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    <title>The Education of Pope Leo XIV | Greg Grandin | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-08T21:14:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/online/2026/05/24/the-education-of-pope-leo-xiv/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a young missionary in Peru, the pope witnessed a war on liberation theology—and was indelibly stamped by the movement’s commitment to the poor."

[archived:
https://archive.is/qKFFb ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>greggrandin 2026 popeleoxiv liberationtheology latinamerica catholicchurch catholicism religion culture politics history perú popejohnpaulii aymara quechua eliseannallen gustavogutiérrez poverty poor solidarity richardnixon henrykissinger josephratzinger inquisition popebenedictxvi ronaldreagan communism economics theology marxism ethics liberation ecuador africa asia chulcanas indigeneity indigenous insurgency piura cristocampesino albertofujimori shocktherapy pinochet chile fukishock robertprevost leonardoboff picconecamere opusdai divinity capitalism rerumnovarum 1891 popeleoxiii encyclicals sodaliciodevidacristiana luisfernandofigari brazil brasil colombia argentina shiningpath humanrights augustinians óscarromero elsalvador jesuits conservatism birthcontrol celibacy divorce juancarlosscannone dictatorship orlandoyorio franciscojalics dirtywar peronismo buenosaires democracy centrists centralism newright sodalites joséreydecastro sodalitium sodalicio carloscastillo joséluisdepalacio popefra</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/">
    <title>From Californian to Texan Ideology: Conservatism, Religion and Extractivism in the Tech Sector | médialab Sciences Po</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:57:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the occasion of a special session co-organized with the CNRS Center for Internet and Society, the médialab seminar welcomes Fred Turner (Stanford University). He will offer a critical reading of the ideological transformations underway in the American tech world, from California’s libertarian utopia to the more conservative ideology now embodied by Texas.

Abstract

As they leave California for Texas, major digital companies are doing more than looking for new spaces. Their leaders (Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, Joe Lonsdale...) are settling in a state where religion plays a major role, in a Bible Belt dominated by oil billionaires. Texan politics can be summed up in a few words: tax refusal, deregulation, and the narrative of a new frontier populated by “those who are willing to take the necessary risks.” 

Just like oil, digital technologies, including AI and cryptocurrencies, as well as space exploration, depend on public funding and environmental leniency to thrive. So why not take power directly? Tech leaders are now pursuing that path, following in the footsteps of speculative oil investors. 

How did the digital world move from the Californian ideology, where entrepreneurialism was mixed with the legacies of counterculture, to the Texan ideology, shaped by a rejection of any interference except that of the Gospels, and where great, deserving men are seen as working in the name of God? 
Biography  

After a career in journalism in Boston and teaching at MIT and Harvard, Fred Turner is now Professor and Chair of the Department of Communication at Stanford University.

His research explores the relationships between media technologies and cultural transformations, with a particular focus on the role of emerging media in shaping American society since World War II.

He is the author of three influential books: The Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II to the Psychedelic Sixties, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, and Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory.

Fred Turner’s work has received numerous academic awards and has been translated into French, Spanish, German, Polish and Chinese."

[direct link to video: https://vimeo.com/1137645914

See also:
https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies
https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies">
    <title>Fred Turner on Countercultures, Cybercultures, and Californian and Texan Ideologies - New Books Network</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T22:56:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com/fred-turner-on-countercultures-cybercultures-and-californian-and-texan-ideologies</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peoples & Things host, Lee Vinsel, and guest host, Paula Bialski, Associate Professor of Digital Sociology at University of St. Gallen, talk to Fred Turner, Harry and Norman Chandler Professor of Communication at Stanford University, about his classic 2006 book, _From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism_. They briefly explore the arc of Fred’s career and revisit the book in the spirit of asking what has changed in digital ideology since the book’s publication, including with the role of Silicon Valley elites in the second Trump Administration, Elon Musk’s role in DOGE, and the (perhaps only brief) turn of digital technology elites moving from California to Texas. Since this conversation was recorded in April 2025, Fred’s essay, “The Texan Ideology,” has been published in The Baffler: https://thebaffler.com/salvos/the-texan-ideology-turner "

[See also: 
https://medialab.sciencespo.fr/en/news/de-lideologie-californienne-a-lideologie-texane-conservatisme-religion-et-extractivisme-au-sein-du-secteur-des/
https://vimeo.com/1137645914 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner 2026 siliconvalley californianideology texanideology california texas billionaires fortresses tescreal libertarianism elonmusk gigafactory tesla capitlaism latecapitalism technology billionaites oligarchy climate climatechange environment globalwarming richardbarbrook andycameron sanfrancisco 1960s couunterculture 1990s extraction extractivism bunkers christianity billygraham religion politics race racism neoliberalism economics misogyny christiannationalism policy web internet online dotcomboom dotcombust johnperrybarlow newtgingrich newright rightwing farright right freemarkets freemarketfundamentalism conservatism idealism poverty austin markzuckerberg facebook meta us tiktok google joelonsdale tennessee memphis fbi fairbanks alaska louisiana covid-19 pandemic coronavirus gregabbott rickperry hooverinstitution labor energy water electricity regulation deregulation housing taxes taxation antiwoke newdeal universities colleges academia highered highereducation margaretatwood petrobaptists fossilfu</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/04/06/the-meaning-of-your-life-arthur-c-brooks-book-review">
    <title>“The Meaning of Your Life,” Reviewed | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-05T05:49:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2026/04/06/the-meaning-of-your-life-arthur-c-brooks-book-review</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a new book, the conservative pundit Arthur C. Brooks offers tips to “young strivers” on maximizing their daily meaning quotient."

[via:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/miseducative-experiences/ ]

"In “The Meaning of Your Life,” he no longer trumpets free markets, extolls entrepreneurs, or praises work as “a blessing,” as he did in earlier books. Now he claims that the ambitious professionals he calls “young strivers” lead superficial and unfulfilling lives. What they lack, in his view, is “the one thing that can never be simulated: meaning.”

There are any number of prospective material explanations for the young strivers’ predicament, and Brooks makes brief note of several, among them the punishing housing market and the imminent collapse of the social safety net. But calcified habits die hard, and rather than seriously entertain any of these explanations, or even clarify why he rejects them, he turns instinctively to what he knows best—dubious social science.

To make sense of the strivers’ malaise, Brooks relies on the work of Jonathan “Happiness Hypothesis” Haidt, whose 2024 best-seller, “The Anxious Generation,” argued that digital natives have been addled by excessive screen time. What he adds to Haidt’s account is a dash of questionable neuroscience: in his telling, “hemispheric lateralization,” the phenomenon whereby cognitive functions are localized in different halves of the brain, “explains the acute crisis of meaning today.” A nebulous alloy of smartphones, social media, and a lust for optimization has thrust society into a “left-brained” orientation, forcing us to adopt a hyper-practical outlook. “The modern world of technology is literally changing the way people use their brains,” Brooks writes, “rendering them less and less capable of finding life’s coherence, purpose, and significance.”

Even though researchers have found no evidence that contemporary populations use one hemisphere of the brain any more than the other, every part of this picture is presented with slick confidence. Appeals to “the science” abound. Brooks is apt to fall back on that old assurance “studies show,” even when studies conflict—or, worse, when the very studies he cites do not show what he says they do. In his book “The Conservative Heart,” from 2015, for instance, he avers that monogamy yields happiness, then adds, “This isn’t my moral opinion; it’s what empirical evidence tells us.” The “empirical evidence” in question is a study showing that subjects with a single sexual partner have an average of 0.077 additional “happiness points.” But it also found that people who have sex four or more times a week, possibly with any number of partners, have 0.12, a fact that Brooks conveniently neglects to mention.

“The Meaning of Your Life” also contains its fair share of misrepresentations, as when Brooks muses that “the idea of opposites attracting might even be biological,” then cites a 1995 study that subsequent researchers have called into question. But no one reading the book will come away with the sense that studies are often contested, or that many of the findings of social psychology and economics remain unsettled, or that results can be interpreted in many ways. Like much popular social science, it makes no effort to prove or even to persuade. It simply asserts and instructs.

Its tone as it does so is distinctly infantilizing. Chapters are subdivided into digestible sections (“Get Bored the Right Way,” “Give More to Transcend Yourself”) and often end with homework, set aside in a little box, as in elementary-school textbooks. When Brooks is not offering “Questions for Reflection and Self-Assessment,” he is laying out “Three Big Things to Remember,” as if he were providing a study guide for the exam of a meaningful life. In his book “Love Your Enemies,” from 2019, he admiringly cites “The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People”—which he describes, perhaps with a sense of defensive self-awareness, as a “masterpiece” that is not “just cheesy self-help.” Brooks, for his part, rarely imposes on readers by asking them to count as high as seven, perhaps assuming that “three major lessons from the science of morality” and “five simple facts” make more manageable mathematical demands."

...

"Readers may resent being abstracted into algebra, but they are nonetheless invited to sort themselves into one of four categories on the basis of a short quiz. They might be Hopeful Wanderers, unsure of the meaning of their lives but in active search of it, or Happy Homebodies, so sure of the meaning of their lives that they have little need to search for it. Alternatively, they might be Relentless Seekers, who have some notion of the meaning of their lives but remain in search of it anyway, or, worst of all, Lost in Place, the sort that is neither sure of the meaning of life nor in any rush to find it.

It would be one thing if Brooks were reconciled to writing Enneagram tests, but “The Meaning of Your Life” is self-help that dreams it is philosophy. It makes a scattered show of its erudition in the form of drive-by efforts to project philosophical literacy. Only the aggressive carelessness that once enabled Brooks to write a column about how to “enhance your mood” with a playlist inspired by the unremitting pessimist Arthur Schopenhauer could have yielded his tortured misreadings of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Søren Kierkegaard, and Karl Marx. Friedrich Nietzsche once declared, “The discipline of suffering, of great suffering—do you not know that only this discipline has created all enhancements of man so far?” This doesn’t stop Brooks from summarizing Nietzsche’s position as follows: “There is no essence to life, so the secret is to have fun and not worry too much about it.”

