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    <title>The Anarchist Ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:16:08+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Conversations on Anarres, we talk with Dr. Sergio Gallegos, who teaches philosophy at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice for the City University of New York, about the anarchist ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón.  

A key figure in the development of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Flores Magón was deeply inspired by anarchist thought and worked to organize workers on both sides of the Mexican/U.S. border.  He fled from Mexico into the United States during the revolution and inspired labor struggles among Mexican American workers.  Flores Magón died in a US prison in 1921.

Gallegos focuses his work on the ethical theory of Flores Magón, which we reconstructs from numerous sources, including Flores Magón's political writing, journalism, and plays.  Gallegos argues that Flores Magón offers a unique ethical outlook that urges us to take action against poverty and pervasive structural inequality that robs the majority of people of liberty.  He believes that these ethical lessons have a lot to tell us about how to frame social movements today."]]></description>
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    <title>Vuela alto, tupamaro - Editorial - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-14T16:20:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z_APdUE4tKc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[full episode:

"Vuela alto, Pepe | EL TABLERO" (Canal Red)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dnvEa142Ucs ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>pepemujica 2025 politics uruguay revolution integrity lauraarroyo josémujica legacy ideals resistance approriation identity pragmatism revolutionaries freedom dictatorship imperialism antiiperialism fascism antifascism guerilleros socialjustice humanrights socialsim wealthredistribution economics socialism struggle politicization democracy horizontality capitalism anticapitalism well-being wellbeing class humility obituaries amlo gustavopetro evomorales internationalism solidarity neoliberalism dinaboluarte micaelabastidas tupamaros túpacamaruii andrésmanuellópezobrador</dc:subject>
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    <title>Steven Salaita, &quot;No Resurrection: The Life and Death of the Modern University&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-27T18:49:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fFMPB756-mI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[transcript (not including the Q&A, which contains some great stuff, not the least of which is the Black Philadelphian woman who speaks for a short while towards the end):
https://stevesalaita.com/no-resurrection-the-life-and-death-of-the-modern-university/

"After a lifetime in religious, conservative states, I was excited to move to Wisconsin.  Most of Whitewater’s faculty lived in Madison—about a fifty-minute drive, give or take—and my wife and I decided to do the same.  I had great hopes for a vibrant political life.  Madison was known to be one of the most progressive cities in the United States. 

That reputation turned out to be true, but it led to disappointment rather than vibrancy.  It didn’t take me long to understand that “progressive” came with its own problems—namely, that it is mostly just conservativism with a different aesthetic. 

The point was driven home during my second year at Whitewater.  A group of activists from UW-Madison was trying to implement divestment resolutions at the various UW campuses.  These were the early days of BDS—Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions—and the activists were more often met with hostility than curiosity.  One of their leaders was a philosophy graduate student named Mohammed Abed, who was an absolute dynamo.  Persistent and brilliant, Mohammed left his fingerprints all over the movement. 

It wasn’t only Zionists or individuals/institutions invested in Zionism that early BDS leaders had to persuade; many, if not most, radical faculty at the time were reluctant or lukewarm.  Some were outright hostile to the idea of boycotting Israel.  People now recognize BDS as what the youth like to call “the bare minimum,” but at the start we had a hell of a time getting leftist faculty on board.  The hesitancy corresponded to a person’s stature or the prestige of their institutional affiliation.  As is typical of professors, they came aboard only when BDS became a marketable commitment. 

Anyway, that was the context in which Mohammed and his friends were operating.  They had made significant progress in Madison and were eager to organize Whitewater’s faculty.  I met with them and explained that there was a decent chance of succeeding.  My department was filled with people who considered themselves scholar-activists and always seemed to be agitating for or against something or other. 

We managed to get the question of divestment onto the agenda of the next faculty senate meeting, which the crew from Madison would attend.  The agenda item attracted notice and I heard some of my colleagues whispering about it.  They were planning to go, I gathered. 

It was with great excitement that I turned up at the senate meeting, confident that divestment was the perfect issue for intellectuals who had opposed the U.S. invasion of Iraq, who were disgusted by racism, and who spent most of their time complaining about reactionaries.  Indeed, a number of colleagues from my department were there, along with folks from throughout the college.  We chitchatted until the meeting was called to order.  After Mohammed’s group had presented the case for divestment, the chair opened up the floor for comment. 

One by one, my colleagues stepped forward to oppose the resolution."

...

"I also insist on pointing out that the current situation is no surprise to anybody who has been paying attention to Zionist tactics on campus over the past few decades, although the depth and intensity of the persecution has been jarring.  There has never been a moment when Zionists allowed for expressions of dissent.  They’ve been targeting Palestinian students and professors since at least the 1960s.  It was never quaint.  They were just as brutal thirty years ago as they are today.  Only the dynamics have changed.  

Too many people who pretended to know better humored their nonsense.  Why?  I’m not always sure.  Could be ambition, could be tacit affinity, could be self-preservation, could be old-fashioned cowardice.  Whatever the reason, not enough faculty with power, or with access to power, stood up for the vulnerable—not just Palestinians, but contingent faculty, Black people, immigrants, grad student unionizers, and workers usually absent from the conversation altogether (gardeners and custodians and cafeteria staff and bus drivers).  Some of those faculty outright aligned with management.  This compliance is how they earned proximity to power in the first place. 

Herein exists the great danger of not abiding by a set of principles vis-à-vis the dispossessed and acting on those principles as necessary.  A bunch of nobodies get punished.  Everyone shrugs.  Friends of those nobodies urge somebody, anybody, to act.  Everyone shrugs, but with a careful eye on the situation.  When the issue hits the news cycle and becomes a controversy, they finally act, but not to support the nobodies who are now somebody.  Oh, they may say the right things, but it’s the spotlight, not the injustice, that has piqued their attention.  Their role now is to temper or coopt any radical potential emerging from the discontent.  They are no longer shrugging.  Now they are intellectuals.  Now they are leaders. 

Does this sound fanciful?  I guess, if you want it to.  All I can tell you is that I lived it, more than once.  And I’ve observed the process in action dozens of times since.  It’s like an emerging fashion trend:  once you notice it the first time, it suddenly becomes ubiquitous.  I’m not trying to theorize from afar; I’m explaining in practical terms how so-called radicals can perpetuate the very system they apparently oppose. 

This culture of social climbing meant that the professorial class was completely unprepared for the Zionist genocide and the intensified persecution that came along with it.  By “unprepared,” I mean intellectually, politically, and organizationally.  Intellectual unpreparedness was evident in the many think-pieces pathologizing Palestinians as latently warlike and by the compulsion to prioritize the angst of Israeli settlers and diasporic Jews.  Political unpreparedness came about through a longstanding addiction to Westphalian buzzwords like “democracy,” “human rights,” and “authoritarianism” without a concomitant recognition that in practice they usually reify the logic of U.S. imperialism.  Organizational unpreparedness was probably the most damning problem.  Few campuses had structures in place that could repel managerial abuse.  More people needed to be strike-ready, for example.  (Not that striking appears to have been a consideration.)  Faculty should always try to develop networks that allow them to move quickly against administration in moments of crisis.  Enough faculty need to want this kind of network for it to even be a consideration, which is a proto-problem perhaps greater than the subsequent one.  

So now, as the Zionist entity continues to triumphantly steal land and terrorize its neighbors, and as universities have become open participants in this terrorization, our options appear to be twofold:  speak up and risk being neutralized or pretend that higher education will course correct because it is inherently virtuous. 

The second option no longer exists.  It never did, to be clear.  The virtues of higher education were always tethered to capital accumulation.  I’m speaking in a more literal sense:  it’s too late for nostalgia or romanticism.  The university can no longer pretend to be a benighted site of inquiry and erudition, some peaceful, hermetic landscape outside of “the real world.”  It killed its own mythology.  And it’s not getting resurrected.

*****

The vicious campaigns of repression we’re seeing throughout the West (and in many Arab countries) are both an extension and byproduct of the Zionist genocide.  I mentioned earlier that there is plenty of precedent for what we’re currently seeing.  That precedent goes well beyond Palestine and originates with Black and Indigenous peoples, communists (or perceived communists), and so forth.  However, there are some new developments worth attention. 

For instance, we’re seeing an unprecedented marshaling of administrative resources, which allows for a large volume of repressive acts.  The repression affects both individuals and organizations.  Safety in numbers no longer exists for the activist, but the numbers benefit management because despite the increased capital it requires, mass punishment exhausts the diminishing resources of the oppressed.  Management, like the state it wishes to protect, has opted for collective punishment. 

