove of Martin Gugino, the maintenance of a Minuteman missile, the militarization of police, the racial lines of poverty.

P.S. I see Twitter trolls—carrying the mantle of J. Edgar, Nixon & now Trump—trying to slander Gugino as a “professional protester/agitator.” But that’s what devoting yourself to activism means: You agitate. You show up. You walk the walk, peacefully but firmly, as a way of life.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.newstatesman.com/2015/09/letter-rosa-luxemburg-0">
    <title>A letter to Rosa Luxemburg</title>
    <dc:date>2017-01-07T05:04:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.newstatesman.com/2015/09/letter-rosa-luxemburg-0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The socialist pioneer Rosa Luxemburg was killed in Berlin in 1919. In 2015, John Berger sits down to write a letter to her."

…

"Of the eighteen birds on the labels, I perhaps recognise five.

The boxes are full of matches with green striking heads. Sixty in each box. The same as seconds in a minute and minutes in an hour. Each one a potential flame.

“The modern proletarian class,” you wrote, “doesn’t carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern worker’s struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight.”

On the lid of the cardboard box there is a short explanatory note addressed to matchbox-label collectors (phillumenists, as they are called) in the USSR of the 1970s.

The note gives the following information: in evolutionary terms birds preceded animals, in the world today there are an estimated 5,000 species of birds, in the Soviet Union there are 400 species of songbirds, in general it is the male birds who sing, songbirds have specially developed vocal chords at the bottom of their throats, they usually nest in bushes or trees or on the ground, they are an aid to cereal agriculture because they eat and thus eliminate hordes of insects, recently in the remotest areas of the Soviet Union three new species of singing sparrows have been identified.

Janine kept the box on her kitchen windowsill. It gave her pleasure and in the winter it reminded her of birds singing.

When you were imprisoned for vehemently opposing the First World War, you listened to a blue titmouse “who always stayed close to my window, came with the others to be fed, and diligently sang its funny little song, tsee-tsee-bay, but it sounded like the mischievous teasing of a child. It always made me laugh and I would answer with the same call. Then the bird vanished with the others at the beginning of this month, no doubt nesting elsewhere. I had seen and heard nothing of it for weeks. Yesterday its well-known notes came suddenly from the other side of the wall which separates our courtyard from another part of the prison; but it was considerably altered, for the bird called three times in brief succession, tsee-tsee-bay, tsee-tsee-bay, tsee-tsee-bay, and then all was still. It went to my heart, for there was so much conveyed by this hasty call from the distance – a whole history of bird life.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Fellow Prisoners – Guernica</title>
    <dc:date>2017-01-02T21:18:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.guernicamag.com/john_berger_7_15_11/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The best way to understand the world, writes Berger, is not as a metaphorical prison but a literal one. And what better way to inspire solidarity than seeing ourselves (them) as fellow prisoners?"

…

"The wonderful American poet Adrienne Rich pointed out in a recent lecture about poetry that “this year, a report from the Bureau of Justice Statistics finds that one out of every 136 residents of the United States is behind bars—many in jails, unconvicted.”

In the same lecture she quoted the Greek poet Yannis Ritsos:

     In the field the last swallow had lingered late,

     balancing in the air like a black ribbon on the sleeve

           of autumn.

     Nothing else remained. Only the burned houses

           smouldering still.

***

I picked up the phone and knew immediately it was an unexpected call from you, speaking from your flat in the Via Paolo Sarpi. (Two days after the election results and Berlusconi’s comeback.) The speed with which we identify a familiar voice coming out of the blue is comforting, but also somewhat mysterious. Because the measures, the units we use in calculating the clear distinction that exists between one voice and another, are unformulated and nameless. They don’t have a code. These days more and more is encoded.

So I wonder whether there aren’t other measures, equally uncoded yet precise, by which we calculate other givens. For example, the amount of circumstantial freedom existing in a certain situation, its extent and its strict limits. Prisoners become experts at this. They develop a particular sensitivity towards liberty, not as a principle, but as a granular substance. They spot fragments of liberty almost immediately whenever they occur.