But none of these ornamental flourishes can conceal his fundamental incuriosity. “Until recently,” Brooks writes hazily, of the meaning of life, “the definition probably wasn’t so important, because of the way people lived, just naturally going about life in ways that delivered meaning every day.” Which people? How recently? Readers of “The Meaning of Your Life” could be forgiven for thinking that despair was invented in 2007, the year the first iPhone was released. Brooks has no interest in the broader sweep of history and, indeed, no apparent knowledge of the philosophical accounts of encroaching meaninglessness which have been on offer for centuries—the 1785 letters in which the German philosopher Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi developed the idea of nihilism to describe the etiolation that accompanied the Enlightenment, for instance, or the fin-de-siècle sociologist Max Weber’s lament about how modernity shattered a formerly coherent world."

Nor is Brooks any more inquisitive about remedies for meaninglessness than he is about its origins. “The Meaning of Your Life” is the clearest possible demonstration of the extent to which the old think-tank mode, with its conspicuous show of reasonableness and its distaste for unseemly convulsions, is incongruous with the existential questions roiling contemporary conservatives (and not just conservatives) since Trump’s election in 2016. How should we live? What is the nature of the beautiful, the good, and the true? What Brooks proffers is not the philosophy these queries require but a kind of pharmacology—a pill designed to alleviate every last pang.

Arthur Brooks, in particular, has made a career of elevating his noncommittal waffling into a warped kind of virtue. In “Love Your Enemies,” from 2019, a book that he completed as he was on the cusp of his supposed pivot away from politics, he dismisses moral argument as futile. “You aren’t going to change [anyone’s] mind through the force of argument any more than I will make my wife start liking cilantro by trying to force enough of it into her mouth,” he writes. Then he tells readers to “make your moral discussions with most people like the cilantro at our family dinner,” that is, treat ethical disagreements as trivial. As it happens, he has chosen the textbook example of what ethics are not like. Morality is not simply a matter of taste, of chocolate or vanilla. It transcends personal preference—and getting it right matters.

“I am not going to try to convert you to my religion,” Brooks writes in “The Meaning of Your Life,” before regaling us with neuroscientific findings about the health of religious brains. I almost wish he had. Reading Brooks, in all his fatal mildness, I could start to see how the ominous Highest Good might come to seem so appealing. A fanatical belief in something—and the irrepressible urge to proselytize that goes with it—is far more invigorating than the all-encompassing blandness of the therapeutic imperative. The post-liberals stand for cruelty and inanity, but Brooks can’t admit to standing for much of anything at all.

Arthur Brooks, in particular, has made a career of elevating his noncommittal waffling into a warped kind of virtue. In “Love Your Enemies,” from 2019, a book that he completed as he was on the cusp of his supposed pivot away from politics, he dismisses moral argument as futile. “You aren’t going to change [anyone’s] mind through the force of argument any more than I will make my wife start liking cilantro by trying to force enough of it into her mouth,” he writes. Then he tells readers to “make your moral discussions with most people like the cilantro at our family dinner,” that is, treat ethical disagreements as trivial. As it happens, he has chosen the textbook example of what ethics are not like. Morality is not simply a matter of taste, of chocolate or vanilla. It transcends personal preference—and getting it right matters.

“I am not going to try to convert you to my religion,” Brooks writes in “The Meaning of Your Life,” before regaling us with neuroscientific findings about the health of religious brains. I almost wish he had. Reading Brooks, in all his fatal mildness, I could start to see how the ominous Highest Good might come to seem so appealing. A fanatical belief in something—and the irrepressible urge to proselytize that goes with it—is far more invigorating than the all-encompassing blandness of the therapeutic imperative. The post-liberals stand for cruelty and inanity, but Brooks can’t admit to standing for much of anything at all."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA">
    <title>Charlie Kirk: The Man Who Broke Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-05T22:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BIBLIOGRAPHY & FOOTNOTES:
https://tinyurl.com/kirkvideosources

TIMESTAMPS:

INTRO: 00:00:00
PART 1: The American Question: 00:08:55
PART 2: Time for a Turning Point: 00:12:49
PART 3: Big Government Sucks: 00:34:23
PART 4: The Great American Horseshoe: 01:04:12
PART 5: Charlie's New Friends: 01:17:18
PART 6: The Noble Lie: 01:40:25
PART 7: Trump 2.0: 01:53:23
PART 8: Ouch, Charlie: 02:04:19
PART 9: The Demos 02:14:27
Credits: 02:46:57"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives">
    <title>Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives | History books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T03:25:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account"

...

" This article is more than 1 month old
Review
Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives
This article is more than 1 month old

The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account
Dorian Lynskey
Dorian Lynskey
Tue 23 Dec 2025 02.00 EST

In the early 17th century, the Peruvian city of Potosí billed itself as the “treasure of the world” and “envy of kings”. Sprouting at the foot of the Cerro Rico, South America’s most populous settlement produced 60% of the world’s silver, which not only enabled Spain to wage its wars and service its debts, but also accelerated the economic development of India and China. The city’s wealthy elites could enjoy crystal from Venice and diamonds from Ceylon while one in four of its mostly indigenous miners perished. Cerro Rico became known as “the mountain that eats men”.

The story of Potosí, in what is now southern Bolivia, contains the core elements of Sven Beckert’s mammoth history of capitalism: extravagant wealth, immense suffering, complex international networks, a world transformed. The Eurocentric version of capitalism’s history holds that it grew out of democracy, free markets, Enlightenment values and the Protestant work ethic. Beckert, a Harvard history professor and author of 2015’s prize-winning Empire of Cotton, assembles a much more expansive narrative, spanning the entire globe and close to a millennium. Like its subject, the book has a “tendency to grow, flow, and permeate all areas of activity”. Fredric Jameson famously said that it was easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. At times during these 1,100 pages, I found it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of Capitalism.

“No religion, no ideology, no philosophy, has ever been as all-encompassing as the economic logic of capitalism,” Beckert claims, defining it as “the ceaseless accumulation of privately controlled capital”. Accounting for it therefore feels like explaining water to fish. Adam Smith, “the hero of capitalism’s triumphant self-remembrance”, attributed it to benign self-interest. Beckert, however, calls it a revolution, centuries in the making, which depended on things that Smith downplayed: “power, violence, the state”. Far from natural or inevitable, it has always been “unstable and contested”, proceeding by jolts.

The word “capitalism” originated in France in the 1840s, around the same time as its antagonists “socialism”, “communism” and “anarchism”, but the system was much older. “Capitalism is a process,” Beckert writes, “not a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end”. He begins tracking the process in the port of Aden in 1150. This vibrant trade hub between Asia and the Middle East, in what is now Yemen, was one of several “islands of capital” which formed a “capitalist archipelago”. Inventing new trades like accountancy and insurance, its “strikingly modern” residents were in the vanguard of a global insurgency. But their accumulation of profit for its own sake was regarded with suspicion by rulers, religions and ordinary people alike. They enjoyed wealth without power or prestige: “capitalists without capitalism”.

What they needed was the state’s collaboration. This developed during the “Great Connecting” between 1450 and 1650, when the discovery of the Americas (named after a slave-owning merchant) finally enabled European traders to challenge Asia and the Middle East while making themselves indispensable. In the era of “war capitalism”, new trade routes and territorial seizures triggered conflict, which trade then financed. Colonialism established capitalism’s “connected diversity”, which is to say, think global, act local.

Like silver, sugar reconfigured the world. On the then uninhabited island of Barbados, just 74 sugar planters used “American lands, African labour and European capital” to create a private slave colony – the new capitalist avant garde. Across the Americas, millions of enslaved people represented trillions of dollars in unpaid labour. Even after Britain abolished slavery in 1833, there were no clean hands. An ordinary European who began his day with a cigarette and a cup of sweetened coffee was already complicit in three branches of the slave trade. The Industrial Revolution, capitalism’s Great Leap Forward, required less explicit forms of coercion and exploitation. One luminary described Victorian Manchester as “the chimney of the world … the entrance to hell realised”. Meanwhile, envy of America’s vast territories and abundant resources inspired Europe’s dismemberment of Africa, which one French newspaper called “America at our doorsteps”.

Beckert enjoys shredding capitalism’s self-flattering myths. He calls the notion of the free market “nothing more than a figment of scholars’ and ideologues’ imaginations”. The Protestant work ethic was deployed to justify child labour at home and forced labour abroad. “It is necessary to use methods that best can shake their idleness and make them realise the sanctity of work,” was how the Belgian King Leopold II rationalised working millions to death in Congo Free State. And yet, impossible though it was to imagine at the time, capitalism outlasted both slavery and empire.

Capitalism’s “permanent revolution”, Beckert writes, produces both dynamism and instability. Similarly, its “connected diversity” cuts both ways – when one crucial region or commodity catches a cold, the whole world sneezes. Crisis is in its DNA. Some emergencies, like the long depressions of the 1870s and 1930s, appeared terminal. Karl Marx, of course, believed that capitalism had an expiration date, but so did the conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, who asked in 1942: “Can capitalism survive? No. I do not think it can.” Yet every Jeremiah underrated its remarkable survival instincts. Infinitely adaptable, agnostic about nations and creeds, and essentially amoral, it keeps on going.

If anyone comes out of this story looking good then it’s John Maynard Keynes, who sought to save capitalism from itself. Combined with thriving labour movements, the challenge of communism and the double shock of war and depression, his prescription for state intervention tamed capitalism’s worst instincts during three decades of extraordinary growth and relative equality after 1945. Call it capitalism with a human face. But then the neoliberal counterrevolution, Beckert argues, spurred capitalism towards its endgame: the commodification of everything. In 2025 it would be foolish to argue that capitalism goes hand in hand with liberal democracy.

The scope of Beckert’s research is mind-boggling. He visits Barbados, Samarkand and Phnom Penh. He quotes cultural texts from Abba to Zola. He profiles emblematic figures such as the Bavarian merchant Jakob Fugger (possibly the richest man who ever lived), Chile’s General Pinochet (“the Lenin of neoliberalism”), the Indian nationalist and industrialist Ardeshir Godrej and the German steel magnate and war criminal Hermann Röchling. He manufactures a ceaseless, and sometimes exhausting, flow of startling details.

The question that Beckert never quite answers is: why capitalism? While it’s hard to argue with his copious evidence of capitalism’s poisonous offspring, from scientific racism to climate change, and the numerous efforts to resist its advance, there must be more to it than war, slavery, imperialism and inequality. Even Marx and Engels gave the devil his due in The Communist Manifesto: for all its savagery, it had “accomplished wonders”. Beckert is so good at decrying the sticks that he downplays the carrots: longer lives, higher living standards, labour-saving innovations, new vistas of experience. In this story, capitalism is the answer to every question, the root of every ill, yet the histories of feudalism and communism suggest that cruelty and exploitation are not unique to one economic system.