The most noteworthy development is emphasis on Zionism as an inborn characteristic.  The notion of Zionism as somehow being an immutable feature of Jewishness has been around for a while, although Jewish scholars of various ideological leanings have cautioned against it.  Now Zionist organizations are putting it forward as an indisputable truth to be codified in law.  Maura Finkelstein, for example, was fired from a tenured position at Muhlenberg College, just up the road, based on this rationale.  According to Muhlenberg, Finkelstein didn’t create a hostile atmosphere for Jews (although this accusation was evident in the complaints about her); she created one for Zionists, which required nothing more than empathy for Palestinians. 

Other universities have run with the precedent.  Currently, politicians across North America and Europe are rushing to make “Zionist” a protected category even as they roll back or eliminate hard-fought civil rights victories for other minority groups.  It’s a curious move.  Although it will clearly have some short-term benefit to the pro-Israel crowd, it has potential to be a long-term disaster.  It used to be that anti-Zionism was conflated with antisemitism to create a pretext for recrimination; now the anti-Zionism itself is verboten on grounds of racial intolerance.  I can see no happy ending for either Jews or Palestinians in this scenario. 

Speaking of “antisemitism”—and here I put it in quotation marks to denote the accusation and not the act itself—let me speak directly to self-described anti-Zionist Jews who insist on shoehorning antisemitism into conversations about Palestine.  I don’t know how else to say it, so I’ll just say it:  nobody’s interested in entertaining that bullshit any longer.  Nobody has the capacity to entertain it any longer.  We’ve spent eighteen months watching corpses pile up in Gaza.  Our families.  Our friends.  Our compatriots.  We’re seeing the Zionist entity steal more land by the week and bomb four countries at the same time.  We’re being silenced with brute force throughout the Global North.  All in the name of safety and security for the Jewish people.  Pardon us for not being in the mood to humor the rationale for our own obsolescence. 

Not to mention that for decades these haphazard allegations of “antisemitism” have caused us—Palestinians, Muslims, Black people, dissident Jews—tremendous harm, as individuals and communities.  Nevertheless, out of courtesy and a sense of compassion innate to our politics, we went out of our way to reassure you that our opposition to Israel has nothing to do with animosity toward Jewish peoplehood or to Judaism in general.  We often set aside our own concerns to highlight these distinctions.  We wanted an inclusive space and I’m deeply proud to have been part of many movements boasting a multi-ethnic and -confessional disposition.  We tried to practice a vision of liberation and more often than not we succeeded. 

And still countless people had their reputations destroyed, lost their jobs, got snatched up and deported.  Now we can see the endgame.  It wasn’t just our problem as Palestinians or Muslims or Black people or as anti-Zionists in general.  No, it was an obvious prelude to rightwing dominion.  Phony charges of antisemitism led to the destruction of Corbyn’s movement in the UK; while that movement had some flaws, it also showed real promise and offered a sense of hope to people otherwise treated as surplus.  These phony charges are a reliable way to undermine revolutionary Black politics and have been used to impede the momentum of every decolonial formation in recent history.  Now they’re the main justification for police brutality, expulsion of students, revocation of degrees, cancellation of visas, travel bans, speech restrictions, and judicial hostility.  “Antisemitism” has become the soundtrack to fascism. 

I also want to point out that the Palestine solidarity movement never needed to be educated about the distinction between Zionists and Jewish people, certainly not by Westerners with little to no understanding of Palestinian culture and history.  Our intellectuals and freedom fighters already made that distinction.  It’s there in Antonius, in Habash, in Kanafani, in Bernawi, in Said, in Khaled, in Odeh.  It’s there in the communiques of every single political party formed in Palestine since 1900.  The inherent racism of Zionism, even in its humanistic iterations, should have been a much greater focus.  Instead, well-meaning (and bad faith) observers spent decades excusing Zionism as a mere disagreement.  This emphasis on the ontology of the settler is a source of great frustration in the Palestine solidarity movement.  Gratuitous accusations of antisemitism have functioned as the one of the most effective counterrevolutionary tactics of the past hundred years.  

Those accusations merely provide the government a reason to make lots of good people miserable."

...

"We should bare our teeth in return.  I suggest moving away from civil liberties as an organizing principle and intellectual approach.  Access and redistribution are more important goals.  More difficult, yes, but more impactful, with much greater potential.  Faculty have to seriously think about various forms of refusal or withholding labor altogether.  Forms of refusal might include walkouts, cancelling classes, not turning in grades, and declining to participate in assessment and other bureaucratic hassles (this one should be an easy sell).  Any refusal should come with an explanation highlighting its purpose and specifying what is needed to resume operations.  Withholding labor can come in the form of authorized or wildcat strikes.  Sometimes a campus needs to be shut down.  When a university is actively harming its own students and employees, then making that university inoperable is more than a strategy; it is an ethical commitment to the well-being of those suffering the harm.

I would also recommend refusing to collaborate with anyone known to back the genocide, whether the backing is loud or lowkey.  This tactic is less impactful than direct action, and might be seen as a form of personal satisfaction, but if it’s widely adopted as a practice then it will prevent Zionism from being accepted as normative, one of the few sources of power available for us to leverage.  

Likewise, go ahead and quit paying dues to scholarly associations that refuse to adopt BDS or are otherwise complicit in Zionist aggression.  Workshops 4 Gaza has a page set up where you can direct the money to organizations working on the ground in Palestine, instead.  Donating in general is a good idea.  Money is never not useful to the oppressed. 

In any case, we’re not at a disadvantage because we lack ideas, but because we lack power.  Human beings have incredible capacity to devise creative forms of resistance.  The best contribution I can make to the process is a firm suggestion that amid the current impasse, we cannot let revolutionary sentiment be lost to nostalgia about a free and open-minded university that never actually existed.

*****

I still believe in the ability of universities to serve the collective good.  I hope to someday inhabit a society in which this kind of university can exist; the current one is salted against the possibility.  The universities in the United States are too invested in imperialism—that is, extraction and accumulation—to serve the needs of the people.  Because of Palestine, they no longer bother to hide their allegiance. 

I spent five years away from campus and when I returned in 2022 it was a different scene.  Many things were the same, of course.  Some students are serious, some are immature.  Some know what they want to do, some are waiting to decide.  Some are ideologues, some are apolitical.  Almost all immerse themselves in the excitement of new relationships.  As a group, they possess an infectious sense of curiosity and promise.  These things, I reckon, are universal. 

But technology and politics had moved into new territories since my last gig in 2017.  Machine learning models were just hitting the market.  Bureaucratic obligations for faculty had increased.  Contingent and part-time teachers took on an even greater load.  Upper administrators had proliferated.  Many of our tasks were now automated, which ironically increased the amount of time they required.  And the youth somehow seemed older.  They understood, if only implicitly, that they were entering into a world of economic scarcity, a world of ecological precarity, a world of ideological crisis.  I had experienced some rough times in academe, but still I found it to be more depressing than ever. 

Palestine remained a controversial topic, but student activists had done a terrific job of making it legible to their peers and working for policies to address their institutions’ complicity in Zionist colonization.  I nonetheless had a distinct sense that management adhered to a tenuous detente which would collapse if activists became too unruly.  The events following October 7 bore out the feeling. 

There was always a latent hostility to Palestinians underlying managerial professions of tolerance and inclusiveness, punctuated by moments in which the hostility became explicit.  Now the hostility has become the default and I can’t imagine any path to reconciliation in the current environment. 

We’re talking about places that are punishing students and employees for opposing a genocide.  Let me repeat:  they are punishing students and employees for opposing a genocide.  A genocide which their government underwrites.  A genocide in which the same universities they attend are implicated.  The only way this observation fails to resonate is if you don’t appreciate the exceptional gravity of genocide, a problem that seems to afflict lots of people in the Global North. 

What does an education mean amid so much brutality transmitted onto our screens?  And what does it say that we view attending class and concern for the genocide as separate pursuits, if not dialogic opposites?  Sure, there can be overlap and even synergy, but the reality is that those of us who follow the news about Palestine find education to be a distraction or a nuisance.  What we do suddenly doesn’t feel so goddamn important.  Indeed, it feels almost vulgar to be padding around campus while so many people are suffering, their pantries empty, their universities destroyed. 

We’re long past the point where we should have dropped the notion of a sanctified campus, but now the very idea of the university is in question.  Gaza has no universities left.  Class mobility through education only applies to people located in centers of wealth, and even then wealth accumulates unilaterally.  We shouldn’t abide notions of uplift that are predicated on destitution. 