***

On an ordinary day, when nothing is happening and the crises announced hourly are the old familiar ones—and the politicians are declaring yet again that without them there would be catastrophe—people as they pass one another exchange glances, and some of their glances check whether the others are envisaging the same thing when they say to themselves; so this is life!

Often they are envisaging the same thing and in this primary sharing there is a kind of solidarity before anything further has been said or discussed.

I’m searching for words to describe the period of history we’re living through. To say it’s unprecedented means little because all periods were unprecedented since history was first discovered.

I’m not searching for a complex definition—there are a number of thinkers, such as Zygmunt Bauman, who have taken on this essential task. I’m looking for nothing more than a figurative image to serve as a landmark. Landmarks don’t fully explain themselves, but they offer a reference point that can be shared. In this they are like the tacit assumptions contained in popular proverbs. Without landmarks there is the great human risk of turning in circles.

***

The landmark I’ve found is that of prison. Nothing less. Across the planet we are living in a prison.

The word we, when printed or pronounced on screens, has become suspect, for it’s continually used by those with power in the demagogic claim that they are also speaking for those who are denied power. Let’s talk of ourselves as they. They are living in a prison.

What kind of prison? How is it constructed? Where is it situated? Or am I only using the word as a figure of speech?

No, it’s not a metaphor, the imprisonment is real, but to describe it one has to think historically.

Michel Foucault has graphically shown how the penitentiary was a late eighteenth-, early nineteenth-century invention closely linked to industrial production, its factories and its utilitarian philosophy. Earlier, there were jails that were extensions of the cage and the dungeon. What distinguished the penitentiary is the number of prisoners it can pack in—and the fact that all of them are under continuous surveillance thanks to the model of the Pantopticon, as conceived by Jeremy Bentham, who introduced the principle of accountancy into ethics.

Accountancy demands that every transaction be noted. Hence the penitentiary’s circular walls with the cells arranged around the screw’s watchtower at the center. Bentham, who was John Stuart Mill’s tutor at the beginning of the nineteenth century, was the principal utilitarian apologist for industrial capitalism.

Today in the era of globalization, the world is dominated by financial, not industrial, capital, and the dogmas defining criminality and the logics of imprisonment have changed radically. Penitentiaries still exist and more and more are being built. But prison walls now serve a different purpose. What constitutes an incarceration area has been transformed.

***

Twenty years ago, Nella Bielski and I wrote A Question of Geography, a play about the Gulag. In act two, a zek (a political prisoner) talks to a boy who has just arrived about choice, about the limits of what can be chosen in a labor camp: When you drag yourself back after a day’s work in the taiga, when you are marched back, half dead with fatigue and hunger, you are given your ration of soup and bread. About the soup you have no choice—it has to be eaten whilst it’s hot, or whilst it’s at least warm. About the four hundred grams of bread you have choice. For instance, you can cut it into three little bits: one to eat now with the soup, one to suck in the mouth before going to sleep in your bunk, and the third to keep until next morning at ten, when you’re working in the taiga and the emptiness in your stomach feels like a stone.

You empty a wheelbarrow full of rock. About pushing the barrow to the dump you have no choice. Now it’s empty you have a choice. You can walk your barrow back just like you came, or—if you’re clever, and survival makes you clever—you push it back like this, almost upright. If you choose the second way you give your shoulders a rest. If you are a zek and you become a team leader, you have the choice of playing at being a screw, or of never forgetting that you are a zek.

The Gulag no longer exists. Millions work, however, under conditions that are not very different. What has changed is the forensic logic applied to workers and criminals.

During the Gulag, political prisoners, categorized as criminals, were reduced to slave-laborers. Today millions of brutally exploited workers are being reduced to the status of criminals.

The Gulag equation “criminal = slave laborer” has been rewritten by neoliberalism to become “worker = hidden criminal.” The whole drama of global migration is expressed in this new formula; those who work are latent criminals. When accused, they are found guilty of trying at all costs to survive.

Over six million Mexican women and men work in the U.S. without papers and are consequently illegal. A concrete wall of over one thousand kilometers and a “virtual” wall of eighteen hundred watchtowers were planned along the frontier between the U.S. and Mexico, although the projects have recently been scrapped. Ways around them—though all of them dangerous—will of course be found.