If Adam Smith was wrong to see capitalism as human nature manifest, then Beckert overcorrects by presenting it as anti-human: a “rogue artificial intelligence”, an invasive species, an alien force, a supernatural hunger. It is insatiable and unkillable. Beckert calls his book an “actor-centred history” about a phenomenon “made by people”, but it is ultimately a kind of horror story about a monster that eats men."]]></description>
<dc:subject>capitalism dorianlynskey history svenbeckert markets eurocentrism bolivia potosí cerrorico perú freemarkets democracy enlightenment fredricjameson ideology religion philosophy economics adamsmith socialism communism anarchism process middleeast asia colonialism colonization uk kinkleopoldii congo karlmarx josephschumpeter instability dynamism depression johnmaynardkeynes barbados samarkand phnomphen pinochet chike neoliberalism leninism jakobfugger lenin vladimirlenin hermanöchling imperialism inequality slavery war feudalism 2025</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W1dIC287Zz0">
    <title>Tech Billionaires Want Us Dead - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-19T22:29:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W1dIC287Zz0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tech billionaires are planning for a future where humans don’t exist, and they’re already building it.
  
For decades, tech elites have sold us a shiny future powered by artificial intelligence. But what if the future they’re building doesn’t include us?

I investigated the dangerous worldview known as TESCREALism that has taken hold across the world’s most powerful tech companies, from OpenAI to Tesla. It’s the belief that biological humans are flawed and temporary, and that a post-human future dominated by AGI (artificial general intelligence) is both inevitable and desirable.

Under this ideology, human obsolescence is framed as progress, while billionaires like Elon Musk, Sam Altman, Peter Thiel, and Mark Zuckerberg prepare to outlive the collapse they are helping to create.

KEY CONCEPTS: From the Singularity to billionaire bunkers, TESCREAL ideology is the invisible force driving the AI arms race.

TESCREAL: Transhumanism, Extropianism, Singularitarianism, Cosmism, Rationalism, Effective Altruism, Accelerationism, Longtermism.

Special thanks to Dr. Émile P. Torres for his extensive research on this topic. Follow Dr. Torres: https://x.com/xriskology "]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg">
    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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[See also:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F2KOJe2p1NY ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/american-individualism-and-american-power/">
    <title>American Individualism and American Power - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-17T22:29:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/american-individualism-and-american-power/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The American habitus was forged partly by the conquest of Native land and partly by the experiences of superiority and entitlement among white enslavers."

...

"Whether you consider it an asset or a problem, most people agree that Americans are exceptionally individualistic. But why? Sociologist Stephen Mennell suggests that the contours of national character are easiest to see from the outside. From his position at University College Dublin, and writing during the first Trump administration, he offered some ideas.

Back in 1835, another outsider, Alexis de Tocqueville, famously described Americans as uniquely unbound by tradition or group norms. Many writers associate this with the “frontier” and images of self-reliant cowboys. However, Mennell argues, another experience of the frontier was being on the winning side of a violent power struggle with Indigenous people. He suggests that, in the country’s early history, the American habitus—the traits people acquire through contact with people around them, starting in early childhood—was forged partly by the conquest of Native land and partly by the experiences of superiority and entitlement among white enslavers.

Mennell makes a similar argument regarding the nation’s place in the world since World War II. Not only did the US develop globally commanding military power, but it also prints the world’s major currency. This gives the American government enormous power over other countries while freeing it from the need to abide by international laws that most other countries follow.

Americans are unusually likely to view “free markets” as inherently fair rather than looking at the relative power positions of buyers and sellers.

In general, Mennell suggests, as any nation’s place in the world rises, its citizens tend to associate this power with “a special virtue.” For example, the British Empire’s status in the nineteenth century helped convince its people that they were taking up “the white man’s burden” to civilize the world.

Many sociological studies have shown that, in any situation with a power dynamic, weaker parties know more about powerful ones than vice versa. This helps explain why Americans are generally not very knowledgeable about other countries. And Mennell suggests that it also influences a habitus with “a curious blindness to power relationships.” For example, Americans are unusually likely to view “free markets” as inherently fair rather than looking at the relative power positions of buyers and sellers.

Today, however, other countries, particularly China, are challenging American economic dominance. Even if it remains among the most powerful nations for the foreseeable future, Mennell argues, this relative decline in position “may be experienced as humiliating by individual Americans.” And that, in turn, could make the US “an even more dangerous force in world affairs than it has been in the first decades of the 21st century.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/27/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper/">
    <title>White Supremacy and Magic Paper | The Rancid Honeytrap</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T08:59:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/27/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via Steven Salaita here:

"Steven Salaita's Reflections on the Downward Spiral of US Empire & the Fate of the Western Academy "
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk ]

[in parts:

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 1/7: Frat Boys, Redskins and Ramsey Orta"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-17-frat-boys-redskins-and-ramsey-orta/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 2/7: There’s No Such Thing as First Amendment Absolutism"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/magic-paper-and-white-supremacy-27-theres-no-such-thing-as-first-amendment-absolutism/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 3/7: Magic Paper Theory"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-37-magic-paper-theory/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 4/7: The White Supremacy Difference"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-47-the-white-supremacy-difference/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 5/7: Precedent Hardly Matters"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-57-precedent-hardly-matters/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 6/7: Putting the Libertarian in Civil Libertarian"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-67-putting-the-libertarian-in-civil-libertarian/

"White Supremacy and Magic Paper 7/7: Free Ramsey Orta"
https://ohtarzie.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/white-supremacy-and-magic-paper-77-free-ramsey-orta/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://educationwars.substack.com/p/connecting-the-dots">
    <title>Connecting the Dots - by Jennifer Berkshire</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-04T17:11:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://educationwars.substack.com/p/connecting-the-dots</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I had the pleasure of appearing on On the Media this weekend, talking about what’s really behind the Trump assault on the Department of Education. (You can hear the interview here - my part starts around minute 17.) Because OTM is a show about ‘how the media sausage is made,’ I made a point of expressing my frustration with the state of coverage and commentary of the Trump world’s escalating assault on our education institutions. While I didn’t put it this way, I often have the feeling when reading the journalists who cover education that they’re reporting from inside a paper bag. In other words, it’s impossible to make sense of the ‘why’ of what’s happening if you’re not listening to the larger stories that Trump et al are telling about the world they want to recreate. I began my ‘connect the dots’ project last month with this post [https://educationwars.substack.com/p/the-brutal-logic-behind-dismantling ]. Here’s part two.

BAs are out, babies are in

The Trump world’s obsession with the declining birthrate doesn’t quite rank with rooting out “DEI,” tariff-ing, or expelling immigrants but it’s up there. In a recent interview, Elon Musk confessed that a fear of the shrinking number of babies keeps him up at night. What does this have to do with education? Everything. Last year, two of the big education ‘thinkers’ at Heritage released a guide to how changes in education policy could increase “the married birthrate”:

<blockquote>“Expensive and misguided government interventions in education are, whether intended or not, pushing young people away from getting married and starting families—to the long-term detriment of American society.”</blockquote>

What are those government interventions? Things like subsidizing student loans, thereby encouraging young women to go to college. Or requiring teachers, who are mostly women, to have bachelor degrees, thereby encouraging young women to go to college. Of course there is a voucher angle—there always is with these folks. But the key here is that a chorus of influential Trump thinkers, like this guy, keeps telling us that there are too many women on campus, and that policy shifts could get them back into the home where they belong.

If the administration succeeds in privatizing the government-run Student Loan Program, college will become much more expensive, significantly shrinking the number of kids who’ll be able to attend. And that seems to be the point, as conservative activist Chris Rufo explained in an interview a few weeks ago.

<blockquote>“By spinning off, privatizing and then reforming the student loan programs, I think that you could put the university sector as a whole into a significant recession. And I think that would be a very salutary thing.”</blockquote>

So when you hear the rising chorus coming from Trump world that there are too many of the wrong people on the nation’s campuses, recall that an awful lot of these self-styled ‘nationalists’ believe this: “If we want a great nation, we should be preparing young women to become mothers.”

Some people are more equal than others

I’ve been making the case that both the Department of Education and public education more broadly are especially vulnerable because of the equalizing roles that they play. Of course, education is not our only equalizer. Indeed, all of the institutions and policy mechanisms intended to smooth out the vast chasms between rich and poor are on the chopping block right now. While you were clicking on another bad news story, Trump eviscerated collective bargaining rights for thousands of federal workers. While teachers weren’t affected, a number of red states have been rushing to remedy that, including Utah which just banned collective bargaining for public employees.

Writer John Ganz describes the unifying thread that connects so much of Trump world as ‘bosses on top,’ the belief that “the authority and power of certain people is the natural order, unquestionable, good.” We got a vivid demonstration of what this looks like in Florida this week as legislators debated whether to roll back (more) child labor protections, allowing kids as young as 14 to work over night.

Governor Ron DeSantis is busily spinning the bill as being about parents rights (when he’s not pitching teen laborers as a replacement for immigrant workers), but what it’s really about is expanding the power of the boss. The ‘right’ to work overnight while still in school is actually the boss’ right to demand that young employees keep working. Nor is it hard to imagine the long-term consequences of this policy change. Teen workers who labor through the night end up dropping out of school, their futures constrained in every possible way. Here’s how Marilynn Robinson described the rollback of child labor laws in her adopted home state of Iowa: “If these worker-children do not manage to finish high school, they will always be poorer for it in income and status and mobility of every kind.”

Go back one hundred years when the country was in the midst of a fierce debate over child labor, and you’ll hear the same arguments for ‘bosses on top’ that are shaping policy today. At a time when public education was becoming compulsory, conservative industry groups like the National Association of Manufacturers cast their opposition to both child labor laws and universal public education in explicitly bossist terms, as Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway recount in The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market:

<blockquote>“They believed that men were inherently unequal: it was right and just for workers to be paid far less than managers and managers far less than owners. They also believed that in a free society some children would naturally enter the workforce. Child labor laws wer (to their minds) socialistic because they enforced erroneous assumptions of equality—for example, that all children should go to school—rather than accepting that some children should work in factories.”</blockquote>

Back to the states

Did you hear the one about how we’re returning education to the states? Back-to-the-states has become a mantra for the Trump Administration on all kinds of favored policy issues, as the New York Times recently pointed out. Of course, education is already a state ‘thing,’ which means that we can look at the states Trump keeps pointing to as models and see how they’re faring. So how are they faring? Not so well, as the education reform group EdTrust lays out here, reviewing both NAEP scores and the track records of these states in supporting low-income students and students of color.

