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    <title>Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism - Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T09:51:00+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["ICSZ supports the development of Critical Zionism Studies with resources for academics and activists. The Institute’s work includes fellowships, collaborations, conferences, and publications that expand the reach of research."

...

"The Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism aims to support the delinking of the study of Zionism from Jewish Studies, and to reclaim academia and public discourse for the study of Zionism as a political, ideological, and racial and gendered knowledge project that intersects with Palestine and decolonial studies, critical terrorism studies, settler colonial studies, studies of land and climate, disability, performance, and many other related areas scholarship and activism.

The Institute approaches Zionism as a broad set of colonial and repressive work and solidarities, efforts to curate knowledge and identities, and to dismantle movements that resist it. In other words, Zionism’s project extends beyond the borders of Palestine.

Many scholars and activists are working to illuminate such “other work” of Zionist institutions and discourses, historically and in the present, to shape the material conditions of life, the movement of capital, the construction of racial identity, and more.

ICSZ supports this expansive work with fellowships to support academic and activist work, conferences, and publications that expand the reach of scholars’ and activists’ work into political culture. "]]></description>
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    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: Despite 9-Figure Infusion from Silicon Valley, Abundance Still Seeks Popular Support</title>
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    <title>The Kamacalypse! An Important Reminder - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T11:33:41+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How Biden Will Be Worse For Palestine Than Trump (Sana Saeed)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HbaaSA7H_UY

Nailing Down "Top Cop" Kamala Harris on Criminal Justice Reform
https://www.prisonlegalnews.org/news/2024/oct/15/nailing-down-top-cop-kamala-harris-criminal-justice-reform/ "]]></description>
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    <title>How Biden Will Be Worse For Palestine Than Trump - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T11:18:14+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One of President Donald Trump’s greatest successes while in office — yes, there were some — was his policy on Israel and occupied Palestine. Under the Trump administration, we saw a major overhaul of some long-standing American policies: moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, declaring settlements not illegal “per se” and cutting all funding to Palestinian refugees. But the new Biden administration is showing no sign of pushing back against Trump’s moves — instead, what we’re seeing is an embrace of them."

[via: "The Kamacalypse! An Important Reminder" (Jared Ball, 2026)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fU30NyNDtIk ]]]></description>
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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mPRkXbpFjs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-cult-of-optimization/">
    <title>The Cult of Optimization</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T00:41:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-cult-of-optimization/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[https://www.theideasletter.org/issue/la-longue-duree/

"Phil Tinline argues that optimization—using mathematical models and data to pursue specific objectives—has spread from engineering and wartime logistics to nearly every area of modern life. Optimization models show up in the workplace, on tech platforms, in economics, and in social policy. You don’t need to be a critic of instrumental rationality to recognize that optimization is a powerful but problematic tool when elevated into a creed that claims to improve society by through quantification."]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://open.spotify.com/episode/1s4lZhoC8mA8mFYsp7L3ea">
    <title>Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto con Carlos Bravo Regidor • The Ideas Letter Podcast: A project of the Open Society Foundations</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T23:54:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/1s4lZhoC8mA8mFYsp7L3ea</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mar-de-dudas-conversaciones-para-navegar/id1853979465?i=1000770650095 ]

"¿Qué le ocurre al liberalismo cuando el guion que lo orientó durante tres décadas deja de corresponder al mundo? El analista político e historiador mexicano Carlos Bravo Regidor empezó a hacerse esa pregunta la noche del triunfo electoral de Donald Trump en 2016 —que coincidió con su cumpleaños— y dedicó los siguientes años a perseguirla a través de una serie de entrevistas largas que originalmente le encargó la revista Gatopardo. El resultado es Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto (Grano de Sal / Gatopardo, 2025), una colección de catorce conversaciones extensas con algunos de los pensadores políticos más agudos de nuestro tiempo, entre ellos Francis Fukuyama, Branko Milanović, Nadia Urbinati, Daniel Innerarity, Federico Finchelstein, Pablo Stefanoni, Rafael Rojas, Margaret MacMillan, Ivan Krastev, Sofia Rosenfeld, Rebecca Solnit y Laura Gamboa.

En este episodio del podcast Ideas Letter de la Open Society Foundations, producido en colaboración con la New Books Network, el conductor Mario Arriagada conversa con Bravo Regidor sobre el itinerario intelectual que lo llevó de las certezas noventeras —el triunfalismo de la posguerra fría, las transiciones democráticas, el liberalismo de mercado, el Estado de derecho— a un ajuste de cuentas con las fallas estructurales de ese paradigma. Hablan del carácter parcial y conducido por élites de las democratizaciones latinoamericanas, con la transición mexicana como caso paradigmático de una negociación partidocrática de raíces sociales superficiales; de las preguntas legítimas que el populismo le plantea a la democracia liberal sobre representación, redistribución y la distancia entre la calle que protesta y el silencio de los mármoles del Parlamento; del giro hacia la posverdad y la crisis de intermediación en la esfera pública tras el declive de los viejos guardianes del sentido común; y de las lógicas específicas y autóctonas de las nuevas derechas en Argentina, Brasil y El Salvador, que la conversación insiste en no meter en una misma bolsa.

Lo que emerge no es tanto un recorrido guiado por catorce autores como una meditación sobre el ejercicio mismo de la duda —lo que Ortega y Gasset, a quien Bravo Regidor cita como fuente del título, llamó el salvavidas de la inteligencia— y sobre la entrevista larga como antídoto a la velocidad y la estridencia de la vida pública contemporánea. Mar de Dudas, y esta conversación sobre el libro, son una invitación a desacelerar."]]></description>
<dc:subject>carlosbravoregidor 2026 2016 donaldtrump liberalism neoliberalism gatopardo mardedudas francisfukuyama nadiaurbinati danielinnerarity federicofinchelstein pablostefanoni rafaelrojas margaretmacmillan ivankrastev sofiarosenfeld rebeccasolnit lauragamboa marioarriagada endofhistory doubt intelligence 1990s paxamericana brasil brazil argentina elsalvador brankomilanović inequality mexico nafta democracy liberaldemocracy representation redistribution politics economics economy governance commonsense 2025 2020 2021 transparency perú chile spain españa italia italy silvioberlusconi hillaryclinton technocracy eattherich wealth populism culture culturalcapital eu europe elitism latinamerica javiermilei chavismo peronism peronismo right farright rightwing left posttruth socialmedia joséortegaygasset capitalism freetrade cristinakirchner albertofernández marinelepen giorgiameloni welfarestate libertarianism ideology friedrichhayek friedrichvonhayek jairbolsonaro nayibbukele</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/ward-graham-michel-de-certeau-wounded-walker">
    <title>The Wounded Walker | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T21:14:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/ward-graham-michel-de-certeau-wounded-walker</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Michel de Certeau’s search for the murmuring of the mystical in secular society"

...

"The Czech poet and painter Josef Čapek, who was killed in Bergen-Belsen in 1945, described himself as a limping pilgrim “hobbling through the Gateway to Eternity.” Certeau—and Fern in Nomadland—could be described the same way. In his biography of Certeau, Françoise Dosse calls him “le marcheur blessé,” “the wounded walker.” 

Part of Certeau’s attraction to the Society of Jesus was that he wanted to be a missionary. He did travel widely, but his real wayfaring ended up being internal—an inner movement that could not be stilled or staunched. For Certeau, the transience of desire, including his own, cannot be pinned down but only attested to. We can only trace it in and through its various inscriptions and behaviors. The city may be mapped and its entrances and exits prescribed, but it can be walked in a million different ways. In his numerous and multifaceted investigations, Certeau traces the murmuring of a desire that no secularism can conceal or abrogate. This is the spiritual vision in his work that roamed and transgressed across anthropology, theology, history, sociology, psychoanalysis, ethnography, and what is now known as cultural studies.  

One can understand why Catholic theologians have paid him little attention. Though he wrote about the Church, the Eucharist, and even Christ, he had little interest in dogmatics, philosophical theology, moral theology, or ecclesiology. And his writing style can be forbidding, as we have seen. But beyond its eclecticism and difficulty, Certeau’s work may have been avoided by theologians because of a critical question it raises: To what extent are their theologies themselves “sociocultural productions” reacting to, rather than excavating, secularism? Certeau wants to ask of theology not whether its critique of secularism is right or wrong, but what fears and desires it is itself expressing.

Certeau invented interdisciplinary study before it was fashionable or even had a name. He recognized that the truly big questions—like what makes a belief believable or why one would believe anything—cannot be answered by any one intellectual discipline, including theology, with its siloed modes of inquiry and strictly policed faculty boundaries. And yet such questions tap into the very roots of any religious faith. Certeau was likely not surprised at theologians’ neglect of his work. He would have known from his reading of the mystics that the Church is always wary of lived experience and religious enthusiasm uncontainable by its boundaries."]]></description>
<dc:subject>micheldecerteau 2026 theology religion everyday society spirituality myticism françoisdosse jesuits jeanjosephsurin jacqueslacan pierrebourdieu michelfoucault foucault popefrancis catholicchurch catholicism philosophy juliakristeva claudelevi-strauss structuralism poststructuralism jean-paulsartre sartre lucegirard walking culture politics nicholasofcusa luceirigaray urbaingrandier knowledge resistances meanderings control meaning meaningmaking chloézhao nomadland poetics secularism interdisciplinary lacan josefčapek henridulubac jeandaniélou culturalstudies dilexitnos 2024 stignatius meditations divine 1968 edwardschillebeeckx materialism life living howwelive sociology linguistics hitory ideology psychology psychogeography discernment belief signs existentialism citizenship billboards ads advertising cityplanning urban urbanism cooking anthropology literature analysis everydaylife waysofbeing waysofoperating apathy resistance friction ordinary truth freedom evasions deployments transgressions de</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-the-adls-bogus-origin-story-and-its-rise-as-ideological-enforcer-for-empire-and-israel">
    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: The ADL's Bogus Origin Story and Its Rise as Ideological Enforcer for Empire and Israel</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T08:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-the-adls-bogus-origin-story-and-its-rise-as-ideological-enforcer-for-empire-and-israel</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this News Brief, we talk with Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, about how––despite posing a civil rights org––the ADL functions as defender of colonialism and enforcer for reactionary western ideologies."]]></description>
<dc:subject>citationsneeded emmaiagelman adl antidefamationleague zionism colonialism colonization reactionaries israel palestine ideology</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/zhuangzi-and-the-case-against-meritocracy">
    <title>Zhuangzi and the case against meritocracy | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-23T06:52:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/zhuangzi-and-the-case-against-meritocracy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The idea that success is deserved has great traction in the world. But Zhuangzi argues that it is a deeply flawed notion"]]></description>
<dc:subject>zhuangzi christineabigailtan 2026 interconnected interconnectedness interdependence meritocracy inequality michaelyoung confuscianism ideology deservingness confucius mencius mengzi worthiness xian authority influence security xunzi daoism luck circumstance individualism power morality alvinkennard globalfinancialcrisis greatrecession dominance agency davidgraeber antoniogramsci hegemony ziran taoism moralagency ethics values beliefs humanism liezi self-made</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RPMzjr39F1g">
    <title>&quot;Tech-Driven Prosperity &amp; Right-Wing Racist Politics&quot;: Quinn Slobodian on Elon Musk and SpaceX IPO - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-09T21:55:54+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ahead of the initial public offering for SpaceX, we speak with historian Quinn Slobodian, author of Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed. He says Elon Musk is “creating a situation where he becomes deeply reliant on state contracts” as the U.S. government then becomes reliant on Musk. “It’s not about demolishing the government,” Slobodian says of his work with DOGE, the so-called Department of Government Efficiency that Musk led for the Trump administration. “It’s about making the government more compatible, ready for the kind of products that Musk offers, and to make him then an indispensable part of the infrastructure.” Slobodian goes on to warn that Musk’s wealth is helping to fuel his anti-immigrant, racist political ideology. “We really should be worried about the possibility of those things to live together: tech-driven prosperity and right-wing racist politics.”"

[transcript: https://www.democracynow.org/2026/6/9/quinn_slobodian_spacex_ipo_muskism ]

[See also: https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/2026/04/elon-musk-starlink-satellites/686877/ (archived: https://archive.is/zixum )]]]></description>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:technofascism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ai"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:artificialintelligence"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:business"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:technology"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3857278d02e2/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://prismreports.org/2026/04/28/leftist-movement-mosaic-russell-maroon-shoatz/">
    <title>We need a mosaic movement, not fragmented ‘leftism’</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-28T05:34:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prismreports.org/2026/04/28/leftist-movement-mosaic-russell-maroon-shoatz/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Instead of a call for resentment-filled “unity” or traditional fronts, we can look to what former Black Panther, Black Liberation Army member, and political prisoner Russell Maroon Shoatz called “the mosaic”"

[via:

"'We Don’t Have a Functional Left' Today: William C. Anderson"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3KZ-lsFXfc

"In 2026, fascism in the US is rising while “the left” descends further into powerlessness, goofiness, and irrelevance—but, author William C. Anderson argues, it doesn’t have to be or stay that way. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, Anderson returns to the show for an unflinching conversation with former political prisoner and host Mansa Musa about the state of the political left today and the lessons organizers and everyday people can learn from the Black Liberation Movement and figures like the late Russell Maroon Shoatz. "]]]></description>
<dc:subject>williamcanderson williamanderson russellmarronshoatz organization organizing left 2026 anarchism leftists leftism rudolfbahro socialism power powerlessness radicalism junejordan blackliberationarmy us marxism praxis self-determination situationist algeria 1965 ideology revolutionaries</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3db6c73d2f93/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:russellmarronshoatz"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:organization"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:left"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:anarchism"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yt15iNgvNsw">
    <title>McMansion Hell, Fandoms, Retinol and Modern Opera | Middlebrow Podcast - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-13T06:55:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yt15iNgvNsw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Kate Wagner is the architecture critic at The Nation and the creator of the internet's favorite architecture criticism blog, McMansion Hell. We dive into finding beauty in all buildings, criticism as a practice, modern opera, retinol, fandoms and more. Read McMansion Hell here: https://mcmansionhell.com 

00:00 - Intro 
00:23 - Retinol 
2:30 - Anime Face 
2:58 - Defining McMansion 
05:47 - 80s Architecture 
07:05 - Revival of Old Tastes 
20:51 - Agrarian High School 
21:13 - Autodidact Gang 
22:25 - Challenges of Architecture 
26:39 - McMansions Abroad 
31:04 - Politics of a McMansion 
34:45 - Emerging Movements 
38:26 - Edgar Wright’s Running Man 
41:04 - DSA Baby Boom 
41:35 - Modern Opera 
45:18 - The Ring Cycle 
47:07 - Receptiveness in a Critic’s Heart 
49:21 - Fandoms 
50:33 - Faith in the Public 
53:48 - All Buildings Are Interesting 
55:03 - The Goal of Criticism 
01:00:38 - Fascist Architecture"]]></description>
<dc:subject>middlebrowpodcast katewagner mcmansionhell 2026 architecture mcmansions criticism us 1980s 1990s postmodernism charlesjencks autodidactism autodidacts taste edgarwright politics inequality economics policy suburbia suburbs conspicuousconsumption fandoms fandom buildings fascism fascistarchitecture fascistaesthetics donaldtrump latefascistaesthetics opera runningman society vernaculararchitecture danrosen brianpark oil wealthinequality oman serbia construction realestate wealth luxury dubai dubaichocolate labubus power ideology magaface castledoctrine utah florida environment bjarkeingels thomasheatherwick autocad frankgehry technology robotics smartcities design adaptivereuse materials shippingcontainers césarpelli adaptation domination architects housing aoscott fans reading howweread writing film movies music tuckercarlson italianfuturists italianfuturism nazis ai artificialintelligence llms education</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM">
    <title>Vicky Osterweil on Disney, Intellectual Property and Storytelling - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-03T19:43:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, we’re featuring a recent, live interview that I did at Firestorm books with Vicky Osterweil, anarchist writer and worker, author of In Defense of Looting and more recently The Extended Universe: How Disney Killed The Movies and Took Over the World (Haymarket, 2026). Vicky is a member of the Collective of Anarchist Writers (CAW), and you can also find her on Bluesky and what she's thinking about what she's watching at Letterboxd.

During the chat Vicky talks about intellectual property and how it overlaps between entertainment and other elements like technology and medicine, the shaping and limiting effects IP has on popular culture and imagination, the film industry and more."

[See also:

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil" (2021)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWxjrTRDbio

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil This week we are getting the chance to air a conversation that I had with writer, anarchist, and agitator Vicky Osterweil about her recently published book  In Defense of Looting, a Riotous History of Uncivil Action published  (Bold Type Press, August 2020). We get to talk about a lot of different topics in this interview, how the book emerged from a zine written in the middle of the Ferguson Uprising of the summer of 2014, its reception by the far right and by comrades, her process in deciding what to include in this book, the etymology of the word “loot” and ensuing implications thereof, why you should totally transition if that’s the right thing for you to do, and many more topics!"

and 

"The Interregnum: Roundtable with Vicky Osterweil" (2022)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a3MRLe0Gcno

"This week we are pleased to present something a little bit new for TFS listeners. This is a kind of informal round table discussion that co host Scott and I had alongside Vicky Osterweil, who has been on the show before to speak on her book In Defense of Looting; A Riotous History of Uncivil Action. We all sat down to talk about a short and thought provoking article which was published in January of 2022 called “The Interregnum: The George Floyd Uprising, the coronavirus pandemic, and the emerging social revolution” which was published on the Haters Cafe and we will link to it in the show notes for anyone interested in reading it.

An interregnum is defined as being a period of discontinuity in a government, organization, or social order, and it typically points to time frames at which there isn’t a clear monarch or reigning body in a given place. This article points to the many ways the George Floyd uprising, the covid 19 pandemic, the rise of anti-work, and what the article calls the Great Refusal (a pivot from the ‘Great Resignation’ nomenclature of some mass media) have all created the conditions for a possible broadscale social revolution. Also stay tuned to the end of this episode where we chat briefly about what books we’re reading right now. We hope you enjoy this chat!

((note to listeners, I’m now using the name I use in real life for this radio project, which is Amar. It’s become more and more important to me to be as fully acknowledging of my culture and ethnicity as possible, and this is one way I’m choosing to do that))"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>vickyosterweil ip intellectualproperty culture film disney 2026 entertainment technology medicine popularculture imagination howwewrite writing howweread reading anarchism storytelling looting law legal policestate police policing filmmaking characters marvel monopolies music books covid-19 coronavirus pandemic vaccines pharmaceuticals consolidation markets capitalism innovation constitution us pirating literature copyright productivity creativity suppression francises nintendo matel videogames sequels hegemony ideology nuclearfamily individualism politics propaganda china homogenization finance financialization franchises merchandising ows occupywallstreet fandom freddiegray 2000s 2018 2012 thailand 2014 censorship hungergames guyfawkes resistance revolution davidgraeber stuarthall art artworld commodification gamegate starwars fans fanculture johnboyega daisyridley labor work workers power control socialfabric fanfiction communities community mutualaid 2020 philadelphia losangeles waltdisney mccarthyism son</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8">
    <title>How elites co-opted wokeness - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T17:24:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does it mean to be “woke”? It's become a catch-all term to smear or dismiss anything that has any vague association with progressive politics. So anytime you venture into an argument about “wokeness,” it becomes hopelessly entangled in a broader cultural battle.

Today’s guest, journalist and professor Musa al-Gharbi, helps us untangle “wokeness” from its fraught political context. The author of the book, We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, al-Gharbi discusses what effects the movement is and isn’t having on our society.

This episode originally aired in November 2024.

Host: Sean Illing (@seanilling) 
Guest: Musa al-Gharbi (@Musa_alGharbi)

6:11 What is wokeness?
18:48 Why George Floyd only mattered to the public after his death
20:32 How elites navigate the tension between their status and their values
28:43 How culturally significant is “wokeness”?
32:21 Do social movements produce change?
42:22 Will our politics remain polarized?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi seanilling wokeness 2010 2024 politics language socialmovements polarization inequality georgefloyd capitalism progressive progressivism highered highereducation academia journalism change policy elitecapture elites georgefloyduprising politicaleconomy symbolism knowlegework ideology politicalcorrectness 1980s 1990s 2010s 2020s activism left right sanctimony 1930s 1920s 1960s eliteoverproduction jackgoldstone peterturchin popularimmiseration elitism culture gatekeeping sociology bertrandcooper professionalmanagerialclass media education pmc nytimes exclusion exclusivity symboliccapitalism class hierarchy hierarchies meritocracy socialclimbing status egalitarianism ambition classism socialposition superiority antiwoke recognition culturewars culturewar society ethnicity representation pierrebourdieu institutions credentials credentialism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson">
    <title>Millennials Are Killing Capitalism: The Revolt Eclipses Whatever The World Has to Offer with Idris Robinson</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:20:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we are joined by Idris Robinson to unpack his book, The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer [https://massivebookshop.com/products/9781635902433?_pos=1&_sid=db620e222&_ss=r ], a searing meditation on race, revolt, civil war, and the psychic wreckage of American life.

Reflecting on the 2020 uprisings, Robinson challenges the myth of Black leadership, reframes racial violence through the lens of a “morbid libidinal economy,” and argues that revolution is as much a transformation of the human spirit as it is a political event. Drawing on the legacies of Black insurgency, Robinson interrogates liberalism, identity politics, and the hollowing out of American cities—while pondering on what it would take to make life human again in a society built to dehumanize. He argues that racial violence, especially spectacular acts of white supremacist brutality. cannot be adequately explained by frameworks like identity politics, intersectionality, or privilege theory. Instead, these acts emerge from repressed desires and psychic forces intrinsic to white supremacy. The 2020 uprisings, in this sense, exposed both emancipatory and repressive violence rooted in these deeper libidinal dynamics.

Robinson also reflects on his personal trajectory, from Occupy Wall Street through development as a theorist, where he grounds his meditation on revolt as humanizing forces. He argues that American capitalism produces profound isolation, psychic damage, and undead social beings, hollowed out by commodification. Uprisings momentarily restore humanity by breaking atomization and re‑creating collective meaning.
 
On strategy, Robinson challenges traditional socialist models of seizing the “means of production,” arguing instead that modern revolt must focus on logistics and infrastructure: transport hubs, electrical grids, supply chains, and urban circulation. He emphasizes blockades, control of space, and understanding the built environment as key to sustaining insurrection in a post‑industrial economy. We devote substantial attention to Robinson’s provocative argument that civil war is not a future possibility but a current condition in the United States. Drawing on classical theory, Black radical thought, and historical analogy, he frames civil war as the collision of public (political) and private (libidinal, racial, familial) spheres. While acknowledging its violence and trauma, Robinson argues that fracture and decentralization may paradoxically make revolutionary transformation more achievable, pointing to Reconstruction after the U.S. Civil War as the most emancipatory period in American history.

Idris Robinson is a philosopher from the New York hinterlands. For over a decade, he has written extensively on crisis and revolt. He is the author of The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer (MIT Press / Semiotext(e)) and Escritos desde la tierra baldía (Irrupción Ediciones). He is currently an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Texas State University, where he is completing a monograph-length study on the progression of Ludwig Wittgenstein’s philosophy. He is currently undergoing a legal battle with TSU after the school violated his constitutional rights by ending his contract after he gave an off-campus Pro-Palestine talk [https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine ]. 
 
If you like what we do and want to support our ability to have more conversations like this. Please consider becoming a Patron at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. You can do so for as little as a 1 Dollar a month. 
 
Links:

Order the book from Massive Bookshop
https://massivebookshop.com/pages/about-us

IdrisRobinson.me 
https://idrisrobinson.me/

About Idris Robinson's case against Texas State University
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine

Support Idris Robinson's Legal Fund
https://www.givesendgo.com/GKRFR "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6yl6JpVZTdM">
    <title>The Care Economy is the Everything Economy - with Emma Holten - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T07:44:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6yl6JpVZTdM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Emma Holten is an economist from Denmark who has written the book Deficit: How Feminist Economics Can Change Our World. Holten details how much of what we consider ‘the economy’ is really underpinned by care of various kinds, mostly done by women. This is very much in line with my own interests around GDP and austerity, as I think our prevailing economic analysis devalues the unseen and leads to policies which hurt people, hurting the economy too. Emma and I had an excellent chat that I think was one of my best on this channel, I hope you all enjoy it!"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/society/marc-andreessen-silicon-valley-military-tech/">
    <title>Marc Andreessen’s Dangerously Unexamined Life | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-02T01:09:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/society/marc-andreessen-silicon-valley-military-tech/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The tech mogul has declared himself an enemy of introspection, and that conveniently erases considerations of conscience from his amoral investment empire."

[via:
https://kottke.org/26/04/andreessen-inability-sit-quietly

"Tech investor and billionaire Marc Andreessen has many bad opinions (as evidenced by his investment portfolio). On a recent podcast, he shared a real boner: that he isn’t introspective, that people 400 years ago weren’t at all introspective, and that introspection was a construct invented by Freud in the early 1900s.

If you’ve read one (1) book, it’s not difficult to see what is wrong with Andreessen’s assertion and The Nation’s David Futrelle does a good job of rebutting it (archive link). But importantly, he also talks about why Andreessen might say such a thing (either because he honestly believes it or he’s performing the belief):

<blockquote>When you examine your own motivations, desires, and inner life, neuroscientists have discovered, you are using the same parts of the brain that allow you to understand the motivations, desires, and inner lives of others. This means in turn that when you wall off access to your own inner life you also impair your capacity to imaginatively inhabit the experience of other people. Zero introspection is not just a personal quirk or a supposed productivity hack. It’s a permission slip for zero accountability. And Andreessen, it turns out, has good reasons for wanting to avoid accountability.