It’s hard anymore to pretend to students that our classes should be the most consequential thing in their lives—and this was the case before the Zionist genocide.  More and more I’m making allowances for aspects of life that are meaningful in a world filled with dread and sorrow:  iftar dinners, childcare, family visits, fieldtrips, and so forth.  It’s not always the outside world that creates distress.  Campuses are now part of the hostile externalities from which students need an escape."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita 2025 us universities colleges highereducation highered palestine academicfreedom zionism gaza genocide ethniccleansing israel colonialism colonization bds boycott divestment sanctions mohammedabed progressivism progressive progressiveexceptpalestine civilliberties access accessibility redistribution walkouts refusal resistance labor wildcatstrikes strikes organzing workers work unions allies nationalism patriotism rebellion revolution centrism pragmatism democrats moderates suspension expulsion policebrutality arrest doxing defamation deportation persecution oppression repression suppression zionistmccarthyism mccarthyism antizionism tenure power faculty solidarity compliance principles socialclimbing terrorization terrorism antisemitism democracy humanrights authoritarianism radicalism hypocrisy organizations institutions maurafinkelstein jeremycorbyn islamophobia travelbans fascism racism capitalism militarism antagonism administrativebloat automation management ai artificialintelligence preca</dc:subject>
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    <title>Late Fascist Aesthetics [Katie Ebner-Landy]: A Theory of the Online Forum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-24T20:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When we think of “early fascist” aesthetics, we think of uniforms, visual symbols, and crowds. “Late fascist” aesthetics – though not without symbols and crowds – has another tool at its disposal: the online forum. Join us to examine the use of the online forum by the contemporary far right to move from fiction to reality in ways that other political aesthetics have long dreamed of."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://kishorebalasubramanian.wordpress.com/thoreaus-view-on-progress/">
    <title>Thoreau’s view on Technological Progress | Kishore Balasubramanian English IOP</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-08T18:25:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kishorebalasubramanian.wordpress.com/thoreaus-view-on-progress/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Thoreau was fascinated by technology despite his nature friendly ideals. In the  mid-nineteenth century he lived through the inventions of many life changing inventions, such as power looms, railroads, and the telegraph. But these inventions were products of a larger movement, the industrial revolution, in which Thoreau saw  the destruction of nature for monetary gains. In Thoreau’s view technological progress  was that technological progress was counterproductive because it served as a distraction from the more important questions of life. He was stubbornly skeptical of the idea that any materialistic improvement of life can bring the inner peace and contentment which he deemed were true measures of progress. To him, technology and the exponential rate technological advancement took man in the right direction to the wrong destination.

One clear example of Thoreau’s resistance to technological progress was in his criticism of the train (Sounds from Walden), which throughout Europe and America was a symbol of  technological progress.  Thoreau saw the train  as a false idol of social progress. He feels that it is better for one to stay at home and contemplate thoughtfully on spirituality and personal ideas than to commute from place to place without actually engaging in any productive thinking.  To Thoreau, technological development was a kind of change, but rather for the worse. Thoreau feels that  it prevents  an individual’s personal progress  by creating a mind-numbing amount of labor and by imposing materialistic values.  Thoreau also resented the way the new technological advancements made people feel like they were free when in reality they were being subjected to a new form of slavery. Mechanical slavery.  To Thoreau trains, and all technological “improvements”,  represented an illusion of a control. Although we are free to choose our destination, we are not free to chose our path.  For example in a train station, one must always follow fixed train schedules and routes. In an airport, one must book tickets in advance and mold their plans around the availability of the tickets. Thus, although we say we are free to do what we want, are we really? This was the question put forth my Thoreau.

Because Transcendental philosophy emphasized spirituality and morality and disregarded the materialistic, the Transcendentalists like Thoreau  resented technological progress and its effect on the workforce. They wanted people to question the actual purpose of technological improvements,  Thoreau, for instance, wrote in the chapter of Walden titled “Economy”:

<blockquote>“As with our colleges, so with a hundred “modern improvements”; there is an illusion about them; there is not always a positive advance. . . . Our inventions are wont to be pretty toys, which distract our attention   from serious things. They are but improved means to an unimproved end. . . . We are in great haste to construct a magnetic telegraph from Maine to Texas; but Maine and Texas, it may be, have nothing important to communicate.“</blockquote>

To him, the biggest problem  with technology is that it’s just there. It was also new, affordable, and popular making people think that since earlier generations did without it, must therefore have progressed.  He also felt that people have to spend too much time working to earn money to afford technology and that technology tends to distance us from the natural environment.

Both these points are  illustrated in the following passage in Economy (from Walden):

<blockquote>One says to me, “I wonder that you do not lay up money; you love to travel; you might take the cars and go to Fitchburg today and see the country.” But I am wiser than that. I have learned that the swiftest traveler is he that goes afoot. I say to my friend, Suppose we try to see who will get there first. The distance is thirty miles; the fare ninety cents. That is almost a day’s wages. I remember when wages were sixty cents a day for laborers on this very road. Well, I start now on foot, and get there before night; I have travelled at that rate by the week together. You will in the meanwhile have earned your fare, and arrive there some time tomorrow, or possibly this evening, if you are lucky enough to get a job in season. Instead of going to Fitchburg, you will be working here the greater part of the day.</blockquote>

Travelling by train might seem to be the most ‘efficient’ way to travel, but Thoreau challenges us to rethink how this new technology affects our experience and what are its full costs. And although Thoreau’s example here considers transportation only, the points he makes are generally applicable to all our decisions relating to technology.

The book Walden by Thoreau is, among other things, a book about progress. According to Thoreau technological advances such as the railroad and the telegraph have sped up life at an inhuman rate. Increasing the amount of time we have to spent of technology and decreasing the amount of time we have to think.  Instead of the people running the machines, the machines are running the people. No matter how hard we work, we can never keep pace, let alone pause to think about what we’re doing.  Thoreau wants us all to slow down and reconnect with real time, Nature’s time. By slowing down, we give ourselves some space to think about our values and the direction this fast-paced life is taking us. Live simply.

<blockquote>“Our life is frittered away by detail. Simplify, simplify, simplify! I say, let your affairs be as two or three, and not a hundred or a thousand; instead of a million count half a dozen, and keep your accounts on your thumb-nail”</blockquote>

Thoreau placed the above words in action during his “experiment” at Walden Pond from 1845 to 1847. His 2 year stay with nature was Thoreau’s proof that material progress was not necessary for a rich life."

[via:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zgXgkpu7pkg ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>thoreau technology progress nature ideals resistance luddism liddites prosperity slow small liberation freedom simplicity voluntarysimplicity life living philosophy machines luddites</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gd08rqVjAxE">
    <title>&quot;Double Agents&quot;: Lobbyists for Big Tech, Universities &amp; Eco Groups Also Work for Big Oil - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-08T20:12:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gd08rqVjAxE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[references:

"‘Double agents’: fossil-fuel lobbyists work for US groups trying to fight climate crisis
Exclusive: new database shows 1,500 US lobbyists working for fossil-fuel firms while representing universities and green groups"
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jul/05/double-agent-fossil-fuel-lobbyists ]

"A damning new database reveals thousands of lobbyists are working for fossil fuel companies at the same time they represent hundreds of cities, universities, tech companies and even environmental groups that claim to be taking steps to address the climate crisis. We speak with _The Guardian_'s environmental reporter Oliver Milman. "It's clear that the wielding of political power and influence is far more important to them than staying true to any kind of ideals of distancing themselves fully from the fossil fuel industry," says Milman.

Transcript:
https://www.democracynow.org/2023/7/7/guardian_investigation_fossil_fuel_lobbyists ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2or3things.tumblr.com/post/161316248271/printing-press-at-bloemstraat-amsterdam-1966">
    <title>Two or Three Things I Know About Provo - On printing Provo</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-25T18:29:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2or3things.tumblr.com/post/161316248271/printing-press-at-bloemstraat-amsterdam-1966</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Printing press at Bloemstraat, Amsterdam (circa 1966). Page from ‘Het Witte Gevaar’ (Meulenhoff, 1967). The caption reads “Work-shy Provos, Rob Stolk (in the foreground) and Fred Fontijn (in the background), operating the Provo press”.

On printing Provo

‘Je Bevrijden van de Drukpers’ (‘To Liberate Yourself from the Printing Press’) was a Dutch article published in 1991 in the magazine ‘Jeugd en Samenleving’ (‘Youth and Society’). Written by the archivist, activist and artist Tjebbe van Tijen, the article featured interviews with a selection of people that were, each in their own way, involved in the printing of independent youth magazines. One of the persons being interviewed was Rob Stolk. What follows is a translation of the full interview.

Provo 1965–1967

I never attended a school for printing, so I wasn’t fully aware of all the possibilities available for publishing pamphlets. And if you aren’t aware of that, there’s only one thing you’re focused on, and that’s the costs. When you have an idealistic background, and you want to publish printed matter (an anti-war pamphlet, for example), it basically means that you won’t recover your money.