But there are plenty of warning signs beyond test scores. Ohio seems poised to slash funding for public education, even as the state’s voucher program balloons. (And let’s not even get into the just-enacted Senate Bill 1, which limits class discussions of any ‘controversial’ topic and goes hard at campus unions.) But for a glimpse of the future that awaits us, pay attention to another state in my beloved Heartland, and which Trump has repeatedly showered with praise: Indiana.

Now, Indiana happens to be home to one of my favorite economists, Ball State’s Michael Hicks, who has been warning relentlessly that the state’s decision to essentially stop investing in K-12 and public higher education has been an economic disaster. Hoosiers, he pointed out recently, earn less today than the typical Californian or New Yorker did in 2005. As the number of kids going to college in Indiana has plummeted, the state now spends more and more money trying to lure bad employers to the state. Here’s how Hicks describes the economic and education policies that Indiana has embraced:

<blockquote>“If a diabolical Bond villain were to craft a set of policies that ensured long-term economic decline in a developed country, it would come in two parts. First, spend enormous sums of money on business incentives that offer a false narrative of economic vibrancy, then cut education spending.”</blockquote>

As for Indiana’s 25-year-long school choice experiment, Hicks concludes that it has been a failure. Why? Because the expansion of school vouchers and charter schools was used to justify spending less on public schools—precisely the policy course that we’re hurtling towards now. Today, Indiana spend less money per student on both K-12 and public higher education than it did in 2008.

GOP-run states have already begun to petition what’s left of the Department of Education for ‘funding flexibility’—the ability to spend Title 1 dollars, which now go to public schools serving low-income and rural students, on private religious education. We shouldn’t be surprised. This is precisely the vision laid out in Project 2025. (Fun fact: the same Heritage thinker who penned the education section of Project 2025 also co-authored the above referenced guide to getting young married ladies to have more babies.)

And just like in Indiana, school privatization will be used to justify reducing the investment in K-12 public education. So when an economist tells us that school choice “risks being Indiana’s single most damaging economic policy of the 21st century,” we should probably listen."

[via:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/friday-2/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWOH9iJhZXo">
    <title>Neoliberalism Explained: Its Theory, Practice, and Consequences - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-26T05:13:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWOH9iJhZXo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What neoliberalism actually is

Sources:
[1] https://www.gutenberg.org/files/3300/3300-h/3300-h.htm
[2] The New Way of the World, Pierre Dardot & Christian Laval.
[3] Les Mystiques économiques, Louis Rougier.
[4] Law, Legislation, and Liberty, Friedrich Hayek.
[5] The Man Versus the State, Herbert Spencer.
[6] Explication économique du monde modern, Wilhelm Röpke.
[7] https://puntodevistaeconomico.com/2016/12/21/extracts-from-an-interview-with-friedrich-von-hayek-el-mercurio-chile-1981/
[8] https://www.atlasnetwork.org/news/article/antony-fisher-and-the-influence-of-intellectuals-on-modern-society
[9] A Brief History of Neoliberalism, David Harvey.
[10] Neo-liberalism and its Prospects, Milton Friedman.
[11] https://www.ft.com/content/4f8107f8-0fd4-11ea-a7e6-62bf4f9e548a
[12] https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a6e0958f6576ebde0e78c18/t/5b5138d7aa4a99f62d160a93/1532049626746/Summary+of+issues+for+UN+Committee+on+Economic+Social+and+Cultural+Rights+-+Pre-session+for+Chile+-+December+2014.pdf
[13] https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2276520/
[14] Chile: The Underside of the Miracle, NACLA
[15] https://www.bbc.com/news/business-22077190
[16] An empirical investigation on the US economic performance, George Economakis.
[17] Europe: The Third Way, Blair & Schroeder "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://teasmith.au/to-the-people-who-love-what-they-do/">
    <title>To the people who “love what they do”. - Téa Smith</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-08T22:23:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://teasmith.au/to-the-people-who-love-what-they-do/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["LinkedIn is my favourite social network. No, I’m not kidding. Even though I hang out mostly on Twitter, LinkedIn has a special place in my heart. It is not like other social networks.

Twitter is full of stupid, loud, entitled, angry and entitled Millennials who are mad at Boomers. Facebook is full of stupid, loud, angry and entitled Boomers who are mad at Millennials. LinkedIn has both: stupid and angry Boomers and Millennials who, whilst yelling at each other on Twitter and Facebook, are also on LinkedIn, where they’re all forced to behave, because they have to co-exist in meat space. With sexy results.

[Homer Simpson GIF: "with sexy results."]

Gen X, all but forgotten, just hang and laugh at the stupid, angry chaos, because we hate both Millennials and Boomers and see that they’re ultimately the same agents and defenders of the status quo and are only in a fight to the death to run it. (Gen Z are off doing fuck knows, but entertain Gen X with their zero fucks).

Where other social platforms have a slight glimmer of sympathy, and pay lip service to, the working class and the disadvantaged, LinkedIn’s mission is clear: you are capital’s bitch, and if you want to eat, you’ve gotta play along. It’s… refreshingly honest.

Every day on LinkedIn, you see a rich kid who is winning awards for their “achievements” for doing the bare minimum. Hustle-bros who scam people, live with their parents, and call it “merit”. Woke Billionaires telling us that they really do super care about inequality, because look at my beard and jeans, not my actions. And definitely don’t look under the hood of my business. Look over there.

Don’t forget that you, too, can make a difference like me, if you just slept a bit less and just decided to be less poor, more male, and went to an Ivy League University and stopped being so negative. Poor people are so negative all the time. Why are you complaining so much? Don’t you know I’m a Forbes 30 Under 30 winner and why haven’t you looked at my jeans?

LinkedIn is capitalism’s most brazen bullshit, in all its glory, on tap. I love it. Everyone mostly existing in a structure that none of us want, but all of us perpetuate, because it’s just …easier. Ironically, LinkedIn is more human than any other platform, and culminates in a fascinating phenomenon that I call “capitalist cope”: thinking you can capitalism your way out of problems that are caused by capitalism by simply ignoring it.

LinkedIn is like jumping out of a plane, face first and then asking gravity to maybe be a little less negative as it pulls you toward the ground at 100 miles an hour. It’s funny. And delusional.

LinkedIn is a 24/7 capitalist cope machine, mask off, for all to see, and Human Resources professionals, brand managers and venture capitalists are here to run interference on the off chance you might look at all of it, contrast with your ever-increasing cost of living, lack of power and sleep deprivation and say “yeah, what a load of shit”, and start demanding a slightly fairer deal. Duh, it’s a free market. Don’t you understand basic economics? Like… supply and demand?

[GIF of Amy Poehler saying "Is this the mansplaining part of the evening?"]

[Capition: "Fellas, feel free to argue with me, but as a socialist, I own my own labour within a free market, which means, for me to engage, you can pay me or commission a piece of writing. Free market where you pay me for my labour on my terms. Capiche?"]

Without getting too boring and engaging in dumb quibbles (and so we can just move on so I get to my actual point) “Capitalism” is simply an approach to a free market, not the free market. In both socialism and capitalism, you still have a market, but they function differently, and prioritise different things. You still exchange goods and services and have money and iPhones and food and colourful clothes that aren’t hessian sacks. Socialists (well, the ones who know what they’re talking about and aren’t annoying), simply use “capitalism” to describe laissez-faire economics.

Socialism simply suggests that maybe capitalists have a slightly (cough) utopian view of human nature and history, and unregulated markets have had a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few. And, perhaps people are more than just units of production on par with dirt, water and wood.

Under capitalism, society orients towards profit, and because it tends to accumulate, we ultimately end up serving the interests of those who accumulate the most capital (because we all have to survive). So, ultimately we design a society that encourages exploitation. Capitalism, *drum roll* prioritises capital over social. You know, people-are-human-beings-not-robots, and tend to have a breaking point and heads of the wealthy tend to spontaneously fall off every hundred years or so if you keep treating everyone like shit.

Capitalism and socialism are in direct conflict with each other, because each system prioritises one class’ interests over the other and those interests don’t align. So, ultimately we either function to serve the 1% or we function to serve everybody. Get it? Can we move on past first year Pol Sci? I’m bored.

Which is why I find it really odd when I see otherwise-good people who work in Human Resources, or Brand Marketing, or their adjacent peers, posting on LinkedIn how they “love what they do”. I understand that there is a widespread fundamental misunderstanding of what capitalism is, does, how it behaves and how it always ends badly when you look at historical trends. I know that people simply don’t think about it. Mostly because socialists tend to be really fucking annoying. But… think about it now for a sec. Go on.

What is the real role/function of what you do?

When you say you “love” what you do, what does that mean? Do you ever think about the bigger picture? I get it… the small wins are good in a shitty world. But what makes it shitty? You like hanging with people and helping them. So do I. So why not do that for everyone? I also completely understand that you’ve gotta eat and pay your bills somehow, and you’re just trying to get by. But an awful lot of people seem to “love” what they do, when their job’s very function is something they should at least feel a little shame over.

I get it. I worked in marketing and thought I could nibble at the edges of this stuff for two decades. I tolerated it. But I never loved it. I saw it as necessary to live, until eventually I could no longer reconcile that I was contributing to an industry that was doing harm. I never “loved” what I did. I was ashamed of it, and even today, any job that I may take, I see as a concession based on my need to survive.

I used to joke that if I were more attractive I’d choose sex work over marketing, because at least that is an honest transaction …and you get to charge more for being fucked in the arse.

But, moving on.

You are allowed to see jobs as necessary, without “loving what you do”, or lying to yourself and others. It’s okay to admit that you need a job for money and would rather have time to write or paint. Geez. At least charge more for anal.

What is your real function here?

Zoom out.

For example, HR’s entire premise is built on the idea that people are resources to be extracted for profit by corporations, and are a “problem” to be “managed” if they step out of line. HR’s job is to extract as much labour from that “resource” as possible. Human beings are no different to the ground, air and water, and we all know how much corporations respect natural resources.

Just think about your role in it and what your primary function is. For one second. You don’t have to don a Che Guevara t-shirt and wear a beret and write slam poetry. I promise. Just think for a sec.

You “love what you do”?! Why? How?