His firm has bet big on war and the companies that provide the technology behind it…</blockquote>

Futrelle goes on to add:

<blockquote>A man with enormous influence over the technologies of war and surveillance, over the political direction of the country, over the infrastructure of violence that his firm has spent a decade funding, has, in effect, announced that he has no interest in examining his conscience.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Andreessen has built the perfect ideology for Silicon Valley in the Trump age: Move fast, break people, and don’t devote even a moment to self-examination.</blockquote>

As a commenter said on the video snippet I linked to above: “He’s just describing psychopathy. Zero introspection, zero remorse, 100% actions that benefit you.”"]

[archived:
https://archive.is/Vzi0w
https://clearthis.page/?u=https://www.thenation.com/article/society/marc-andreessen-silicon-valley-military-tech/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.designcriticalthinking.com/the-problem-space-of-organizational-ideology-by-lee-stadler/">
    <title>The Problem Space of Organizational Ideology, By Lee Stadler</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-31T07:38:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.designcriticalthinking.com/the-problem-space-of-organizational-ideology-by-lee-stadler/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In "The Problem Space of Organizational Ideology," Lee Stadler interrogates the genesis of our collective beliefs, asking: Why do we construct these rigid frameworks of thought, and what is the existential price of the "ease" they provide? Stadler posits that organizational ideology functions as a cognitive shortcut—a "memory's lapdog"—designed for social and mental weight reduction. By adopting formulas of "how to be" rather than engaging in the arduous labor of actually being, individuals and organizations insulate themselves from the "shivers our souls make" when meeting with dissonance. He argues that this process is inherently "lossy"; just as digital files degrade through compression, our identities and histories are threshed by the winds of time. Each act of retrieval reshapes memory into a more convenient, yet less accurate, version of the past, rendering "truth" a comparative mechanism rather than a grounded reality.

The key takeaways emphasize that the human pursuit of a frictionless existence through technology or ideological absolution often masks a deeper enslavement to the idea of freedom itself. Because memory is an aerobic, deteriorating process where our biases frequently emerge victorious, the formulas we rely on to reduce our cognitive load ultimately uproot us from the grounding of life. We are left with vivid but faulty snapshots of reality—reminders that true understanding cannot exist in individual isolation, but requires the formative contributions of others to see the full picture."

[via:
https://nearfuturelaboratory.com/newsletters/2026/w14-y26/

"Lee Stadler explores the role of organizational ideologies as cognitive shortcuts that provide mental ease but at the cost of distorting our identities and understanding of truth. By relying on these frameworks, individuals and organizations avoid discomfort and embrace simplified versions of reality. This pursuit of a frictionless existence often hides a deeper entrapment to the illusion of freedom. Stadler argues that true understanding requires the contributions of others, as isolated perspectives yield only fragmented truths."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/">
    <title>Notes Towards A 'Woke 2'</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T07:37:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I think about the successes and failures of wokeness as an ideological lens, I think about the music video for Childish Gambino’s song “This Is America.”

When the music video dropped in 2018, I remember feeling like it was genius. Police brutality against Black Americans had been a central focus of my political activation since 2014, when the murders of Eric Garner and Tamir Rice lit the country on fire. This was the beginnings of the Black Lives Matter movement. I was living in Chicago when a group of activists shut down the Dan Ryan Expressway, spanning across it in a human chain. Four years later, watching “This Is America” was an affirmation of the things I already believed and could see to be true just by being politically aware: America is a death cult where it's wholly permissible to use state sanctioned violence against Black people, and in particular they are being killed by police.

For the second round of Black Lives Matter in 2020, I lived in New York. As the COVID-19 pandemic shut the city down, it was also writhing with life in the form of protest. This was life-giving fire—I remember being handed a bouquet from a woman in a march going by, then later watching a bus driver film us as I marched past her, tears in her eyes—but by the end of the summer I also understood its limitations. I went to a rally with the man who is now my husband, and on our walk home I told him how annoying it was to hear everyone’s Instagram handles after every speech.

The idea of wokeness comes from Black culture. It’s not a complicated idea—to be “woke” means that you are not sleepwalking through life. You are awake and aware of the political realities around you. Notably, wokeness does not instruct you how to use this knowledge. If there is to be a sequel to wokeness, a “woke 2,” what I want to see is a better understanding of what to do once you have woken up.

Being so for real: woke 2 is an idea that started as a joke. Erin Vanderhoof from Vanity Fair describes its origins as coming from “progressive retribution fantasies after Donald Trump’s 2024 victory.” The idea was about bringing back wokeness as it was during Obama's presidency, when many people thought having a Black president meant racial progress was inevitable so our work was done—a political movement as defined by a desire to get back to brunch.

But the wheels fell off that brand of neoliberal thought a long time ago. “Woke” as a term joined ideas like “political correctness,” “DEI,” or “social justice” in its popular meaning becoming “things liberals do or say that’s annoying.” Calling something woke became more about being able to signal an in-group and out-group—a polite way of calling something tainted by its association with certain kinds of liberal-coded ways of being “anti-racist,” like mandatory unconscious bias training at work. The idea of flipping things back on their head—no, we are woke again, and you are too or else!—really cracks me up. Wokeness full cultural victory! Put those pronouns back in your bio, do a land acknowledgement—the wokeness struggle session begins now!  But if I were to ask myself what I want out of the idea of being woke in this political era, there are failures of woke 1 that I think are useful to dissect.

Wokeness, being so wrapped up in the Black Lives Matter movement which itself was reliant on the ecosystem of Twitter, was sometimes more about watching than taking action. I remember watching the protests in Ferguson, Missouri after the death of Mike Brown on Periscope, a Twitter product, trying to use the internet to get a sense of what was happening on the ground. I don’t know that watching all that footage did me much good; sure, I was pretty aware of what was going on in Ferguson, but there wasn’t much I could do. Mostly, it gave me a panic attack. 

> In 2026, talk is cheap.

As a movement, Black Lives Matter was intended to be decentralized and leaderless, but of course, that didn’t mean that figureheads did not emerge. The negative space in the idea of wokeness—who are you watching, who is bringing you to awareness?—can easily be occupied by grifters and other bad actors. In 2025, the executive director of the Oklahoma City branch of the Black Lives Matter organization was indicted on embezzlement charges. Shaun King, an organizer who would go on to work on Bernie Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign, has had enough accusations of pocketing donations meant for families of Black people killed by police violence that there’s a section on it in his Wikipedia page. Because the Black Lives Matter movement used Twitter to signal boost news and organize events, apparently former Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and Black Lives Matter activist DeRay McKesson became friends. I think we all know how that one turned out—as soon as Twitter execs found a buyer to take their company, they passed it off to a white supremacist and washed their hands of the whole thing.

In this first version of wokeness, I wasn’t nearly as skeptical of figureheads and corporations co-signing social movements as I needed to be. I had this unshakeable belief that justice would emerge in the end, that people would do the right thing just because it was the right thing to do. I trusted companies, I put my faith in people who posted about the right things online. 

Now in 2026, that talk is cheap. People—and corporations—who loudly demonstrate how much they are aware of the right things, how woke they are, are not always behaving in alignment with those values. In 2021, Target made a commitment to invest $2 billion into Black-owned businesses by stocking their products in its stores. By 2025, after America elected Donald Trump president again, Target had rolled back its DEI initiatives, including scaling back its investment in stocking products from Black-owned businesses. A long time ago, that might have felt like a betrayal, but I don’t put much faith in publicly-traded corporations to do the right thing anymore.

Wokeness as an ideology became about showing people how much you are aware of things happening around you, rather than a cogent plan about what to do with your newfound awareness. Being aware is really easy to do, and if just being aware becomes in itself a virtue, then there’s the potential for an ecosystem that is centered around showing other people how much you know. Oh, you’re fighting for Black Lives? I bet you don’t even know about these other marginalized groups of people that also need help! I have watched the brightest minds of my generation, starving hysterical naked, arguing about whether or not the finale of Stephen Universe was sufficiently righteous on the internet.

Knowing and being able to see the firmament that upholds injustice is useful, but you also have to know what to do with that knowledge. I felt proud of seeing different celebrities extol the virtues of the “This Is America” music video, but at the end of the day, it’s just a music video. What did I think people sharing it a lot was going to do? “Stay woke,” raising awareness, cannot be where one’s desire to do good terminates. When all you ask of a person is that they stay aware, attention and consumption takes the place of action. Getting out into the street to march was wonderful, but not when the marches are aimless and without goals, or when they become a platform for people to gain new Instagram followers (follow me to know where the next action is!). Wokeness can be instead about small, interpersonal actions, a way of linking humans together in a chain of community.

I think the mostly grassroots effort to boycott Target is an example of this in action. There is only one goal for this boycott: show Target that it has lost the loyalty of the Black shoppers it used to enjoy, unless the company is willing to reinstate the policies it dropped after Trump was elected president again. As far as I know, there’s no leader to this movement, and it is mostly a spontaneous action born out of Target deciding to roll back its DEI initiatives. It’s not going to change the world, sure, but it’s making a dent in Target’s finances. When a Black pastor attempted to call off the boycott after a year, Black people en masse refused. Former Ohio state Senator Nina Turner told USA Today that in meetings with Target executives, they were still hostile to the idea of diversity, equity and inclusion, and she intended to escalate her efforts in organizing against the brand. All in all, not shopping somewhere isn’t a big ask, but if a lot of people do it together, then you can demonstrate power in a way that these corporations understand: losing them money.

> I don’t really want to change the world anymore.

Recently, I also joined the Democratic Socialists of America. It was the campaign for Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a campaign he handily won, that tipped me over. At least in New York, the DSA is an organization that offers me a lot of opportunities to use my knowledge of what needs fixing in this city and put it into action. I don’t think electoralism is the answer, per se, but I know this group will give me resources to put pressure on my local government if and when I need to.

Another part of this is that I have stopped trying to demonstrate my wokeness to other people. I want to lead with actions rather than words. And besides, trying to argue people into submission is quicksand you’ll never get out of—a lot of the time, the person I’m yelling at on the internet knows their argument doesn’t make sense, and by responding to it with anything other than “fuck off” I’m just amplifying it.

Two weeks ago, a friend reached out to me to help with a fundraiser for my friend Stella. We talked about her situation on the Aftermath podcast– she had been scammed out of a lot of money from a game developer who decided just to never pay her for services rendered. We didn’t end up fundraising the entire amount of the money Stella was owed, but we raised nearly $13,000. I was happy to raise awareness of what Stella went through on the channels I have available to me. It is good that people knew that the studio she worked for scammed her. But more than that, I made a material difference in my friend’s life.

It doesn’t have to be a national movement. Stella’s live stream was only a few hours, and most of the people participating were just her friends and neighbors. Still, we managed to do a little good just by pooling our resources and working together. 

In 2014, 2018, and 2020, I thought that it was possible to be so woke, so aware, that liberty would emerge. I don’t know what the end goal of a woke 2 could or should be—I think of it more of a chance to give back to people and communities that have helped me, to create spaces of love for the people I love in a world that can be uncaring. I think I don’t really want to change the world anymore. I am just happy to be able to do a little good."]]></description>
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    <title>Ghost in the Machine’s Valerie Veatch isn’t drinking the AI Kool-Aid | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T02:06:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/entertainment/897923/ghost-in-the-machine-valerie-veatch-interview</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ghost in the Machine director Valerie Veatch wants you to understand how race science has shaped this moment in tech."

[trailer:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i9DAv0D7tnY ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-plot-against-trains">
    <title>The Plot Against Trains | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-19T08:09:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-plot-against-trains</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The horrific Amtrak derailment outside Philadelphia this week set off some predictable uncertainty about what exactly had happened—a reckless motorman? An inadequate track? A missing mechanical device? Some combination of them all?—and an even more vibrant set of arguments about the failure of Americans to build any longer for the common good. Everyone agrees that our rail system is frail and accident-prone: one tragedy can end the service up and down the entire path from Boston to Washington, and beyond, for days on end. And everyone knows that American infrastructure—what used to be called our public works, or just our bridges and railways, once the envy of the world—has now been stripped bare, and is being stripped ever barer.

What is less apparent, perhaps, is that the will to abandon the public way is not some failure of understanding, or some nearsighted omission by shortsighted politicians. It is part of a coherent ideological project. As I wrote a few years ago, in a piece on the literature of American declinism, “The reason we don’t have beautiful new airports and efficient bullet trains is not that we have inadvertently stumbled upon stumbling blocks; it’s that there are considerable numbers of Americans for whom these things are simply symbols of a feared central government, and who would, when they travel, rather sweat in squalor than surrender the money to build a better terminal.” The ideological rigor of this idea, as absolute in its way as the ancient Soviet conviction that any entering wedge of free enterprise would lead to the destruction of the Soviet state, is as instructive as it is astonishing. And it is part of the folly of American “centrism” not to recognize that the failure to run trains where we need them is made from conviction, not from ignorance.

There is a popular notion at large, part of a sort of phantom “bi-partisan” centrist conviction, that the degradation of American infrastructure, exemplified by the backwardness of our trains and airports, too, is a failure of the American political system. We all should know that it is bad to have our trains crowded and wildly inefficient—as Michael Tomasky points out, fifty years ago, the train from New York to Washington was much faster than it is now—but we lack the political means or will to cure the problem. In fact, this is a triumph of our political system, for what is politics but a way of enforcing ideological values over merely rational ones? If we all agreed on common economic welfare and pursued it logically, we would not need politics at all: we could outsource our problems to a sort of Saint-Simonian managerial class, which would do the job for us.

What an ideology does is give you reasons not to pursue your own apparent rational interest—and this cuts both ways, including both wealthy people in New York who, out of social conviction, vote for politicians who are more likely to raise their taxes, and poor people in the South who vote for those devoted to cutting taxes on incomes they can never hope to earn. There is no such thing as false consciousness. There are simply beliefs that make us sacrifice one piece of self-evident interest for some other, larger principle.

What we have, uniquely in America, is a political class, and an entire political party, devoted to the idea that any money spent on public goods is money misplaced, not because the state goods might not be good but because they would distract us from the larger principle that no ultimate good can be found in the state. Ride a fast train to Washington today and you’ll start thinking about national health insurance tomorrow.

The ideology of individual autonomy is, for good or ill, so powerful that it demands cars where trains would save lives, just as it places assault weapons in private hands, despite the toll they take in human lives. Trains have to be resisted, even if it means more pollution and massive inefficiency and falling ever further behind in the amenities of life—what Olmsted called our “commonplace civilization.”

Part of this, of course, is the ancient—and yet, for most Americans, oddly beclouded—reality that the constitutional system is rigged for rural interests over urban ones. The Senate was designed to make this happen, even before we had big cities, and no matter how many people they contain or what efficient engines of prosperity they are. Mass transit goes begging while farm subsidies flourish.

But the bias against the common good goes deeper, into the very cortex of the imagination. This was exemplified by New Jersey Governor Chris Christie’s decision, a few short years ago, to cancel the planned train tunnel under the Hudson. No good reason could be found for this—most of the money would have been supplied by the federal government, it was obviously in the long-term interests of the people of New Jersey, and it was exactly the kind of wise thing that, a hundred years ago, allowed the region to blossom. Christie was making what was purely a gesture toward the national Republican Party, in the same spirit as supporting a right-to-life amendment. We won’t build a tunnel for trains we obviously need because, if we did, people would use it and then think better of the people who built it. That is the logic in a nutshell, and logic it seems to be, until you get to its end, when it becomes an absurdity. As Paul Krugman wrote, correctly, about the rail-tunnel follies, “in general, the politicians who make the loudest noise about taking care of future generations, taking the long view, etc., are the ones who are in fact most irresponsible about public investments.”

This week’s tragedy also, perhaps, put a stop for a moment to the license for mocking those who use the train—mocking Amtrak’s northeast “corridor” was a standard subject not just for satire, which everyone deserves, but also for sneering, which no one does. For the prejudice against trains is not a prejudice against an élite but against a commonality. The late Tony Judt, who was hardly anyone’s idea of a leftist softy, devoted much of his last, heroic work, written in conditions of near-impossible personal suffering, to the subject of … trains: trains as symbols of the public good, trains as a triumph of the liberal imagination, trains as the “symbol and symptom of modernity,” and modernity at its best. “The railways were the necessary and natural accompaniment to the emergence of civil society,” he wrote. “They are a collective project for individual benefit … something that the market cannot accomplish, except, on its own account of itself, by happy inadvertence. … If we lose the railways we shall not just have lost a valuable practical asset. We shall have acknowledged that we have forgotten how to live collectively.”

Trains take us places together. (You can read good books on them, too.) Every time you ride one, you look outside, and you look inside, and you can’t help but think about the private and the public in a new way. As Judt wrote, the railroad represents neither the fearsome state nor the free individual. A train is a small society, headed somewhere more or less on time, more or less together, more or less sharing the same window, with a common view and a singular destination."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://sarahkendzior.substack.com/p/the-no-world-order">
    <title>The No World Order - Sarah Kendzior’s Newsletter</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T07:46:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sarahkendzior.substack.com/p/the-no-world-order</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Meir Kahane, Netanyahu, Trump, and the war beyond Iran."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Abuse of Fantasy Fiction Comes as No Surprise"]]></description>
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    <title>The Ideology of Contentmaxxing - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T04:54:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2jtBSC-ZgCI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The algorithm does to a discussion what Clavicular does to his face — a series of micro-fractures, delivered repeatedly and with precision, in the hopes that it will match a target number that nobody actually wants, but which the machine is thirsty for us to find."

[See also:

"Clavicular and contentmaxxing
the next step after groyperfication" (Aidan Walker)
https://howtodothingswithmemes.substack.com/p/clavicular-and-contentmaxxing

"Clavicular and Fuentes
elder zoomers vs. the young ones" (Aidan Walker)
https://howtodothingswithmemes.substack.com/p/clavicular-and-fuentes

(referenced within) "We are entering the era of Show more
The endless agony of thinking doing being content" (Jamie Cohen)
https://newmediahomework.substack.com/p/we-are-entering-the-era-of-show-more ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-rigor-mortis">
    <title>Academia: Rigor Mortis - by Timothy Burke - Eight by Seven</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T04:01:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-rigor-mortis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Work the problem from the other end. What do we know about the outcomes for the “A” students of yore, when the A allegedly really meant something? Well, there is some evidence, and it’s not really very comforting for the “we need accurate signals to sort meritocratic worth” camp. The famous Harvard Study of Adult Development, for example, shows both that meritocratic achievement isn’t well mapped to generally good life outcomes and that there have been a lot of B students who have done very well for themselves both in terms of being happy and healthy and in terms of leadership and contribution to society.

More anecdotally, I would point out that I’ve long kept my eye out in memoirs and biographies for a relationship between high academic achievement in college and general achievements in life (artistic, political, entrepreneurial, scholarly, and so on) and there doesn’t seem to be much of a correlation, let alone a clear line of causation, between doing an indifferent job as a college student and being a high-achieving person later on.

Except (perhaps) in one context: you are generally going to find that professors are people who excelled in school, received high grades, and overcame difficult academic challenges, in whatever era of rigor and intensity they personally passed through. Although you do meet astonishingly accomplished scholars and wonderfully gifted teachers who struggled in undergraduate or graduate work (personally, I sometimes think that’s why they are wonderful teachers and highly motivated scholars—they know how to teach and think their way to someone who isn’t a natural at it), broadly speaking academia is a place where high academic performance is the backdrop to becoming a professional and succeeding as one.

Since I think that the education I aspire to provide and the academic institutions I deeply admire are consequential for students and their futures, I believe that good outcomes follow from quality teaching. Since I think quality teaching involves strong feedback loops that include critical assessment of relative performance by individuals and expectations of improvement that can be described and measured, I agree there’s some relationship between what you set as expectations and about telling a student when they’ve fallen short of expectations. Since I agree that some of what I’d like to expect from students, like reading deeply and well or communicating with expressive distinctiveness, is changing at the moment and not for the better, I’m open to thinking about what to do about that change.

When I think about the difference between different students I’ve taught, I think both in terms of the cultivation of repertoires of skills and interests and the sharpening of a student’s ability to narrate their interests in relation to longer-term goals and ambitions. I think about the development of intrinsic motivations over four years and beyond. I see some students really improve in their relative performance within the skills and interests they’re narrowing towards and in how they explain what they know and want, and in the ways they work on their own motivations. I see some students actually get worse in these competencies, and sometimes it is because they’re not paying attention to what they’re doing. Sometimes they’re getting overwhelmed by contradictory guidance from family, professors, mentors, or poor-quality signals from the wider environment about the future that may await them. Sometimes I see a mismatch, that what a student is capable of is not what they’ve decided to do. Or I see a student who indulging some negative feedback loops in terms of clarity of thought, ambition and effort, for any number of reasons—poor mental health, self-pity, uncertainty, fear, anger at an institutional environment that is in fact not built for their presence or ambition. 

Sometimes I see students where I am absolutely confident that this is not the time for them to be in college, but that there will be a time. In many cases, the time to do it right will never come to pass if they don’t work through the time now. Sometimes it’s the lack of thriving now that makes an understanding of later thriving possible. I don’t know how to get that across to a student sometimes, and I’m really sure I don’t want to attempt to tell the world about it through one simple grade. Is that what a B- or a C means to people looking at a transcript? That shouldn’t mean “throw this person away”: it often means instead “put this in the wine cellar for a while and let it age, it’s going to be brilliant later on.”

I don’t think faculty anywhere should attach themselves easily to the maintenance of a past meritocratic ideology, nor assume that grades and standards once upon a time produced such a meritocracy via the maintenance of a clear signaling regime that was avidly consumed by several generations of employers and graduate institutions. If nothing else, that proposition crashes into a way of easy falsifiability by noting that political and economic leadership in the contemporary United States in 2026 is still very associated with past regimes of selective higher education and allegedly rigorous standards of achievement, despite the fact that numerous Ivy League graduates in the Republican Party have pronounced their unending disdain for the educations they rode into professional life and political power.

At the very least, the real actions and demonstrated skills of the people in power now may tell us that there is something far less directly causal about the standards and content of higher education and the professional comportment and ethics that follow from that training. I don’t see anywhere I look, in fact, a tight predictive relationship between how we have measured academic performance within a particular band of selective higher education in any era and any distribution of socioeconomic status or professional accomplishment later on. Let alone happiness, contribution to the world, love, joy, or wisdom. Whatever we do that matters, it matters in ways that are not so easily sorted and annotated. "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aIW1l_IucXE">
    <title>Laura Nader on Plunder - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-15T09:26:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aIW1l_IucXE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When Barack Obama says that “we are a nation of laws,” asking that we accept the verdict freeing the killer of Trayvon Martin, much as he did when asking that we accept the verdict that freed the killers of Sean Bell, he is asking us to willingly submit to rules of law that are routinely part of larger hostile political projects. As explained in this 2008 talk by Laura Nader the rule of law is used to justify the theft of land and labor and “Law and Order” actually means legalized, protected theft and order based on forced obedience.

*When the Rule of Law is Illegal at the Public Anthropology Conference at American University (Nov. 2008)."

[PDF here:
https://www.loisellelab.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Plunder-When-the-Rule-of-Law-is-Illegal.pdf
https://www.are.na/block/43623269 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/the-foreign-policy-implications-of-the-network-state">
    <title>The Foreign Policy Implications of the Network State - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-14T06:12:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/the-foreign-policy-implications-of-the-network-state</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The tech oligarchy’s newest project sits on a sleepy stretch of farmland, replete with small eucalyptus groves and rolling grassy hills, in between Rio Vista and Fairfield. It’s where they aim to create a city in their image. 

California Forever, the company behind the East Solano Plan, initially marketed the 60,000-acre suburban development in the north bay as “the first walkable American city in a century” and a revolutionary solution to the housing crisis. 

In reality, the East Solano Plan is the local node of an international secession movement aimed at weakening democracy and remaking municipal governance and regulatory policy. 

Tech elites began buying up properties in 2017, mainly through a front group called Flannery Associates. They successfully accrued $900 million worth of land — an area roughly the size of Oakland — before the story made waves in the press. When some locals resisted repeated offers, the billionaires filed a $510 million lawsuit charging them with “endless greed.”

After being rebuffed at the ballot box in 2024, when an initiative to create California Forever was rejected by voters in Solano County, the oligarchs changed strategy. They are now attempting to create the tech dystopia by expanding the borders of existing Suisan City, the county’s smallest municipality. Suisan City accepted the 250-page proposal in October 2025.

In late January, California Forever released a statement detailing the so-called “largest construction labor agreement in history” that spans 40 years and covers nearly all of the 110 square miles owned by the company. The recent release includes new plans for a shipyard and foundry, a disingenuous attempt to market the development as catering to working class industrial workers rather than upper-middle class tech workers. 

The financial support for this rural transformation comes from billionaires like venture capitalists Michael Moritz and Marc Andreessen, and Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple Computer cofounder Steve Jobs. Moritz, who has invested millions in his effort to move San Francisco in a rightward direction, once described the California Forever project as an opportunity to rethink everything from “design to construction methods and new forms of governance.” 

The last part is particularly telling, given that the ideological foundation for this movement comes from one of the Valley’s philosophical darlings: Balaji Srinivasan. 

Srinivasan, formerly the Coinbase chief technology officer, has become a kind of philosopher-king. His 2022 book, “The Network State: How to Start a New Country,” poorly received by most of the public, has become a foundational text for libertarian techies, unburdened by any understanding of reality. The book features a blurb from Andreessen: “Balaji has the highest rate of output per minute of good new ideas of anybody I’ve ever met.” 

In 2023, Srinivasan put on the first Network State conference aimed at “building a parallel establishment.” Srinivasan has described the movement as a kind of “tech zionism” where those not in line with his brand of techno libertarianism are purged.

The Network State and the Charter Cities movement has hundreds of different tendrils extended across the globe with non-profits and sub-networks connecting international capital to Silicon Valley financiers. Prospera, a “startup city” on the north coast of the Honduran island of Roatan, is one such tendril. Following a US-supported right-wing coup in 2009, Honduras passed the ZEDE law which allowed for autonomous zones that could create their own governing, taxation, and legal structure. Honduras has since repealed the law and the company behind Prospera sued, threatening to bankrupt the country.