My first produced pamphlet was related to the activities we undertook as pacifist-socialist youngsters. We used a stencil duplicator (mimeograph machine) owned by a comrade of the PSP [Pacifist Socialist Party] at his place on the Westzijde in Zaandam. That thing was ancient, you had to operate it manually.

If we wanted to add something fancy, like an illustration, we had to order a ‘photo stencil’, as we didn’t own a stencil-making machine ourselves. A stencil like that costed us seven and a half guilders, a considerable sum in those days. We picked up those stencils in Amsterdam, at the Spuistraat.

When we mimeographed the first issue of Provo, we were offered the use of the machine of mister De Groot, a subscriber to ‘Recht voor Allen’ [a Dutch anarcho-socialist magazine, originally founded in 1879], who had one of those machines standing in his attic. We were printing there until the early hours. That guy really enjoyed that he could support us that way. He had always hoped that a new generation would keep his ideals alive.

The first issue of Provo was mimeographed in an edition of 500, of which approximately 100 copies were actually distributed. The rest was confiscated by the police because of a text on how to manufacture bombs, a 19th century nonsense article that came illustrated with a glued-in firecracker.

This immediately meant that there was enormous demand for the second issue. We printed 2000 of those; a gigantic task. Part of that edition was eventually printed at Roneo in the Spuistraat. Imagine those guys dressed in tidy suits and grey dust-coats, printing our magazine surrounded by office machines.

At a certain point, we started relocating our stencil machine. We had so much trouble with pamphlets being confiscated, because of insults to the queen and pranks like that – we just had to keep on moving the machine.

One time, we were printing an issue of Provo in a tiny room in the Staatsliedenbuurt, in the house of a lady who had no idea what the magazine was about, but she assumed it was alright since her son was involved. I was constantly dragging suitcases and piles of paper around; nobody knew the location of the machine but me.

Very quickly, it became clear to us that the distribution of Provo was dependent only on our ability to produce it. The demand was huge. The public had no idea what these Provos were about, and much to everybody’s surprise, these kids also published a magazine! That was a huge difference compared to the previous image of ‘pleiners’, ‘dijkers’ and ’nozems’ [Dutch youth cultures, comparable to mods, rockers and teddy boys], thugs no one really understood. In that sense, the Provos were perceived quite differently: at least, they published a magazine!

We then bought an offset press, and installed it in a tiny basement. That was in the Bloemstraat, at Henk Raaf’s place, who ran a small travel agency from there. This was around 1966. After the 10th of March [the riots during the wedding procession of Princess Beatrix and Claus von Amsberg], we were all arrested. The police had a rough idea where the press was located; they had the feeling that if they would manage to the confiscate the press, the trouble would be over – that’s the way they thought back then. It never occurred to them that the press would be located in a neat building, in the basement of a travel agency. They were searching for long-haired people who were walking in and out of houses carrying printed matter, but of course, carrying printed matter in and out of a traveling agency was considered to be very normal. So they never found that press.

The print run of later editions of Provo reached 10,000. These copies were paid for only partially. If a new issue of Provo rolled off the press, youngsters came by to take stacks of magazines with them. Loe/Lou van Nimwegen [responsible for the administrative part of the printing] gave them 25 copies each. They sold those copies for 70 cent or so, and had to pay us part of that. Some of these guys you never saw back, while others just kept on selling.

Some of them sold a couple of hundred copies on a single day; they immediately had enough money on them for the whole month. Maybe that was the problem; there was not enough stimulus to keep things going. We also tried to distribute the magazine through Van Gelder. Maybe that was exactly the strength of the magazine: the fact that the supply never met the demand, so that it always stayed something of a curiosity. If you managed to get a copy, it was special. It was never professionally organized, in terms of distribution.

Swiftly setting a text is a difficult task. You always had to search for the right typewriter, with the best letter. You wanted to act quickly, so you didn’t want to rely on suppliers of professional typography. This meant that aesthetically, things could get problematic. But of course, this was exactly what made the design so specifically subcultural. It went against the commercial design of mainstream printed culture – a mainstream culture that was boring and annoying.

True, within the Provo movement there were also designers who, within other contexts, designed beautiful things; costly productions that were in a different league compared to the printed matter of Provo. But then again, we never had the pretension to measure ourselves against that. Subversive printed matter simply wasn’t meant to be beautiful.

I have always operated from the absolute minimum of money and assets. The people who were participating in these publications didn’t have a dime to spare. The plan was to produce it as cheap as possible, and to distribute it as wide as possible.

It was around that time that, at magazines such as Hitweek, a new form of design came into existence – one that was very different from the design that was common at advertising agencies. Also, with the rise of offset printing, it was no longer the typesetter who performed the job according to the instructions of the client; instead, the whole discipline of design became separated from the printing. The offset plate became the medium that could be filled with images and typography completely independent of the printer’s typesetting case.

I once cooperated with Chris Hahn on a booklet that included photos by Koen Wessing, documenting the riots during Beatrix’ wedding. It was printed quite weakly, but that was because we had a tiny offset press that was impossible to apply any ink on. Although we screened (‘rasterized’) the images quite decently, especially considering the time, the machine just couldn’t pull it off. We printed it on A4 sheets – it was still a pretty neat publication for those days. But again, the costs and the proceeds didn’t match up.

It just wasn’t organized well enough to sustain. That’s typical though for political projects: the distribution is geared mainly to get the publication to as many people as possible, not to get any money back.

Hitweek [a then ‘hip’ Dutch music magazine] was a commercial enterprise, where they took into consideration the costs, the office hours, the phone bills. If we would have produced Provo in such a way it would have had a larger reach, especially if we would have included music coverage. But there were a lot of people who weren’t into that. Roel van Duijn wasn’t exactly a fan of the Beatles.

In the end, a magazine is a conspiracy of people who all have a say about it. And if these people don’t agree on a subject, the tendency is to keep that subject out of the magazine. Cooperation consists of that what you do together.

It also depended on who was momentarily responsible for the content. This responsibility was handed over from person to person. In the beginning it was mainly Roel’s job, but if he dominated too much editorially, it was pulled from his hands. Which meant that he refused to take part in the following issue, resulting in a totally different editorial tone.

I always wanted to employ my own printing press, because I always longed to publish things, for example magazines like Bethaniënnieuws or Nieuwsmarkt [magazines affiliated with Aktiegroep Nieuwmarkt]. In my view, these initiatives could only be conceivable if you had your own printing press.

If you have to work with budgets like these, with print runs like these, on initiatives like these, and it lasts for only one or two issues – it’s impossible to deal with. In the end, we could only continue our activities by trying to make money with printing; by taking on assignments. Added to that, we owned some money from selling the Provo archive. So we had some resources to continue printing.

But it still remained a struggle to keep on going. Just look at the difficulties that Bluf [an ’80s squatting magazine] had, trying to sustain in a non-profit way.

On the rise of screen-printed posters, especially those designed in the ’60s by Ontbijt op Bed [a Provo-related group from Maastricht]:

These posters were of a beauty… Spectacular, wonderful, really incredible. So, just like Kees Graaf [printer of Ontbijt op Bed], I started screen-printing, but without the know-how and resources that he had.

The problem remained though: how to make a living…

On the rise of psychedelic posters, which also happened around that time:

That was something we had nothing to do with; this whole sphere of ‘alternative culture’… In our eyes, those posters were still commercial commodities. We did everything we could to avoid that scene. Which is why I also worked as a plasterer, doing construction work with Ronnie and Otto, because I’d rather do that than to print commercially. To me, printing was something sacred; it was my weapon, a way to manifest oneself, and to cause confusion.

More and more, I realized I didn’t want to stand in the foreground of the activities I participated in. That would have been very counterproductive as well: to give the impression that it was “always the same guys”. In that sense, Provo also became very counterproductive.

Everything that came after Provo had an easier time manifesting itself, because of the vacuum that Provo left behind. Provo stopped, but the ideas was still there, the newspapers took notice, there was a voice that wasn’t there before. People outside the official circuit were suddenly being heard. You only had to start a committee or group, and you were in the news. If people were agitated about certain issues, it was in the newspapers. Before Provo, that was unthinkable.

Apart from those printing companies who weren’t members of the Koninklijk Verbond van Drukkerijen [trade organization for printers] and artists printing independently, Provo was one of the first post-war presses that wasn’t being exploited as a commercial printing company. Many others followed that example.

After the liquidation of Provo, we handed over the press for 6000 guilders or so, which we used to pay off our debts at the paper suppliers. The press was passed on to ASVA [a left-wing student organization], who set up SSP, the Stichting Studentenpers [the Students’ Press]. The SSP still exists, but I don’t know if they are still affiliated with ASVA.