HR’s function is to facilitate an egregious imbalance of power, whilst providing the illusion that the “resource” has a say in it. Those who are especially good at it make an employee think their exploitation is their own idea. You know, win-win.

Try saying no, or challenge this in any way and see how friendly HR is then. Try telling them that the way people are treated when applying for jobs is disrespectful, dehumanising and not at all okay for anyone who claims to be in the people business. Try telling them that the fact they say they love what they do when they know this is the stuff they do to people, actually makes them a terrible human being.

Try telling Human Resources that they are a salve, and actually run interference for an abusive, exploitative and dehumanising system. Point out that they call people Human Fucking Resources.

Watch them scurry, or shift in their seat, or deflect and call people like me negative, for asking for just one second to consider that maybe their ‘brand values’ are a little bit bullshit. Try seeing through the Woke veneers or corporate jargon and ESG platitudes. Try saying no to RUOK? Day or Pride Month because your employer has no legal right to ask about your private life and they know it. They’re friendly. They’re family. They care. They just want to accommodate you.

It’s definitely not bonded labour, because that would be bad and only bad guys force people to do labour in exchange for little to no pay to pay their debts. You are free to leave at any time. It’s not as if you will starve if you say no to it or anything.

Free market. Choice. Team Player. RUOK?

Unfortunately, modern government’s function is to (ideally) protect people from the excesses of this, and mostly to ensure people don’t get angry and start doing the numbers or reading the fine print and start getting ideas about changing things. The government’s job is to mediate between the interests of the wealthy and the natural and human resources the wealthy totally earned through hard work, like the air, water, earth and people in it. They earned it. Why would they pay taxes? Taxes are for socialists who hate the free market and don’t understand basic economics like supply and demand, you see.

Of course, governments also end up stuck with their own HR Departments, because we are now in a situation where corporations have claimed everyone’s resources, and therefore governments are starved out from tax avoidance, corporate lawyers and privately-owned public goods.

Government staff also have rent to pay and fast fashion to buy, and we all know that austerity is the only acceptable way to run a society. So, don’t go getting ideas, like that if we made it so people didn’t starve for not signing a predatory contract where they rented themselves out in exchange for shelter, food and water that is owned by a handful of people (which is definitely not slavery, that would be bad), HR would have far less power over the “resources” and unable to extract as much labour. We can’t have that.

Marketing (and by extension Media)’s function is to make inelastic goods and services out of elastic ones, and emotionally manipulate us to sell things at a higher price and therefore a higher margin. If they’re really super extra good at this, they can put a B badge on it like Nespresso, or make suffragette M&Ms.

The Media’s job is to tell you it is all fine that we’re in a cycle of indentured servitude of being harvested for profit, treated not as human beings but as ingredients in a rainbow cake on RUOK Day. Ignore the wars. What are you, a Russian bot?

I suppose I can understand why people don’t think too deeply about it. It’s painful to think you might be hurting people, unless, of course, you’re a psychopath. And I know that most people are just trying to get by. But this is why I want you to at least consider before you say you “love what you do”. Do you really? Do you really love this? Why?

I don’t. I hate that I am stuck here. I hate that I am surrounded by people who are part of a system that benefits so few, and hurts so many, and they have to find a way to love it. I understand that it feels overwhelming, but as much as we try to quibble over economic theory, and semantics and engage in a massive capitalism cope, it really is as simple as “do you prioritise people over profit?”.

Thinking too deeply about why you do what you do and who we are serving, and owning it, requires us to take stock and look at ourselves honestly. That can be really difficult, especially when the system just feels so large and the solutions are inconvenient.

But, if there’s one thing I hope it’s that people can at least be more conscious about it, and not be deceived by a system that makes all of this seem like our own idea. And for those who reject what I am saying here, I want you to examine what your priorities truly are, and to stop saying that you love people, or that you are in the “people business”. The line between bonded labour and trafficking and how capitalism functions at its core is simply a matter of semantics and branding, at the end of the day. Some are just better at lying to themselves than others.

It’s easier to pretend, or theorise, or quibble, or rationalise with ideological semantics than it is to look at who, ultimately, we are serving, why we are serving them (and yes, survival is a valid reason, up to a point), what our real values are, and how we might change the system that has been built from the ground up to benefit those who can rationalise putting profit over people.

I actually love people, which is why I am saying this. And I put my money where my mouth is. Zoom out."

[via:
https://x.com/Tyler_A_Harper/status/1865566223817179308

"Wrote about this a while back: a core function of elite higher education is to acculturate future elites into the belief that you can simultaneously be a Good Person With Good Liberal Opinions and also work in predatory industries that ruin other peoples lives and/or the country." (with a screenshot of the two-paragraph passage just above)

in response to
https://x.com/LolOverruled/status/1865281915390939228

"Some just finding out that a lot of other people do actually believe that doing certain jobs, even white collar ones, can make you a bad person"

where the author of this bookmarked essay responded with:
https://x.com/tealou/status/1865607208203067580

"haha I wrote this a few years back https://teasmith.au/to-the-people-who-love-what-they-do/ "]]]></description>
<dc:subject>teasmith 2023 socialmedia linkedin twitter capitalism socialism work labor markets human humans class humanresources marketing purpose freemarket freemarkets corporatism corporations inequality</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/three-liberalisms">
    <title>Michael A. McCarthy, Three Liberalisms — Sidecar</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-14T04:42:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/three-liberalisms</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Trump’s crushing victory over Harris casts serious doubt on one of the darling concepts of American political science: ‘polarization’. As of the latest count, Trump won the popular vote by over 3.5 million, capturing most swing states and flipping those that went for Biden in 2020: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin. Voters thought to be entrenched in separate camps defied psephologists’ predictions by crossing from one to the other. Dominated by the Democrats for two election cycles, urban counties swung to Trump by 5.8 points, while suburban counties that went blue for Biden shifted red by 4.4 points. Both less-educated and more-educated counties also trended towards Trump (by 5.2 and 4.6 points respectively), as did most non-white groups: Hispanic-majority counties (13.3 points), indigenous counties (10 points) and black-majority counties (2.7 points). Trump even did better among women, who shifted 5 points to the right relative to 2020.

The president-elect now enters the White House enraged by his court battles and emboldened by a significant mandate. His party, having purged most of the Never Trumpers and replaced them with loyalists, is on the verge of controlling all the branches of government: a supermajority on the Supreme Court, a 3-seat majority in the Senate and likely a slim one in the House. The Democrats may still storm back in a few years’ time, as they have done after previous routs. But their fortunes will depend on how they adapt politically. What is the outlook for their particular brand of liberalism in the wake of this defeat?

An unlikely theoretical resource for understanding the American political scene can be found in Tosaka Jun’s The Japanese Ideology: A Marxist Critique of Liberalism and Fascism, first published in 1935 and now available in English thanks to Robert Stolz’s recent translation. Tosaka was a prominent critic of the Kyoto School of Philosophy, which emerged in the 1930s as an intellectual prop for Japanese imperialism and militarism. In 1931 he co-founded the Institute for Materialism Studies to bring Marxism to bear on Japanese history. Forced out of the academy just three years later, he eventually suffered a fate similar to that of Antonio Gramsci – dying in a fascist prison in 1945 from sickness and maltreatment.

Fascism in Japan did not break with the legal order; instead it took a ‘constitutional’ form in which restored feudal institutions were legitimated through bourgeois democracy. Tosaka’s key insight was that liberalism and fascism were both rooted in idealist philosophies, and therefore shared such intimate affinities that a switch from the ‘common sense’ of one to the ideology of the other could be easily effected under certain historical conditions. Liberalism, as an empty and contentless cultural worldview, can undergo what Stolz calls a ‘dialectical inversion’, where the positive content that comes to fill it is nativism, ultranationalism and archaic notions of ‘the people’.

In developing this theory, Tosaka divided liberalism into three distinct forms: political, economic and cultural. Each is built on a negative conception of freedom: freedom from. Political liberalism, obeying what it sees as pre-political laws of nature, entails freedom from governmental tyranny for the rights-bearing individual. As Locke wrote in his Second Treatise on Government, ‘The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it. Reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who will but consult it, that being all equal and interdependent, no one ought to harm another in life, health, liberty, or possessions.’ In this conception, whose institutional expression is bourgeois representative democracy, the social contract establishes a limited government that is supposed to afford civil society maximal autonomy.

Economic liberalism entails respect for property rights and insists that markets function best without government interference. It too relies on a view of the political as an ontologically distinct and disconnected sphere of social life. Adam Smith took this separation a step further than Locke to argue that in the realm of civil society, self-interest leads to greater cooperation, freedom and efficiency – not merely mutual recognition and a social contract. Free from political intervention, markets spontaneously produce a healthy social order.

What of cultural liberalism? Tosaka was careful to distinguish its content from its form. At the level of content, there are many recognizable liberal sentiments today – respect for the law, expertise, rules of civility – but these do not coalesce into a coherent political worldview. They are confined to the aesthetic realm of tastes, dispositions and affinities, which are changeable and often contradictory. The form of cultural liberalism, however, is more fixed. It entails the freedom of individuals to develop their own thoughts and sense of self: the various ways in which their personality might be perfected or their identity worked out. Taken on its own terms, Tosaka wrote, cultural liberalism has ‘no relationship to any political goals at all’. It is a purely negative space. Yet it constantly demands that positive content be smuggled back in, so that subjects can make sense of real-world problems and give meaning to their lives.

Assessing the rise of Japanism – the variant of fascism that gripped Japan in the 1930s – Tosaka argued that the developmental dynamics of monopoly capitalism had undermined the economic and political pillars of liberalism, leaving only its cultural form. Japanese liberalism thus became little more than a sentimental and incoherent conception of the free self, abstracted from material relations of exploitation and domination. This allowed fascism to incubate in liberal society, eventually emerging in a constitutional mould that saw elements of feudalism – the emperor, Shinto as the state religion – renewed. In this way, Japanism reinvented an authoritarian past to constitute a political subject fit for the present: one that would carry forward the project of imperial expansion. Freedom from morphed into freedom to. Liberalism was redefined as living in accordance with the culture, customs and traditions embodied by the restored feudal forms of the bourgeois state.