Between industrial capitalism, dependent on manufacture and factories, and financial capitalism, dependent on free-market speculation and front office traders, the incarceration area has changed. Speculative financial transactions add up to, each day, $1,300 billion, fifty times more than the sum of the commercial exchanges. The prison is now as large as the planet and its allotted zones can vary and can be termed worksite, refugee camp, shopping mall, periphery, ghetto, office block, favela, suburb. What is essential is that those incarcerated in these zones are fellow prisoners.

***

It’s the first week in May and on the hillsides and mountains, along the avenues and around the gates in the northern hemisphere, the leaves of most of the trees are coming out. Not only are all their different varieties of green still distinct, people also have the impression that each single leaf is distinct, and so they are confronting billions—no, not billions (the word has been corrupted by dollars), they are confronting an infinite multitude of new leaves.

For prisoners, small visible signs of nature’s continuity have always been, and still are, a covert encouragement.

***

Today the purpose of most prison walls (concrete, electronic, patrolled, or interrogatory) is not to keep prisoners in and correct them, but to keep prisoners out and exclude them.

Most of the excluded are anonymous—hence the obsession of all security forces with identity. They are also numberless, for two reasons. First because their numbers fluctuate; every famine, natural disaster and military intervention (now called policing) either diminishes or increases their multitude. And secondly, because to assess their number is to confront the fact that they constitute most of those living on the surface of the earth—and to acknowledge this is to plummet into absolute absurdity.

***

Have you noticed small commodities are increasingly difficult to remove from their packaging? Something similar has happened with the lives of the gainfully employed. Those who have legal employment and are not poor are living in a very reduced space that allows them fewer and fewer choices—except the continual binary choice between obedience and disobedience. Their working hours, their place of residence, their past skills and experience, their health, the future of their children, everything outside their function as employees has to take a small second place beside the unforseeable and vast demands of liquid profit. Furthermore, the rigidity of this house rule is called flexibility. In prison, words get turned upside down.

The alarming pressure of high-grade working conditions has obliged the courts in Japan to recognize and define a new coroners’ category of “death by overwork.”

No other system, the gainfully employed are told, is feasible. There is no alternative. Take the elevator. The elevator is a small cell.

Somewhere in the prison I’m watching a five-year-old girl having a swimming lesson in a municipal indoor swimming pool. She’s wearing a dark blue costume. She can swim but doesn’t yet have the confidence to swim alone without any support. The instructor takes her to the deep end of the pool. The girl is going to jump into the water whilst grasping a long rod held out towards her by her teacher. It’s a way of getting over her fear of water. They did the same thing yesterday.

Today she wants the girl to jump without clutching the rod. One, two, three! The girl jumps, but at the last moment seizes the rod. Not a word is spoken. A faint smile passes between the woman and the girl, the girl cheeky, the woman patient.

The girl clambers up the ladder out of the pool and returns to the edge. Again! she hisses. She jumps, hands to her sides, holding nothing. When she comes up to the surface the tip of the rod is there in front of her very nose. The girl swims two strokes to the ladder without touching the rod.

Am I proposing that the girl in the dark blue costume and the swimming instructor in her sandals are prisoners? Certainly at the moment when the girl jumped without the rod, neither of them was in prison. If I think, however, of the years to come or look back at the recent past, I fear that, notwithstanding what I describe, both of them risk becoming or re-becoming a prisoner.

***

Look at the power structure of the surrounding world, and how its authority functions. Every tyranny finds and improvises its own set of controls. Which is why they are often, at first, not recognized as the vicious controls they are.

The market forces dominating the world assert that they are inevitably stronger than any nation-state. The assertion is corroborated every minute. From an unsolicited telephone call trying to persuade the subscriber to take out private health insurance or a pension, to the latest ultimatum of the World Trade Organization.

As a result, most governments no longer govern. A government no longer steers towards its chosen destination. The word “horizon,” with its promise of a hoped-for future, has vanished from political discourse on both right and left. All that remains for debate is how to measure what is there. Opinion polls replace direction and replace desire.

Most governments herd instead of steer. (In U.S. prison slang, “herders” is one of the many words for jailers.)

In the nineteenth century, long-term imprisonment was approvingly defined as a punishment of “civic death.” Two centuries later, governments are imposing—by law, force, economic threats and their buzz—mass regimes of civic death.