This whole counterculture of independent printers has more a political background than a cultural background, at least in The Netherlands. It was quite simple in those days to get hold of a cheap, reasonably functioning press. The bar to start a printing company wasn’t set so high: if you had a couple of thousand guilders, you had a pretty decent Rotaprint press. The clients weren’t so demanding, so all it took was a minimum of means.

If a client asks you to deliver a certain product, you have to deal with a totally different set of requirements than when you only have to meet your own requirements. If it’s your own initiative to publish something, then what matters most is the content, not the quality of printing. There was an urgency then to get the information out as quickly as possible, to as many readers as possible.

In fact, I still believe that a simple text can be more important than the most intricate design. It is certainly possible to express something original, without it being printed perfectly. You should be able to look beyond the design.

It seems very clear to me that a country without a free press is a country that sucks, because it is a country that conceals things. A society in which people have the possibility to organize themselves freely, to express themselves freely, is always a better society. I am fully convinced that the free press is one of the most important forces behind the progress of human society.

Rob Stolk (as interviewed by Tjebbe van Tijen), Amsterdam 1991”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-analog-city-and-the-digital-city">
    <title>The Analog City and the Digital City — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2020-11-08T23:13:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/the-analog-city-and-the-digital-city</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One way to understand our moment is to recognize that digital technology is reconfiguring the nature of the self that enters into the political arena, even as it restructures the arena itself. The contrast between those who mainly inhabit the Digital City and those who still primarily inhabit the Analog City becomes increasingly stark. Simple appeals to conventions and solutions grounded in the Analog City now ring hollow. The old virtues and ideals, as well as the institutions they sustained, have lost their purchase on the imagination. They have lost their “self-evident” character. Like the early moderns, our reigning world picture has shattered and we are casting about for new ways of building consensus, new ways of coping with the challenges of pluralism, new ways of ordering society toward the common good. At the moment, however, it appears that digital media tends toward political and epistemic fragmentation, not consensus, and toward the implausibility of any substantive account of the common good. In other words, it may be that things will get worse before they get better.

In a 1982 talk on the cultural and political consequences of computation, Ivan Illich issued a warning that is even more urgent today:

<blockquote>The machine-like behavior of people chained to electronics constitutes a degradation of their well-being and of their dignity which, for most people in the long run, becomes intolerable. Observations of the sickening effect of programmed environments show that people in them become indolent, impotent, narcissistic and apolitical. The political process breaks down, because people cease to be able to govern themselves; they demand to be managed.</blockquote>

We have focused on how digital media transforms the subjective experience of individuals. The political corollary is that it enables and empowers regimes of algorithmic governance, predictive analytics, and social credit. The profound erosion of trust in the Digital City leaves a vacuum, and we look to our tools to fill it. We seem set upon interlocking trajectories: of ever greater swaths of the human experience being computationally managed, and of intractable human subjects increasingly breaking down or revolting against these conditions.

From another vantage point, however, we might see this as a hopeful moment, full of promise and opportunity. Another path also seems possible. Freed from certain unsustainable illusions about the nature of the self and the world, we may now be called back to reckon with reality in a new, more chastened and more responsible manner. It is possible that the Promethean aspirations that characterized the modern self and modern society may now yield to a more sober assessment of the limits within which genuine human flourishing might occur. It is possible, too, that we may learn once again the necessity of virtues, public and private — that we will no longer, as T. S. Eliot put it, be “dreaming of systems so perfect that no one will need to be good.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YsgLk5AObao">
    <title>Inhumanism Rising - Benjamin H Bratton - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-18T07:12:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YsgLk5AObao</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://trust.support/watch/inhumanism-rising

“Benjamin H. Bratton considers the role ideologies play in technical systems that operate at scales beyond human perception. Deep time, deep learning, deep ecology and deep states force a redrawing of political divisions. What previously may have been called left and right comes to reflect various positions on what it means to be, and want to be, human. Bratton is a design theorist as much as he is a philosopher. In his work remodelling our operating system, he shows how humans might be the medium, rather than the message, in planetary-scale ways of knowing.

Benjamin H. Bratton's work spans Philosophy, Art, Design and Computer Science. He is Professor of Visual Arts and Director of the Center for Design and Geopolitics at the University of California, San Diego. He is Program Director of the Strelka Institute of Media, Architecture and Design in Moscow. He is also a Professor of Digital Design at The European Graduate School and Visiting Faculty at SCI_Arc (The Southern California Institute of Architecture)

In The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty (MIT Press, 2016. 503 pages) Bratton outlines a new theory for the age of global computation and algorithmic governance. He proposes that different genres of planetary-scale computation – smart grids, cloud platforms, mobile apps, smart cities, the Internet of Things, automation – can be seen not as so many species evolving on their own, but as forming a coherent whole: an accidental megastructure that is both a computational infrastructure and a new governing architecture. The book plots an expansive interdisciplinary design brief for The Stack-to-Come.

His current research project, Theory and Design in the Age of Machine Intelligence, is on the unexpected and uncomfortable design challenges posed by A.I in various guises: from machine vision to synthetic cognition and sensation, and the macroeconomics of robotics to everyday geoengineering.”]]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjaminbratton libertarianism technology blockchain peterthiel society technodeterminism organization anarchism anarchy jamesbridle 2019 power powerlessness control inhumanism ecology capitalism fascism interdependence surveillance economics data computation ai artificialintelligence californianideology ideology philosophy occult deeplearning deepecology magic deepstate politics agency theory conspiracytheories jordanpeterson johnmichaelgreer anxiety software automation science psychology meaning meaningfulness apophenia posthumanism robotics privilege revelation cities canon tools beatrizcolomina markwigley markfisher design transhumanism multispecies cybotgs syntheticbiology intelligence biology matter machines industry morethanhuman literacy metaphysics carlschmitt chantalmouffe human-centereddesign human-centered experience systems access intuition abstraction expedience ideals users systemsthinking aesthetics accessibility singularity primitivism communism duty sovietunion ussr luxury ianhacking determi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://news.artnet.com/art-world/advice-to-young-female-artists-542609">
    <title>Female Artists Give Advice to Women in Art World</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-23T05:26:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://news.artnet.com/art-world/advice-to-young-female-artists-542609</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["6. Nyeema Morgan

My first thought is what would I tell myself if I had to start from the beginning of my career. There is so much to be said, so many caveats. I think in this cultural moment one of the greatest detriments to a young artist’s creative practice is conformity. The desire to be desired, to be ‘liked’, for every utterance to be acknowledged and lauded.

It would be too easy and expected to accept the rewards of self-exploitation. Resist. Contrary to popular belief it is not an enriching practice of feminist empowerment. Instead, cultivate a critical mind. Always ask questions of yourself, your work and the world around you. Learn to embrace challenge and avoid settling into a way of working that is too comfortable. This doesn’t mean your should live in a place of agony.

Do not torture yourself, but find the joy in what you are making, dismantling, and discovering."

…

"10. Adrian Piper

First, you should be clear about what you are aiming for: (1) public approval, (2) commercial success, or (3) art-historical significance. These three are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and there is nothing wrong with any of them. But my remarks address only (3).

The best means to art-historical significance is financial independence. Don’t even think about trying to earn a living from your artwork, or else you’ll start producing the artwork that will earn you a living. A trust fund will divert your energies in a different way. The best means to financial independence is a day job in a different field. Waiting tables, driving a cab, office work, and teaching are traditional alternatives for artists, but the digital revolution opens up many others. All of them will free you to make the work you are most deeply driven to make, regardless of whether or not anyone else likes it or buys it. That’s the work that’s most interesting and important to you. You won’t have time to waste on producing work that doesn’t obsess you.

Your day job will also free you to be selective about what you do in order to promote your artwork, and with whom. It will protect your pursuit of quality. That’s one reliable path to art-historical significance (although of course not the only one)."
]]></description>
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    <title>Jan Chipchase: Keynote on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-20T03:58:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/121939450</link>
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<item rdf:about="http://nextconf.eu/2015/10/keynote-how-will-we-live/">
    <title>How Will We Live? | NEXT Network</title>
    <dc:date>2015-10-04T07:51:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://nextconf.eu/2015/10/keynote-how-will-we-live/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Those with the least power to shape the future suffer its worst consequences of its manifestations."