Has a similar process taken place, albeit in very different circumstances, in the contemporary United States? In the final quarter of the twentieth century, the Democratic Party’s neoliberal turn led to the gradual delegitimization of political and economic liberalism: representative structures such as parties and trade unions were hollowed out, and capitalism evolved into a highly unstable financialized system that finally faltered in 2008. Since then, the Democrats appear to have moved away from such liberal mythologies, replacing them with an ethos of top-down control and management. Not only have they tried to outdo the Republicans on ‘border security’, with Biden’s deportation numbers nearly matching Trump’s; they have also pursued a set of aggressive carceral policies, politicized the courts and designed increasingly invasive systems of surveillance – not to mention mobilizing the vast resources of the American war machine to slaughter civilians in Gaza. If political liberalism could never fulfil its promise of a society free from state coercion, it now appears to have abandoned this pretense entirely. Meanwhile, economic liberalism looks equally discredited. Most of the Republicans’ protectionist policies have been preserved, and some of them accelerated, under Biden. The outgoing administration has proposed new forms of state-led development, with the IRA and the CHIPS Act putting industrial planning and strategy at the heart of its programme. In the drive for militarized competition with China, free markets are out of fashion.

Yet Tosaka showed that even when liberalism’s political and economic forms collapse, its cultural register can persist. The Democrats under Biden and Harris tried to base their electoral appeal on the sandbanks of cultural sentiment: on abstract notions of respectability, poise and personality. Harris spoke of a politics of ‘joy’. The Economist noted that she was ‘running on vibes’. Yet if this kind of liberalism is ultimately no more than the negative freedom of individuals to define themselves, this allows the far right to co-opt it by deploying its own ‘positive’ mythologies: from national palingenesis to xenophobia to misogyny. This is precisely what the Trump campaign did, juxtaposing Harris’s false ‘joy’ to the baser emotions of anger, fear and resentment, all of which are perfectly legitimate for a working class that has long been ignored by Washington elites. With Trump’s vengeful nostalgia tapping into real popular antipathy, large numbers of former blue voters decided to support him. ‘Polarization’ went up in smoke.

Trump was also helped by the Democrats’ attempts to associate their brand of cultural liberalism with a particular notion of ‘Americanness’. Hillary Clinton remarked in 2016 that ‘Defending American exceptionalism should be above politics’. Biden frequently described MAGA Republicans as ‘un-American’. Here, liberals have tried to give substance to their empty worldview by invoking the theme of the ‘chosen nation’, locked in a Messianic war against its civilizational rivals (from Islamism to Putinism). In the process, they have normalized Trump’s narrative of a glorious country besieged by alien outsiders – placing it firmly within the political mainstream. Trumpism, despite what its hyperbolic opponents say, is not a subversion of the constitutional order. Like Japanism, it is a continuation of liberalism that uses forms of restorationism to redefine the country’s mission, promising to rebuild collective bonds by reinstating traditional social hierarchies. Unlike Japanism, though, it will struggle to reshape the state in its image or create anything resembling a new national order. Its ideological appeal does not necessarily translate to institutional power. If the left is to present an alternative to such dark passions, it must start by recognizing their repressed origins in the liberal consensus."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freakonomics.com/podcast/how-does-the-lost-world-of-vienna-still-shape-our-lives/">
    <title>How Does the Lost World of Vienna Still Shape Our Lives? - Freakonomics</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-28T05:43:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freakonomics.com/podcast/how-does-the-lost-world-of-vienna-still-shape-our-lives/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From politics and economics to psychology and the arts, many of the modern ideas we take for granted emerged a century ago from a single European capital. In this episode of the Freakonomics Radio Book Club, the historian Richard Cockett explores all those ideas — and how the arrival of fascism can ruin in a few years what took generations to build."

[See also:

Vienna: How the City of Ideas Created the Modern World, by Richard Cockett (2023)
https://yalebooks.co.uk/book/9780300266535/vienna/

"How can one European capital be responsible for most of the West’s intellectual and cultural achievements in the twentieth century?
 
Viennese ideas saturate the modern world. From California architecture to Hollywood Westerns, modern advertising to shopping malls, orgasms to gender confirmation surgery, nuclear fission to fitted kitchens—every aspect of our history, science, and culture is in some way shaped by Vienna.
 
The city of Freud, Wittgenstein, Mahler, and Klimt was the melting pot at the heart of a vast metropolitan empire. But with the Second World War and the rise of fascism, the dazzling coteries of thinkers who squabbled, debated, and called Vienna home dispersed across the world, where their ideas continued to have profound impact.
 
Richard Cockett gives us the entirety of this extraordinary story. Tracing Vienna’s rich intellectual history from psychoanalysis to Reaganomics, Cockett encompasses everything from the communist rebels of Red Vienna to the neoliberal economists of the Austrian School. This is the panoramic account of how one city made the modern world—and how we all remain inescapably Viennese."]

[via the CW&T newsletter:

"Late last Thursday night, Che-Wei was on a train to Boston and he texted me "we should figure out how to argue better". I texted back "sure, but please first more context".

He then sent over one of the latest Freakonomics podcasts, How Does the Lost World of Vienna Still Shape Our Lives? In this episode Stephen Dubner chats with Richard Crockett about his recent book Vienna : How the city of ideas created the modern world. The part about arguing only comes at the very end. But it left me yearning to learn more about Vienna. Also, Dubner boasts that Crockett's book was one of those rare, lucky reads that happen only once or twice a year that you can't stop thinking about.

Early in the book, Crockett talks about the concept Bildung, an idea coined by Prussian philospher + education administrator Willhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) where people prioritize and value lifelong learning and curiosity, as opposed to class and money. In the late 1800s, Vienna was very much a city of immigrants, and the people who lived there formed very strong connections with these ideas. He then goes on to talk about how these values were cultivated and shaped society.

I'm not going to re-tell the whole book, but aside from establishing access to free standardized, multidisciplinary education for men and woman ages 6-14, being a hobbyist, tinkerer, having interest in the arts or philosophy was very much ingrained in everyday life. Part of this had to do with the cafe culture, but also the architecture of middle class homes. These were very well suited with spaces to not only host gatherings, but to have workshops, or even terrariums/animal/insect habitats. It was common for groups of friends to gather at homes and for fun attempt to replicate some of the latest experiments published in scientific journals, or for young kids to raise and study insects or animals.

We all know how the story ends (not good). And even though I haven't finished the book, I can't stop thinking about that world, its loss and wondering about what parts of it remain and can be cultivated."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>vienna history economics 2024 stephendubner ryankelley freakonomics richardcockett nazis progressivism austria austrianschool art politics science society civilization freud wittgenstein gustavklimt gustavmahler redvienna psychology arts modernity architecture marketing design europe us socialsciences arguing education howwelearn tinkering gatherings workshops openstudioproject willhelmvonhumboldt friedrichvonhayek ronaldreagan margaretthatcher capitalism freemarket freemarkets lifelonglearning knowledge decentralization 1880s curiosity cafeculture culture thirdspaces coffeeshops hollywood music goldenage billywilder fredzinneman filmmaking rudolfbing opera immigration ukraine austro-hungarianempire meritocracy bildung nationalism antisemitism democracy stefanzweig rules nannystate liberals liberalism state socialism power control ernstgombrich fascism nationalsocialism hitler nazism richardneutra psychoanalysis communism coldwar josephschumpeter business consumerculture advertising vancepackard regulation me</dc:subject>
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]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/the-mondragon-moment/">
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OcBNfYWSw9w">
    <title>What is Antiracism? | Ruth Wilson Gilmore and Arun Kundnani - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-09T01:20:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OcBNfYWSw9w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why has liberalism been ineffective at combating racism? And what would a more radical anti-racism look like?

On July 13th 2023  Ruth Wilson Gilmore joined Arun Kundnani at an event to launch his new book, What Is Antiracism? And Why It Means Anticapitalism, at the Independent Social Research Foundation in London. This is the event footage from that evening.

Find Arun Kundnani's new book here:
https://www.versobooks.com/products/2670-what-is-antiracism

Ruth Wilson Gilmore is a noted prison abolitionist. Her latest book is Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation
https://www.versobooks.com/products/2615-abolition-geography

This event is the twenty-seventh in the ISRF’s series of Book Launches: 
https://www.isrf.org/events/book-launches/

With thanks to Arun Kundnani, the ISRF, the IRR, and SOAS University of London for hosting this event.

00:00:00 Arun Kundnani
00:17:17 Ruth Wilson Gilmore
00:45:58 UK’s attitude to colonialism
00:49:38 Identity Politics and CRT
00:58:38 Fascism and Neoliberalism
01:08:36 Liberal foundations"

[See also:

"The Problem with Liberal Antiracism | Arun Kundnani and Kojo Koram"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PjTb_aX_Gqc

"Arun Kundnani and Kojo Koram discuss why antiracism has to be about dismantling structures power. Liberal antiracism has proven powerless against structural oppression. Fighting racism means striking at its capitalist roots.

Arun Kundnani  writes about racial capitalism and Islamophobia, surveillance and political violence, and Black radical movements.  He is the author of What Is Antiracism? And Why It Means Anticapitalism
https://www.versobooks.com/en-gb/products/2670-what-is-antiracism

Kojo Koram is a Senior Lecturer in Law at Birkbeck School of Law. In 2022 he published his debut book Uncommon Wealth: Britain and the Aftermath of Empire, which was nominated for the 2022 Orwell Prize for Political Writing.

Intro 0:00:00
Corporate diversity 00:00:52 
Neoliberalism and colonialism 00:04:10 
The Role of Personal experience 00:06:46 
Racial capitalism and surplus populations 00:10:48
Marxism and Anti-Colonialism 00:18:05 
CRT, Unconscious Bias Training and the conservative backlash 00:20:52 
US vs UK perspectives 00:26:00"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://scholarworks.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1153&amp;context=suurj">
    <title>The Relationship Between White Supremacy and Capitalism: A Socioeconomic Study on Embeddedness in the Market and Society, by Cara Nguyen (2020)</title>
    <dc:date>2021-12-05T20:18:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scholarworks.seattleu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1153&amp;context=suurj</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Economic liberalism has built a market system that is founded on the belief that it is separate from other social institutions, that it is self-regulating, and that it operates without bias. This paper claims that despite the classical liberal values that the market is built to serve, capitalism exists within a context in which societal contracts like cultural and racial contracts influence market outcomes. Specifically, the racial contract in the United States contextualizes the capitalist free market system as a system that normalizes, empowers, and encourages the exploitation and abuse of Nonwhite people, specifically Black and Indigenous folks. The market was constructed and functions within a white supremacist society, which means that its outcomes uphold white supremacy. By weaving discussions of the foundations of the free market system like market embeddedness, neoliberalism and economization, settler versus Indigenous views of land, and the creation of racial contracts, the paper details how capitalism and white supremacy are intimately related. Ultimately, the domination and exploitation of Nonwhite people will continue to be an integral part of the liberal capitalist market system, regardless of whether this is done consciously or not. It will continue because it is built into the structures of the market. The project of challenging white supremacy, then, is directly tied up in the project of dismantling the capitalist market."