***

Wasn’t living under any tyranny in the past a form of imprisonment? Not in the sense I’m describing. What is being lived today is new because of its relationship with space.

It’s here that the thinking of Zygmunt Bauman is illuminating. He points out that the corporate market forces now running the world are ex-territorial, that’s to say “free from territorial constraints—the constraints of locality.” They are perpetually remote, anonymous and thus never have to take account of the territorial, physical consequences of their actions. He quotes Hans Tietmeyer, former President of the German Federal Bank: “Today’s stake is to create conditions favorable to the confidence of investors.” The single supreme priority.

Following this, the control of the world’s populations, who consist of producers, consumers, and the marginalized poor, is the task allotted to the obedient national governments.

The planet is a prison and the obedient governments, whether of left or right, are the herders.

***

The prison system operates thanks to cyberspace. Cyberspace offers the market a speed of exchange which is almost instantaneous and used across the world day and night for trading. From this speed, the market tyranny gains its ex-territorial license. Such velocity, however, has a pathological effect on its practitioners: it anesthetizes them. No matter what has befallen, “business as usual.”

There is no place for pain in that velocity; announcements of pain perhaps, but not the suffering of it. Consequently, the human condition is banished, excluded from those operating the system. They are alone because utterly heartless.

Earlier, tyrants were pitiless and inaccessible, but they were neighbors who were subject to pain. This is no longer the case, and therein lies the system’s probable weakness.

***

     The tall doors swing background

     We’re inside the prison yard

     in a new season.

They (we) are fellow prisoners. That recognition, in whatever tone of voice it may be declared, contains a refusal. Nowhere more than in prison is the future calculated and awaited as something utterly opposed to the present. The incarcerated never accept the present as final.

Meanwhile, how to live this present? What conclusions to draw? What decisions to take? How to act? I have a few guidelines to suggest, now that the landmark has been established.

On this side of the walls experience is listened to, no experience is considered obsolete. Here survival is respected, and it’s a commonplace that survival frequently depends upon solidarity between fellow prisoners. The authorities know this—hence their use of solitary confinement, either through physical isolation from history, from heritage, from the earth and, above all, from a common future.

Ignore the jailers’ talk. There are of course bad jailers and less bad. In certain conditions it’s useful to note the difference. But what they say—including the less evil ones—is bullshit. Their hymns, their shibboleths, their incanted words security, democracy, identity, civilization, flexibility, productivity, human rights, integration, terrorism, freedom are repeated and repeated in order to confuse, divide, distract, and sedate all fellow prisoners. On this side of the walls, words spoken by the jailers are meaningless and are no longer useful for thought. They cut through nothing. Reject them even when thinking silently to oneself.

By contrast, prisoners have their own vocabulary with which they think. Many words are kept secret and many are local, with countless variations. Small words and phrases, small yet containing a world: I’ll-show-you-my-way, sometimes-wonder, pajarillo, something-happening-in-B-wing, stripped, take-this-small-earring, died-for-us, go-for-it, etc.

Between fellow prisoners there are conflicts, sometimes violent. All prisoners are deprived, yet there are degrees of deprivation and the differences of degree provoke envy. On this side of the walls life is cheap. The very facelessness of the global tyranny encourages hunts to find scapegoats, to find instantly definable enemies among other prisoners. The asphyxiating cells then become a madhouse. The poor attack the poor, the invaded pillage the invaded. Fellow prisoners should not be idealized.

Without idealization, simply take note that what they have in common—which is their unnecessary suffering, their endurance, their cunning—is more significant, more telling, than what separates them. And from this, new forms of solidarity are being born. The new solidarities start with the mutual recognition of differences and multiplicity. So this is life! A solidarity, not of masses but of interconnectivity, far more appropriate to the conditions of prison.

***

The authorities do their systematic best to keep fellow prisoners misinformed about what is happening elsewhere in the world prison. They do not, in the aggressive sense of the term, indoctrinate. Indoctrination is reserved for the training of the small élite of traders and managerial and market experts. For the mass prison population the aim is not to activate them, but to keep them in a state of passive uncertainty, to remind them remorselessly that there is nothing in life but risk, and that the earth is an unsafe place.