The designation of “special economic zones” has been deployed elsewhere as well. Namely in the Trump administration’s plan to remake Gaza following the Israeli destruction of the strip and in eastern Ukraine. 

The banal sounding name is a useful instrument from the Network State toolbox. 

Trump’s “freedom cities” are a slight rebranding of the same concept, and the moneyed marauders from the Valley aim to establish similar cities elsewhere. For example, Peter Thiel and Sam Altman have voiced support for Praxis, another proposed freedom city in Greenland, presumably after the US seizes the island from Denmark. 

This kind of tech zionism is both a social and political experiment designed to test a potential vision of the future where city governments, and ultimately entire states, are largely deregulated with no democratic accountability and beholden to multinational corporations. Anyone not on board with this kind of settler-capitalism is ousted or ostracized. It is tech secession as a way of avoiding regulations and accountability. 

Labor, so far as it exists in these fantasies, is mostly high-skilled and employed by the companies that run the city. It conjures images of a 20th century company town with skyscrapers, but where workers will inevitably be replaced by AI. 

The development in the north bay is the first real attempt to bring this ideological project home. But, thus far, it’s been met with scorn or skepticism by locals residents. Despite the clever attempts at ingratiating the project with the Bay Area’s YIMBY movement, a candid look reveals both the techno-libertarian ideology grounding it and the attempts to export the project internationally. 

Said ideology, now very in vogue in the Valley, is valuable because of what it offers tech oligarchs for the future, or mainly what it doesn’t offer. That is to say, their future is one where regulatory bodies, democracy and governance are absent. As Jacob Silverman, author of the recently released, “Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and Radicalization of Silicon Valley,” discussed in a recent interview, Musk and others view “any restraints on their power as being intolerable.” 

“There’s an impatience that the promised future has been withheld from them. The way that translates into politics is that they don’t want to be governed any more,” Silverman said."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0">
    <title>The Billionaire Plan to Escape Democracy: Quinn Slobodian on 'Crack-Up Capitalism' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T21:15:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Will tech billionaires get rid of democracy by getting rid of people?

In this episode of The Nerd Reich, Gil Duran sits down with renowned historian Quinn Slobodian (Globalists, Crack-Up Capitalism) to dissect the "ideology of exit." 

While the media focuses on failed "Freedom City" experiments like Prospera, Slobodian reveals a darker endgame: a shift toward automated, "post-human" infrastructure where voters are no longer part of the equation.

In this episode, we explore:

The Hong Kong Blueprint: How a colonial relic became the template for 21st-century capitalism.

Authoritarian Capitalism: Why Silicon Valley elites are obsessed with models of control.

The Post-Human Zone: Why the future of "sovereignty" belongs to Manhattan-sized data centers, not citizens.

The Octavia Butler Reality: What if future isn't about escaping the "company town," but fighting to get inside one?

Connect with Quinn Slobodian: https://bsky.app/profile/quinnslobodian.com

New Book: Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed (Releasing April 21, 2026): https://www.harpercollins.com/products/muskism-quinn-slobodianben-tarnoff?variant=43838135402530

Must Read: Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250753892/crackupcapitalism/ "

[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/you-dont-need-democracy-if-you-dont-have-people/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA">
    <title>Charlie Kirk: The Man Who Broke Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-05T22:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BIBLIOGRAPHY & FOOTNOTES:
https://tinyurl.com/kirkvideosources

TIMESTAMPS:

INTRO: 00:00:00
PART 1: The American Question: 00:08:55
PART 2: Time for a Turning Point: 00:12:49
PART 3: Big Government Sucks: 00:34:23
PART 4: The Great American Horseshoe: 01:04:12
PART 5: Charlie's New Friends: 01:17:18
PART 6: The Noble Lie: 01:40:25
PART 7: Trump 2.0: 01:53:23
PART 8: Ouch, Charlie: 02:04:19
PART 9: The Demos 02:14:27
Credits: 02:46:57"]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2026-02-04T21:36:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/when-maos-mango-mania-took-over-china/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fleeting cult built around a mango exposes the logic, and illogic, of Mao’s personality cult."]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have plenty of disagreement with George Scialabba’s new book — especially on MacIntyre and Taylor so far, which I hope to write more about — but he is so brilliant on Christopher Lasch that I have to just capture this passage (originally from Only A Voice):

<blockquote>Lasch’s work is an extended quarrel with modernity, defined as the advance of an overlapping, mutually reinforcing phalanx of political centralization, mass production, expanded consumption, automation, geographic mobility, the bureaucratization of education, medicine, and family life, moral cosmopolitanism, and legal universalism. Against this barrage of abstractions, Lasch insisted on the fact of human scale.

    The human creature has a specific evolutionary endowment and gestational history. As a result, the human infant has a powerful and threatening fantasy life, which it can only outgrow gradually, through a range of close-up interactions, involving both authority and love, with the same caregivers over many years. The bureaucratic rationalization of work and intimate life plays havoc with this scheme of development, producing a weak self, stripped of traditional skills, tools, and autonomy, entirely dependent on large forces beyond its comprehension, much less control, and crippled by ambivalence toward remote, impersonal authority. What sustained the strong pre-modern self was the virtue of hope; what sustains the weak modern self is the ideology of progress."</blockquote>]]></description>
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    <title>Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives | History books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T03:25:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account"

...

" This article is more than 1 month old
Review
Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives
This article is more than 1 month old

The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account
Dorian Lynskey
Dorian Lynskey
Tue 23 Dec 2025 02.00 EST

In the early 17th century, the Peruvian city of Potosí billed itself as the “treasure of the world” and “envy of kings”. Sprouting at the foot of the Cerro Rico, South America’s most populous settlement produced 60% of the world’s silver, which not only enabled Spain to wage its wars and service its debts, but also accelerated the economic development of India and China. The city’s wealthy elites could enjoy crystal from Venice and diamonds from Ceylon while one in four of its mostly indigenous miners perished. Cerro Rico became known as “the mountain that eats men”.

The story of Potosí, in what is now southern Bolivia, contains the core elements of Sven Beckert’s mammoth history of capitalism: extravagant wealth, immense suffering, complex international networks, a world transformed. The Eurocentric version of capitalism’s history holds that it grew out of democracy, free markets, Enlightenment values and the Protestant work ethic. Beckert, a Harvard history professor and author of 2015’s prize-winning Empire of Cotton, assembles a much more expansive narrative, spanning the entire globe and close to a millennium. Like its subject, the book has a “tendency to grow, flow, and permeate all areas of activity”. Fredric Jameson famously said that it was easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. At times during these 1,100 pages, I found it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of Capitalism.

“No religion, no ideology, no philosophy, has ever been as all-encompassing as the economic logic of capitalism,” Beckert claims, defining it as “the ceaseless accumulation of privately controlled capital”. Accounting for it therefore feels like explaining water to fish. Adam Smith, “the hero of capitalism’s triumphant self-remembrance”, attributed it to benign self-interest. Beckert, however, calls it a revolution, centuries in the making, which depended on things that Smith downplayed: “power, violence, the state”. Far from natural or inevitable, it has always been “unstable and contested”, proceeding by jolts.

The word “capitalism” originated in France in the 1840s, around the same time as its antagonists “socialism”, “communism” and “anarchism”, but the system was much older. “Capitalism is a process,” Beckert writes, “not a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end”. He begins tracking the process in the port of Aden in 1150. This vibrant trade hub between Asia and the Middle East, in what is now Yemen, was one of several “islands of capital” which formed a “capitalist archipelago”. Inventing new trades like accountancy and insurance, its “strikingly modern” residents were in the vanguard of a global insurgency. But their accumulation of profit for its own sake was regarded with suspicion by rulers, religions and ordinary people alike. They enjoyed wealth without power or prestige: “capitalists without capitalism”.

What they needed was the state’s collaboration. This developed during the “Great Connecting” between 1450 and 1650, when the discovery of the Americas (named after a slave-owning merchant) finally enabled European traders to challenge Asia and the Middle East while making themselves indispensable. In the era of “war capitalism”, new trade routes and territorial seizures triggered conflict, which trade then financed. Colonialism established capitalism’s “connected diversity”, which is to say, think global, act local.

Like silver, sugar reconfigured the world. On the then uninhabited island of Barbados, just 74 sugar planters used “American lands, African labour and European capital” to create a private slave colony – the new capitalist avant garde. Across the Americas, millions of enslaved people represented trillions of dollars in unpaid labour. Even after Britain abolished slavery in 1833, there were no clean hands. An ordinary European who began his day with a cigarette and a cup of sweetened coffee was already complicit in three branches of the slave trade. The Industrial Revolution, capitalism’s Great Leap Forward, required less explicit forms of coercion and exploitation. One luminary described Victorian Manchester as “the chimney of the world … the entrance to hell realised”. Meanwhile, envy of America’s vast territories and abundant resources inspired Europe’s dismemberment of Africa, which one French newspaper called “America at our doorsteps”.

Beckert enjoys shredding capitalism’s self-flattering myths. He calls the notion of the free market “nothing more than a figment of scholars’ and ideologues’ imaginations”. The Protestant work ethic was deployed to justify child labour at home and forced labour abroad. “It is necessary to use methods that best can shake their idleness and make them realise the sanctity of work,” was how the Belgian King Leopold II rationalised working millions to death in Congo Free State. And yet, impossible though it was to imagine at the time, capitalism outlasted both slavery and empire.

Capitalism’s “permanent revolution”, Beckert writes, produces both dynamism and instability. Similarly, its “connected diversity” cuts both ways – when one crucial region or commodity catches a cold, the whole world sneezes. Crisis is in its DNA. Some emergencies, like the long depressions of the 1870s and 1930s, appeared terminal. Karl Marx, of course, believed that capitalism had an expiration date, but so did the conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, who asked in 1942: “Can capitalism survive? No. I do not think it can.” Yet every Jeremiah underrated its remarkable survival instincts. Infinitely adaptable, agnostic about nations and creeds, and essentially amoral, it keeps on going.

If anyone comes out of this story looking good then it’s John Maynard Keynes, who sought to save capitalism from itself. Combined with thriving labour movements, the challenge of communism and the double shock of war and depression, his prescription for state intervention tamed capitalism’s worst instincts during three decades of extraordinary growth and relative equality after 1945. Call it capitalism with a human face. But then the neoliberal counterrevolution, Beckert argues, spurred capitalism towards its endgame: the commodification of everything. In 2025 it would be foolish to argue that capitalism goes hand in hand with liberal democracy.

The scope of Beckert’s research is mind-boggling. He visits Barbados, Samarkand and Phnom Penh. He quotes cultural texts from Abba to Zola. He profiles emblematic figures such as the Bavarian merchant Jakob Fugger (possibly the richest man who ever lived), Chile’s General Pinochet (“the Lenin of neoliberalism”), the Indian nationalist and industrialist Ardeshir Godrej and the German steel magnate and war criminal Hermann Röchling. He manufactures a ceaseless, and sometimes exhausting, flow of startling details.

The question that Beckert never quite answers is: why capitalism? While it’s hard to argue with his copious evidence of capitalism’s poisonous offspring, from scientific racism to climate change, and the numerous efforts to resist its advance, there must be more to it than war, slavery, imperialism and inequality. Even Marx and Engels gave the devil his due in The Communist Manifesto: for all its savagery, it had “accomplished wonders”. Beckert is so good at decrying the sticks that he downplays the carrots: longer lives, higher living standards, labour-saving innovations, new vistas of experience. In this story, capitalism is the answer to every question, the root of every ill, yet the histories of feudalism and communism suggest that cruelty and exploitation are not unique to one economic system.

If Adam Smith was wrong to see capitalism as human nature manifest, then Beckert overcorrects by presenting it as anti-human: a “rogue artificial intelligence”, an invasive species, an alien force, a supernatural hunger. It is insatiable and unkillable. Beckert calls his book an “actor-centred history” about a phenomenon “made by people”, but it is ultimately a kind of horror story about a monster that eats men."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/the-yearnings-that-take-young-europeans-into-the-far-right">
    <title>The yearnings that take young Europeans into the far Right | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-23T05:36:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/the-yearnings-that-take-young-europeans-into-the-far-right</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Young Europeans join far-Right movements less out of grievance than out of a profound yearning to believe and belong"]]></description>
<dc:subject>belief bleonging europe farright politics 2026 agnieskapasieka sociology gender identity anthropology subcultures climatecrisis climate climatechange community nationalism ideology religion christianity catholicism conservatism italy italia poland hungary 1968 1976 raymondwilliams ferdinandtönnies émiledurkheim society youth hierarchy alienation individualism kristenghodsee akhilgupta jamesferguson 1997 culture egalitarianism patriotism backlash liberalism liberals socialisolation isolation health publichealth robertnisbet fellowship belonging membership militancy volunteerism idology heritage tradition roots christianorthodoxy discrimination</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W1dIC287Zz0">
    <title>Tech Billionaires Want Us Dead - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-19T22:29:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W1dIC287Zz0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tech billionaires are planning for a future where humans don’t exist, and they’re already building it.
  
For decades, tech elites have sold us a shiny future powered by artificial intelligence. But what if the future they’re building doesn’t include us?

I investigated the dangerous worldview known as TESCREALism that has taken hold across the world’s most powerful tech companies, from OpenAI to Tesla. It’s the belief that biological humans are flawed and temporary, and that a post-human future dominated by AGI (artificial general intelligence) is both inevitable and desirable.

Under this ideology, human obsolescence is framed as progress, while billionaires like Elon Musk, Sam Altman, Peter Thiel, and Mark Zuckerberg prepare to outlive the collapse they are helping to create.

KEY CONCEPTS: From the Singularity to billionaire bunkers, TESCREAL ideology is the invisible force driving the AI arms race.

TESCREAL: Transhumanism, Extropianism, Singularitarianism, Cosmism, Rationalism, Effective Altruism, Accelerationism, Longtermism.

Special thanks to Dr. Émile P. Torres for his extensive research on this topic. Follow Dr. Torres: https://x.com/xriskology "]]></description>
<dc:subject>taylorlevy 2026 2025 elonmusk samaltman peterthiel markzuckerberg ideology tescreal transhumanism rationalism extropianism singularitarianism singularity cosmism effectivealtruism longtermism humans agi artificialgeneralintelligence billionaires oligarchy vc venturecapital dehumanization dossdoubthout openai tesla bunkers posthumanism collapse humanextinction siliconvalley technology culture society deathcults history future labor work workers automation robots jonyive airbnb próspera netwrokstate bryanjohnson immortality kosa inequality power escape grimes cults marcandreessen technofascism technosolutionism technooptimism larrypage stevewozniak stevejobs hackerculture seassteading dystopia accellerationism eattherich datacenters ai artificialintelligence humanity kanyewest kimkardashian californianideology bayarea counterculture stewartbrand mindchildren computers computing personalcomputers personalcomputing design life living émiletorres sanhillroad startups hansmoravec charlesplatt raykurzweil kevi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/gilded-rage-elon-musk-and-the-radicalization-of-silicon-valley">
    <title>Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and the Radicalization of Silicon Valley - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-10T22:02:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/gilded-rage-elon-musk-and-the-radicalization-of-silicon-valley</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A new book by Jacob Silverman, Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and the Radicalization of Silicon Valley, painstakingly chronicles the rightward move of Silicon Valley’s tech titans, culminating in their embrace of President Donald Trump. Once considered reliably liberal, Musk and his peers have taken up authoritarianism with a relish few could have predicted. Recently, the Phoenix Project sat down with Silverman to discuss the source of Silicon Valley’s migration to the right and the role San Francisco played as its incubator.

Phoenix Project: What is the primary motivation for Silicon Valley’s move to the right: Ideology, self-interest or self-preservation?

Silverman: I think it’s a blend. Some of these folks seem to have been more ideological from the start. Someone like Peter Thiel has been a died-in-the-wool political animal his whole adult life. There’s also a way in which their sense of ideology and self-interest became wrapped up with right-wing thought and being against the state. 

They see the state and any restraints on their power as being intolerable. They believe it has been holding them back. There’s an impatience that the promised future has been withheld from them. The way that translates into politics is that they don’t want to be governed any more.

Phoenix Project: Are they so insulated that they aren’t aware of how badly this plays with the average American? They’re coming across as spoiled and petulant and unhappy — and for no particular reason — especially given their level of success and wealth.

Silverman: I do think that’s a notable and surprising part of this. They’re so fabulously wealthy, but seem, at times, to be very greedy and petulant and unhappy. They expect the rules to be bent to them. 

Also, Silicon Valley is a self-mythologizing industry. There are many articles in which they talk about themselves as a new aristocracy that’s practically designated to rule. They’ve taken all the egoism of being a founder or a venture capitalist, and expanded that to present themselves as visionaries on a societal level. When every day folks start to understand who these guys are — when they see their social media posts or hear them speak — they’re not very appealing. They’re not presenting a positive political program and they don’t have a lot of charisma. That’s a bright spot politically. Any kind of populist message they’re trying to push is a false one and will not work in the long term with most people. 

Phoenix Project: Getting to the central premise of your book, Gilded Rage, where does their sense of grievance come from? As you’ve noted, these people are fabulously successful and wealthy beyond most people’s wildest dreams. 

Silverman: Some of it comes from that impatience that the promised future is not arriving. There’s also been a real shift toward antagonism toward the state and any regulatory bodies that attempt to place checks on their way of doing business. These people were always very rich, but one thing that changed in the years I write about — the zero interest rate years — is that they became even more fabulously wealthy. The amounts of money being talked about in various deals increased dramatically; million dollar rounds became billion dollar fundraising rounds for startups. For that reason, they’ve inflated their own roles and geo-historical sense of purpose.

Phoenix Project: Do you think Silicon Valley’s relationship with President Donald Trump will be a lasting one?

Silverman: I was intrigued to watch what happened when Elon Musk and Trump had their breakup last summer. It was very predictable, but what was surprising was that nothing much happened in terms of revenge against Musk. There was a lot Trump could have done to Musk from withholding government contracts to deporting him. 

At the same time, all the other tech people, from David Sacks on down, remained in place. And, even with the decline of DOGE, a lot of the people who were working on it have been distributed around different government agencies.

Phoenix Project: What has been the influence of the Palantir Mafia, and its role in launching the new generation of tech extremism? 

Silverman: Palantir helped launch the defense tech boom that we’re currently seeing. It represents an ideological change for Silicon Valley in that it’s now OK to build military companies to do intelligence work for the U.S. government, the Israeli government, or other entities around the world. A whole new way of doing startups that saw them going after government contracts from the earliest days was created. Palantir was cofounded by Peter Thiel, Joe Lonsdale and Trey Stevens, and was built on insider connections to Trump World. It spawned a generation of surveillance companies like this and has drawn a new generation of tech workers who don’t view the War on Terror as a cautionary tale, but as a business opportunity. 

Phoenix Project: What role has San Francisco played in this new Gilded Age? 

Silverman: Garry Tan has been a very important figure who has dragged San Francisco to the right. Like many of his ilk, he pretends to be a moderate when, by most standards, his goals and methods of operation are very right-wing. San Francisco was a test bed for the sort of politics that we’ve in recent years, the giving up on Democratic-run urban centers and calling them failed cities, and really magnifying the social problems from a classist and almost xenophobic, anti-social perspective. These problems were distorted by billionaire-run social media platforms.

Finally, there was this embrace of recall elections. After [District Attorney] Chesa Boudin was recalled, David Sacks said he wanted to take [this tactic] nationally. It dovetailed nicely with the MAGA idea of contesting elections everywhere.

This interview has been lightly edited for brevity and clarity."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 elonmusk jacobsilverman phoenixproject gildedage davidsacks palantir technology extremism joelonsdale treystevens peterthiel donaldtrump trumpism maga politics garrytan sanfrancisco siliconvalley ideology deregulation technooptimism government governance radicalization farright rightwing tescreal nerdreich transhumanism singularitarianism singularity extropianism rationalism effectivealtruism longtermism cosmism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg">
    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/kingsnorth-paul-brad-east-technology-machine">
    <title>A Cooked Ascetic | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-08T19:55:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/kingsnorth-paul-brad-east-technology-machine</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For Paul Kingsnorth, Western culture is in a terminal state."

...

"Against the Machine is a long book, and so I have had to leave out much of interest, including Kingsnorth’s wilder speculations about the demonic character of chatbots and his darker predictions about where the world is headed. I have sought to present the vision and arguments of the book in their best light, on the terms Kingsnorth himself sets for them. For all their grand doomsaying, they couldn’t have a more sympathetic ear than mine. I was prepared to adore this book. I had hopes that it would fashion a new synthesis for tech criticism going forward, a prophetic vision alive to the threats bearing down on human life from the internet, smartphones, social media, and so-called AI. I even hoped it might provide an agenda for the coming decades.

I am sorry to report that Against the Machine is not that book. It is in fact the least compelling piece of work I have read by this otherwise remarkable author. It is neither a coherent book nor a collection of essays, but a hodgepodge of internet writing stitched together between two covers. It occurred to me while reading it that what I was holding belonged to a new genre: the Substack Book. Like the blogs of the aughts, Substack has already become its own thing: it incentivizes a certain mood, feel, and style; it has brought into being a recognizable literary form. You know it when you see it. Any one of this book’s twenty-seven chapters would be unexceptionable as a standalone newsletter in my inbox. In fact, I read early versions of some of them there. Spread across nearly three hundred and fifty pages, however, they make for tedious and mostly unpleasant reading. The prophetic voice curdles into preachiness. The pithy imperatives (“Buckle up”; “Be ready”; “Head for home”) lose their power to provoke. The grand pronouncements and historical summaries beguile, then befuddle, then bore.

The book should have been one-third its size or written from scratch. As it is, it’s a mess. It still contains plenty of insights and wonderful turns of phrase, and anyone who reads it will not only gain new perspective but be introduced to other authors and ideas worth tracking down. To new readers, one of these authors will be Kingsnorth himself. For them, his past writing, including his poems and novels, still awaits. And for all of us, his future writing awaits, too. My expectation is that, with this heavy tome behind him, he will now move on to work that is just as exciting and unpredictable as his previous output. Rare is the author who never swings and misses. The challenge is to keep swinging until the sound of a crack tells you that you’ve got another hit on your hands."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 bradeast paulkingsnorth politics technology society culture west religion wendellberry thomasmerton cslewis romanoguardini rsthomas lewismumford edwardabbey jacquesellul wallacestenger marshallmcluhan ivanillich marymidgley guydavenport leomarx ursulafranklin christopherlasch neilpostman walkerpercy georgegrant deniseleverton johnlukacs albertborgmann garysnyder humanism byung-chulhan hartmutrosa alanjacobs nicholascarr matthewcrawford andycrouch lmsacasas antónbarba-kay digital internet web online darkmountainproject covid-19 pandemic coronavirus easternorthodoxchurch christianity secularism atheirsm2021 2017 environmentalism christ jesus jesuschrist humanity human humans unsettling greatunsettling spirituality ideology ambivalence resistance ascetics ai artificialintelligence substack form howwrwrite writing preachiness</dc:subject>
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    <title>Politics is breaking down — and so is our language for it | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T21:57:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/policy/849609/charlie-kirk-shooting-ideology-literacy-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Killing in the name of… nothing

Political violence has become illegible, and increasingly, politics and language have too."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenerdreich.com/the-cult-of-venture-capital-wants-your-future/">
    <title>The Cult of Venture Capital Wants Your Future</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T22:59:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenerdreich.com/the-cult-of-venture-capital-wants-your-future/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“The rational fear of those who dislike economic inequality is that the rich will convert their economic power into political power: that they’ll tilt elections, or pay bribes for pardons, or buy up the news media to promote their views. I used to be able to claim that tech billionaires didn’t actually do this—that they just wanted to refine their gadgets. But unfortunately in the current administration we’ve seen all three.”

Paul Graham, a famed tech investor who co-founded the Y Combinator startup accelerator, posted these words today on X. It’s a stunning admission. But not even Silicon Valley can ignore the political corruption and radicalization rising in its midst.

In today’s episode of the Nerd Reich podcast, Dr. Olivier Jutel and I discuss this very subject: how the cult of Silicon venture capital has become an existential threat to both democracy and humanity.

We explore how VCs became the “de facto state planners” of American capitalism, why they’re now desperately betting on government bailouts to save their failed investments, and how their Network State ideology aims to extract maximum value from our country before exiting to their own private sovereignties.

Spoiler: they don’t plan for the rest of us to come along for the ride."

[direct link to video:

"Inside the Tech Cult: How Venture Capital Plans to Exit Democracy"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-fThWjJP8A ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w">
    <title>The Trillion Dollar War Machine (with William D. Hartung) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T07:31:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The military-industrial-complex has grown into a monster so powerful that even its earliest critics likely never foresaw its evolution. In the age of Big Tech's rising power, can anything stop it?"

...

"The military-industrial-complex (MIC) is unique in its ability to pull untold flows of tax revenue into “defensive” infrastructure that benefits no one other than the private sector manufacturing and investing in it. The machine, which perpetuates itself through an incestuous milieu that lobbies for war and defense spending, wages psychological warfare on citizens and engages in corrupt backroom deals, has risen to once unthinkable heights of influence and power since Dwight D. Eisenhower first warned Americans of its growing presence in 1961.

Political scientist William D. Hartung joins this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his and Ben Freeman’s new book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, which contextualizes the growth of the MIC behind the backdrop of Silicon Valley’s increasing radicalism and integration into American military infrastructure, as well as the Trump administration’s chaotic and unabashed foreign policy.

These tech elites push for automated warfare, domestic surveillance, and the full diffusion of any line still separating the corporate and public sectors. In essence, they symbolize how significantly Western capital has grown since Eisenhower’s warning — bolstering a corporate state bent on maximizing profit through warfare and manufacturing reliance on its often faulty products both in the public and private sector.

Empowered by the Trump administration, the trillion dollar war machine only looks to grow — and Hartung says that it will harm the entire nation in its endless quest for domination."