[saved here:
https://www.are.na/block/14246188 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>caranguyen 2020 liberalism neoliberalism capitalism markets race racism whitesupremacy freemarkets indigeneity indigenous exploitation land economics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/21/opinion/green-new-deal-texas-blackout.html">
    <title>Opinion | Why Texas Republicans Fear the Green New Deal - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2021-03-22T04:19:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/21/opinion/green-new-deal-texas-blackout.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[more here (tags apply to that do): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zFPKpOYx4xM ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>naomiklein 2021 greennewdeal texas climatechange policy republicans economics gregabbott neoliberalism energy fossilfuels enron deregulation electricity privatization weather extremeweather markets naturaldisasters shockdoctrine crises crisis miltonfriedman change hurricanekatrina neworleans nola louisiana aoc alexandriaocasio-cortez berniesanders margaretthatcher us uk fema 2005 freemarkets freemarket iraq georgewbush vision ronaldreagan reaganism publicutilities politics power decentralization dsa thesquad andreasmalm left imagination eviction housing homeless homelessness coronavirus covid-19 pandemic austerity joebiden 2020 violence civildisobedience massaction nonviolence katrina</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://read.dukeupress.edu/social-text/article-abstract/35/4/53/133563/You-Make-Me-Feel-Right-Quare-Promiscuous-Reading">
    <title>“You Make Me Feel Right Quare” | Social Text | Duke University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2021-02-13T22:31:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://read.dukeupress.edu/social-text/article-abstract/35/4/53/133563/You-Make-Me-Feel-Right-Quare-Promiscuous-Reading</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“This article uses two ephemeral patent remedy advertisements from the 1890s to examine an aesthetic-affective category I call white sovereign entrepreneurial terror. Linking the period before the rise of progressivism and New Deal economics to the total collapse and evacuation of those structures following the 2016 election, I detail the qualities of this intoxicated, carnivalesque, free-market affect, outline its affiliation with the aggressive return of white nationalism, and make an argument for a determined return to a pre-twentieth-century archive in American studies, grounded in contemporary queer and minoritarian, in particular African American, critique. I call the methodology of this return “promiscuous reading.””

[PDF: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/3e97/13abfedf7907621f763831ae9e4a3fa52665.pdf ]

“In this article I theorize the deployment of white fragility1 and white vulgarity as recurrent and conjoined signs of the presence and imminent threat of violent terror against nonwhite peoples in the United States; the aesthetic-affective form into which these signs congeal is a motile, at times nonsensical phenomenon that I name white sovereign entrepreneurial terror, a genre that draws its logic from the history of the consolidation of whiteness vis-à-vis Blackness and settler colonialism. White sovereign entrepreneurial terror is an affective structure energized by a logic of white repair and white revenge that is too easily dismissed as external to politics by those still invested in the idea of a rational public/political sphere because of that structure’s uncivil aesthetic codes, which include fantastic narratives of white bodily sovereignty played out in outrageous, seemingly comedic, displays of salesmanship.

White sovereign entrepreneurial terror is marked by an aggressive antifacticity and irrationality whose freedom from any reality principle promises an immediate relation between desire, will, and outcome that leans heavily on the Malthusian and entrepreneurial necropolitics of liberal capital. White sovereign entrepreneurial terror sounds and feels like relief and entertainment to a white population whose very sense of selfhood and power has been seemingly threatened by the work of progressivism and civil government; thus, it is an aesthetic and affective genre that reasserts itself in such a way that feels like fun for whiteness but codes as terror for everyone else. Finally, white sovereign entrepreneurial terror is a political aesthetic and narrative form born in the free-market logics of late nineteenth-century snake-oil salesmanship — in the particular formation of free-market bio- and necropolitics that emerged from racial slavery and settler colonialism — that adheres to and promises whiteness-as-property to those whom it will ultimately swindle. As I hope to show here, across multiple scales of analysis, white sovereign entrepreneurial terror weds the logic of capital to the privileged property of whiteness, making entrepreneurialism and whiteness coeval terms predicated upon a biopolitical logic that metes out death and propertylessness, hunger and debility as natural outcomes for those against whom whiteness is wielded.2

To develop my argument, in this article I focus in on a small sample of late nineteenth-century advertisements, culled from the last two decades that I have spent studying the medium.3 Specifically, I look at two patent-remedy pamphlets, which were mailed out for free throughout the United States to promote a vast number of narcotic, herbal, and alcoholic nostrums for the seemingly endless number of America’s ailments. Some questions I ask in this article are: What do these two pamphlets tell us
about the affective history of biopolitics — understood as the coeval production of racialized sexuality and sexualized raciality — in the context of the United States? What should we call the motile and promiscuous aesthetic produced by this political history? What might it yield vis-à-vis contemporary theories of racial/racist biopolitics to give a name to the aesthetics — the genres — enacted by a political moment?4 What methodologies are of use in just such an excavation? And, finally, how do we
get from the particularism of claims about aesthetics to claims about the ambient affect of a political moment?5”]]></description>
<dc:subject>1890s newdeal economics progressivism 2016 elections donaldtrump whitenationalism queer queerstudies minoritarianism reading kylawazanatompkins 2017 us history settlercolonialism whiteness politics policy irrationality property biopolitics freemarket markets entrepreneurship freemarkets</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9aK4OztueuE">
    <title>Yanis Varoufakis: From an Economics without Capitalism to Markets without Capitalism | DiEM25 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-01-27T03:31:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9aK4OztueuE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“A lecture organised by University of Tübingen economics students, delivered on Monday February 3, 2020, on the theme “From an Economics without Capitalism to Markets without Capitalism”.

Mainstream economic models lack some important features of really-existing capitalism, including money, time and space. Its models offer ideological cover for a capitalist system that has usurped
competitive, free markets. 

The result? Unbearable inequality, climate catastrophe and permanent stagnation. A fork on the road is approaching: It will take us either into deeper stagnation and environmental degradation or to a society with markets but no capitalism. Prof. Yanis Varoufakis talks about the future of our economy and the current state of economics with special regard to pluralism in economics.

Source: https://timms.uni-tuebingen.de/tp/UT_20200203_001_rethinkeco_0001

“Introduction to Pluralism in Economics - From an Economics-without-Capitalism to Markets-without-Capitalism

abstract:An Introduction to Pluralism in Economics Lecture Series in the Winter Term of 2019/20 Debates about economic theory are omnipresent. There is increasing doubt if complex economic relationships can be modelled precisely enough through rationality-based mathematical models. Dynamic equilibrium theory and prognoses have often been deficient to anticipate crises and upheavals in reality. This criticism is mostly brought forward by so called heterodox or pluralist economists, who have gained popularity and momentum in recent years. Even in public discourse, questions about a new economic order have become more present. Nonetheless, the progress made in research and the debates amongst scholars are not taught to undergraduate students of economics. It is often said that new students firstly need to learn the basics before they can participate in controversial discussions. Lectures presenting different schools of thought, the history and emergence of economic thought and heterodox perspectives are mostly postponed to graduate studies - or not taught at all. The lectures series by Rethinking Economics Tübingen wants to change this fact and start teaching a broad understanding of economics. What are the beginnings of the discipline and how did it depart from other social sciences? What can a philosophy of economics contribute to contemporary debates in the field? How many schools of thoughts do exist and what are their theoretical underpinnings? Are economic models the only way to do research for economists? We want to show that studying economics can be much more than integral functions, time series and indifference curves and furthermore give a prospect to what economics courses can be: controversial, interdisciplinary, multi-perspective, diversified and in tune with the latest economic developments. The lecture series will present a broad array of perspectives that - from our point of view - belong in any undergraduate program and aims at proving how divers and pluralistic economics can and should be. The series starts with remains from the previous lecture series in the summer term of 2019 dealing with the topic of capitalism. We managed to win excellent speakers who could not attend in the past semester. They can show with their talks about capitalism how heterodox economics is connected to real-life processes and even the entire economic system. We continue the lecture series by exploring the various perspectives of economics: Starting with qualitative research methods, to a critical analysis of what the blind spots of economics are and ending with an outlook on the future of pluralism in economics. Feminist economics, ecological economics, post-Keynesian economic and others are an integral part of the lecture series.””]]></description>
<dc:subject>yanisvaroufakis economics socialsciences ethics science sciences humans humanism behavior capitalism academia politics policy highered highereducation theory theories 2020 thinking philosophy howwethink howweteach education history abstraction context adamsmith morality industrialization greed economichistory crisis employment unemployment johnmaynardkeynes 1929 greatdepression markets demand supply equilibrium prices math mathematics time microeconomics money modeling gametheory influence observereffect bartering monetization debt macroeconomics interestrates risk greece globalfinancialcrisis greatrecession labor work unions monopolies monopoly savings investment generalequilibrium economists canon friedrichhayek reason disequilibrium logic truth keynes hayek society land commodification realestate market globalization karlmarx stockmarket electromagnetism electricity magnetism radio telecommunications networks networkedfirm thomasedison generalelectric competition pluralism economiesofscale networkedcapital</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/political-economy-skills-gap/">
    <title>The Political Economy of 'the skills gap' - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-11-19T23:23:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/political-economy-skills-gap/</link>
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<item rdf:about="http://linguafranca.mirror.theinfo.org/print/0101/cover_cons.html">
    <title>Lingua Franca - February 2001 | Cover Story: The Ex-Cons</title>
    <dc:date>2017-09-14T03:55:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://linguafranca.mirror.theinfo.org/print/0101/cover_cons.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The only thing that arouses Luttwak's ire more than untrammeled capitalism is its elite enthusiasts—the intellectuals, politicians, policy makers, and businessmen who claim that "just because the market is always more efficient, the market should always rule." Alan Greenspan earns Luttwak's special contempt: "Alan Greenspan is a Spencerian. That makes him an economic fascist." Spencerians like Greenspan believe that "the harshest economic pressures" will "stimulate some people to...economically heroic deeds. They will become great entrepreneurs or whatever else, and as for the ones who fail, let them fail." Luttwak's other b'te noire is "Chainsaw Al" Dunlap, the peripatetic CEO who reaps unimaginable returns for corporate shareholders by firing substantial numbers of employees from companies. "Chainsaw does it," says Luttwak, referring to Dunlap's downsizing measures, "because he's simpleminded, harsh, and cruel." It's just "economic sadism." Against Greenspan and Dunlap, Luttwak affirms, "I believe that one ought to have only as much market efficiency as one needs, because everything that we value in human life is within the realm of inefficiency—love, family, attachment, community, culture, old habits, comfortable old shoes.""