This is done with carefully selected information, with misinformation, commentaries, rumors, fictions. Insofar as the operation succeeds, it proposes and maintains a hallucinating paradox, for it tricks a prison population into believing that the priority for each one of them is to make arrangements for their own personal protection and to acquire somehow, even though incarcerated, their own particular exemption from the common fate. This image of mankind as transmitted through a view of the world is truly without precedent. Mankind is presented as a coward; only winners are brave. In addition, there are no gifts; there are only prizes.

Prisoners have always found ways of communicating with one another. In today’s global prison, cyberspace can be used against the interests of those who first installed it. Like this, prisoners inform themselves about what the world does each day, and they follow suppressed stories from the past and so stand shoulder to shoulder with the dead.

In doing so, they rediscover little gifts, examples of courage, a single rose in a kitchen where there’s not enough to eat, indelible pains, the indefatigability of mothers, laughter, mutual aid, silence, ever-widening resistance, willing sacrifice, more laughter…

The messages are brief but they extend in the solitude of their (our) nights.

***

The final guideline is not tactical but strategic.

The fact that the world’s tyrants are ex-territorial explains the extent of their overseeing power, yet it also indicates a coming weakness. They operate in cyberspace and they lodge in guarded condominiums. They have no knowledge of the surrounding earth. Furthermore, they dismiss such knowledge as superficial, not profound. Only extracted resources count. They cannot listen to the earth. On the ground they are blind. In the local they are lost.

For fellow prisoners the opposite is true. Cells have walls that touch across the world. Effective acts of sustained resistance will be embedded in the local, near and far. Outback resistance, listening to the earth.

Liberty is slowly being found not outside but in the depths of the prison.

***

Not only did I immediately recognize your voice, speaking from your flat in the Via Paolo Sarpi, I could also guess, thanks to your voice, how you were feeling. I sensed your exasperation or, rather, an exasperated endurance combined—and this is so typical of you—with the quick steps of our next hope."]]></description>
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    <title>Chris Hadfield on Twitter: &quot;With celebrity death and elections taking the media by the nose, it’s easy to forget that this year saw a great many positives. Let’s look.&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2017-01-01T23:48:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/Cmdr_Hadfield/status/815294057102667778</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also: "99 Reasons 2016 Was a Good Year: Our media feeds are echo chambers. And those echo chambers don’t just reflect our political beliefs; they reflect our feelings about human progress. Bad news is a bubble too."
https://medium.com/future-crunch/99-reasons-why-2016-has-been-a-great-year-for-humanity-8420debc2823#.tj7kowhpd

"With celebrity death and elections taking the media by the nose, it’s easy to forget that this year saw a great many positives. Let’s look.

1. The Colombian government and FARC rebels committed to a lasting peace, ending a war that killed or displaced over 7 million people.

2. Sri Lanka spent five years working to exile the world’s deadliest disease from their borders. As of 2016, they are malaria free.

3. The Giant Panda, arguably the world’s second cutest panda, has official been removed from the endangered species list.

4. @astro_timpeake became the first ESA astronaut from the UK, symbolizing a renewed British commitment to space exploration.

5. Tiger numbers around the world are on the rise for the first time in 100 years, with plans to double by 2022.

6. Juno, a piece of future history, successfully flew over 588 million miles and is now sending back unprecedented data from Jupiter.

7. The number of veterans in the US who are homeless has halved in the past half-decade, with a nearly 20% drop in 2016.

8. Malawi lowered its HIV rate by 67%, and in the past decade have seen a shift in public health that has saved over 250,000 lives.

9. Air travel continue to get safer, and 2016 saw the second fewest per capita deaths in aviation of any year on record.

10. India’s dogged commitment to reforestation saw a single day event planting more than 50 million trees, a world record.

11. Measles has been eradicated from the Americas. A 22 year vaccination campaign has led to the elimination of the historic virus.

12. After a century, Einstein’s theory of gravitational waves has been proven correct, in a ‘moon shot’ scientific achievement.

13. China has announced a firm date for the end of the ivory trade, as public opinion is becoming more staunchly environmentalist.