[Text, slides, and videos here: 
http://superflux.in/blog/howwillwelive
https://medium.com/@anabjain/how-will-we-live-d9baf00acac9#.lmc9kxsed ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://ablersite.org/2014/08/20/guiding-principles-for-an-adaptive-technology-working-group/">
    <title>guiding principles for an adaptive technology working group | Abler.</title>
    <dc:date>2014-08-20T22:47:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://ablersite.org/2014/08/20/guiding-principles-for-an-adaptive-technology-working-group/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’ve been thinking about the studio/lab/workshop environment I want to foster at Olin. So herewith a manifesto, or a set of guiding principles, for young engineers and designers working critically, reflexively, in technology design and disability.

1. We use the terms “adaptive” and “assistive” technologies interchangeably when speaking casually or with newcomers to this field, but we use the terms of adaptation as often as possible. Why? Assistance usually implies linearity. A problem needs fixing, seeks a solution. But adaptation is flexible, rhizomatic, multi-directional. It implies a technological design that works in tandem, reciprocally, with the magnificence that is the human body in all its forms. Adaptation implies change over time. Adaptive systems might require the environment to shift, rather than the body. In short, we believe that all technology is assistive technology—and so we speak in terms of adaptation.

2. We presume competence. This exhortation is a central one in disability rights circles, and we proceed with it in mind as we work with our design partners. We don’t claim our end-users are “suffering from” their conditions—unless they tell us they are. We speak directly to users themselves, not to caregivers or companions—unless we’re directed to do so. We speak the way we’d speak to anyone, even if our partners don’t use verbal language in return—until they request we do otherwise. We take a capabilities approach.

3. We are significantly public-facing in our disposition. Doing open and public research—including in the early stages—is central to our conviction that design for disability carries with it enormous political and cultural stakes. We research transparently, and we cultivate multiple and unusual publics for the work.

4. We spend some of our time making things, and some of our time making things happen.¹ A lot of our effort is embodied in the design and prototyping process. But another significant portion of that effort is directed toward good narrative writing, documentation, event-wrangling, and networked practices. Design can be about a better mousetrap; it can also be—and indeed more often should be—a social practice.

5. We actively seek a condition of orchestrated adjacencies: in topics, scales, and methods. Some of our projects attempt to influence industry: better designs, full stop. And some of our projects address issues of culture: symbolic, expressive, and playful work that investigates normalcy and functionality. We want high-tech work right up alongside low-tech work. Cardboard at one end, and circuits and Arduino at the other. Materially and symbolically, adjacencies in real time create unusual resonances between and among projects. They expand the acceptable questions and categories of what counts as research. They force big-picture ideas to cohere with granular problem-solving.

6. We presume, always, that technology is never neutral. And accordingly, we seek to create tools for conviviality, in the sense that Ivan Illich laid out in his book of the same name. Tools that are “accessible, flexible, noncoercive.” We won’t be perfect at it, but we won’t shy away from hard questions: What will it cost? What might be unintended consequences? What have we overlooked?

Like life, this version is subject to change. More on the studio/lab/workshop in this earlier post.

1. “I went from making things, to making things happen.” That’s artist Jeremy Deller on how his art practice went from objects to conditions and situations."]]></description>
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    <title>Chokwe Lumumba: Remembering &quot;America’s Most Revolutionary Mayor&quot; | Democracy Now!</title>
    <dc:date>2014-02-28T23:28:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.democracynow.org/2014/2/26/chokwe_lumumba_remembering_americas_most_revolutionary</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["AMY GOODMAN: That was Jamie Scott and, before that, Gladys Scott, released from jail after 16 years in prison for an $11 robbery. Standing next to them was Chokwe Lumumba, their attorney at the time, now mayor—well, until yesterday. His sudden death is why we’re talking about him today, though we interviewed him the day after he was elected. Also standing there was Ben Jealous, former president and CEO of the NAACP, who recently wrote a piece for The Huffington Post called "Remembering Chokwe Lumumba." Remember him for us, Ben.

BENJAMIN JEALOUS: Sure. Well, you know, that was the fourth or fifth time we had stood next to people that we had worked together to free from prison over the last 20 years. And that was what was so remarkable about Chokwe. I mean, he was a man who was, you know, a true man, if you will. He was active in his church. He had a great marriage to his wife. He had two wonderful kids that he poured all of his love into. He was a well-respected coach. He was an incredible lawyer.

And he chose his—and he also was, you know, somebody with very strong ideals. And he chose to live and practice those ideals on the ground in one of the poorest places in our country. And he brought all of those things with him into the courtroom—all the compassion, all the insight, all his skill as a lawyer—on behalf of the poorest people in the state. And that’s ultimately why Bill and Derrick Johnson, the president of the NAACP in Mississippi, and so many others, they say he was drafted to run for mayor, because everybody had basically fallen in love—let me put it this way: An overwhelming majority of Jackson—I won’t say everybody, because there were definitely some people who were on the other side—but an overwhelming majority of Jackson, black and white, had fallen in love with Chokwe over the years that he had lived in town, because he was just such a good person. And you knew in your heart, when you live in Jackson, that the toughest thing in Mississippi to be is to be poor and black and in court without good counsel. And he would, at oftentimes risk to his own financial stability, defend anyone who he thought he could help, who he thought needed help, and, most importantly, who he was convinced that nobody else would help.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to go back to our interview with Chokwe Lumumba on Democracy Now! the day after he was elected. We talked to him June 6th. I asked him about the FBI’s decision last year to place his former client, Assata Shakur, on the Most Wanted Terrorists list. But before we play that clip, I wanted to ask you, Ben, about the media coverage, both of Chokwe Lumumba, his election, and the significance of the man who some who called the most revolutionary mayor in America—the lack of the coverage. Last night, I was watching the networks, and I opened The New York Times today, the actual paper edition, and I didn’t see a reference. Last night watching MSNBC for hours, now, I didn’t watch every single second, so I might have missed something, but I did not see a reference. As Bill Chandler said, he died late yesterday afternoon.

BENJAMIN JEALOUS: Yeah. So, you know, I know that I saw something in the Times this morning online.

AMY GOODMAN: Online, yes.

BENJAMIN JEALOUS: Yeah, I mean, Chokwe—I mean, look, Chokwe is somebody who you have to give this much time to really talk about. This is a man who lived, if you will, sort of multiple journeys in his life and who was quixotic to people because, on the one hand, you could easily stereotype him as being some sort of radical—he would say he was a radical, because he didn’t see that as being a bad thing. You know, he was somebody who thought that, frankly, having ideals and practicing them in this country full of so much hypocrisy was a radical thing. But he was also somebody who was an extremely committed mayor, very good at working across the aisle, even in his short tenure, with people in the business community, in the most conservative corners of the city, if you will. And he was somebody who at the end of the day, yes, stood up for black people, but was ultimately committed to fairness for everyone in our country.

And so, you know, for, I think, many in the media who sort of deal in sound bites, there’s just too much there to quickly understand in 30 seconds, and so they move on. But he’s ultimately the type of person that we need to understand better in our country, because our country ultimate is greatest, if you will, because of the contributions of idealists over the years who, yes, may have staked a far-out position at times in their lives, but ultimately served to pull our country closer to its own closely held ideals of fairness and equality and justice and the universal dignity of all humanity."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chokwelumumba socialjustice leadership 2014 obituaries ideals idealism praxis government policy politics law jackson alabama benjaminjealous amygoodman akinyeleumoja kwamekenyatta fairness equality civilrights justice us chokweantarlumumba</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://al3x.net/2013/05/23/letter-to-a-young-programmer.html">
    <title>Alex Payne — Letter To A Young Programmer Considering A Startup</title>
    <dc:date>2013-06-03T20:59:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://al3x.net/2013/05/23/letter-to-a-young-programmer.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But startups are the new big company. They are, as I’ll describe below, the field offices of a large distributed workforce assembled by venture capitalists and their associate institutions."

…

I won’t equivocate: I am deeply skeptical of this system. I’m skeptical of this system’s slavering, self-congratulatory fetishization of “disruption” while so obviously becoming the sort of stolid institution it seeks to displace. I’m skeptical of the startup community’s often short-term outlook. I’m particularly skeptical of its callous disregard for both the lives of the people who participate in it and the lives of those who live in the world that startups seek to reshape. Let’s not even begin to discuss how commonplace collusion, price fixing, and other market-corrupting activities are in the world of VC. The point being: it’s a bad game and a rigged one.

And yet. There are startups I wouldn’t want to see disappear. There are people working at and funding those startups who are good, kind, balanced in their personal and professional lives, thoughtful of the impact of their work. Just as we might cast aspersions and accusations of corruption on other systems like politics, mass media entertainment, and professional sports, we must admire those who operate ethically and efficiently within them. We should further celebrate those who are pioneering new and alternative systems, for they work in the shadow of a community that has a constant hand on the crank of the hype machine.