[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mxti7sPPD0 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/the-committed-officers-of-argentinas-dirty-war/">
    <title>The Committed Officers of Argentina’s Dirty War - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-30T20:23:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/the-committed-officers-of-argentinas-dirty-war/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The viciousness of Argentina’s Dirty War resulted not only from orders from above but from ideological buy-in at the ground level."

[references:

"Ideology and state terror: How officer beliefs shaped repression during Argentina’s ‘Dirty War’" by Adam Scharpf (2018)
https://www.jstor.org/stable/48596166?mag=the-committed-officers-of-argentinas-dirty-war

"Abstract
How does ideology influence state terror? Studies on state repression have looked at the leaders decisionmaking to explain how much violence states use against internal enemies. However, government leaders usually rely on their security forces to produce violence. I argue that distinct ideological beliefs within the military apparatus produce different levels of repression even if leaders are determined to terrorize the population. I expect officers who share the ideology of their leader to willingly execute the government's repressive program, while officers who do not share the leader's convictions refuse to terrorize civilians. I study these dynamics in the case of Argentina's Dirty War (1975-81) during which the government tasked its ideologically divided army with a nationwide terror campaign. Combining qualitative and quantitative data from historical sources, I identify the ideological beliefs and repressive behavior of military commanders. Consistent with my expectation, I find that loyal nationalist officers in the infantry, artillery, and communications branch of the army perpetrated significantly more violence than liberal cavalry officers who rejected the junta's terror program. The results demonstrate that ideological beliefs within the state's security apparatus can lead to violent outcomes that deviate from government orders.

Keywords
Argentina, ideology, military, officers, state repression"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>argentina viciousness violence dirtywar ideology dictatorship history 2025 liviagershon adamscharpf 2018 authoritarianism repression behavior stateterror decisionmaking stateviolence military junta terror guerrasucia</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/dangerous-pseudoscience">
    <title>Dangerous Pseudoscience: - Peter Joseph: Substack</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-28T20:42:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/dangerous-pseudoscience</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why Market Economics Is Not Economics"

...

"Of all the distorted realities produced by the irrational thought and behavior that now define so-called “modern” culture, nothing is more disturbing than the realization that our dominant mode of survival—economic survival—is rooted in what may be the most dangerous pseudoscience ever created: markets.

The delirium is astonishing. The disorder is obvious. And frankly, it is embarrassing. One can only hope that if extraterrestrial observers exist, they keep their distance—not out of fear, but out of disbelief at how absurd, self-destructive, and fragile humanity’s economic operating system has become.

We have organized the provisioning of life itself around a framework that dismisses the physical conditions of survival, ignores ecological limits, sidelines basic natural science, and replaces common-sense resource management with a layered mess of abstractions.

At its root, this system concerns itself with one thing and one thing only: the movement of money and the dynamics of exchange. That is the core concern. Nothing else is structurally prioritized. To call what is, in essence, an abstracted accounting ideology “economics” is not only misleading—it is intellectually indefensible.

Market economics does not begin with the Earth. It does not begin with materials, energy, design constraints, waste, or long-term viability. It begins with prices—symbols detached from physical reality—and then attempts to retrofit the world to justify them. In doing so, it systematically excludes the very variables that actually determine whether a society can survive.

Do this:

Find a group of elementary school children—children who have not yet been polluted by market-rooted economic theory, business-school mythology, or the belligerent sloganeering in favor of “capitalism”—and ask them a few basic questions:

Where do resources come from?
What happens when they run out?
How should we use them so everyone has enough?
What should we do with waste?
Should we design things to last, or to be thrown away?
Etc.

You will find, almost without exception, that these children respond with answers rooted in intuition, balance, and physical reality. They understand instinctively that resources come from the Earth, that they are finite, that they serve particular purposes, and that waste is a problem. They recognize that cooperation and efficiency matter. They grasp—without formal training—that using things wisely, with stewardship and scientific awareness, is preferable to using more things for the sake of “growth.” They intuitively understand that destroying the conditions of survival itself makes no sense.

In other words, they reason economically in a way that is more grounded, more rational, and more aligned with reality than many PhD-credentialed market economists.

The unspoken, taboo fact is this: true economics deals with ecology, design, recycling, energy systems, technical labor organization, and the material constraints of the physical world. It is a discipline rooted in engineering logic and systems thinking. It asks how finite resources can be intelligently allocated to meet human needs over time without undermining the ecological foundations that make production possible in the first place.

What we instead call “economics” today—market economics—is a pseudoscience devoted almost entirely to abstractions layered upon abstractions, concerned not with real provisioning, but with the movement of money inside artificial market structures.

***

What Economics Actually Means

The word economy comes from the Greek oikonomia, meaning the management of the household. This is not a metaphor; it is a functional definition. A household has limited resources, limited labor capacity, and ongoing needs. Good management means balancing inputs and outputs, minimizing waste, and ensuring sustainability over time.

No rational household incentivizes its members to consume endlessly simply to justify continued production. No household measures success by how fast money circulates between family members. No household celebrates growth for its own sake while ignoring depletion, exhaustion, or collapse.

And yet this is precisely what modern market economics celebrates at the societal scale.

True economics must grapple with the actual physical realities of production. It must ask where materials come from, how they are transformed, what energy inputs are required, what waste is generated, and what long-term consequences result from these processes. It must deal with ecology, because all production occurs within ecological systems. That is the foundation of any honest economic calculation. It must deal with design, because efficiency, durability, and reuse matter far more than sales volume. And it must deal with labor, because human effort is finite—and increasingly replaceable through automation.

In other words, economics is inseparable from engineering and systems science. It can only exist as a legitimate discipline when grounded in the properties of the real, material world, accounting for systemic interactions, feedback effects, and long-term outcomes rather than short-term monetary flows.

Now pick up any standard economics textbook assigned to college students.

Do you see a section on the natural regeneration rates of rainforests in the context of timber extraction? Do you see a systems-level analysis of how removing trees alters soil chemistry, water cycles, regional climate stability, and species interdependence? Do you see an examination of how biodiversity loss feeds back into human food security, disease vulnerability, or long-term survival?

No—you don’t.

And the reason is simple: if you did, you would be reading a genuine work of economics.

Instead, what you will find in Economics 101 is noise—layered abstractions about supply and demand curves, imaginary equilibria, rational actors, price signals, and efficiency myths, all detached from physical reality. You will read equations that never mention energy, models that ignore waste, and graphs that pretend ecosystems are optional variables. You will be taught to believe that prices somehow encode all relevant information, even as the real world degrades beneath the math.

This is not the study of an economy. It is the study of market behavior under artificial constraints, presented as universal truth. And the more one internalizes this abstraction, the less capable one becomes of understanding how real economies actually function—or fail.

That is why market economics can be taught for decades while remaining blind to collapse. It does not look at the world. It looks at its own symbols—and calls that science.

No.

***

The Fatal Narrowing of the Discipline

It is difficult to pinpoint exactly when everything became so absurd, but somewhere along the way economics underwent a profound intellectual narrowing. Political economy—the study of production, distribution, and social organization—was gradually replaced by market theory, which redefined the economy as nothing more than a set of price-mediated exchanges between abstract actors.

This narrowing hid behind one of the most delusional attributes ever assigned to markets: “freedom.”

Ah yes—freedom. Freedom from material limits. Freedom from ecological accountability. Freedom from understanding how the real world actually works.

In this reframing, biophysical limits were excluded from economic calculation except in the abstracted form of “scarcity,” embedded within the infamous supply-and-demand equation. In practice, this equation operates blindly. “Supply” is reduced to what exists after production, regardless of ecological cost. “Demand” is reduced to purchasing power rather than actual human need.

Nearly one billion people today suffer from inadequate nutrition, yet they exert no influence on demand curves because they lack money. Their needs are economically invisible. This alone exposes the moral and analytical bankruptcy of the framework.

Likewise, energy came to be treated as an external input rather than a core constraint. Environmental damage was labeled an “externality”—a term that itself reveals the problem. Design quality, durability, and waste reduction became irrelevant so long as goods could be sold. Human needs were flattened into “preferences.” Social stability was reduced to employment statistics.

The market itself was elevated to a near-mystical status, portrayed as a self-correcting, information-processing entity capable of optimizing outcomes through price signals alone. This belief persists despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary.

Prices do not reflect ecological cost. They do not account for long-term damage. They do not signal systemic risk. They do not optimize for human well-being. They reflect only what can be paid for under existing power structures.
Dangerous Pseudoscience

A science must meet certain criteria. It must be empirically grounded. Its assumptions must be testable. Its models must be falsifiable. Its predictions must meaningfully correspond to reality. Market economics fails on all counts.

Its foundational assumptions—rational actors, efficient markets, equilibrium tendencies—are demonstrably false, yet they persist because the models built upon them are internally consistent. This is the hallmark of pseudoscience: coherence within a closed system, divorced from empirical reality.

When market models fail to predict crises, recessions, environmental collapse, or inequality, the failure is never attributed to the model itself. Instead, blame is shifted to “exogenous shocks,” poor policy, or insufficient market freedom. The theory is never wrong; reality simply failed to cooperate.

Worse still, market economics routinely treats its own abstractions as natural laws. Supply-and-demand curves are presented as immutable features of human behavior rather than artifacts of a specific institutional framework. This conflation of constructed systems with natural phenomena is profoundly unscientific.

What market economics actually studies is not the economy, but the behavior of money within a particular rule set. That may be useful for traders, investors, and financiers—but it tells us almost nothing about how to intelligently organize production in a finite world.

***

The Cult of Growth

As I have talked about before at length, perhaps the most dangerous confusion in modern thought is the equation of money with economic health. Gross Domestic Product, for instance, measures the total monetary value of transactions within a country. It does not distinguish between constructive and destructive activity. A forest fire that destroys homes and infrastructure, followed by reconstruction, increases GDP. A medical crisis caused by pollution increases GDP. Planned obsolescence increases GDP.

By this logic, failure is success so long as it generates spending.

Money moving faster is treated as prosperity. But money is not food. It is not housing. It is not clean water or breathable air. It is an accounting system—a symbolic medium of exchange that tells us nothing about whether real human needs are being met efficiently or sustainably.

An economy can be growing financially while collapsing materially. Market economics has no mechanism to meaningfully address this contradiction because it does not measure what matters.

Market systems are structurally addicted to growth. This is not a cultural preference; it is a mathematical necessity. Debt-based money creation, profit requirements, and employment dependence all demand continuous expansion. Without growth, the system contracts—and contraction is treated as failure regardless of whether material needs are already met. This growth imperative directly contradicts ecological reality.

No physical system grows indefinitely. Every ecosystem operates within limits, seeking dynamic balance rather than endless expansion. Yet market ideology treats balance as stagnation and sustainability as inefficiency.

At the household level, this logic would be considered insane. No one believes a successful family is one that doubles its consumption every year, depletes its resources, and produces endless waste simply to keep everyone “employed.”

But at the macro level, this insanity is normalized, institutionalized, and defended by economists who rarely confront its ecological impossibility.

In systems-science terms, this is a conflict of recursion. The rules governing the macro system directly violate the constraints that apply at every lower level of organization. The household, the community, the ecosystem—all require balance, feedback, and restraint to remain viable. Yet the larger economic system is designed to override those same constraints, demanding perpetual expansion regardless of material limits.

A system that cannot apply its own survival logic across scales is not adaptive—it is pathological. When the macro layer forces behavior that would destroy the micro layers, collapse is not an accident; it is the expected outcome. Growth, under such conditions, is not a sign of health, but of systemic instability—a positive feedback loop accelerating toward failure.

What markets call “success” is, in ecological terms, overshoot. And overshoot does not end in equilibrium. It ends in correction.

***

Expertise Without Substance

Because market economics is focused almost entirely on financial abstraction, its practitioners are uniquely unqualified to solve real-world problems.

Climate change? The response is carbon markets and pricing mechanisms that commodify destruction rather than eliminate it. Automation and labor displacement? Create new jobs, regardless of whether they are necessary or meaningful. Resource depletion? Raise prices and let scarcity “signal” adjustments after damage is done.

Every problem is filtered through the same lens: how can this be monetized?

True expertise in economics would require understanding material flows, energy constraints, design optimization, systems feedback, and ecological thresholds. It would require collaboration with engineers, ecologists, and systems scientists. Market economists are rarely trained in any of these domains.

They may be experts in “markets”—but not in economies.

***

Economics as Engineering

If we strip away ideology and return to first principles, economics becomes something far more practical—and far more honest.

The real questions are simple:

What do people need to live well?
What resources are available?
What are the most efficient ways to transform those resources into usable goods and services?
What are the ecological costs of those processes?
How can waste be minimized or eliminated?
How can labor be reduced through intelligent design and automation?

These are engineering questions. They do not require price signals. They require data, design, feedback, and coordination. They require systems that optimize for outcomes rather than profits.

An economy designed this way would prioritize durability over sales, access over ownership, and balance over growth. It would treat technology as a means of reducing labor rather than creating artificial employment. It would measure success by quality of life and ecological stability, not by transaction volume.

***

Why the Illusion Persists

Market economics persists not because it works, but because it legitimizes existing power structures. It provides intellectual cover for inequality, environmental destruction, and inefficiency by framing them as unavoidable outcomes of “natural” market forces. Abstract models protect real interests. They deflect responsibility. They allow systemic failure to be treated as unfortunate rather than designed.

In truth, the power system markets create is arguably even worse than the so called “command” economies of the former USSR and beyond by which markets are supposed to be antithetical. Markets produce rigid, constant power hierarchies.

Real economics—grounded in physical reality—would demand systemic change. It would force us to confront the irrationality of profit-driven production, the redundancy of much labor, and the incompatibility of endless growth with a finite planet. It would also end the power structure that is not only tyrannical against human society itself, but tyrannical against the entire ecosystem by which we survived as a species.

That is why it is resisted. The winners of the market game are the ones in power and they are almost invariably sociopathic, as an aside.

***

Naming the Problem

So, again: Market economics is not economics. It is a belief system about money movement masquerading as science. It manages symbols instead of systems. It debates prices while ignoring physics. It treats abstraction as reality and reality as an externality.

Until we reclaim the meaning of economics, we will continue to mismanage the very foundations of human survival to our demise.

If your “economics” cannot explain ecology, waste, energy, and design efficiency, it is not a science.

It is a power-rooted ideology and religion.

And the longer we pretend otherwise, the higher the cost will be. I encourage people to learn about Integral in this regard as we have to start somewhere by building a method for true economic calculation and organization."]]></description>
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    <title>Pope Leo vs. Palantir | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-28T04:12:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/spadaro-education-leo-pope-palantir-newman-karp</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Whose view of education will prevail?"

...

"In Silicon Valley, “meritocracy” is the gospel of efficiency, the creation myth of the self-made. But one of its own temples of worship, Palantir Technologies, has rewritten the liturgy. Its CEO, Alex Karp, and its president, Peter Thiel, have unveiled the Meritocracy Fellowship—an experiment inviting twenty-two high-school seniors to skip college altogether. “Skip the debt. Skip the indoctrination. Get the Palantir degree,” the slogan declares. No student loans, no professors, no campus life—just four weeks of seminars on Western civilization, from Plato to Tocqueville, followed by an internship amid Palantir’s algorithms.

The fellowship, open only to exceptional students who pledge not to enroll in an accredited college the following fall, pays roughly $5,400 a month. The message could hardly be clearer—or colder: higher education is obsolete, learning is a waste of time, what matters is knowing how to perform. It’s not only a provocation; it’s a political act. Palantir, whose empire runs on data and artificial intelligence, isn’t just recruiting talent; it’s shaping the future of education as a battlefield between freedom and economic power.

Its model combines a fast-track humanistic crash course with immediate technical immersion, privileging functional training over the liberal arts that once defined the Western university. The goal is to forge hyper-efficient operators—cogs polished to perfection—ready to serve the company’s clients, often government or security agencies.

The stakes are enormous. Across the United States, the idea that education is—or should be—a private market commodity has taken hold. The blows dealt to academia during the Trump years were symptoms, not causes, of a deeper shift. American universities face mounting tuition costs, a staggering $1.7 trillion in student debt, and accusations of ideological bias and irrelevance to the labor market. Into that climate strides Palantir’s Meritocracy Fellowship, promising a quick, low-cost escape from what it calls the “debt trap.” In this new paradigm, the acquisition of skills replaces personal formation—competence displaces character.

And yet, in Rome, another voice has begun to answer back. Pope Leo XIV—the first American to occupy the papal throne—recently released an apostolic letter titled “Drawing New Maps of Hope,” inaugurating the Jubilee of Education. His words read like a counter-melody to Silicon Valley’s techno-pragmatism. Reviving the Global Compact on Education launched by his predecessor Francis, Leo XIV lays out three priorities: interior life, technology, and peace. “The educator,” he writes, “is not a technician of learning but a witness of humanity.” The student is not a cog; education, Leo insists, is a constellation that binds heart, mind, and hands. Education, for him, is another name for peace—because it teaches us to appreciate differences and to grow in dialogue.

On one side, then, stands the dazzling shortcut of learning by doing, the promise of immediate success and measurable output. On the other, the slower faith in a process that ripens through error, encounter, and time. Here enters St. John Henry Newman, whom Leo XIV has declared a Doctor of the Church and co-patron of educators alongside Thomas Aquinas. Newman had already diagnosed the modern confusion. In his masterpiece The Idea of a University, he warned that to reduce education to the mere acquisition of skills was to betray its soul. Knowledge, he wrote, is valuable not because it “produces” something, but because it trains the freedom of the human spirit. Liberal knowledge, in Newman’s sense, isn’t an end in itself—it clears the mind, untangles thought, teaches one to see things as they are. It prepares a person not for a trade, but for a life. Its purpose, as he said, is to form the gentleman, not the businessman.

Between Palo Alto and Rome, then, two gospels of learning now face each other: one of speed and efficiency, the other of depth and discernment. The question that lingers is which one will educate the soul of the century to come."]]></description>
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    <title>The News: Fool Me All the Time? I Must Be an Editor of the New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T17:03:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/the-news-fool-me-all-the-time-i-must</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the waning years of apartheid, the New York Times bureau chief in Johannesburg was Christopher Wren. His coverage used to drive me nuts, because Wren always worked from the premise that what the government said was the starting point for the news, even if it was the apartheid government, a government that had a singular ideological perspective that it dogmatically enforced at all times. That wasn’t just a in-public commitment, either. In the last decade, I’ve been working on the Cold War era in sub-Saharan Africa primarily through American and UK archives and whether I’m reading in the mid-1950s all the way into the 1980s, I come across American and British officials, many of them politically conservative and fairly racist in their own right, expressing exasperation to one another over the delusional stridency of government officials from Pretoria in any meeting or conference they were included in. In Wren’s reportage, this meant that anything that people from the ANC, UDF, or other opposition group said about events in South Africa was treated as the biased opinion of people who had a reason to bend the truth and anything the government said at least started as factual. In either case, Wren might accept that his reportage had an investigative responsibility, but it went in different directions. To move from the government’s truth took investigative work to prove it false; to move from the opposition’s truth took investigative work to prove that it had some degree of accuracy.

I happened to be in the audience at an event where Wren spoke about his career after retirement. I took the opportunity to ask him why he had shaped his reporting in that way, given that after the end of apartheid, much of what he took to be rumor or ideologically-motivated claims about government-coordinated violence and apartheid propaganda were verified, and the depths of apartheid malfeasance, even with the destruction of many official records in the early 1990s, was revealed. I think the question confused him. I don’t think I was confusing in how I asked it. Inasmuch as he had an answer, it was that this is how reporting, especially foreign correspondence, worked. Governments had to be the starting place. A reporter, especially from somewhere else, couldn’t be expected to have a situational and local understanding of who to trust and who not to trust.

With many American dailies in the last half of the 20th Century, it wasn’t quite that straightforward. The Cold War provided one kind of structuring principle. Communist governments were presumed by reporters to be engaged in deception, Western governments were not. (Even though a fair number of American and European journalists were fully aware that the UK, US and French governments had sustained projects aimed at creating disinformation about their perceived adversaries.) Often this extended to the Global South: postcolonial governments were also assumed to be at the least unreliable in the information they provided, and this was a view that extended to individuals—often on the belief that both officials and ordinary people were simply not competent curators of information nor responsible witnesses to events.

This is a foundational perspective that remains in place in the mainstream legacy media in the United States. I’ve come to the conclusion that one reason the New York Times in particular is proving to be so accommodating to Trumpism is not any affection for Trump himself but that the upper editorial staff were feeling increasingly disoriented and frightened by pressures to change these kinds of deep assumptions—that they increasingly felt that an initiative like the 1619 Project had been an alien and unwanted intrusion into the correct way to see the world.

There have been other moments of similar disorientation in the history of mainstream American media. The struggle over whether to print the Pentagon Papers, whether to report on the COINTELPRO revelations, or whether to continue to investigate Watergate was not just about fear of legal and political retaliation, it was that all these stories made the world topsy-turvy. The government’s information was full of lies; the whistle-blowers and the leftist activists were the only place to get something like the truth. Later on, when Raymond Bonner and Alma Guillermoprieto reported in 1982 for the New York Times and Washington Post respectively that the Reagan-supported government in El Salvador had massacred over 800 villagers in El Mozote, both reporters were criticized not just by the American government but by some journalists for putting what ordinary people and the guerillas opposing the government said about what had happened ahead of official accounts. The editor at the NYT, Abe Rosenthal, was notorious for his intense anti-Communism, and eventually pulled Bonner from the assignment. And of course the American press, including Bill Keller of the New York Times, were notoriously devoted to reproducing what the US government said about the post 9/11 wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as truth until long after it became clear just how much was being concealed from the public—and once again, this involved a very deliberate ordering of truth that saw all criticism as fundamentally ideological, motivated and biased, whereas government-provided information started as default truth and had to be proven to be false or inaccurate before reporters could begin to deviate from its account of events.

I don’t think this is just the ideological bent of reporters and editors, Abe Rosenthal’s anti-Communism or Bill Keller’s liberal-hawk desire to demonstrate his patriotism notwithstanding. Mainstream journalists are here just a peninsula of a vast mainland that also counts among its inhabitants historians. No matter how determined I might be to read against the grain and render history “from below”, the fact is that as a historian of the 19th and 20th Centuries, most of my work rests on the vast torrents of information produced by governments, both for their publics and for themselves. Even the archives that trace their origin back to civil society live in the shadow of information flowing from and to governments. The professionalization of expertise in the 20th Century has almost always involved some form of quasi-statutory blessing by governments: a license, a credential, a testing process, the provision of data about expert or regulatory activity. (This is why it is so notable when a particular branch of government or a particular group of experts aggressively exempt themselves from requirements to produce official, authenticated data about their activities—say, in the resistance of U.S. police forces to tracking their discharge of weapons while on the job.)

Over time, however, most people whose jobs center on producing information and knowledge have learned how to keep their distance from and lessen their dependence on government-provisioned information—to think more critically about how archives came to be, how data is created and stored, how the world looks from inside of official power, to understand how classification regimes shape what circulates and what remains hidden.

Mainstream American journalists, on the other hand, are if anything worse at this aspect of their jobs at the present moment than at any time after the Pandora’s Box of Watergate was fully opened. That epiphany swung both ways for journalists in the 1980s and 1990s. It made many of them face just how much they’d facilitated substantive and consequential lies by political leaders in the past, not so much to cultivate their sources but just because that’s what you did if you were one of the boys. It made many of them recognize that starting from a default position that the government provided the truth you had to dig into was naive. Despite the reversion to form after 9/11, the profession seemed like it might be headed to the position that truth might start anywhere, that you really didn’t know what version of truth to stand behind until you dug into it with as few priors as possible.

Now, on the other hand, we’re faced with a mainstream press that gets lied to as a routine matter in the most unpracticed and amateurish ways, but that still insists on starting from what they’re told as a default.

Are Somalis garbage people who hate America? We’re looking into it! Did the Secretary of War order another attack on people clinging to a destroyed boat? We’ll check it out! Are tariffs are part of a coordinated plan to bring high-paying industrial jobs back to the United States? Well, despite there being no evidence of something you might call a plan, we’ll act as if this is the case until it’s proven otherwise.

Journalists, pundits and public commenters keep marveling that somehow the Trump White House gets away with it, that blatant lies and laughable delusions that would have brought any previous regime crashing down don’t amount to anything. If I were to witness a fatal hit-and-run accident and I wrote down the license plate of the car that sped off, I’m not entitled to marvel that the driver got away with it if I didn’t tell the police that I was a witness and didn’t provide the license number. The driver didn’t get away with it. I chose to help him escape the consequences.

I understand the point that pervasive, reflexive mistrust of every claim made by government officials and mainstream institutions has been one of the major reasons why disinformation and conspiracy theory have flourished in the last two decades. But this is not the fault of people who moved to a more skeptical regard for governmental authority and more openness to the truth-value of everyday witnessing and interpretation in the wider society. It is the fault of governments that lied while claiming to tell the truth, the fault of institutions that let lawyers tell them how to minimize liability rather than keep faith with their publics, the fault of politicians and public figures trying to escape the consequences for misconduct.

We are not going to re-establish trust in public knowledge because mainstream legacy journalists simply decide that they’ll return to reporting what the government says as the starting point for truth even when its falsehood is evident, or treating truth as something that has to be matched exactly to the distribution of voting preferences or partisan loyalties. It’s not even-handedness to treat each successive statement by an assembly of known liars as if this time it might be true until it is shown otherwise. It’s not just that the political appointees in the Administration lie routinely, it is that they are engaged in a systematic effort to destroy or contaminate the many forms of government-published data and evidence that have previously made it possible to evaluate the relative truthfulness or probity of government officials. There has never been a time where it is more urgently necessary to flip the script: if the Trump Administration says it, presume it’s an instrumental and conscious lie, and require them to produce reliable, objective, independent evidence to the contrary for the story to be written as anything different.