14. A solar powered airplane flew across the Pacific Ocean for the first time, highlighting a new era of energy possibilities.

15. Costa Rica’s entire electrical grid ran on renewable energy for over half the year, and their capacity continues to grow.

16. Israeli and US researchers believe they are on the brink of being able to cure radiation sickness, after successful tests this year.

17. The ozone layer has shown that through tackling a problem head on, the world can stem environmental disasters, together.

18. A new treatment for melanoma has seen a 40% survival rate, taking a huge step forward towards long-term cancer survivability.

19. An Ebola vaccine was developed by Canadian researchers with 100% efficacy. Humans eradicated horror, together.

20. British Columbia protected 85% of the world’s largest temperate rainforest, in a landmark environmental agreement.

21. 2016 saw the designation of more than 40 new marine sanctuaries in 20 countries, covering an area larger than the United States.

22. These marine reserves include Malaysia’s 13 year struggle to complete a million hectare park, completed this year.

23. This also includes the largest marine reserve in history, created in Antarctica via an unprecedented agreement by 24 nations.

24. Atmospheric acid pollution, once a gloomy reality, has been tackled to the point of being almost back to pre-industrial levels.

25. Major diseases are in decline. The US saw a 50% mortality drop in colon cancer; lower heart disease, osteoporosis and dementia.

26. Uruguay successfully fought tobacco companies to create a precedent for small countries looking to introduce health-focused legislation.

27. World hunger has reached its lowest point in 25 years, and with poverty levels dropping worldwide, seems likely to continue.

28. The A.U. made strides to become more unified, launching an all-Africa passport meant to allow for visa-free travel for all citizens.

29. Fossil fuel emissions flatlined in 2016, with the Paris agreement becoming the fastest UN treaty to become international law.

30. China announced a ban on new coal mines, with renewed targets to increase electrical capacity through renewables by 2020.

31. One third of Dutch prison cells are empty as the crime rate shrank by more than 25% in the last eight years, continuing to drop.

32. In August went to the high Arctic with some incredible young artists. They helped open my eyes to the promise of the next generation.

33. Science, economics, and environmentalism saw a reversal in the overfishing trends of the United States this year.

34. @BoyanSlat successfully tested his Ocean Cleanup prototype, and aims to clean up to 40% of ocean-borne plastics starting this year.

35. Israel now produces 55% of its freshwater, turning what is one of the driest countries on earth into an agricultural heartland.

36. The Italian government made it harder to waste food, creating laws that provided impetus to collect, share and donate excess meals.

37. People pouring ice on their head amusingly provided the ALS foundation with enough funding to isolate a genetic cause of the disease.

38. Manatees, arguably the most enjoyable animal to meet when swimming, are no longer endangered.

39. Grizzlies, arguable the least enjoyable animal to meet while swimming, no longer require federal protection in US national parks.

40. Global aid increased 7%, with money being designated to helping the world’s 65 million refugees doubling.

41. 2016 was the most charitable year in American history. China’s donations have increased more than ten times since a decade ago.

42. The Gates Foundation announced another 5 billion dollars towards eradicating poverty and disease in Africa.

43. Individual Canadians were so welcoming that the country set a world standard for how to privately sponsor and resettle refugees.

44. Teenage birth rates in the United States have never been lower, while at the same time graduation rates have never been higher.

45. SpaceX made history by landing a rocket upright after returning from space, potentially opening a new era of space exploration.

46. Finally - The Cubs won the World Series for the first time in 108 years, giving hope to Maple Leafs fans everywhere. Happy New Year.

There are countless more examples, big and small. If you refocus on the things that are working, your year will be better than the last."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrishadfield optimism 2016 improvement trends humanity earth environment economics health poverty refugees crime news imprisonment incarceration prisons us canada india reforestation forests vaccinations measles manatees tigers giantpandas wildlife animals multispecies endangeredanimals change progress oceans pollutions peace war colombia government srilanka space science pacificocean china energy sustainability costarica electricity reneableenergy britishcolumbia ebola ozone africa uruguay smoking disease healthcare dementia mortality environmentalism italy italia bears grizzlybears spacex gatesfoundation angusharvey pandas</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://tumblr.austinkleon.com/post/91175274376">
    <title>Reading Proust in prison - Austin Kleon</title>
    <dc:date>2014-07-15T21:28:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://tumblr.austinkleon.com/post/91175274376</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Daniel Genis spent ten years in prison and read over one thousand books:

<blockquote>He read “In Search of Lost Time” alongside two academic guidebooks, full of notations in French, and a dictionary. He said that no other novel gave him as much appreciation for his time in prison. “Of course, we are memory artists as well…,” he wrote of prisoners in his journal, in the entry on “Time Regained.” “Everyone inside tries to make their time go by as quickly as possible and live entirely in the past,” he said. “But to kill your days is essentially to shorten your own life.” In prison, time was both an enemy and a resource, and Genis said that Proust convinced him that the only way to exist outside of it, however briefly, was to become a writer himself… Later, when he came across a character in a Murakami novel who says that one really has to be in jail to read Proust, Genis said that he laughed louder than he had in ten years.</blockquote>

Murakami might be on to something. The people I know of who’ve read a stupendous amount of books in a certain period of time have lived in a kind of sparse, prison-like existence. When the depression hit, Joseph Campbell moved to a shack outside of Woodstock, New York, and read nine hours a day for five years. When I was 20, I spent 6 months in Cambridge, England living in a room the size of a broom closet, and that’s when I read Shakespeare, Dickens, Dostoevsky, Joyce, etc. (At one point, Genis’s father tells him to read Ulysses in prison, because “he wouldn’t have the willpower to get through it once he became a free man.”) My friend was in the Peace Corps for two years in Africa, and he said all there was to do at night was smoke weed and read. He read a couple hundred books.

Maybe that’s what college should be: two years where your rent is paid and you do nothing but read…"]]></description>
<dc:subject>danielgenis reading concentration attention prison imprisonment isolation harukimurakami proust josephcampbell marcelproust dostoevsky</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.php/articles/article/277/">
    <title>The Thoreau Problem | Rebecca Solnit | Orion Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-06T04:06:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.php/articles/article/277/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If he went to jail to demonstrate his commitment to freedom of others, he went to the berries to exercise his own recovered freedom, the liberty to do whatever he wished, & the evidence in all his writing is that he very often wished to pick berries. There’s a widespread belief, among both activists & those who cluck disapprovingly over insufficiently austere activists, that idealists should not enjoy any pleasure denied to others, that beauty, sensuality, delight all ought to be stalled behind some dam that only the imagined revolution will break. This schism creates, as the alternative to a life of selfless devotion, a life of flight from engagement, which seems to be one way those years at Walden Pond are sometimes portrayed. But change is not always by revolution, the deprived don’t generally wish that the rest of us would join them in deprivation, & a passion for justice & pleasure in small things are not incompatible. That’s part of what the short jaunt from jail to hill says."]]></description>
<dc:subject>walden selflessness via:steelemaley justice revolution change 2007 protest imprisonment civildisobedience walking berries deprivation freedom rebeccasolnit thoreau</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/aug/08/context-london-riots">
    <title>There is a context to London's riots that can't be ignored | Nina Power | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk</title>
    <dc:date>2011-08-10T07:00:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/aug/08/context-london-riots</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett point out in The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone, phenomena usually described as "social problems" (crime, ill-health, imprisonment rates, mental illness) are far more common in unequal societies than ones with better economic distribution and less gap between the richest and the poorest. Decades of individualism, competition and state-encouraged selfishness – combined with a systematic crushing of unions and the ever-increasing criminalisation of dissent – have made Britain one of the most unequal countries in the developed world."]]></description>
<dc:subject>london uk violence politics policy riots 2011 ninapower inequality society crime imprisonment mentalillness equality disparity wealth selfishness individualism competition unions wealthdistribution mentalhealth</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://lebbeuswoods.wordpress.com/2011/04/03/7669/">
    <title>THIS CANNOT PASS (updated) « LEBBEUS WOODS</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-06T02:35:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://lebbeuswoods.wordpress.com/2011/04/03/7669/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Light Pavilion by me and Christoph a. Kumpusch is already under construction in Chengdu, China. I here state publicly that I will not accept another project in China until Ai Weiwei is released unharmed from detention or imprisonment."]]></description>
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