Now, you could say that I’m laying too much responsibility at the feet of the startup world. Though this system daily broadcasts itself as the savior of everything from capitalism to culture, surely we can accept that business is business and ideals are best left at the door. As a VC at a top-tier Sand Hill Road firm told me during a pitch several years ago when describing a conceptual feature in Simple that would let users easily and regularly donate a portion of their savings to charity, “let’s not waste time on that stuff; we’re here to make money”.

You could take this tack, but I hope that your idealism hasn’t been worn down at such a relatively young age. I hope you want your work to be imbued with meaning, purpose, and value no matter what form that work takes. More than that, I hope you want your life to be defined by more than work.

Young programmer, I urge you to consider both sides of the startup coin. There are so many ways to make a dent in the world."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexpayne change idealism ideals 2013 systems responsibility startups labor disruption meaning meaningfulness vocations collusion pricefixing corruption finance power control hierarchy purpose bureaucracy incubators accelerators vc venturecapital</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.mit.edu/~jrising/webres/maverick.txt">
    <title>Maverick Colleges: Ten Noble Experiments in American Undergraduate Education (1993)</title>
    <dc:date>2013-05-09T15:10:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.mit.edu/~jrising/webres/maverick.txt</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Second edition (1996) of the book with some additional schools here in PDF: https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/experimental-study-group/es-291-learning-seminar-experiments-in-education-spring-2003/readings/MITES_291S03_maverick.pdf ]

[Wayback:
http://web.archive.org/web/20130730023648/http://www.mit.edu/~jrising/webres/maverick.txt
https://web.archive.org/web/19961105162647/http://www.gse.utah.edu/EdAdm/Galvin/Maverick.html ]

"This book is a product of a University of Utah graduate seminar conducted in the spring of 1991: "Notable Experiments in American Higher Education" (Educational Administration 728). The contributing authors are professor of educational administration L. Jackson Newell and seminar students, each of whom selected an innovative, or "experimental," college for research and reporting."

"Common Themes:

As seminar participants exchanged findings about the ten selected colleges, several prominent themes emerged that had not been predetermined by selection criteria but appeared to indicate common postures among experimental colleges. These include:
   
• Ideals spawning ideas. In most cases, the ten colleges appeared to start with the ideals of visionary founders. For some, the ideal concerned the citizens who would emerge from the learning experience …

• Emphasis on teaching; retreat from research. The vast majority of experimental colleges are liberal education colleges where the art of teaching and the development of students are values of high esteem. …

• Organization without specialization. Not unexpectedly, these experimental colleges also tended to turn away from the disciplinary organization of scholarship that had sprung from the German research university model. …

• Administrative innovations. Freedom from traditional higher education bureaucracy and hierarchy have been common pursuits of the colleges studied. …

Divergent Approaches:

Just as common themes instruct us about the aims and aspirations of various experimental colleges, so too do their divergent approaches. Two notable areas of difference among the colleges focus on who should attend and how their learning might best be organized during the college years."

[Bits from the section on Black Mountain College:]

"Its educational commitment--to democratic underpinnings for learning that comes from "human contact, through a fusion of mind and emotion" (Du Plessix-Gray 1952:10)-- was reflective of a larger liberal environment that managed a brief appearance before the 1950s ushered in fear of Communism and love of television."

…

"Rice and his colleagues had stronger convictions about how a college should operate than about how and what students might learn. Democracy would be paramount in the administration of the college, and structure would be loose. Students and faculty joined in marathon, long-winded decision-making meetings with decisions ranging from a faculty termination to a library acquisition.

Particularly prominent, and vital to the democratic underpinnings envisioned by Rice, was the absence of any outside governing body. Rice had determined that control exerted by boards of trustees and college presidents rendered faculty participation meaningless, limiting faculty to debate, "with pitiable passion, the questions of hours, credits, cuts. . . . They bring the full force of their manhood to bear on trivialities. They know within themselves that they can roam at will only among minutiae of no importance" (Adamic, 1938:624).

The faculty did establish a three-member "Board of Fellows," elected from among them and charged with running the business affairs of the College. Within a year, a student member was added to the Board."

…

"The 23-year history of Black Mountain College was one of few constants and much conflict. Three forceful leaders marked three distinct periods during the 23 years: the John Rice years, the Josef Albers decade, and the Charles Olson era.

During the first 5 years of the College, a solidarity of philosophy and community gradually took shape. It revolved largely around John Rice's outgoing personality (much intelligence and much laughter mark most reports from colleagues and students) and forceful opinions about education. He was determined, for example, that every student should have some experience in the arts.

This translated as at least an elementary course in music, dramatics and/or drawing, because:
   
<blockquote>There is something of the artist in everyone, and the development of this talent, however small, carrying with it a severe discipline of its own, results in the student's becoming more and more sensitive to order in the world and within himself than he can ever possibly become through intellectual effort alone. (Adamic 1938:626)</blockquote>
   
Although he cautioned against the possible tyranny of the community, Rice eventually decided that some group activity would,
   
<blockquote>…help the individual be complete, aware of his relation to others. Wood chopping, road-mending, rolling the tennis courts, serving tea in the afternoon, and other tasks around the place help rub off individualistic corners and give people training in assuming responsibility. (Ibid, 1938:627)</blockquote>

…

"Rice soon discovered what he would later call the "three Alberses"--the teacher, the social being and the Prussian. The Prussian Albers decried the seeming lack of real leadership at the College and the free-wheeling, agenda-less, community-wide meetings. Rice noted later, "You can't talk to a German about liberty. You just waste your breath. They don't know what the hell you mean" (Duberman 1972:69)."

…

"The war years ushered in a different kind of Black Mountain; one where students, and at least some faculty members, started lobbying for more structure in learning, but yet more freedom outside the classroom. Lectures and recitations were starting to occur within the classroom, while cut-off blue jeans and nude sun bathing appeared outside. Influential faculty member Eric Bentley insisted to his colleagues: "I can't teach history if they're not prepared to do some grinding, memorizing, getting to know facts and dates and so on…" (Duberman 1972:198). Needless to say, with Albers and many of the original faculty still on board, faculty meetings were decisive and volatile.

Overshadowing this dissent, however, was a new program that was to highlight at least the public notion of a historical "saga" for the College, the summer institutes. Like much at Black Mountain, the summer institutes started more by chance than choice."

…

"The summer institutes grew throughout the 1940s to include notable talents in art, architecture, music and literature. And it is probably these institutes and the renown of the individuals in attendance that contributed most to Black Mountain's reputation as an art school."

…

The excitement and publicity generated by the summer sessions, in addition to a general higher education population explosion spurred by the G.I. Bill, put the Black Mountain College of the late 1940s on its healthiest economic footing yet.

Still, Black Mountain managed to avoid financial stability. Student turnover negated some of the volume gains. Faculty salaries rose substantially, but grants and endowments did not. Stephen Forbes, for example, who had always been counted on to supply money to the College in tough times, refused a request in 1949 because he was disenchanted with the new emphasis on arts education at the expense of general education. The ability to manage what money it had also did not increase at Black Mountain, although Josef Albers proposed a reorganization that would include administrators and an outside board of overseers. In the wake of arguments and recriminations about the financial situation and how to solve it, a majority (by one vote) of the faculty called for the resignation of Ted Dreier, the last remaining faculty member from the founding group. In protest, four other faculty members resigned--including Josef and Anni Albers. By selling off some of the campus acreage, the remaining faculty managed to save the College and retain its original mindset of freedom from outside boards and administrators, while setting the stage for yet another era in its history [Charles Olson].

…

"What Albers lacked in administrative ability, he compensated for in tenacity and focus. What Rice lacked in administrative ability, he balanced with action and ideas. However, when Olson couldn't manage the administrative function, he simply retreated. His idea about turning the successful summer institutes into a similar series of year-long institutes fell on deaf faculty ears. So he gave up trying to strengthen the regular program."

…

"The vast majority of former Black Mountain students can point to clear instances of lasting influence on the rest of their lives. Mostly, this seems to have occurred through association: with one or two faculty members who made a difference, with a "community" of fellow individuals who were essential resources to one another, or with a new area of endeavor such as painting or writing or farming. Black Mountain, apparently, was a place where association was encouraged. Perhaps this occurred through the relatively small number of people shouldered into an isolated valley, perhaps by a common dedication to the unconventional, or perhaps to the existence of ideals about learning and teaching. At any rate, the encouragement of association with people and with ideas was not the norm in higher education then, nor is it now. Clearly, it is possible to graduate from most colleges and universities today with little, if any, significant association with faculty, students or ideas.