That’s the job. It doesn’t even take the courage that journalists in more thoroughly authoritarian states have to muster in order to do that job. At least not yet. I don’t think papers like the New York Times are managing their risk or feeling out the boundaries for what they can get away with. I think they’re stuck in long-set habits of thought and feeling righteously resentful about recent attempts to shake those habits loose. Now is not the time to get hung up on the time that the new reporter piously corrected the senior editor about the proper way to talk about transwomen. Don’t lecture people about the dangers of playing with matches while there’s a five-alarm fire happening right behind you. "]]></description>
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    <title>A review of silicon valley imperialism by Erin McElroy - Gillian Rose, 2025</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T17:00:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/02637758251401435</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is a fascinating, provocative book, and one I’d place alongside a number of others for its mapping of the ‘geography’ of digital geographies beyond the locations of Google and Amazon and their servers – in Silicon Valley or Silicon Glen or Silicon roundabout – to locations in Eastern Europe, Africa and South America (see for example Anwar and Graham, 2022). Importantly, none of that work makes digital geographies global in the way that, say, Bratton's (2016) notion of planetary computation does by arguing that digital networks are encompassing the globe and turning it all into The Stack. Instead, they establish a complex, relational human geography of difference and connection (cf Gabrys, 2018). In the case of Silicon Valley Imperialism, this means developing a strong political-economic analysis of the extension of Silicon Valley tech companies into Romania, tracking for example spatial divisions of labour, outsourcing, property acquisition and company mergers. In the course of that discussion, what also emerges is a very clear account of the racialisation of all those processes and relations, in Silicon Valley and elsewhere. This is particularly evident in Erin's account of the spatial divisions of labour of US tech firms: they discuss the differentiation of English-speaking whiteness between the company headquarters in the US and its call centres in Romania, as well as those excluded pretty much entirely from the labour force – Roma in Romania, Black in California. And hence one of the book's persistent themes, that fascism arises from these forms of liberalism/capitalism, an argument that is materialising all too vividly in many parts of the Global North right now.

The book also pays careful attention to the fantasies which are integral to the various capitalist expropriations that the book traces, and Erin describes the specific combination of material extractive relations and discourses as ‘technofascism’. For me, this emphasis on “meanings, dreams, and desires” (9) is absolutely critical to understanding the power of the capitalist digital tech industry now, whether megacompanies or startups. As much as technological innovation, they depend on seductive fantasies about what they can deliver, and often less explicitly and seductively, for whom.

I have to confess I wanted a little more from Erin's book about these kinds of human conduct on which this ‘technofascist’ dispositif depends (cf Bassett et al., 2023). Erin uses a rich vocabulary to describe them, noting desires, hauntings, dreams, myths, imaginaries, fantasies, ideologies, cruel optimisms, fictions and, following Hartman (2019), “critical fabulations” (156) which generate a sense of surplus or excess. Each of these has somewhat different kinds of grip on understanding the specific dynamics of classes and racialised subjectivities, and I would have learnt from hearing Erin's explore their role in their argument more explicitly.

My other, related ‘more please’ moment was in relation to gender, and gender relations. Gender is critical to understanding the differentiated forms of human that are configured by technofascism as both political economy and regime of desire (let's use that phrase for now). Fascist ideologies – techno or otherwise – have an explicit, cispatriarchal and heteronormative politics of gender, because controlling reproductive bodies – women's bodies, the two are conflated – is understood as the way to ensure racial purity (Theweleit, 1987). Certainly, it's not hard to trace the figure of the ‘techbro’ across Erin's argument, and feminist activist voices are very strong in the book: I especially enjoyed Mihaela Drăgan's account of “Roma futurism” (180) as a subversive glitch. But there are other hints in the book of the deep entanglement of certain kinds of patriarchy with the digital tech industry: Antonia, for example, the robot algorithm servant of the mayor of Cluj (214); and in the remark that there are perhaps a 100,000 women in Romania working on webcam porn sites (see also Vlase and Preoteasa, 2022) (which makes the book's characterisation of Andrew Tate as a “digital nomad” and a “internet personality” a little odd [66]). I would love to have heard more about gender as integral to Silicon Valley imperialism too, which is only to suggest again just how richly generative this book is, for many kinds of digital and other kinds of critical scholarship."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gillianrose erinmcelroy siliconvalley imperialism 2025 via:javierarbona google amazon easterneurope africa southamerica geography romannia roma california whiteness capitalism technology bigtech technofascism ideology nerdreich crueloptimism clas race rcasim exploitation mihaeladrăgan patriarchy andrewtate whitesupremacy globalnorth liberalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://archive.org/details/UltraZionists">
    <title>&quot;Louis Theroux: The Ultra Zionists | BBC Documentary&quot; (2011) 🇮🇱 : British Broadcasting Company (BBC) : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-22T06:48:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archive.org/details/UltraZionists</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Louis Theroux spends time with ultra-nationalist Jewish settlers, who consider it their religious and political obligation to populate some of the sensitive areas of the West Bank.

https://imdb.com/title/tt1857772

2025 Follow-up documentary: https://archive.org/details/TheSettlers

*55:40 🎰

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abrahamic_religions
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AIPAC
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balfour_Declaration
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BBC
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bipartisanship
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Zionism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_of_apartheid
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniella_Weiss
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_cleansing
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaza_Strip
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genocide
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamas
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_law
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Defense_Forces
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_lobby_in_the_United_Kingdom
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_lobby_in_the_United_States
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Itamar_Ben-Gvir
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judaism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Theroux
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mossad
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/October_7_Hamas-led_attack_on_Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestine
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogrom
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychological_warfare 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talmud
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theology
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ultranationalism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_Bank
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zionism

The video is blocked (on YouTube) in the following territories: Afghanistan, Åland Islands, Albania, Algeria, American Samoa, Andorra, Angola, Anguilla, Antarctica, Antigua & Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bermuda, Bhutan, Bolivia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Botswana, Bouvet Island, Brazil, British Indian Ocean Territory, British Virgin Islands, Brunei, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Caribbean Netherlands, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Christmas Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands, Colombia, Comoros, Congo - Brazzaville, Congo - Kinshasa, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Curaçao, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Estonia, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas), Faroe Islands, Fiji, Finland, France, French Guiana, French Polynesia, French Southern Territories, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Gibraltar, Greece, Greenland, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guam, Guatemala, Guernsey, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Heard & McDonald Islands, Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Isle of Man, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jersey, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macao, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mayotte, Mexico, Micronesia, Moldova, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Montserrat, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar (Burma), Namibia, Nauru, Nepal, Netherlands, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Niue, Norfolk Island, North Korea, North Macedonia, Northern Mariana Islands, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Palau, Palestine, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Pitcairn Islands, Poland, Portugal, Puerto Rico, Qatar, Réunion, Romania, Russia, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, São Tomé & Príncipe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Sint Maarten, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Georgia & South Sandwich Islands, South Korea, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, St. Barthélemy, St. Helena, St. Kitts & Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Martin, St. Pierre & Miquelon, St. Vincent & Grenadines, Sudan, Suriname, Svalbard & Jan Mayen, Sweden, Switzerland, Syria, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Tanzania, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tokelau, Tonga, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Türkiye, Turkmenistan, Turks & Caicos Islands, Tuvalu, U.S. Outlying Islands, U.S. Virgin Islands, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Vatican City, Venezuela, Vietnam, Wallis & Futuna, Western Sahara, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe

- - - - - - - -

𝙎𝙤𝙪𝙧𝙘𝙚: https://bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00ybyxp

𝙍𝙚𝙨𝙚𝙖𝙧𝙘𝙝 𝘼𝙪𝙙𝙞𝙤 + 𝙋𝘿𝙁𝙨: https://tiny.cc/PDFdump 

9/11 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvzNqJ-epf16bcuDvcWDsP9

𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙚 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙘𝙚 𝙇𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙚𝙨 (𝘽𝙞𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙩𝙪𝙙𝙞𝙚𝙨) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt4c0BUZHu7IaJiaedEGv15

𝘾𝙂𝙄 & 𝙑𝙞𝙨𝙪𝙖𝙡 𝙀𝙛𝙛𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHuN96dW092fQU0RvQbVf8M2

𝘾𝙝𝙞𝙡𝙙 𝘼𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙚 / 𝙃𝙪𝙢𝙖𝙣 𝙏𝙧𝙖𝙛𝙛𝙞𝙘𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 / 𝙍𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡 𝘼𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙚 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtR5NqldSV43q4a-89namWt

𝘾𝙊𝙑𝙄𝘿-19 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHu_cA-WqhkMPIgETY80IMEk

𝘿𝙖𝙧𝙬𝙞𝙣𝙞𝙨𝙢 / 𝘿𝙞𝙣𝙤𝙨𝙖𝙪𝙧𝙨 / 𝙀𝙪𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙞𝙘𝙨 / 𝙀𝙫𝙤𝙡𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 / 𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 / 𝙋𝙖𝙡𝙖𝙚𝙤𝙣𝙩𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHty5D-dR6nmMkaf3uqT5Ccm

𝙁𝙡𝙖𝙩 𝙀𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙝 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtLgxjvnb9xc15c45bDqJwf

𝙁𝙧𝙚𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙨𝙤𝙣𝙧𝙮 / 𝙄𝙡𝙡𝙪𝙢𝙞𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞 / 𝙎𝙚𝙘𝙧𝙚𝙩 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvjFtrKbyN0fkDh2tQubPwH

𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙚𝙣𝙜𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 (𝘾𝙡𝙞𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙚 𝘾𝙝𝙖𝙣𝙜𝙚) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt1hVbDxgsHduvukBVigl6u

𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙢𝙚𝙩𝙧𝙮 & 𝙈𝙖𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt4X80lLgGrL4-OyWSIu9CP

𝙃𝙚𝙖𝙡𝙩𝙝 & 𝙒𝙚𝙡𝙡𝙗𝙚𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHurz6sjv-uK6oit2lvuADDC

𝙃𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙤𝙧𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtb9Zlafs15J7v1fmZys5BF 

𝙃𝙄𝙑/𝘼𝙄𝘿𝙎 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvSjbdAuIYZWWhK8WpAAw7w

𝙃𝙤𝙡𝙡𝙮𝙬𝙤𝙤𝙙 / 𝙈𝙪𝙨𝙞𝙘 𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙨𝙩𝙧𝙮 / 𝙈𝙖𝙞𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙧𝙚𝙖𝙢 & 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙚𝙙𝙞𝙖 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsaQJ-8EcWHWgpNhbBqi5jM

𝙅𝙚𝙨𝙪𝙞𝙩𝙨 (𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 𝙤𝙛 𝙅𝙚𝙨𝙪𝙨) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsRz2Bw_B642XTf-22LHGCV

𝙈𝙖𝙣𝙡𝙮 𝙋. 𝙃𝙖𝙡𝙡 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsKNfoF_i9cs53WP1x2ZBbO

𝙉𝘼𝙎𝘼 & 𝘾𝙤. 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtb3L19NlRpwH3UFf-mmuOg

𝙍𝙚𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝘾𝙝𝙚𝙘𝙠 (𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHv-ZReEJDv_9dLOLQOwughq

𝙍𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣 / 𝙏𝙝𝙚𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtvo0YoF7zwDLZYxUkC2lyn

'𝙎𝙚𝙘𝙧𝙚𝙩𝙨 𝙄𝙣 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙞𝙣 𝙎𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩' 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHujBQown4BVcDxQtXZz-VRL

𝙎𝙥𝙤𝙩𝙩𝙚𝙙: 𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙚𝙣𝙜𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtQl39GQ7XOzu8jogtcEJz6

'𝙎𝙪𝙧𝙫𝙞𝙫𝙤𝙧𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝘼𝙩𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙨' 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtdN1bQeuJVLmJcj4FbQ_QG

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙎𝙮𝙢𝙥𝙤𝙨𝙞𝙪𝙢 𝙖𝙗𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙎𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙛𝙞𝙘 𝙁𝙧𝙚𝙚𝙙𝙤𝙢 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtqLNOFsR_SPFwQHEHvjGrf 

- - - - - - - -
𝙑𝙞𝙙𝙚𝙤 𝙡𝙞𝙣𝙠𝙨 & 𝙢𝙤𝙧𝙚: https://archive.org/details/VideoLinks "]]></description>
<dc:subject>louistheroux zionism 2011 westbank settlers settlercolonialism colonialism colonization aipac uk ethniccleansing displacement dispossession politics us genocide ethnonationalism palestine israel apartheid ideology religion eastjerusalem daniellaweiss balfourdeclaration 1967 itamarben-gvir</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://archive.org/details/TheSettlers">
    <title>&quot;Louis Theroux: The Settlers | BBC Documentary&quot; [HD] (2025) 🇮🇱 : British Broadcasting Company (BBC) : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-22T06:47:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archive.org/details/TheSettlers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Fourteen years after his first visit*, Louis Theroux meets some of the growing community of religious-nationalist Israelis who have settled in the occupied West Bank.

https://imdb.com/title/tt36640622

*https://archive.org/details/UltraZionists

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abrahamic_religions
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AIPAC
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balfour_Declaration
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BBC
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bipartisanship
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Zionism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_of_apartheid
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniella_Weiss
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_cleansing
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaza_Strip
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genocide
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamas
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_law
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Defense_Forces
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_lobby_in_the_United_Kingdom
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_lobby_in_the_United_States
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Itamar_Ben-Gvir
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judaism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_Theroux
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mossad
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/October_7_Hamas-led_attack_on_Israel
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestine
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogrom
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychological_warfare 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talmud
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theology
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ultranationalism
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_Bank
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zionism

- - - - - - - -

𝙎𝙤𝙪𝙧𝙘𝙚: https://bbc.co.uk/programmes/m002bm1y

𝙍𝙚𝙨𝙚𝙖𝙧𝙘𝙝 𝘼𝙪𝙙𝙞𝙤 + 𝙋𝘿𝙁𝙨: https://tiny.cc/PDFdump 

9/11 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvzNqJ-epf16bcuDvcWDsP9

𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙚 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙘𝙚 𝙇𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙚𝙨 (𝘽𝙞𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙩𝙪𝙙𝙞𝙚𝙨) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt4c0BUZHu7IaJiaedEGv15

𝘾𝙂𝙄 & 𝙑𝙞𝙨𝙪𝙖𝙡 𝙀𝙛𝙛𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHuN96dW092fQU0RvQbVf8M2

𝘾𝙝𝙞𝙡𝙙 𝘼𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙚 / 𝙃𝙪𝙢𝙖𝙣 𝙏𝙧𝙖𝙛𝙛𝙞𝙘𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 / 𝙍𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡 𝘼𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙚 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtR5NqldSV43q4a-89namWt

𝘾𝙊𝙑𝙄𝘿-19 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHu_cA-WqhkMPIgETY80IMEk

𝘿𝙖𝙧𝙬𝙞𝙣𝙞𝙨𝙢 / 𝘿𝙞𝙣𝙤𝙨𝙖𝙪𝙧𝙨 / 𝙀𝙪𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙞𝙘𝙨 / 𝙀𝙫𝙤𝙡𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 / 𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 / 𝙋𝙖𝙡𝙖𝙚𝙤𝙣𝙩𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHty5D-dR6nmMkaf3uqT5Ccm

𝙁𝙡𝙖𝙩 𝙀𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙝 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtLgxjvnb9xc15c45bDqJwf

𝙁𝙧𝙚𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙨𝙤𝙣𝙧𝙮 / 𝙄𝙡𝙡𝙪𝙢𝙞𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞 / 𝙎𝙚𝙘𝙧𝙚𝙩 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvjFtrKbyN0fkDh2tQubPwH

𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙚𝙣𝙜𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 (𝘾𝙡𝙞𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙚 𝘾𝙝𝙖𝙣𝙜𝙚) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt1hVbDxgsHduvukBVigl6u

𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙢𝙚𝙩𝙧𝙮 & 𝙈𝙖𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHt4X80lLgGrL4-OyWSIu9CP

𝙃𝙚𝙖𝙡𝙩𝙝 & 𝙒𝙚𝙡𝙡𝙗𝙚𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHurz6sjv-uK6oit2lvuADDC

𝙃𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙤𝙧𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtb9Zlafs15J7v1fmZys5BF 

𝙃𝙄𝙑/𝘼𝙄𝘿𝙎 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHvSjbdAuIYZWWhK8WpAAw7w

𝙃𝙤𝙡𝙡𝙮𝙬𝙤𝙤𝙙 / 𝙈𝙪𝙨𝙞𝙘 𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙨𝙩𝙧𝙮 / 𝙈𝙖𝙞𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙧𝙚𝙖𝙢 & 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙚𝙙𝙞𝙖 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsaQJ-8EcWHWgpNhbBqi5jM

𝙅𝙚𝙨𝙪𝙞𝙩𝙨 (𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 𝙤𝙛 𝙅𝙚𝙨𝙪𝙨) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsRz2Bw_B642XTf-22LHGCV

𝙈𝙖𝙣𝙡𝙮 𝙋. 𝙃𝙖𝙡𝙡 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHsKNfoF_i9cs53WP1x2ZBbO

𝙉𝘼𝙎𝘼 & 𝘾𝙤. 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtb3L19NlRpwH3UFf-mmuOg

𝙍𝙚𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝘾𝙝𝙚𝙘𝙠 (𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚) 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHv-ZReEJDv_9dLOLQOwughq

𝙍𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣 / 𝙏𝙝𝙚𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙜𝙮 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtvo0YoF7zwDLZYxUkC2lyn

'𝙎𝙚𝙘𝙧𝙚𝙩𝙨 𝙄𝙣 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙞𝙣 𝙎𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩' 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHujBQown4BVcDxQtXZz-VRL

𝙎𝙥𝙤𝙩𝙩𝙚𝙙: 𝙂𝙚𝙤𝙚𝙣𝙜𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtQl39GQ7XOzu8jogtcEJz6

'𝙎𝙪𝙧𝙫𝙞𝙫𝙤𝙧𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝘼𝙩𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙨' 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtdN1bQeuJVLmJcj4FbQ_QG

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙎𝙮𝙢𝙥𝙤𝙨𝙞𝙪𝙢 𝙖𝙗𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙎𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙛𝙞𝙘 𝙁𝙧𝙚𝙚𝙙𝙤𝙢 𝙋𝙡𝙖𝙮𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩: https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLQdiHk246wHtqLNOFsR_SPFwQHEHvjGrf 

- - - - - - - -
𝙑𝙞𝙙𝙚𝙤 𝙡𝙞𝙣𝙠𝙨 & 𝙢𝙤𝙧𝙚: https://archive.org/details/VideoLinks "]]></description>
<dc:subject>louistheroux westbank settlers settlercolonialism colonialism colonization zionism 2025 palestine israel aipa aipac us apartheid ethniccleansing uk genocide ideology dispossession displacement politics religion via:morgan ethnonationalism 2011 itamarben-gvir eastjerusalem gaza daniellaweiss</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/meet-the-new-right-wing-tech-intelligentsia/">
    <title>Meet the New Right-Wing Tech Intelligentsia</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-18T19:00:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/meet-the-new-right-wing-tech-intelligentsia/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Libs and the far-right ‘link and build’ in the Bay’s tech publication scene."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.artforum.com/features/year-in-review-2025-diedrich-diederichsen-war-on-bohemia-1234738079/">
    <title>Year in Review 2025: Diedrich Diederichsen on the War on Bohemia</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T06:25:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.artforum.com/features/year-in-review-2025-diedrich-diederichsen-war-on-bohemia-1234738079/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://ethanzuckerman.com/2025/12/05/gramscis-nightmare-ai-platform-power-and-the-automation-of-cultural-hegemony/">
    <title>Gramsci's Nightmare: AI, Platform Power and the Automation of Cultural Hegemony - Ethan Zuckerman</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-15T06:23:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ethanzuckerman.com/2025/12/05/gramscis-nightmare-ai-platform-power-and-the-automation-of-cultural-hegemony/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Large language models – the technology behind chatbots like ChatGPT – work by ingesting a civilization’s worth of texts and calculating the relationships between these words. Within these relationships is a great deal of knowledge about the world, which allows LLMs to generate text that is frequently accurate, helpful and useful. Also embedded in those word relationships are countless biases and presumptions associated with the civilization that produced them. In the case of LLMs, the producers of these texts are disproportionately contributors to the early 21st century open internet, particularly Wikipedians, bloggers and other online writers, whose values and worldviews are now deeply embedded in opaque piles of linear algebra.

Political philosopher Antonio Gramsci believed that overcoming unfair economic and political systems required not just physical struggle (war of maneuver) but the longer work of transforming culture and the institutions that shape it (war of position.) But the rising power of LLMs and the platform companies behind them present a serious challenge for neo-Gramscians (and, frankly, for anyone seeking social transformation). LLMs are inherently conservative technologies, instantiating the historic bloc that created LLMs into code that is difficult to modify, even for ideologically motivated tech billionaires. We will consider the possibility of alternative LLMs, built around sharply different cultural values, as an approach to undermining the cultural hegemony of existing LLMs and the powerful platforms behind them."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ethanzuckerman ai artificialintelligence llms hegemony culture antoniogramsci power chatbots chatgpt ideology economics institutions values society change changemaking billionaires</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1b95c2bac4bf/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/capitalism-as-the-emergent-attractor">
    <title>Capitalism as the Emergent Attractor of Market Societies: A Systems Science Perspective</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-08T19:20:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/capitalism-as-the-emergent-attractor</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What the vast majority call capitalism today is improperly defined and misunderstood, rejecting the fact that capitalism is the inevitable outcome of the pure system dynamics of market economics."

...

"Capitalism is not an accident of history, nor a pure invention of states or ideologues. It is the systemic attractor of generalized markets. Once property is alienable, labor is sold for wages, and exchange is organized through scarcity, the feedback loops of competition, accumulation, and concentration propel societies toward capitalism.

Institutions stabilize these dynamics but do not create them. Anthropological counterexamples refer to non-market societies, not market ones. And in the modern world, no trade-based society exists outside capitalism; differences are matters of degree, not kind.

Thus, the structural inevitability of capitalism lies not in ideology but in systems dynamics. The only true alternatives require transcending markets themselves, not merely regulating their outcomes.

To conclude, once we understand this reality, further investigation again reveals that it is the very dynamics of markets that are creating the environmental imbalance, power imbalance, and overall social inequity (as I explained in this podcast segment) we see in the world today.

And if we wish to end those problems, we must end market economics itself."]]></description>
<dc:subject>peterjoseph 2025 economics capitalism markets jasonhickel kateraworth georgemonbiot yanisvaroufakis noamchomsky chrishedges socialjustice equality environment sustainability states institutions propertyrights property systems systemsscience society scarcity exchange competition accumulation wealth institutionalization karlpolyani money credit corporations corporatism stabilization mashallsahlins affluence hunter-gatherers reciprocity mutualaid mesopotamia songdynasty china trade enclosure commodification finance wagelabot labor work vietnam cuba capitalflows socialism intervention suppression constraint collapse ideology inequality systemsdynamics feedbackloops wealthconcentration</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist">
    <title>How to Argue with Pro-Capitalist Cultists</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-08T03:19:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/how-to-argue-with-pro-capitalist</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["1. Market Economics as Structural Failure, Not Moral Failure

2. Why Debate Fails: The Cult of Market Belief

3. System Incentives vs. Human Intentions

4. How Market Mythology Protects the System

5. The Apocalyptic Trajectory of Market Incentives

6. Why People Defend a System That Is Killing Them

7. How to Argue Effectively

8. The Cult Structure of Market Fundamentalism

9. A New Framework: Systems Literacy as Liberation

10. Conclusion: The End of Debate

...

Addendum: 25 Common Market Myths

Below is a list of 25 of the most common myths continually propagated by believers in the orthodox market religion. These are provided as a reference for when you inevitably encounter such nonsense.

In the following order:

1. “Capitalism creates wealth.”
2.“Capitalism lifted billions out of poverty.”
3. “Free markets allocate resources efficiently.”
4. “Competition drives innovation.”
5. “The market knows best.”
6. “Capitalism rewards hard work.”
7. “Socialism always fails.”
8. “The invisible hand creates order.”
9. “Capitalism is natural to human behavior.”
10. “Inequality is natural and necessary.”
11. “People are inherently selfish, so capitalism works.”
12. “Without markets, nothing would get done.”
13. “Capitalism promotes freedom.”
14. “Regulation destroys innovation.”
15. “Government is inefficient; the market is efficient.”
16. “Capitalism is the best system we’ve tried.”
17. “The poor are poor because of bad choices.”
18. “If you tax the rich, they’ll stop investing.”
19. “The market is democratic—people vote with dollars.”
20. “Capitalism produces meritocracy.”
21. “Capitalism protects against tyranny.”
22. “Price signals contain wisdom.”
23. “Entrepreneurs are the engine of progress.”
24. “Environmental issues can be solved by market incentives.”
25. “There is no alternative to capitalism.”"

[See also:

"Understanding Capitalist Cultists, Part Two: The Nature of Indoctrination
Markets economists are not economists at all - they are cult recruiters."
https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/understanding-capitalist-cultists ]

[via:

"Unredacted Tonight: Debunking Every Pro-Capitalism Argument!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pO5iWeO0-f8 

"In this special episode of Unredacted Tonight, Lee Camp takes on capitalism, market economics, and the myths of the “free market” using comedy, data, and real-world examples. From “capitalism creates wealth” to “free markets allocate resources efficiently” and “the poor are poor because of bad choices,” Lee walks through the most common talking points you’ve heard a thousand times – and shows why they don’t hold up when you actually look at how the system works. All of that, plus a very serious discussion of pecan pie and whiskey.

We dive into how systems, not individual intentions, drive outcomes like environmental destruction, extreme inequality, and global poverty. Lee challenges the idea that money is the only form of wealth, and explains how things like health, community, social cohesion, knowledge, and a livable planet are left out of standard economic metrics. The episode also looks at how technology and scientific progress actually generate abundance, while the market mainly decides who gets access and on what terms.

Lee also tackles the myths that “capitalism rewards hard work” and “capitalism promotes freedom.” If hard work automatically led to prosperity, night-shift sanitation workers and caregivers would be billionaires, while unproductive executives would be broke. Instead, the system tends to reward ownership, prior wealth, positional advantage, and sometimes ruthless behavior, while most people are stuck trading their time for basic survival. And that so-called “freedom to choose” often boils down to choosing among different brands, while offering no real freedom to refuse harmful or meaningless work without risking food, housing, and healthcare.

Finally, the episode breaks the spell of “There Is No Alternative” (TINA) by highlighting real-world examples of cooperatives, commons-based systems, and community projects (like tool libraries) that already operate outside pure market logic – and could be scaled up if we wanted them to be. Many of the ideas and quotes in this episode draw on the brilliant work of Peter Joseph (Peter Joseph Substack), whose analysis of market systems, technological capacity, and ecological limits helps frame this whole discussion. If you’re curious about systemic change, alternatives to our current economic model, and how we might actually design a saner world, this one’s for you."

See also:

"A film-maker looks at religion, the 9/11 terror attacks, and possible plans by international leaders to create a single world bank." (Jeff Adams)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s_ylCs-xm54 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work">
    <title>Dying to Work | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-28T23:23:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/dying-work</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Byung-Chul Han and the legacy of the Catholic Worker"

...

"The issues that occupied the Catholic Worker movement beginning in the 1930s are, in some obvious ways, still with us: the injustice of laissez-faire capitalism, communism, factory industrialism, and mechanized society. Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin confronted these upheavals, taking Catholic social teaching as the basis of their philosophy and inflecting it with the insights of Marxists, critical theorists, anarchists like Pyotr Kropotkin and Nikolai Berdyaev, the English distributists, and French personalists such as Emmanuel Mounier. But the critiques developed out of these influences might seem hard to apply to a socioeconomic climate that has changed so quickly and so destructively over the past century. Does their work still speak to a world dominated by social media, finance capital, artificial intelligence, and virtual reality?

One contemporary philosopher stands out as a bridge connecting the Catholic Worker worldview to the contemporary world. Born in South Korea and educated in Germany, Byung-Chul Han has produced more than twenty short books during the past ten years. This considerable body of work has made him one of the leading European philosophers of his generation, but he is still not as well-known as he should be in the United States. His books bring continental philosophy to bear on late modern culture, especially in its economic and technological aspects. Han, himself a Catholic, brings out the fact that the Catholic Worker’s deepest critique of our present regime operates not on the level of economic theory at all but in its prodigal way of life.

*** 

Taking his cue from the Marxist tradition, Han sees contemporary society as dominated by the means of production. The order of the day is incessant work in service of maximal productivity, and this industrial ideal has slowly spread throughout the culture. Even as most workers, in developed countries like the United States at least, have left the physical confines of the factory behind, the factory-like spirit of totalized work has come to dominate us. Efficiency, Han argues, is our ideology, incarnate in the ubiquitous technology that just is the contemporary world, and in whose image we remake and enslave ourselves.

We know this in our bones, if not in our heads. We feel guilty for relaxing; we are constantly harried in the name of productivity; we calumniate those, like the homeless, we suspect of laziness; and we fill our lives and homes with as much “smart” technology as possible to maximize efficiency and convenience. A good “work ethic” and financial prudence are among the top values we want to instill in our children. The very fact that we talk about morality in terms of our “values” reflects the primacy of the economic. All this, for Han, indicates that the industrial ideal has taken up bodily residence in us. We live to work.

This is a familiar line of argument for Catholic Workers. It extends the personalist critiques of Mounier and Arthur Penty—two of Maurin’s biggest influences—who saw technocracy colonizing not only the external world but our affects, habits, and tastes as well. Han’s critique also echoes that great line of Rerum novarum: industrialism had produced conditions “little better than slavery itself.” 

Han consistently argues that the move to the digital world is not a move away from the factory drudgery with which Marx and Day contended, but rather its totalization. We no longer spend our time producing only things, but, internalizing the factory ethos, we unendingly produce ourselves. “Accordingly,” he writes in his book Psychopolitics, “industrial capitalism has now mutated into neoliberalism and financial capitalism, which are implementing a post-industrial, immaterial mode of production…. People are now master and slave in one.” Life online demands constant optimization of our image, portfolios, profiles, platforms, credit ratings, histories, etc., to the point that we become our own products. So “now the illusion prevails that every person—as a project free to fashion him- or herself at will—is capable of unlimited self-production.” We spend our lives selling ourselves, and unlike in the factory, we do this work under self-supervision and, if we’re not self-monetizing influencers, for free. Self-oppression, or self-slavery, becomes today’s dominant social form. We are approaching the prospect of the fully capitalized human being. 

Here, Han puts his finger on a theme that the social encyclicals, and especially distributists like G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, have occasionally broached but never systematically developed. Work, Han points out, is at base concerned with the preservation of bodily life; it is necessary for our survival. In this way, it is intimately connected with the possibility and fear of death. When we are working to acquire the means to life, we are working to push death away, whether we think of it that way or not. The goal of work is the maintenance of what Han, following the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, calls “bare life.”

Han contrasts bare life with other forms of life that have usually been recognized as essential for genuinely human life: art, beauty, literature, philosophy, liturgy, community, the spirit, relationships, and contemplation. These cultural expressions arise not out of a concern for the body or a fear of death but from leisure, celebration, festivity, play, enjoyment, fun, devotion, and love. “As forms of play, festivals…are characterized by an excess, an expression of overflowing life that does not aim at a goal,” Han writes in The Disappearance of Rituals. “This is what lies behind their intensity. They are an intense form of life. In the festival, life relates to itself instead of subordinating itself to exterior purposes.” These forms of life are what the encyclicals call “higher goods,” and Berdyaev and Mounier call “the life of the spirit.” They are not concerned with efficiency, and they are about much more than “mere” biological life and the means necessary to reproduce it. 

They are, you might say, prodigal in the face of death and the body’s requirements. For when we engage in these forms of life, we are often wasteful—and sometimes extravagantly so—of time and materials that could be used to prevent death. Think of the building of our churches or the expenditures of a symphony. In these activities, we are not just staying alive; we are living. But when work becomes totalized, the mundane, mere biological existence, bare life, becomes all-important. It colonizes our minds, becoming the unconscious goal of all we do until we can no longer live in the prodigal sense but only work. 

In these circumstances, work and the accumulation of capital come to seem like a defense, even an antidote, to death. We are under the illusion that if work holds off bodily death by what we get from it, then the more we do of it—the more we apply it to every facet of our lives—the more resources, and hence the more life, we have. “We produce against the feeling of lack,” Han writes in his book Vita Contemplativa. “Capital is a form of survival. Capitalism is nurtured by the illusion that more capital creates more life, increases the capacity to live. But this life is a bare life, a survival.” This logic of totalized work to fend off a totalized fear of death, Han argues, governs our cultural discourse, occupations, and institutions. They concern themselves with the mere maintenance of bodily life through production and consumption. Deriving their legitimacy from the fear of death, they instill that fear in us all the more deeply.

This account both underwrites key insights of the Catholic Worker philosophy of work and extends it, showing the tradition to be more applicable today than ever. Day and Maurin, in concert with the social encyclicals, always stressed that there was a kind of work that is a created good. They even developed a certain spirituality around it. The Catholic Worker promoted the revitalization of small-craft economies, manual labor, and a return to the land, in service of a “functional society” where economic activity is subordinated to those noneconomic “higher” goods of the local community enumerated above. Like Gandhi, Maurin thought that everyone should do at least some manual labor, and alluding to Marx, he wanted the “workers to be scholars and the scholars to be workers.” This kind of work was to be distinguished sharply from the degraded factory work available under industrialism. Day and Maurin positively encouraged people to get out of those jobs. 

Han shows how much more challenging working for higher goods has become today. The transmuted factory of “self-production” usurps ever more of our opportunities to work collectively at a small scale. Without small-scale contributions to a functional economy in service of festivity and worship, we fall short of genuinely human culture and submit ourselves to totalized capitalism.

***

Han also helps us see the way that Catholic Worker theory and practice are related. The most radical critiques of our social order, he shows, come from those who refuse to submit to the demand that we spend our lives trying to get out of life alive. In this way, Day’s and Maurin’s prodigal lives made them walking rejections of the order of totalized work. 

The early Catholic Workers took as their heroes the first Christian communities and set themselves to the literal practice of the Sermon on the Mount. They shared what little they had, embraced and preached voluntary poverty (including recommending it to families), and lived in community with the poor. They had no insurance, no budget, and Day’s financial plan was “another miracle please, St. Joseph.” She lived in close proximity to bodily harm, fights and weapons being commonplace at St. Joseph’s House. And yet, consistent with her pacifism, she placed a strict ban on calling the police. Such laid-back prodigality is a “festive” or “playful” way of life—in stark contrast to the anxious capital accumulation and obsession with health and safety so typical of our age. Han pinpoints exactly what made Day’s life so radical: she refused to try to work her way free of death. 

The totalized factory-society aims not only at limitless production but at total controlby technical, financial, and, as Han argues in Psychopolitics, psychological means. But Catholic Workers, by their precarious, “irresponsible” existence, lived against this totalized work ethic by living out of control. Here is not tightfisted accumulation, but “taking no thought for tomorrow.” Here are not health and security clung to desperately, but, as Day often said, abandonment to divine providence. 

By living outside the frenzy of production and self-production, Day represents a form of what Han calls “the politics of inactivity.” In Vita Contemplativa, he writes:

<blockquote>Capital is the pure form of activity. It is the transcendence that takes hold of the immanence of life and exploits it completely. From life, it separates bare life, life that works. The human being is degraded into an animal laborans. Freedom is exploited, too. According to Marx, free competition is nothing but “the relation of capital to itself as another capital”…. The politics of inactivity [by contrast] liberates the immanence of life from the transcendence that alienates life from itself. Only in inactivity do we become aware of the ground on which we rest.</blockquote>

Inactivity, in this sense, is what distinguishes those noneconomic practices that make life truly human. Catholic Workers’ lives are fundamentally playful and celebratory, heedless of the conventional (factory) wisdom of maximizing control, optimizing efficiency, and living by holding off death. 

Of course, Day’s life simply was her practice of Catholicism, living the age-old but radical precepts of the Gospel. It’s important not to construe her faith, as is sometimes done, as an instrument for reforming the social order or the economy. That would be to reinscribe it within totalized capitalism, to place it in the service of an order in constant retreat from death. Rather than flight from death, the Gospel represents an embrace of death.

Together, Day and Han help us remember that this embrace structures Christianity from top to bottom. In her journals and chronicles of her daily life and travels, Day regularly refers to the martyrs, to the need to put ourselves to death, and to the embrace of the cross itself. With Han’s help we can see that Day’s prodigal practices—voluntary poverty and the sharing of possessions—are intelligible only as part of a community constituted by its liberation from the hegemony of death. The radical precepts of the Sermon on the Mount are just the “economic” application of the way of the cross. The radical forms of economic life Day encouraged are the concrete and quotidian way Christians go about believing in the Resurrection. 

In other words, by being “irresponsible” with her money and her physical safety, Day was refusing the lie that we must try to ensure our lives turn out right by submitting to the current economic order. Her refusal to abide by the dictates of economic efficiency and to let her life be run by “risk” are training in martyrdom. She reminds us that the early Christians were not simply martyred for a “religious belief” detachable from their daily lives; they went to their deaths prepared by an alternative social life that spurned the fear of death. 

Han’s work thus not only demonstrates the continued—and even heightened—relevance of the Catholic Worker’s philosophy of labor for a digital age. He also unearths the intimate connection between radical Christian social practices and the very center of our faith—the Paschal Mystery. If those practices sometimes seem a little too radical for us ordinary Christians, it’s worth recalling that Day herself often pointed out that the way she lived was not for the religious elite, but for everybody. Her own inspiration came from the simple truths Christians share and with which we are marked in our baptism: we have already died, and so we have nothing to lose; we have already risen, and so we can live without fear.  "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nearfuturelaboratory.com/newsletters/2025/w48-y25/">
    <title>Near Future Laboratory Newsletter</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-27T06:30:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nearfuturelaboratory.com/newsletters/2025/w48-y25/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Date: November 28, 2025

Summary: This issue explores *hyperstition* — which is the Cybernetic Culture Research Unit's peculiar notion that fiction can become real through circulation—and reframes it as a precursor and companion to Design Fiction. The essay weaves through CCRU lore, Mark Fisher’s cultural theory, and Julian’s own early academic encounters with ideology, technology, and media. It argues that Design Fiction is a practical way to operationalize hyperstitional dynamics inside organizations by turning ideas into artifacts that behave *as if* they arrived from an adjacent future. Issue w48y25 also includes upcoming events, reflections from recent travel, film notes, and a curated collection of cultural signals from the NFL Discord—from Slow AI to AI-generated gospel music, financial malfeasance models, and Gen Z sartorial shifts. Plus, Office Hours, Patreon community news, and links worth your time.

Essentially: Hyperstition is fiction becoming real; Design Fiction makes that dynamic deliberate, tangible, and organizationally useful.

But why? In a moment where narratives shape markets, culture, and technology as much as data does, organizations need disciplined ways to prototype the futures they want—before those futures are defined for them. Hyperstition shows how ideas take root in culture; Design Fiction turns that insight into a repeatable capability: making artifacts that generate strategic clarity by manifesting possibilities in the present. This issue connects the theory to practice and shows the value of cultivating an imagination infrastructure for teams and institutions."

...

"Hyperstition

The CCRU (Cybernetic Culture Research Unit) was a peculiar collective situated at the University of Warwick in the 1990s. Amongst very many other things, the CCRU popularized the term ‘hyperstition’ to describe the phenomenon where fictional ideas or narratives can influence reality by being believed and acted upon.

Consider this a kind of precursor to Design Fiction in that the concept suggests that certain ideas, when circulated and embraced, can manifest in the real world, effectively making fiction real through its impact on culture and society. In this context, Design Fiction is like the operationalization — the deliberate deployment of ideas in a particularly grounded fashion, but doing so not through the medium of prose-based storytelling but through designed artifacts, experiences, and scenarios that exist very much as if.. — that feeling that this thing (the artifact) is extant and real..just from a slightly near future or ‘adjacent now’

Here's the way the CCRU put it:

“Hyperstition: [An] Element of effective culture that makes fiction in itself real, through fictional quantities such as as time-travelling potentials. Hyperstition operates as a coincidence intensifier, effecting a call to the Old ones.” - Abstract Culture Digital Hyperstition 1999 [https://monoskop.org/images/f/f1/CCRU_Abstract_Culture_Digital_Hyperstition_1999.pdf ]

Hyperstition is a combination of “hyper” (as in ‘above’, ‘beyond’, ‘over’, but I also wonder about “hype” as in ‘exaggerated’) and “superstition”, referring to ideas or narratives that, through their circulation and belief, bring about their own reality. It suggests that certain beliefs or stories can influence the future by shaping perceptions and actions in the present. Hyperstition is often discussed in the context of speculative fiction, philosophy, and cultural theory, where it explores how fictional concepts can manifest in real-world outcomes.

<blockquote>This reflection was prompted by Episode 006: The Rumour That Cost Thirty-Five Billion Dollars and Created A Data Center Radar [https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/006-the-rumour-that-cost-thirty-five-billion-dollars/id1829175205?i=1000732105524 ] from Radha and Tobias' “Futurish” podcast which gets into hyperstition in the context of a real-world rumor. Give it a listen!

Oh, and parenthetically, if you want a weird “Wayne's World”-like podcast on Mark Fisher you might be interested in these guys who are like Brick and Brack arm chair interpreters of Fisher's work: Lost Futures: A Mark Fisher Podcast [https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/lost-futures-a-mark-fisher-podcast/id1685663806 ]. These guys are as infuriating as they are entertaining, perhaps without knowing they are either.</blockquote>

“Popularized” might be overstating things a bit as the CCRU was always a bit of an obscure, anonymous and underground affair. More punk that trad academic, I would say. But the idea of hyperstition has since been taken up by various thinkers and writers interested in the intersections of culture, technology, and speculative fiction. It's relevant to the kinds of discussions we have here and a pathway to connecting material reality to fiction — or how to begin becoming future.

For those who are Fisherarians, as in Mark Fisher-arian, the late cultural theorist and writer who explored themes of capitalism, culture, and ideology, hyperstition is a concept that resonates with his work. Fisher often discussed how certain cultural phenomena and narratives could shape societal beliefs and behaviors, aligning with the idea of hyperstition as a force that can influence reality through its circulation and acceptance.

I was certainly influenced by Fisher's writing and lectures, introduced to him indiretly during my studies at UCSC in the early 1990s where and when I was trying to develop some kind of scaffolding that could be erected such as to contain the kinds of cultural objects I was boyishly fascinated with — computers, software, games, etc. — and their meaning beyond “whoa..cool!”. An engineer encountering the often in my mind abstract cultural theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Zizek, Haraway, Jameson and others, this seemed a fun and challenging way to ground them to popular discourse. Fisher's exploration of how culture and ideology intersected with capitalism and technology provided a framework for understanding the dynamics of contemporary society, and undergirded a batch of work I did on the video games SimCity™ and Daryl Gates' Police Quest IV: Open Season

The structure of this combination of hype and superstition is a useful way to think about how certain ideas or narratives can gain traction and influence reality. It suggests that when a concept is widely circulated and believed, it can create a feedback loop that reinforces its own existence and impact. This can be seen in various cultural phenomena, such as conspiracy theories, urban legends, or even technological trends, where the belief in the idea itself contributes to its manifestation in the real world.

Understanding the pheneonmon of hyperstition can provide insights into how cultural narratives shape our perceptions of reality and influence our actions. It highlights the power of belief and storytelling in shaping the world around us, and the ways in which fiction can become intertwined with reality through collective acceptance and action.

Beyond understanding the pheneomenon, we might want to operationalize the principles, right? I mean — if this is a kind of lever or monkey wrench how might we use it to our advantage? How can you tell stories about worlds you want to inhabit, or engage in, or debate and discuss? And how can you do that if your primary gifts and medium are not prose-based story telling? Can you do this through design, through objects, through events, through experiences?

These are questions that the Near Future Laboratory has been exploring for decades now through design fiction, speculative design, and other practices that seek to create tangible representations of possible futures.

This goes beyond abstraction speculation because I actually prototype in material. Not just ideas but things that can be held, used, experienced, and that form the basis for product design, concept development, and strategic foresight.

By crafting artifacts, scenarios, and experiences that embody speculative ideas, we can help ourselves and our organizations see the unseen opportunities and test new concepts in a way that is more engaging and impactful than traditional methods of ideation or brainstorming.

Want to discover more about how this approach to design fictional prototyping can help your team and organization gain a bit of future sight? Get in touch and let's have a conversation about how we can work together to explore the futures you want to create."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.elizabethspiers.com/requiem-for-early-blogging/">
    <title>Requiem for Early Blogging</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-26T01:37:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.elizabethspiers.com/requiem-for-early-blogging/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://talkingpointsmemo.com/tpm-25/what-made-blogging-different ]

"Whether I like it or not, the first line of my obituary will probably be that I was the founding editor of Gawker.com, the flagship site of Gawker Media, a sprawling blog network that was put out of business by Peter Thiel and Hulk Hogan in 2016. Nick Denton and I started Gawker in 2002 and I left in late 2003 to go to New York Magazine, so I missed some of Gawker’s greatest hits and biggest misses, but the early ‘00s were what I now think of as the heyday of blogging. (Talking Points Memo was started in 2000.) 

Since then, popular blogs have been commercialized; added comment sections and video; migrated to social media platforms; and been subsumed by large media companies. The growth of social media in particular has wiped out a particular kind of blogging that I sometimes miss: a text-based dialogue between bloggers that required more thought and care than dashing off 180 or 240 characters and calling it a day. In order to participate in the dialogue, you had to invest some effort in what media professionals now call “building an audience” and you couldn’t do that simply by shitposting or responding in facile ways to real arguments. 

This was largely a function of technical limitations. Commenting technology was just being developed and most blogs didn’t have it yet. While it was simple to spin up a blog with no technical knowledge — a breakthrough in itself that happened almost overnight — adding bells and whistles that allowed for easy cross-posting was difficult. Social media was basically nonexistent and what few social networks did exist (Six Degrees, or my former employer TheSquare.com) were not really used for posting news or having discussions. You couldn’t use paid advertising to direct people to your site unless you knew how to use digital ad systems which were also expensive and inaccessible to consumers in the days before Google AdSense and programmatic ads more generally. 

So if you wanted people to read your blog, you had to make it compelling enough that they would visit it, directly, because they wanted to. And if they wanted to respond to you, they had to do it on their own blog, and link back. The effect of this was that there were few equivalents of the worst aspects of social media that broke through. If someone wanted to troll you, they’d have to do it on their own site and hope you took the bait because otherwise no one would see it. 

I think of this now as the difference between living in a house you built that requires some effort to visit and going into a town square where there are not particularly rigorous laws about whether or not someone can punch you in the face. Before social media, if someone wanted to engage with you, they had to come to your house and be civil before you’d give them the time of day or let them in. And if they wanted you to engage with them, they’d have to make their own house compelling enough that you’d want to visit. 

Social media is more like the town square, but without the norms and laws of an actual town square. Anonymity, in particular, allows bad actors to do malicious things with few consequences outside of account suspension, which can generally be worked around by simply spinning up a new account. There is little downside to being suspended, especially for determined trolls who are not trying to engage in any kind of healthy dialogue, but only to harass and create havoc. 

(I say all of this as someone who grew up in a very rural place and loves the big city. This is not a knock on real-life town squares, which are generally governed by more than a vague terms-of-service agreement with boilerplate legalese that’s impenetrable and largely unenforceable.)

Early blogging was slower, less beholden to the hourly news cycle, and people were more inclined to talk about personal enthusiasms as well as what was going on in the world because blogs were considered an individual enterprise, not necessarily akin to a regular publication. One of my early blogs was mostly about economics, a Ukrainian punk band called Gogol Bordello, politics, and a bar on Canal street that turned into an Eastern European disco every night around midnight. 

I did not expect Gawker to be as popular as it was, and had been working as an equity analyst when we started it. It quickly became a full-time job, and my personal theory about why it succeeded in the beginning is that it covered New York City media, and media people like to read about themselves. Eventually, they liked it enough that they wanted to write about it. We got a lot of early press coverage when Gawker had fewer than 20,000 users a month, which at the time seemed like an astronomical number of readers, but in the age of social media, SEO, syndication, and site referrals, would be considered an epic failure. 

And those people were what product people would refer to as power users. They were invested as regular readers: they sent me emails and tips, thoughtful feedback, and sometimes very, very detailed critiques, lengthy and baroque. 

As a writer who often works out what I think in the writing, this felt very stimulating even when I was writing about frivolous things — what Anna Wintour did in the Condé Nast elevator, why everyone in Williamsburg was wearing John Deere mesh caps, and what junior investment bankers were paying for bottle service at Marquee. But it was more valuable to me in the sense that it allowed me to read and engage with other people who were attacking more serious issues. (This is around the time I first met Josh Marshall.) 

I grew up in a very right-wing, conservative family in rural Alabama. My dad was a local lineman and my mom was a janitor at my school, and we were Southern Baptist. Before I went to college (to be indoctrinated by liberals, as my family puts it) I don’t think I knew a single liberal or progressive, or at least not one my age. I was also in an information bubble — the internet technically existed but no one I knew had access to it in the mid ‘90s — and my only source of information outside of my tiny K-12 school, a former segregation academy, was the public library, which the right is now trying to censor for the exact reason that it presents a threat to actual (right-wing) indoctrination. 

I was the first person in my family to go to college and by the time I left, I was sliiightly more liberal than I had been going in — not because anyone indoctrinated me but because I had more exposure to information, people who were not like me, and viewpoints I had not considered before. At 22, I would have probably identified as a socially liberal libertarian. (Now I think that’s a contradiction in terms, but 22 year old me figured if you were pro-choice and pro-drug legalization, that was enough, and it was still a big departure from the white Evangelical Christian dogma I was taught as a child.) I have a wide range of interests and am, I think, a reasonably curious person, so I often sought out conversations online with people I disagreed with and read them to better understand where they were coming from and to figure out what I thought. Some of the people who changed my thinking over time were early bloggers — both because there were new people I read whose views I began to agree with and also because there were people I started out reading whose views I began to reject, and some of which I eventually found abhorrent. 

Research tells us that most people remain fairly ideologically aligned with their parents over time, and a full realignment is rare. When it does happen, it’s usually over a matter of decades. Mine happened much faster. I went from being a college Republican to a registered Democrat in less than five years, and my worldview felt like it had expanded tremendously. This is not because I change my mind easily or quickly but because my worldview was constantly challenged. I don’t attribute this solely to the internet — living in a city that isn’t culturally monolithic was a big factor too — but I am the kind of person who works out ideas through words, digital or otherwise. The sort of considered back and forth I remember from the thoughtful members of the early blogosphere is something that is harder to find now. It’s often drowned out by the firehose of social media, or simply harder to pay attention to because our brains are so addled from constant digital stimulation. 

There are bright spots, though. I fear we’re in a newsletter bubble (how many subscriptions can one person pay for?) but the kind of longer, considered personal writing that I miss can be found in this form if you’re willing to look for it. And if you’re writing a newsletter yourself, it’s harder for someone with the handle @horseshit1962 to bury your argument under last year’s brainrot memes the way they can so easily on platforms like X or Facebook. 

Some of the best blogs have evolved and expanded. Independent media is more important than ever, and Donald Trump’s recent attempts to censor mainstream outlets, comedians he doesn’t like, and “leftist” professors underscore the fact that speech is critical. The lesson for me, from the early blogosphere, is that quality of speech matters, too. There’s a part of me that hopes that the most toxic social media platforms will quietly implode because they’re not conducive to it, but that is wishcasting; as long as there are capitalist incentives behind them, they probably won’t. I still look for people with early blogger energy, though — people willing to make an effort to understand the world and engage in a way that isn’t a performance, or trolling, or outright grifting. Enough of them, collectively, can be agents of change. 