But at Black Mountain, as at other experimental colleges, association could hardly be avoided. Engagement with people and ideas was paramount; activity was rampant. It was social, and it was educational. As Eric Bentley would remark:

Where, as at Black Mountain, there is a teacher to every three students the advantage is evident. . .a means to the most concentrated and lively interchange that any education could afford. Where the faculty are a separate world the students continue their high-school habit of avoiding study, boasting of idleness, and the like; at Black Mountain, on the other hand, diligence is de rigueur. (Bentley 1945:424)"

…

"Obviously, one has to wonder why the College did not survive. The times changed, of course. Black Mountain's communal nature suddenly looked like Communism to many. Students and faculty who were once content to be on the cutting edge got serious about being on the radical fringe. Other students and teachers of the time just wanted a situation where they could actualize the post-war dream of two cars in every garage. Lack of administrative acumen hurt more as the demands shifted toward government regulation, competition for students and reliance on grants and donations. Perhaps John Andrew Rice's vision of replacing management with academic leadership could only happen in small doses--during the frenzy of enthusiasm for something new and only over a short period of time. It may be an ideal that doesn't wear well."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/06/magazine/george-saunders-just-wrote-the-best-book-youll-read-this-year.html?pagewanted=all">
    <title>George Saunders Has Written the Best Book You’ll Read This Year - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2013-01-05T00:51:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/06/magazine/george-saunders-just-wrote-the-best-book-youll-read-this-year.html?pagewanted=all</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You could call this desire — to really have that awareness, to be as open as possible, all the time, to beauty and cruelty and stupid human fallibility and unexpected grace — the George Saunders Experiment."

“He’s such a generous spirit, you’d be embarrassed to behave in a small way around him.”

“There’s no one who has a better eye for the absurd and dehumanizing parameters of our current culture of capital. But then the other side is how the cool rigor of his fiction is counterbalanced by this enormous compassion. Just how capacious his moral vision is sometimes gets lost, because few people cut as hard or deep as Saunders does.”

"the process of trying to say something, of working through craft issues and the worldview issues and the ego issues—all of this is character-building, and, God forbid, everything we do should have concrete career results. I’ve seen time and time again the way that the process of trying to say something dignifies and improves a person."

""...I don’t really think the humanist verities are quite enough. Because that would be crazy if they were. It would be so weird if we knew just as much as we needed to know to answer all the questions of the universe. Wouldn’t that be freaky? Whereas the probability is high that there is a vast reality that we have no way to perceive, that’s actually bearing down on us now and influencing everything. The idea of saying, ‘Well, we can’t see it, therefore we don’t need to see it,’ seems really weird to me.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>struggle progress suicide davidfosterwallace canon understanding kindness living life thinking open openminded dignity character integrity ideals morality humans human fallibility aynrand capitalism careerism compassion junotdíaz humanism writing economics empathy georgesaunders 2012 wisdom storytelling</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://vimeo.com/46254409">
    <title>Portland/CreativeMornings - William Deresiewicz on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2012-07-27T23:35:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/46254409</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Entrepreneurialsm isn't necessarily bad, but I'm just struck by the fact that it seems to be *the* ideal. … the exclusive ideal. … This is far from only true of only young people… the small business ["that also includes nonprofits"] has become the idealized social form or life expression of our time, in general."

"If you think back a century ago to the heyday of high modernism and aestheticism, art for art's sake, the artist as… the culture hero… All of the attributes that were attached to being an artist or to making art then are … attached to entrepreneurialism now… like autonomy, freedom, heroism, imagination, creativity, adventure."

"The affect that we all have now is the salesman's personality. It's the smile and shoeshine. It's "the customer is always right." It's "I'm not going to offend anybody beacuse I don't know whether I'm going to want to sell them something or do business with them. I don't know when I'm going to run into them down the road." And even if we're not literally sellling something,  although more and more of us are because of social media, because we are on social media, we are — all of us — at least selling one thing, which is ourselves. The contemporary self is an entrepreneurial self, a self that is packaged to be sold."

"Young people today think in terms of fixing the world by making things and selling them."

"I'm going to suggest to you that selling is inherently corrupting… Selling corrupts the product it sells… Selling as counter culture, as dissent, as revolution… is a contradiction in terms."

"What we have is a loss of the avant-garde. And I'm defining avant-garde not in terms of experimentation, for example, but specifically art that offers resistence to its audience, art that is not easily consumable. And not just art… we don't really have an avant-garde of thought either. Because if you make people uncomfortable, which is what avant-garde art and thought has to do, than they're not going to buy — in either sense — what you're selling them, so we tone it down, we sort of tart it up, we put in a dance beat, we stay within acceptable moral and aesthetic limits. Maybe we try to surprise a little bit, but we surpise in a way that we know is not going to be disturbing."

"We are always presenting something that is in some way familiar to the audience because we know it has already sold, it has a track record."

"Let us not confuse imagination with innovation and even progress." —P.J. O'Rourke

"We have disgarded creativity in exchange for a steady supply of marketable products." —Gary Kasparov

"Everything is being created for the consumer market."

"The avant-garde has been coopted by commerce. The notion of creativity has become indentified with the idea of technology and technology has been identified with products. Instead of being mobilized as citizens the way the avant-garde wanted to, we are being marketed to as consumers."

"We are not doing what the avant-garde is supposed to do, which is to challenge the basic social, political, and economic stucture of our world, reimagine and reinvent our social relationships."

[From the @FranzKafka article, but similar to the talk.] "[W]hat about creators who don’t want to have to sell themselves, who don’t like it, who aren’t good at it, who feel it saps their energy? (Beethoven’s website? Van Gogh’s Facebook page? Kafka’s Twitter feed?) There’s something to be said for agents and managers and publishers and record labels, despite their drain upon the artist’s purse and the artist’s patience—people who are good at things that creators usually aren’t and don’t want to have to be. And then, what about creators who are good at them—but not at, you know, creating? The more that selling becomes central to the process, the more the process will reward people who are good at selling."

"Our ideal [the small business] is just a thing, it's not really an ideal."

"The Generation Y style really doesn't embody anything. What does hipster style say? It just says that I'm hip."

"The ethos of DIY social engagement goes along also with a withdrawal from politics, which is inherently a sphere of two things that Millenials say they hate (and not just Millenials) conflict and large institutions."

"The idea of creative social change is that what starts at the edges will go to the center. But unless we engage politics directly, what starts at the edges will stay at the edges."

"Against the immense power of coordinated wealth, … the small business model does not amount to very much. I don't think you can change the system either by just working within it or, another response,  dropping out of it. I think you can only change it by confronting it directly."]]></description>
<dc:subject>morality ideals ideology art thought thinking cv millennials entrepreneurship smallbusiness commerce sellingout selling 2012 avant-garde society change gamchanging scale salesmanship williamderesiewicz geny generationy sellouts</dc:subject>
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    <title>Bret Victor - Inventing on Principle on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-15T05:50:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/36579366</link>
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<item rdf:about="http://chronicle.com/article/A-College-Education-for-All/128162/">
    <title>A College Education for All, Free and Online - Commentary - The Chronicle of Higher Education</title>
    <dc:date>2011-07-29T20:10:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://chronicle.com/article/A-College-Education-for-All/128162/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Most elite American colleges are content to spend their vast resources on gilding their palaces of exclusivity. They worry that extending their reach might dilute their brand…Righteousness is easy; generosity is hard. In any event, Harvard's public-relations wizards managed to spin the university's decision to subsidize tuition for families making three times the median household income as a triumph of egalitarianism. The institution could easily use a program designed to help desperately needy students living in political, environmental, & economic turmoil to burnish Harvard's brand.<br />
<br />
If Harvard doesn't seize the opportunity, some other university will. Reshef is the first to tell you that he didn't invent any of the tools that UoPeople employs…<br />
<br />
If colleges with the means to do so don't contribute to the cause, they will at best have betrayed their obligations & their ideals. At worst, they will find themselves curating beautiful museums of a higher-education time gone by."]]></description>
<dc:subject>universityofthepeople highereducation elearning education egalitarianism harvard elitism class ideals highered learning online uopeople 2011 shaireshef opencourseware openaccess</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:bf43d5fc927d/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.cs.northwestern.edu/~hunicke/blog/?p=41967">
    <title>gewgaw » Moving On</title>
    <dc:date>2009-05-24T22:03:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.cs.northwestern.edu/~hunicke/blog/?p=41967</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This makes career planning a bit difficult. If I were soully focused on climbing the ladder - I’d hop from short project to short project, asking for title bumps and raises. It’s a common strategy for managers and (it seems) fairly successful within larger companies. But because I care more about ideals (good game, good team, player/creativity focus) than ends - I often have a hard time articulating exactly where I want to be in the next 3 years - let alone 5."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:blackbeltjones careers management administration ideals projects cv goals work organizations</dc:subject>
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