Trump may be able to intimidate Bob Iger, but it’s actually a lot harder to intimidate a million different outlets, each run by a single determined person."]]></description>
<dc:subject>elizabethspiers blogs blogging 2025 history howwewrite writing performance trolling grifting learning howwelearn thinking howwethink internet web online ideology speed takes hottakes politics donadtrump bobiger media hype</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://techwontsave.us/episode/303_peter_thiel_is_the_real_antichrist_w_gil_duran">
    <title>Peter Thiel is the Real Antichrist with Gil Duran - Episodes - Tech Won’t Save Us</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-23T16:32:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://techwontsave.us/episode/303_peter_thiel_is_the_real_antichrist_w_gil_duran</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/silicon-valleys-fake-christianity-enables-tech-genocide/ ]

"Paris Marx is joined by Gil Duran to discuss how Peter Thiel’s bizarre obsession with the antichrist is really a desperate and embarrassing attempt to divert attention from his own misdeeds.

Gil Duran writes The Nerd Reich and is working on his first book, The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Global Democracy.

Also mentioned in this episode:

• Gil wrote about Peter Thiel’s Antichrist obsession [https://newrepublic.com/article/200471/peter-thiel-obsession-antichrist-religion ] and the apocalypse capitalism of Silicon Valley [https://www.thenerdreich.com/silicon-valley-apocalypse-capitalism/ ].

• This link is for Peter Thiel (or any Silicon Valley millionaires who may be listening); Gil recommends a brush-up on the French Revolution. [https://www.worldhistory.org/French_Revolution/ ]

• Steve Bannon expects to go to prison. [https://www.newsweek.com/steve-bannon-predicts-prison-if-republicans-lose-midterms-2028-11009422 ]

• Donald Trump’s relationship to crypto continues to be awful. [https://www.forbes.com/sites/danalexander/2025/10/10/trump-is-now-one-of-americas-biggest-bitcoin-investors/ ]"

[also here:

https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/peter-thiel-is-the-real-antichrist-w-gil-duran/id1507621076?i=1000737559693
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gyP5hErsA9Y ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/elon-musks-grokipedia-is-a-warning.html">
    <title>Elon Musk’s Grokipedia Is a Warning</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T00:35:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/elon-musks-grokipedia-is-a-warning.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Elon Musk’s Wikipedia clone is ridiculous. It’s also a glimpse of the future."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/ZbThh ]

"In 2021, somewhere near the peak of his pre-political celebrity, Elon Musk tweeted to celebrate a milestone for the web: “Happy birthday Wikipedia! So glad you exist.” His public relationship with the platform had been, up until that point, fairly normal, at least for a controversial public figure. He was an avid consumer, frequently tweeting links on a range of topics. His occasional criticisms of the platform were about how it represented him. “History is written by the victors,” he wrote in 2020, “except on Wikipedia haha.” A year earlier, he’d complained about his own entry. “Just looked at my wiki for 1st time in years. It’s insane!” he wrote, bemusedly calling his page a “war zone” with “a zillion edits.” In response to a supportive comment, he joked: “Some day, I should probably write what *my* fictionalized version of reality is 🤣🤣.”

Six years, nearly $500 billion, and one extremely public political transformation later, well, “🤣🤣” indeed. The newly launched Grokipedia, an AI-generated encyclopedia with more than 800,000 entries, will be, according to Musk, a “massive improvement over Wikipedia,” which he has referred to more recently as “Dickipedia” and “Wokipedia,” characterized as “broken,” and accused of being an “extension of legacy media propaganda.” Since 2019, Musk’s narrow problem with Wikipedia has grown into an expansive grievance, transforming from a personal affront to a righteous crusade that’s “necessary” for humanity’s goal of “understanding the Universe.” Maybe so. Or maybe it simply didn’t make sense to one of the wealthiest and most powerful people in the world that others — be they volunteer Wikipedians, paid members of the media, or users on a platform he doesn’t own — should be able to talk about him, describe things he cares about, and be taken seriously.

Musk’s particular desire to remake the information environment around him is as unique to the man and his position as are his available methods (buying a social-media company; starting an AI company; creating a chatbot in his image and commanding it to rewrite the entire encyclopedia). It’s also a preview of an experience that AI tools will soon be able to offer to almost anyone: the whole world reinterpreted to their preferences, or the preferences of a model, in real time.

But first, what did Musk actually create here? Superficially, Grokipedia is true to its name: Its articles are written and formatted like Wikipedia’s and in some cases even contain passages of identical text. They’re often much longer, though, and organized less consistently than on Wikipedia. As someone who has spent a lot of time testing AI deep-research tools, I find Grokipedia’s longer articles to be instantly recognizable as the outputs of a similar process: an AI model that crawls an index of links, synthesizes their contents, and produces a comprehensive-looking but verbose report. (An early systematic comparison by a researcher at Trinity College, Dublin, suggested that “AI-generated encyclopedic content currently mirrors Wikipedia’s informational scope but diverges in editorial norms, favoring narrative expansion over citation-based verification.) They aren’t directly editable, at least in the Wikipedia sense, but you can suggest changes or corrections through an interface similar to X’s Community Notes.

[screenshot]

Grokipedia’s articles are also clearly influenced by the encoded sensibilities of Grok, the Musk “anti-woke” ChatGPT competitor famous for once referring to itself as “mecha-Hitler.” On many subjects, it offers fairly straightforward and uncontroversial summaries of publicly available materials; on more contentious ones, it resembles a machine-assisted, post-MAGA Conservapedia, with explicit pushback against “mainstream” narratives and media coverage. In its post-launch review of the platform, Wired reported that notable entries frequently “denounced the mainstream media, highlighted conservative viewpoints, and sometimes perpetuated historical inaccuracies.” Inc instantly found a bunch of factual errors, while SFGATE concluded, “boy, is it racist.” I’d add that its more controversial articles often contain more text than anyone is likely to read, creating less of an impression of ideological certitude or confident revisionism than a sense that, well, Hey, who can really say what happened on January 6 after someone may or may not have won the American presidential election? In between, you get a lot of stuff like this:

[embed]

Grokipedia can be understood as a straightforward attempt to automate the labor and tune the bias that goes into producing a resource like Wikipedia; indeed, there might even be some lessons for the platform here as we enter a world where chatbot users can produce Wikipedia-like articles on demand. But an automated Wikipedia isn’t much of a Wikipedia at all: The site Grokipedia is trying to replace is the result of an unprecedented bottom-up phenomenon in which millions of people contributed time, attention, and effort to create a shared resource, synthesizing existing information through a messy, flawed, but ultimately deliberative and productive process. In contrast, Grokipedia is a top-down effort, generated by a model trained on resources like Wikipedia, then deployed to rewrite them with a different sensibility. It’s a futuristic example of AI automation, a regressive throwback to pre-web centralization, and a new piece of a claustrophobically referential informational system: A database of articles written by a chatbot so they can later be referenced as authoritative sources by the same chatbot, and maybe help train another one. (Google’s AI Overviews come to mind.) For now, it looks less like an alternative to Wikipedia that people will want to use than an attempt to delegitimize it.

As absurd and undignified as Grokipedia’s founder-centric origin story may be — How good could Wikipedia be if its page about me is so rude? — Elon Musk’s attempt to remake his own information environment is instructive and, if not exactly candid, usefully transparent (or at least poorly concealed). You won’t hear Musk joking about “his own fictionalized version of reality” in 2025 — now he prefers to speak in messianic terms about apocalyptic threats, no matter the subject. But Grokipedia, and Musk’s AI projects in general, invite us to see LLMs as powerful and intrinsically biased ideological tools, which, whatever you make of Grok’s example, they always are.

We know an awful lot about what Elon Musk thinks about the world, and we know that he wants his own products to align with his greater project. In Grok and Grokipedia, we get to see clearly what it looks like when particular ideologies are intentionally encoded into AI products that are then deployed widely and to openly ideological ends. We also get to recognize how thoroughly familiar parts of the spectacle are, as chatbots rehash the same pitches to audiences, and invite many of the same obvious criticisms, as newspapers, TV channels, and social-media platforms before them — when Fox offered its “fair and balanced” alternative to other cable networks, Mark Zuckerberg claimed to be returning to his company’s “free speech” roots, or the New York Times reminded us that the “truth” is hard, actually. Now, it’s AI companies winking as they tell us to trust them, engaging in flattering marketing, and giving in to paternalistic temptations without much awareness of how their predecessors’ decades of similar efforts helped lead the public to a state of profound institutional cynicism.

[embed]

Anyway! Grokipedia was positioned at launch as an alternative product, and Musk generally likes to define xAI in opposition to its larger and less openly politicized competitors. That Musk’s claims about “truth,” factuality, and narrative are so clearly motivated by self-interest, though, actually helps draw attention to the ways his project is largely the same as OpenAI’s. To anyone outside Musk’s ideological sphere, his bid to create an enclosed, top-down informational environment seems either silly or sinister (see also the right’s characterization of the situation when Google’s attempts to optimize Gemini’s racial biases resulted in a machine that could only imagine non-white historical figures). But in its clumsy implementation and cringeworthy pitch, it still ends up being clearer about what it’s up to than claims like this, from an OpenAI announcement in early October:

<blockquote>ChatGPT shouldn’t have political bias in any direction. People use ChatGPT as a tool to learn and explore ideas. That only works if they trust ChatGPT to be objective… We created a political bias evaluation that mirrors real-world usage and stress-tests our models’ ability to remain objective… Based on this evaluation, we find that our models stay near-objective on neutral or slightly slanted prompts, and exhibit moderate bias in response to challenging, emotionally charged prompts.</blockquote>

The company was announcing the development of “an automated evaluation setup to continually track and improve objectivity over time,” using “approximately 500 prompts spanning 100 topics and varying political slants,” across “five nuanced axes of bias.” If the goal of Grok is to express a specific bias against prevailing progressive narratives by reflecting right-wing views — or just to stay in line with the values and priorities of its creator — well, that’s achievable. (It’s also something LLMs are well suited for as a technology.) In contrast, the goal OpenAI has set for itself is “objectivity,” in practice or at least reputation, which, for a chatbot tasked with talking about everything to everyone, really isn’t.

As novel and versatile as LLM-based chatbots are, their relationship to the outside world is recognizably and deeply editorial, like a newspaper or, more recently, an algorithmically sorted-and-censored social network. (It’s helpful to think of OpenAI’s “bias evaluation” process, or Grokipedia’s top-down reactionary political correctness, as less of a systemic audit than a straightforward edit.) What ChatGPT says about politics — or anything — is ultimately what the people who created it say it should say, or allow it to say; more specifically, human beings at OpenAI are deciding what neutral answers to those 500 prompts might look like and instructing their model to follow their lead. OpenAI’s incoherent appeal to objective neutrality is an effort to avoid this perception and one that anyone who runs a major media outlet or social-media platform knows won’t fool people for long.

OpenAI would probably prefer not to be evaluated by these punishing and polarized standards, so, as many other organizations have tried before, it’s claiming to exist outside them. On that task, I suspect ChatGPT will fail.

[embed]

Luckily for OpenAI, ChatGPT’s future doesn’t hinge on creating a universal chatbot that everyone sees as unbiased — it’ll settle for being seen as useful, entertaining, or reasonable and trustworthy to enough people. Research papers and “bias evaluations” aside, the product and its users are veering away from shared experiences and into personalized, bespoke forms of interaction in which chatbots gradually profile their users and provide them with information that’s more relevant to their specific experiences or more sensitive to their personal preferences or both. Frequent chatbot users know that popular models can drift into sycophancy, which is a powerful and general sort of bias. They also know they can be commanded to inhabit different identities, political or otherwise (you can ask ChatGPT to talk to you like a dead French poststructuralist if you want or ask it to talk to you like Mr. Beast. Soon, reportedly, you’ll be able to ask it to pleasure you sexually). Still, for all their dazzling newness and versatility, AI chatbots are in many ways continuing the project started by late-stage social media, extending the logic of machine-learning recommendations into a familiar human voice. It’s not just that output neutrality is difficult to obtain for systems like this. It’s that they’re incompatible with the very concept.

In that sense, Grokipedia — like X and Grok — is also a warning. Sure, it’s part of an excruciatingly public example of one man’s gradual isolation from the world inside a conglomerate-scale system of affirming, adulatory, and ideologically safe feeds, chatbots, and synthetic media, a situation that would be funny if not for Musk’s desire and power to impose his vision on the world. (To calibrate this a bit, imagine predicting the “Wikipedia rewritten to be more conservative by Elon Musk’s anti-PC chatbot” scenario in the run-up to, say, his purchase of Twitter. It would have sounded insane, and you would have too.) But what Musk can build for himself now is something that consumer AI tools, including his, will soon allow regular people to build for themselves, or which will be constructed for them by default: A world mediated not just by publications or social networks but by omnipurpose AI products that assure us they’re “maximally truth-seeking” or “objective” as they simply tell us what we want to hear."]]></description>
<dc:subject>johnherrman 2025 elonmusk grokipedia wikipedia knowledge ai artificialintelligence openai xai chatgpt llms chatbots twitter isolation socialmedia mrbeast bias censorship socialnetowrks ideology markzuckerberg antiwoke freespeech freedomofspeech centralization internet web online farright rightwing information racism race media propaganda grievance wokeism</dc:subject>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ex-Palantir Exec Warns Democrats to Bow Down or Lose the Future"]]></description>
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    <title>Against Brainrot — how to read &amp; write more online - YouTube</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["People are panicking about the literacy crisis, about waning attention spans and why technology is making everything worse. But some people — like writer, software designer, and literary critic Celine Nguyen — have managed to not only retain their engagement with art and culture and literature, but actually deepen it with the help of the internet and social media.

In this conversation, Celine talks through how she went from tech to art school, taught herself to be a literary critic, and learned to love social media, Substack, and AI. 

[00:00:00] Jumping from Silicon Valley to the art world
[00:11:00] The internet and “research as leisure activity”
[00:26:34] Contrarian optimism about AI and art
[00:48:57] How can we measure progress in culture?
[01:04:47] Celine’s personal tech/media habits

Follow Celine's work at personalcanon.com and Jasmine at jasmi.news."

[transcript:
https://jasmi.news/p/celine-nguyen

notes here too:
https://www.personalcanon.com/p/ten-thousand-takes-on-tech-culture ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thedispatch.com/article/kingsnorth-book-machine-modernity/">
    <title>‘Unnatural’ Doesn’t Mean ‘Wicked’ - Tara Isabella Burton - The Dispatch</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-17T17:23:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedispatch.com/article/kingsnorth-book-machine-modernity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The much-anticipated ‘Against the Machine’ is just a bit too simplistic."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/2025.09.20-130210/https://thedispatch.com/article/kingsnorth-book-machine-modernity/ ]

"I agree with Paul Kingsnorth about many things. Maybe even most. Like Paul Kingsnorth—an English writer living in west Ireland—I believe that the most pressing issue for humanity in 2025 is how we respond to the threats presented to humanity by the internet age. Like Paul Kingsnorth, I fear a global monoculture: a flattening and mechanistic vision of human beings linked into society only by the twin inchoate energies of information and capital. A world of interchangeable and depersonalized cities in which person-to-person contact has become little more than a “luxury good.” Like Paul Kingsnorth, I worry that so much of what human beings need to flourish—small-scale communities, rooted in tradition and ritual and a shared understanding of a higher purpose—has been lost in an age that instead prioritizes the individualistic pursuit of private desire. 

I have in recent years designed as much of my life as possible to escape the tendrils of what Kingsnorth terms “the machine”—he uses the term synonymously with “modernity”—a world in which smartphones and inventors of artificial intelligence and captains of capital alike work to “uproot … us from nature, culture, and God … mere cogs in a giant mechanism we have no control over.” In part inspired by his example, I use a desktop computer instead of a laptop in my home, confining access to the internet to a single corner of my study. I exclusively listen to physical music: vinyls, CDs. I have replaced my iPhone with a mostly dumb flip phone. I drafted much of this review on a Remarkable, a distraction-free e-ink typewriter-tablet with no apps or browser access. I write some of my fiction drafts longhand. I am, in other words, someone well-placed to agree with Kingsnorth that among the most humanistic things a person can do is “raindance on top of your smartphone until it is nothing but splinters.”

Which is why I was so surprised, reading Kingsnorth's new book Against the Machine—tantalizing subtitled “On the Unmaking of Humanity”—to find myself more often than not pushing back against Kingsnorth’s rhetoric, and wanting more from his arguments. Far from encouraging me to retreat further into a bucolically embodied existence, Against the Machine made me want to think more critically—and perhaps more charitably—about what human flourishing might look like, not in collaboration with the machine, but with the assistance of, well, machines. Preaching compellingly—if at times bombastically—to the choir, Kingsnorth’s manifesto evokes my inner devil’s advocate.

What distinguishes, after all, a good technology from a bad one, one made for human flourishing and one designed to push us into subservience? That question, left all too unexamined in Against the Machine, turns out to be the book’s crux. Kingsnorth and I agree, I think, that browser-enabled smartphones and robot priests and AI chatbots that generate sermons or therapeutic advice are terrible for humanity. But what about penicillin, books, bicycles? What about the ultimate technology, language itself? Kingsnorth condemns those who make “the rookie mistake of treating technology as neutral.” But is the alternative to treat all that is not strictly “natural” as wicked?

Kingsnorth, an Orthodox convert, makes the convincing case that a more uniform tech-skepticism is the necessary result of a correct reading of Genesis and what happened in the Garden of Eden. After all, our desire to know the difference between good and evil—to know at all—was humanity’s original downfall: “We eat the fruit … our mind is filled with questions … here is humanity and nature, here is people and God.” Maybe language itself is evidence of our primal separation: For Kingsnorth, at the moment of the fall of mankind, a “portcullis of words” falls between “us and the other creatures in the garden, and we can never go home again.” At times his account of the fall borders on the Schleiermachian: innocence as a state beyond the conscious division of subject and object. Ultimately, however, Kingsnorth sees the fall as fundamentally about the illegitimate desire to transcend our human limitations. “Outside the garden,” Kingsnorth writes, “we forget the creator and worship ourselves.”

And yet we had language in the garden—Adam names the animals in Genesis 2:20. Christ himself is understood, in standard Christian theology, as the incarnate Word. To be human, even in Genesis, is to exist in, and communicate in, the imaginative realm: to create new ways of making ourselves known to one another. And Genesis 1 reminds us that human beings are to be understood in the image and likeness of God: an image and likeness that traditionally has been associated, from Irenaeus to Augustine to Luther to Herder to Pannenberg, with our intellectual and creative capacities. If we are anything more than just our bodies and our bodily impulses, if the phrase imago dei refers to anything at all beyond the suggestion of an anthropomorphic God, then we need an account of what the creative, intellectual man might have been without sin. 

> What distinguishes, after all, a good technology from a bad one, one made for human flourishing and one designed to push us into subservience?

Kingsnorth’s desire to condemn the information age wholesale takes for granted that it is obvious which information we do and don’t need. He mocks, for example, “the kind of people who think the Great Library of Alexandria contained ‘exabytes’ worth of information’ rather than the collected fruits of hard-won wisdom…before they ever sit down to their data sets”—yet it’s possible to think of the Alexandrian library Kingsnorth seems to venerate as no less a repository of the sinful human desire to know than that of the digital equivalent he disdains. 

Likewise, to this onetime user of the blogging (and friend-making) site Livejournal, Kingsnorth’s immediate disdain for children whose “phone in your pocket allows you to make more friends in other countries than you can at school?” seems too unexamined. If we are able to create real human bonds—what else is friendship—beyond the boundaries of geography, surely that aids, rather than abets, the kind of thick communities Kingsnorth is calling for, even if it complicates their instantiation. Kingsnorth is too quick, I think, to assume that friendships, and maybe even communities, can’t arise in digital space: as a supplement to, if not supplantation of, embodied experience. Rootless cosmopolitan that I am, perhaps, I’ve found that the friendships I’ve made and sustained online (and in many cases have transitioned into offline friendships nevertheless mediated by necessity through digital correspondence) have been all the more grounded and committed for their intentionality.

Kingsnorth is at his best when he is arguing for specific acts of human flourishing (smartphone-smashing, say, or spending time contemplating nature) or against more concrete instantiations of the machine. Kingsnorth reminds us, more than once, that Christendom is dead, that Western Christendom—and the Enlightenment values of self-transcendence to which it inexorably led—contained already the seeds of its own destruction, as did, in Kingsnorth’s telling, every civilization that grew too fast and got too big for its own good. “Forget, then, about defending the West,” Kingsnorth writes. “Think instead about rebuilding a human culture from the roots.” Kingsnorth also largely successfully avoids other forms of culture war discourse, although his arguments about COVID vaccines—another “techno-fix” he opposes both as an (he believes) unproven medical invention and an example of unjust state power—risk not just tendentiousness but incoherence. How can we at once critique a society in which individual human desire to be the highest good there is, and also critique on libertarian grounds collective decision-making—including medical decision-making—that would limit human freedom in favor of the highest good?

Kingsnorth is also more compelling when he writes on another otherwise-tricky topic—gender issues—which he largely (and in my mind, fairly) treats as secondary to the wider philosophical question posed by transhumanism. Quoting heavily from both WIRED editor Kevin Kelly, and the transgender transhumanist and entrepreneur Martine Rothblatt, Kingsnorth is able to trace a good-faith version of philosophical accounts of gender and the body that both reduce, and do not reduce, identity to birth sex. While Kingsnorth takes the standard-conservative line on trans issues—that birth sex and gender are equivalent—he’s reasonably generous in understanding why different philosophical priors might yield alternative perspectives on the issue. “The battle over gender,” Kingsnorth writes, “is the deepest level of the ‘culture war,’ and as ever it is not really about culture: it is about the essence of what it means to have a human body.”

Yet, in its desire to celebrate the body over and against the machine, Kingsnorth’s book leaves me wondering what, exactly, having a body—and a mind, and a soul— does mean. That human beings are some confusing amalgam of all these things is hardly a theologically, or even historically, novel concept. Yet Kingsnorth’s book falls short of teasing out a theological anthropology that does not make us into, well, failed animals—a comparison that Against the Machine sometimes, perhaps inadvertently, implies.

“Modernity is a machine for destroying limits,” he writes. “The ideology of the Machine — the liberation of individual desire — sees our world as a blank slate to be written on afresh when the old limits of nature and culture are washed away.” But it’s also true that there is something about human beings that is separate from both nature and culture, and that something does seem to manifest itself in acts of creation and imagination. That doesn’t make the world a “blank slate”—but it does mean, I think, that we need a more nuanced account of what a creative relationship with, and human acts upon, a world that isn’t a blank slate would look like.

In Kingsnorth’s most convincing passages, he helps us see one potential answer. What if the culprit were not information, as such, nor technology, but rather desire: the harnessing of our imaginative capacities for ultimately selfish ends? What if we were to blame not, say, Project Gutenberg (or whatever the digital equivalent of the Library of Alexandria is), but dopamine-grabbing notifications and algorithmically generated advertisements and all of the other forms of attention capture to which the now-manifest noetic realm is subject? To blame the attention economy, rather than the information age?

Kingsnorth is right, I think, when it comes to where he’d like to see us go: “Love. God. Place. Culture. The profound mystery of beauty. A sense of being rooted. A feeling for land or community or cultural traditions or the unfolding of human history of generations. Song. Art.”  But ars and techne are, I think, inseparable. To have one, we need a constructive—and charitable—account of the other.

---

Tara Isabella Burton is the author of ‘Self-Made: Creating Our Identities from Da Vinci to the Kardashians,’ ‘Strange Rites: New Religions for a Godless World,’ and three novels, most recently ‘Here in Avalon.’ She blogs on art, magic, enchantment, faith and technology at her Substack, The Lost Word."]]></description>
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    <title>T12x38 - Catolicismo pop: por qué volvemos a hablar de Dios (CARNE CRUDA) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-16T23:20:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXmDje3HfHI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Más allá de Rosalía, existe un revival cristiano entre algunos jóvenes con movimientos que convierten el catolicismo en moda pop, como Hakuna o Siloé, influencers pijas o la promoción de retiros espirituales Effetá. Moda pasajera o vocación duradera, fenómeno mediático o tendencia real, ética o estética... En este programa nos preguntamos "¿Por qué volvemos a hablar de Dios?" con Rafael Ruiz y Joseba García, sociólogos expertos en religión; hablamos de LUX y mística religiosa con Frankie Pizá, y debatimos junto a Ángela Rodríguez PAM y Estela Ortiz sobre el boom del género monjil, sus vínculos con movimientos reaccionarios como el de las tradwives y sus repercusiones, especialmente para las mujeres. Nos despedimos con una nueva entrega del humor de nuestra gran Antía Lousada.

Puedes ver la segunda parte de este programa, la sección de Antía Lousada aquí: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yatx73b7a84

Más información aquí: https://www.eldiario.es/carnecruda/programas/catolicismo-pop-volvemos-hablar-dios_132_12756315.html 

"La sociedad española es cada vez más secular: el número de católicos ha caído del 90% en los años setenta a apenas un 55% hoy, y entre los jóvenes la cifra es aún más baja. Sin embargo, algo está ocurriendo en los últimos años: entre 2023 y 2025 la catolicidad confesa entre menores de 35 años ha pasado del 34% al 41%. No es un fenómeno exclusivo de España: en Francia, por ejemplo, los bautizos de adultos y adolescentes se han duplicado en solo 2 años, y en Reino Unido, los jóvenes de 18 a 24 años que dicen asistir a misa han pasado del 4% en 2018 al 16%.

El sentimiento religioso tiene un revival en Occidente y se manifiesta en todas partes: de la catarsis mística de Rosalía a Hakuna, movimiento de masas que arrastra a decenas de miles de jóvenes católicos en todo el mundo desde Hakuna a Efetá. ¿Se trata de una moda pasajera o tiene vocación duradera? ¿Es solo fenómeno mediático o una tendencia real? Exploramos este revival religioso con los investigadores Rafael Ruiz y Joseba García, sociólogos expertos en religión.""]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/a-pedagogy-of-the-collective-from-the-soviet-union-to-latin-america-makarenko-his-life-and-work/">
    <title>A Pedagogy of the Collective – From the Soviet Union to Latin America: Makarenko, His Life and Work, Alex Turrall (2021) — Liberated Texts</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T04:23:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/a-pedagogy-of-the-collective-from-the-soviet-union-to-latin-america-makarenko-his-life-and-work/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Book is here:
https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/makarenko/works/life-and-work.pdf
https://www.are.na/block/41102121 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/zionism-as-a-fascist-ideology-zionist-relations-with-nazi-germany-by-faris-glubb/">
    <title>Zionism as a Fascist Ideology and Movement: Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany by Faris Yahya Glubb, by Louis Allday and Samar Al-Saleh (2023) — Liberated Texts</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T03:50:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/zionism-as-a-fascist-ideology-zionist-relations-with-nazi-germany-by-faris-glubb/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2023 louisallday samaral-saleh zionism ideology fasicsm nazis nazigermany farisyahyaglubb benjaminnetanyahu georgehabash 1978 lebanon farisglubb godfreyglubb ethniccleansing palestine nakba genocide</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/the-being-of-israel-is-the-non-being-of-palestine-understanding-zionism-through-the-work-of-fayez-sayegh/">
    <title>“The being of Israel is the non-being of Palestine”: Understanding Zionism through the Work of Fayez Sayegh — Liberated Texts</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T17:07:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://liberatedtexts.com/reviews/the-being-of-israel-is-the-non-being-of-palestine-understanding-zionism-through-the-work-of-fayez-sayegh/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["November 10th, 2025, marks the fiftieth anniversary of UN Resolution 3379, when the United Nations General Assembly voted to declare Zionism a form of racism and racial discrimination. This statement effectively condemned Zionism as a racist political ideology and Israel as a racist state, to be relegated alongside other colonial, apartheid, and imperial state projects. Passing with a vote of 72 in favor and 32 against with 35 nations abstaining, it was overwhelmingly supported by the newly liberated Third World countries who saw the statement as a challenge to American and European hegemony.

Resolution 3379 was not the work of a single individual.1 Nonetheless, several Palestinian intellectuals deserve special recognition for their efforts in passing the resolution. Foremost amongst them is Fayez Sayegh, who spearheaded the effort and argued the Palestinian case on the Assembly floor. This review will work through Sayegh’s writings to come to a better understanding as to just what he and his counterparts within the Palestine Liberation Organization meant when they argued that Zionism is racism. How did they understand ‘racism’ and where does Zionist racism fit within what Sayegh called ‘the Palestine Problem’ more generally? Given that context what then is ‘anti-racism’? Is racism the appropriate lens through which to approach the problem?

Readers may know Fayez Sayegh from his 1965 essay, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine. That was the first publication from the PLO Research Center, which Sayegh founded and directed for a short period. While interpreting Sayegh’s statements on Resolution 3379, I draw from both his own and his colleagues’ writings for the PLO Research Center, so it is useful to have some idea as to what that Center was. In its 18 years of operation in Beirut the Center published a total of 340 books. At its peak, the Center employed roughly 80 full-time researchers in a 6-storey building in downtown Beirut. Ten departments were dedicated to a variety of activities including translating Israeli radio broadcasts, archiving Palestinian history, and researching Zionism’s history and ideology.2 The aim of the center was to study Palestinian identity and history as well as the history, practices, and ideology of the Zionist occupation, since, to quote Sayegh’s idea for the Center, “knowing the enemy is a parallel process to knowing the self.”3 The research was in large part designed to provide in-depth studies for fedayeen who at this point in time in the late 1960s were developing more sophisticated military operations. The Center provided militants with sophisticated theory as well as concrete studies of Israel and the United States. On 6th February 1983, Israeli-directed forces bombed the Center killing 18 and injuring 115.4

Sayegh’s presence before the U.N. to debate this matter also deserves some comment. In 1969, Sayegh was one of 18 experts elected to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. He would be elected three times as the Committee’s Rapporteur. A complete history of this body is beyond the scope of this analysis, but it should be noted that the Committee originated with the desecration of a German synagogue in 1959, which Zionist leadership promoted and manipulated to push European settlers to Israel.5 In 1960, the same year the U.N. adopted Resolution 1510 condemning “racial, religious, and national hatred” partly in response to that vandalism, Sayegh published a series of editorials analyzing how Zionist leadership uses antisemitism to promote Jewish emigration to Israel, a tactic Sayegh argued established a basic harmony between Zionism and Nazism. I’ve discussed Sayegh’s on this analysis elsewhere, but in this context, it is relevant insofar as readers should bear in mind Sayegh was arguing before an international body that was not designed for his purposes.6 Insofar as Zionist leadership amplified and manipulated the response to antisemitic vandalism, the Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination originated with Sayegh’s enemies. He was working a bricolage out of an institution, history, and definitions that were not his own. Given this history, Sayegh was well-aware of how imperial powers both produce and condemn racism to serve their ends, just as he was aware that the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination was not a revolutionary body, nor was it designed to be.

Turning to Resolution 3379, Sayegh spoke four times in the Fall of 1975 before the General Assembly arguing all the ways in which Zionism is racist. In his first speech on the matter, he began by distinguishing the question of racism from the question of Palestine more generally, stating, “The issue before us is not the Palestine Question; it is not the Arab-Israeli Conflict; it is not the situation in the Middle East. […] The issue before us is ‘The Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination’ and the draft resolution under consideration addresses itself to Zionism as a form of racism and racial discrimination and to nothing else.”7 He then went on to define Zionism, explaining that he would be working within accepted Zionist self-definitions, before then arguing that Zionism is racism in both ideology and practice according to known and accepted UN definitions of racism. However, this way of framing the issue raises the question, if Zionist racism is not identical to ‘the Palestine Question’, what exactly is the Palestine question? And what is ‘racism’ when approached within the framework of that question? And finally, what is the relationship between the Palestine question or Palestine problem and Zionist racism?

For an answer, start with a speech Sayegh delivered on January 19th, 1969, entitled “The Moral Aspect of the Palestine Problem.”8 Here Sayegh defines the problem in terms of “the fate of human beings who are the people of Palestine.” And that fate (elimination) is a result of what Zionists call ‘The Ingathering of the Exiles’: “For the idea of Zionism by definition meant that the Jews of the world, whom Zionism considers to be one nation, should leave all the countries of their residence and citizenship and congregate together in a land which would then be a purely Jewish state, a land in which there would be no non-Jews. Somehow the Palestinians had to disappear.” From this characterization of the Problem we can see that what is at stake is the wholesale displacement of one society for another. Naturally, these ingathering settlers need land and resources. Accordingly, as this so-called ‘Ingathering of the Exiles’ recruited more settlers, Zionist-controlled territory would have to expand. And while Zionists first tried buying Palestinian land, once they realized that process was too slow (David Ben-Gurion once lamented it “would have taken 1,000 years to occupy Palestine and we do not want to wait 1,000 years”)9 they resorted to brute militarism.

That brings us then to a second iteration of the problem. Sayegh formulated this version in Kuwait in 1971 for the General Union of Palestine Students (GUPS). GUPS then republished Sayegh’s comments in a pamphlet titled “A Palestinian View”.10  There we read, “The crux of the Palestine Problem is the fate of a people and its homeland. It is the piecemeal conquest and continued seizure of the entire country by military force. It is the forcible dispossession and displacement of the bulk of the indigenous population, and the subjugation of the rest. It is also the massive importation of alien colonists — to replace the evicted, and to lord it over the conquered. And it is the colonization, by the foreign settlers, of both the expropriated private land and the seized national resources of the overpowered people.” Again, the problem is one of elimination, but in this formulation Sayegh foregrounds the violence of the problem. If, as Weizmann once declared, Palestine “is to be made as Jewish as England is English”, and the continuous flow of settlers requires an expanding land base to support them, and if that land cannot be purchased at a satisfactory rate and must then be acquired by force, then Israel is, in effect, a state of war. Sayegh described this dynamic of Israeli aggrandizement by wars of encroachment when he summarized the whole situation on an American talk show in 1967: “Every Israeli who is in Israel today is there because an Arab has been made not to be. The being of Israel is the non-being of Palestine.”11 The so-called “ingathering of Exiles” is the production of this non-being. Zionism is a movement or force whereby Israeli development — Israeli being — stands in a dialectical relationship with Palestinian non-being. And so when David Ben-Gurion told Israeli Parliament in 1963 that the Zionist mission of “ingathering the exiles” is tantamount to “the fructification and population of the wasteland”, the Problem of Palestine from Sayegh’s point of view is precisely the production of that wasteland.12

When Sayegh writes in Zionist Colonialism in Palestine that Zionist racism is different from other race-supremacist European settler projects, he is saying that while other colonies have instantiated conditions of dependency over the native population wherein the natives may develop in ways that suit the colony, Israel has never primarily sought to exploit the Palestinians, although that has undoubtedly occurred. Rather, Palestinians have been configured for eviction, elimination, and dispossession without the opportunity for development. Sara Roy would later call this ‘de-development’.13 Where underdeveloped societies are often structured by demands for economic exploitation, de-development in this case is not primarily motivated by the extraction of surplus value from Palestinian laborers. The so-called ‘Ingathering’ is an ideological motive that cannot be made to fit with the long-term preservation and exploitation of a Palestinian population. In this regard, Sayegh cites Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan who once claimed “economically we can” accommodate a Palestinian population, but this was impossible because “It would turn Israel into […] a poly-Arab-Jewish state instead of a Jewish state.”14 Rather than reconfiguring the Arab population for exploitation — a form of domination that might include the typical features of settler colonial domination such as the construction of a comprador class or limited industry tailored to the global division of labor — Zionism has systematically dismembered and crippled Palestinian society in order to facilitate their expulsion. The Palestine Problem is then this problem of “non-being”.

Given this account of the Palestine Problem, it will be no surprise to learn that in a speech delivered in Libya in 1973 Sayegh described Israel as “a tool of foreign imperialism and an imperialism in its own right.”15 Sayegh and the rest of the PLO Research Center had sophisticated understandings of imperialism, U.S.-led capital, and the Israeli economy. They produced detailed studies of both the Israeli and American economies, and Sayegh was at least acquainted with the works of Joe Stork, Eqbal Ahmad, Paul Sweezy, and V.I. Lenin. Thanks to Patrick Higgins’s research, we know of one work published by the Research Center entitled ‘The Foreign Policy of America.’16 It draws extensively from the work of Harry Magdoff, a noted economist for The Monthly Review. Magdoff explains how through various mechanisms including banks, foreign aid, tariffs, and militarism, US foreign policy is directed toward one goal: “gaining control over as much of the sources of raw material as possible — wherever these raw materials may be, including potential new sources.”17 Control of raw materials allows leading firms to both limit competition and control the production and prices of finished products further down the supply chain, an important point I will return to at the end of this talk. This was a known feature of imperial capital, but Magdoff emphasizes the importance of raw material domination to the United States in the mid-twentieth century. Magdoff cites a 1952 report from the Truman administration summarizing the desperate situation of post-war U.S. industry suddenly consuming 10 percent more than it produces. This led Eisenhower in his first inaugural address in 1953 to proclaim the urgent need to secure the top of the supply chain through control of foreign raw materials. And so as a tool of American imperialism, Israel plays a vital role in controlling crucial raw material reserves in West Asia — namely, oil fields. As an imperialism in its own right, driven by the political motivation to create a ‘Jewish state’, that control takes the form of de-development, or in the words of Sayegh, “the non-being of Palestine.”  

Given this understanding of the relation of imperial being and imperialized non-being, what does it mean to say Zionism is a form of racism? What role does racism play in the Zionist movement? As I interpret Sayegh’s writings, Zionist racism manifests itself as the ideological justification for and the practical administration of de-developmental policies implemented on the basis of a racial distinction between who will be fructified and who will be wasted. Let’s consider a few specific examples of Zionist racism from Sayegh’s 1975 UN speeches.

Consider racism in the Israeli educational system. In his 1975 speech, Sayegh cites the paucity of educational opportunities for Palestinian Arabs still residing in Israel. The higher the level of education, the more discriminatory the restrictions: where in 1965 Arabs constituted 10% of all pupils enrolled in post-primary schools, Arabs represented less than 1% of those enrolled in Israeli universities. These disparities particularly affected women, whom Sayegh found underrepresented at every level of the Israeli education system. As Sayegh observed in a 1966 booklet entitled Discrimination in Education Against the Arabs in Israel, “Higher education is almost entirely reserved for Jewish students.”18

Regarding labor, Sayegh cites Israeli law prohibiting the employment of Arabs, a policy that clearly has the effect of siphoning economic activity away from the Arab community and denying them the opportunity to develop manufacturing skills. Lack of education and employment is coupled with laws denying Arabs’ their own property, all of which Sayegh had documented in earlier works. Israel’s 1948 Emergency Regulation on the Cultivation of Waste Lands declared that any land ‘unused’ by the native population due to ‘war conditions’ could be confiscated by the Israeli government. This is coupled with discriminatory citizenship policies which provide incredibly lax conditions to Jewish immigrants from affluent countries and near impossible terms to the Arab population. While the 1948 Declaration for the Establishment of the State of Israel declares Israel “will be open for Jewish immigration”, the 1949 Emergency Land Requisition Law declares Arab land will be seized if “necessary for the defence of the state, public security, the maintenance of essential supplies or essential public services, or the absorption of immigrants.” All told, these laws define the Ingathering itself as a state of Emergency justifying the seizure of Arab land. Given citizenship and land, the Security Service Act of 1949 turns these citizens into soldiers, providing them with arms and military training to then expel more Arabs and occupy more land.

This is a sampling of all the evidence Sayegh and his cohort exhibited before the UN General Assembly in the Fall of 1975. Resolution 3379 established that this distinction between ‘Jew’ and ‘Arab’ which Sayegh and his cohort reject as a category mistake, is established by Zionists along racial biological lines. What I would like to emphasize is that when we consider Zionist racism in the context of the Palestine Problem – which again is the problem of imperial extraction, accumulation, and dispossession – then what Sayegh identified as racism must be understood in terms of the practical policies of de-development. The policies Sayegh cites – the denial of educational training, the confiscation of property and land, the marginalization of labor, and the purposeful destruction of infrastructure– are all articulated along hereditary lines and all aim at preventing the Palestinian Arab population from modernizing and developing technologies and industries. This is not to say Sayegh believes racism is the primary contradiction. Racism does not motivate the occupation. Instead, imperial usurpation — the Palestine Problem — defines the situation, and racism justifies and determines specific practices of oppression.

With that in mind, consider the writings of Sayegh’s colleague George Jabbour who wrote a comparative study of racism across settler colonial societies, entitled Settler Colonialism in Southern Africa and the Middle East. After a lengthy examination of settler colonial racism, Jabbour writes, “The settlers, whose settlement in lands not theirs was possible only because of the backwardness of the native inhabitants, see in the development of the natives a clear threat to their security and continued existence. […] The settlers, no matter how strongly they profess their attachment to the concept of ‘progress’, no matter how persistently they express their desire to develop the natives, are, in the final analysis, ardent reactionaries when the question of developing the natives comes into the picture.”19 And insofar as the “Ingathering of the Exiles” manifests itself as a perpetual state of war, Israel approaches the future well-armed. However, ‘well-armed’ is a relative term understood only in relation to the natives’ level of industrial development and modernization. Quoting Jabbour, “They can keep themselves superior by keeping their strength superior. And they can keep this if they continue to be more technically advanced. Hence, their enemies are not the natives in general, as much as they are the modernized natives: the natives who are both open to the sciences and to the world. […] They are afraid of the future, because the future will bring about, inevitably, more modernization of the natives.”20 This is an alternative formulation of Sayegh’s claim before the General Assembly that racist Zionist practices take aim at Palestinian modernization — literacy, labor organizing, technical skills, water quality, land and its reserves of raw materials, and the protections offered by the state — creating a historical pattern of decay.

Where the imperial subjugation of Palestine is brought about through de-developmental policies at least partially aimed at monopolizing raw material inputs, Sayegh and his colleagues understood that the liberation of Palestine would come about through technical modernization and open access to global supply chains outside the controls of the imperial powers. As I mentioned earlier, insofar as one audience for these writings were the Palestinian freedom fighters, no one was better prepared to understand this argument, since their work depended on access to raw materials and modern technology. Here again is Jabbour, this time on the mindset of the fedayeen: “The espousal of armed struggle is a significant phenomenon. […] As it requires from the freedom fighter full devotion and unlimited sacrifice, it totally transforms his life-pattern: it widens his horizons so that he comes to realise that he is not only a revolutionary against the settlers, but also against the circumstances of his country that made the intrusion of the settlers possible. Unlike traditional resistance to the settlers, armed struggle well understands the world of today with its modern technology and its scientific foundations. Armed struggle is thus a modernizing movement fighting imperialism — and local traditionalism.”21 In other words, Jabbour believes the act of armed struggle necessarily drags Palestinian society into a future of modernized technological industry, since there are simply no arms without an openness to global production chains and modern industry. Where racism is the imposition of de-developmental policies attempting to keep the Palestinian in a primitive state, armed resistance — the gun itself before it is even fired — embraces a technologically developed and modernized future. Note for example where anti-Palestinian racism in Israeli schools particularly affected Palestinian women, Sayegh’s good friend and colleague Hisham Shirabi in a 1970 report on the demographics of Palestinian guerrillas documents high participation among women along with markedly higher literacy rates.22 One simply can’t effectively operate complex machinery without the ability to read.

In sum, the being of Israel is territorial expansion, an expansion that occurs through encroachment wars. The development of the Zionist movement is then the de-development of Palestinian society. And this de-development is instantiated and perpetuated through bombing and genocide, but also in part through racist legal, educational, and labor policies, the net effect of which is the excision of Palestinian Arab society from modern industry and technology. This excision is an important element in the more fundamental elimination of Arabs from the region as whole, a necessary condition for the creation of a racially exclusive ‘Jewish’ state. When Jabbour says armed struggle widens the horizon of the freedom fighter he is referring to the very practical recognition of the fact that the resistance stands or falls with the degree to which the indigenous society develops its industrial and technical abilities. The ‘armed’ part of ‘armed resistance’ refers precisely to that capacity, just as the de- prefix in ‘de-development’ takes aim at it. And the fedayeen understands this above all simply because the tools of his or her trade emerge at the intersection of internal productive capacities and global political alliances on the one hand and national sovereignty on the other, with the former being a necessary condition for the latter.

As I mentioned earlier, PLO researchers understood from Harry Magdoff and others that the decolonization of development would require at a minimum the breaking up of imperial monopoly controls over raw material and supply chains. This was the agenda of what Sayegh called “positive neutralism,” a doctrine that deserves more attention on another day. For now, it is sufficient to say positive neutralists and others associated with the non-alignment movement sought to overcome rigid monopolistic controls by creating a competitive market in which developing nations could obtain the necessary material inputs on the best terms possible. Sayegh calls this agenda, “nothing less than the revolt of the non-aligned countries […] It is their active response to the actual existence of a competitive situation in the mid-twentieth century world, making it possible for the emerging nations to strike back at the monopolists and their politically discriminatory or exploitative practices. It is their exercise of the prerogative to diversify their contacts in pursuit of the best and most abundant supplies as well as the most profitable and least disadvantageous terms.”23 If ‘anti-racism’ is at all an appropriate term, then it would take into account both positive neutralism and its facilitation of industrial development, including above all, the development of armaments and the capacity for self-defense.

The PLO’s diplomatic engagement with the U.N. was denounced as “the locomotive of retreat” by the PFLP, but it is not accurate to say everyone was just blithely going along for the ride.24 Jabbour makes clear that armed resistance is the most effective way forward, writing, “In the domain of concrete action, the UN suffers from limitations unknown to native armed resistance.”25 Along with many declarations of support for Palestinian armed resistance, in May 1975, just six months before his speech to the UN, Canadian immigration officers delayed Sayegh’s entry because he refused to denounce the use of violence in the liberation of Palestine.26 In fact, one basic lesson of Sayegh’s analyses is that, regarding the Palestine Problem, diplomacy and militancy are never effective in isolation.27 Diplomacy divorced from armed struggle often amounts to demilitarization, which Sayegh claimed is the first stage of occupation. When Netanyahu says in 2025, “We are not going to occupy Gaza […] Gaza will be demilitarized, and a peaceful civilian administration will be established,”28 Sayegh would respond, “[T]he demilitarization of any area of Palestine was never viewed by Israel as a final or permanent arrangement; demilitarization has invariably been viewed by Israel as a stepping-stone for Israeli occupation. The record is unmistakably clear; there is not a single exception to the pattern.”29 The impotency of diplomacy uncomplimented by militancy is evidenced by the repeal of 3379 in 1991 as a condition for the PLO’s entry into the Madrid Conference and the subsequent Oslo negotiations. Although Sayegh passed away in 1980, he already glimpsed what was to come with the 1978 Camp David accords, a diplomatic effort he decried as “the permanent dismemberment of the Palestinian people.”30

Sayegh’s role in passing Resolution 3379 must be approached in this context. It was not a naïve foray into diplomacy with the hope of shaming the colonists. Nor did it indicate an abandonment of the principles of armed resistance, the decolonization of industrial development, national security, and national sovereignty. The 1991 repeal of Resolution 3379 occurred conterminously with the fall of the Soviet Union, the end of the Bandung and Non-Aligned eras, the general weakening of Arab national and joint security, and the rise of widespread de-development along with feeble post-nationalist and post-humanist discourses. To engage Fayez Sayegh’s thought is to enter a different paradigm in which ‘racism’ and ‘anti-racism’ cannot be thought outside the constellation of initiatives including incursions against monopolized supply chains and the fortification of national security initiatives against colonial and imperial subjugation. Sayegh reminds us that diplomacy alone is insufficient, but at the same time Palestinian liberation requires more than just the courage of the fedayeen. It demands a corresponding struggle on the legal and diplomatic fronts, for Sayegh grasped the fact that “revolutionaries who are incapable of combining illegal forms of struggle with every form of legal struggle are poor revolutionaries indeed.”31

John Harfouch is an Associate Professor of Philosophy and author of books and articles on racism, orientalism, and Arab liberation. From 2024-2025 he was a Tanner Research Fellow at the University of Utah studying the Fayez Sayegh archive."]]></description>
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The Foundations of Zionism chronicles this development from Zionism's early origins up to the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1923, refuting many of the movement's own foundational myths - from its early relationship to the Palestinians to its exclusively religious character. Sabri Jiryis delves into Zionism's successive congresses and factional struggles, its early failures to settle in Palestine and the formation of armed militias, and its temporary alliances with the Ottoman Empire before the movement eventually secured support from Western colonial powers such as Britain. In a newly written conclusion, Jiryis reconsiders the Zionist project 100 years on from the Balfour Declaration and amid the ongoing genocide in Gaza."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://geoeconomic.substack.com/p/spare-a-state-subsidy-for-the-chainsaw">
    <title>Spare a State Subsidy for the Chainsaw Libertarian</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T21:52:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://geoeconomic.substack.com/p/spare-a-state-subsidy-for-the-chainsaw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How the American State Keeps Milei’s Libertarian Revolution Solvent"

...

"To survive in the bond market, libertarianism needs subsidies. That is the Karl Polanyi-style truth of Javier Milei’s Argentina, where a government that promised to torch the state is being kept afloat by the largest (and recently one of the most interventionist) one on earth. The chainsaw libertarian has become a client of the U.S. Treasury, and his self-proclaimed “miracle of freedom” now depends on swap lines, credit guarantees, and the willingness of Washington to keep the music playing. Milei’s anti-state experiment has revealed a truth that would make your libertarian economist of choice choke on their Chicago rump steak: markets do not liberate nations from politics—they entangle them in it.

When Milei took power, he promised to bulldoze the Peronist past and install an Argentina run by prices instead of politicians. He waved a chainsaw, shouted no hay plata, and vowed to end the culture of subsidies. His first acts were pure orthodoxy: deep spending cuts, deregulation, and a war on inflation. Investors, exhausted after years of Peronist improvisation, wanted to believe. Inflation fell, the budget briefly balanced, and from US to Romania the libertarian Twitter lit up with charts showing the resurrection of rational economics at the tip of South America. For a few months, Milei seemed like the man who would finally do what his predecessors couldn’t—cut with shouts and show the cord between Argentina and the state.

Then the arithmetic hit. The peso, propped up to keep inflation under control, drained the central bank’s reserves. Growth sputtered. The middle class, already hollowed out by decades of crises, began to sour on the revolution. A corruption scandal touched Milei’s sister and closest confidante. Provincial governors turned against him. His approval rating sagged and, with midterm elections looming, so did the peso. Investors, ever skittish about Argentina’s serial defaults, started to flee."

...

"The Milei case is revealing because it signals a U.S. comeback in Latin America and because it shows how easily ideology bends to liquidity. The man who preached the gospel of self-reliance is now proof that in the global economy, no one is truly sovereign. The market rewards conviction right up until it doesn’t, and then it rewards whoever can call the Treasury. There is always money, somewhere, if the politics line up. The question is how long a libertarian government can live on external credit before it becomes just another debtor with good slogans. For now, Milei is learning the oldest Argentine lesson of all: that ideology is a luxury and liquidity is destiny.

In Buenos Aires cafés, people joke that every president comes to office with a new theory and leaves with a new exchange rate. Chances are Milei will be no different. What sets him apart is the spectacle of a libertarian being kept alive by the same subsidies he vowed to destroy, his revolution financed by the very state he loathes. The world is watching a political experiment mutate into a geopolitical derivative. Libertarianism has become a carry trade: high yield, high risk, and ultimately dependent on a backstop."]]></description>
<dc:subject>javiermilei 2025 argentina libertarianism bailouts economics economy us ustreasury subsidies karlpolanyi governance government romania anarcholibertarianism southamerica latinamerica scottbessent donaldtrump china chile peronism peronismo perú brazil brasil buenosaires elections monetarypolicy ideology cornelban policy foreignpolicy</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:fcb304241162/</dc:identifier>
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