…

"Although Luttwak writes in his 1999 book Turbo-Capitalism, "I deeply believe...in the virtues of capitalism," his opposition to the spread of market values is so acute that it puts him on the far end of today's political spectrum—a position that Luttwak congenitally enjoys. "Edward is a very perverse guy, intellectually and in many other ways," says former Commentary editor Norman Podhoretz, one of Luttwak's early champions during the 1970s. "He's a contrarian. He enjoys confounding expectations. But I frankly don't even know how serious he is in this latest incarnation." Luttwak insists that he is quite serious. He calls for socialized medicine. He advocates a strong welfare state, claiming, "If I had my druthers, I would prohibit any form of domestic charity." Charity is a "cop-out," he says: It takes dignity away from the poor."

[via: https://twitter.com/jonathanshainin/status/907983419413381120
via: https://twitter.com/camerontw/status/908176042182950914 ]

[from the responses to the tweet above:

"reminds me of kurt vonnegut on buying an envelope"
https://twitter.com/okay_dc/status/907991703184912386

"[When Vonnegut tells his wife he's going out to buy an envelope] Oh, she says, well, you're not a poor man. You know, why don't you go online and buy a hundred envelopes and put them in the closet? And so I pretend not to hear her. And go out to get an envelope because I'm going to have a hell of a good time in the process of buying one envelope. I meet a lot of people. And, see some great looking babes. And a fire engine goes by. And I give them the thumbs up. And, and ask a woman what kind of dog that is. And, and I don't know. The moral of the story is, is we're here on Earth to fart around. And, of course, the computers will do us out of that. And, what the computer people don't realize, or they don't care, is we're dancing animals. You know, we love to move around. And, we're not supposed to dance at all anymore."

http://blog.garrytan.com/kurt-vonnegut-goes-to-buy-an-envelope-profund
https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=9299135 ]

[also from the responses:

"Excellent. Nicholas Carr http://www.roughtype.com/?p=4708 "
https://twitter.com/BrianSJ3/status/908022365128462337

"Pichai doesn’t seem able to comprehend that the essence, and the joy, of parenting may actually lie in all the small, trivial gestures that parents make on behalf of or in concert with their kids — like picking out a song to play in the car. Intimacy is redefined as inefficiency."
 http://www.roughtype.com/?p=4708 ]

[Cf: "The automated island"
http://crapfutures.tumblr.com/post/161539196134/the-automated-island

"In his frankly curmudgeonly but still insightful essay ‘Why I am Not Going to Buy a Computer’ (1987), Wendell Berry lays out his ‘standards for technological innovation’. There are nine points, and in the third point Berry states that the new device or system ‘should do work that is clearly and demonstrably better’ than the old one. This seems obvious and not too much to ask of a technology, but how well does the automated entrance at Ponta Gorda fulfill that claim?

Berry also has a point, the last in his list, about not replacing or disrupting ‘anything good that already exists’. This includes relationships between people. In other words, solve actual problems - rather than finding just any old place to put a piece of technology you want to sell. Even if the scanners at Ponta Gorda did work, how would eliminating the one human being who is employed to welcome visitors and answer questions improve the system? In Berry’s words, ‘what would be superseded would be not only something, but somebody’. The person who works there is a ‘good that already exists’, a human relationship that should be preserved, especially when her removal from a job would be bought at so little gain."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://georgelakoff.com/2016/07/23/understanding-trump-2/">
    <title>Understanding Trump « George Lakoff</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-30T20:22:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://georgelakoff.com/2016/07/23/understanding-trump-2/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Unconscious thought works by certain basic mechanisms. Trump uses them instinctively to turn people’s brains toward what he wants: Absolute authority, money, power, celebrity.

The mechanisms are:

1. Repetition. Words are neurally linked to the circuits the determine their meaning. The more a word is heard, the more the circuit is activated and the stronger it gets, and so the easier it is to fire again. Trump repeats. Win. Win, Win. We’re gonna win so much you’ll get tired of winning.

2. Framing: Crooked Hillary. Framing Hillary as purposely and knowingly committing crimes for her own benefit, which is what a crook does. Repeating makes many people unconsciously think of her that way, even though she has been found to have been honest and legal by thorough studies by the right-wing Bengazi committee (which found nothing) and the FBI (which found nothing to charge her with, except missing the mark ‘(C)’ in the body of 3 out of 110,000 emails). Yet the framing is working.

There is a common metaphor that Immorality Is Illegality, and that acting against Strict Father Morality (the only kind off morality recognized) is being immoral. Since virtually everything Hillary Clinton has ever done has violated Strict Father Morality, that makes her immoral. The metaphor thus makes her actions immoral, and hence she is a crook. The chant “Lock her up!” activates this whole line of reasoning.

3. Well-known examples: When a well-publicized disaster happens, the coverage activates the framing of it over and over, strengthening it, and increasing the probability that the framing will occur easily with high probability. Repeating examples of shootings by Muslims, African-Americans, and Latinos raises fears that it could happen to you and your community — despite the miniscule actual probability. Trump uses this to create fear. Fear tends to activate desire for a strong strict father — namely, Trump.

4. Grammar: Radical Islamic terrorists: “Radical” puts Muslims on a linear scale and “terrorists” imposes a frame on the scale, suggesting that terrorism is built into the religion itself. The grammar suggests that there is something about Islam that has terrorism inherent in it. Imagine calling the Charleston gunman a “radical Republican terrorist.”

Trump is aware of this to at least some extent. As he said to Tony Schwartz, the ghost-writer who wrote The Art of the Deal for him, “I call it truthful hyperbole. It’s an innocent form of exaggeration — and it’s a very effective form of promotion.”

5. Conventional metaphorical thought is inherent in our largely unconscious thought. Such normal modes of metaphorical thinking that are not noticed as such.

Consider Brexit, which used the metaphor of “entering” and “leaving” the EU. There is a universal metaphor that states are locations in space: you can enter a state, be deep in some state, and come out that state. If you enter a café and then leave the café , you will be in the same location as before you entered. But that need not be true of states of being. But that was the metaphor used with Brexit; Britons believed that after leaving the EU, things would be as before when the entered the EU. They were wrong. Things changed radically while they were in the EU. That same metaphor is being used by Trump: Make America Great Again. Make America Safe Again. And so on. As if there was some past ideal state that we can go back to just by electing Trump.

6. There is also a metaphor that A Country Is a Person and a metonymy of the President Standing For the Country. Thus, Obama, via both metaphor and metonymy, can stand conceptually for America. Therefore, by saying that Obama is weak and not respected, it is communicated that America, with Obama as president, is weak and disrespected. The inference is that it is because of Obama.

7. The country as person metaphor and the metaphor that war or conflict between countries is a fistfight between people, leads to the inference that just having a strong president will guarantee that America will win conflicts and wars. Trump will just throw knockout punches. In his acceptance speech at the convention, Trump repeatedly said that he would accomplish things that can only be done by the people acting with their government. After one such statement, there was a chant from the floor, “He will do it.”

8. The metaphor that The nation Is a Family was used throughout the GOP convention. We heard that strong military sons are produced by strong military fathers and that “defense of country is a family affair.” From Trump’s love of family and commitment to their success, we are to conclude that, as president he will love America’s citizens and be committed to the success of all.

9. There is a common metaphor that Identifying with your family’s national heritage makes you a member of that nationality. Suppose your grandparents came from Italy and you identify with your Italian ancestors, you may proudly state that you are Italian. The metaphor is natural. Literally, you have been American for two generations. Trump made use of this commonplace metaphor in attacking US District Court Judge Gonzalo Curiel, who is American, born and raised in the United States. Trump said he was a Mexican, and therefore would hate him and tend to rule against him in a case brought against Trump University for fraud.

10. Then there is the metaphor system used in the phrase “to call someone out.” First the word “out.” There is a general metaphor that Knowing Is Seeing as in “I see what you mean.” Things that are hidden inside something cannot be seen and hence not known, while things are not hidden but out in public can be seen and hence known. To “out” someone is to made their private knowledge public. To “call someone out” is to publicly name someone’s hidden misdeeds, thus allowing for public knowledge and appropriate consequences."

…

"How Can Democrats Do Better?

First, don’t think of an elephant. Remember not to repeat false conservative claims and then rebut them with the facts. Instead, go positive. Give a positive truthful framing to undermine claims to the contrary. Use the facts to support positively-framed truth. Use repetition.

Second, start with values, not policies and facts and numbers. Say what you believe, but haven’t been saying. For example, progressive thought is built on empathy, on citizens caring about other citizens and working through our government to provide public resources for all, both businesses and individuals. Use history. That’s how America started. The public resources used by businesses were not only roads and bridges, but public education, a national bank, a patent office, courts for business cases, interstate commerce support, and of course the criminal justice system. From the beginning, the Private Depended on Public Resources, both private lives and private enterprise.

Over time those resources have included sewers, water and electricity, research universities and research support: computer science (via the NSF), the internet (ARPA), pharmaceuticals and modern medicine (the NIH), satellite communication (NASA and NOA), and GPS systems and cell phones (the Defense Department). Private enterprise and private life utterly depend on public resources. Have you ever said this? Elizabeth Warren has. Almost no other public figures. And stop defending “the government.” Talk about the public, the people, Americans, the American people, public servants, and good government. And take back freedom. Public resources provide for freedom in private enterprise and private life.

The conservatives are committed to privatizing just about everything and to eliminating funding for most public resources. The contribution of public resources to our freedoms cannot be overstated. Start saying it.

And don’t forget the police. Effective respectful policing is a public resource. Chief David O. Brown of the Dallas Police got it right. Training, community policing, knowing the people you protect. And don’t ask too much of the police: citizens have a responsibility to provide funding so that police don’t have to do jobs that should be done by others.

Unions need to go on the offensive. Unions are instruments of freedom — freedom from corporate servitude. Employers call themselves job creators. Working people are profit creators for the employers, and as such they deserve a fair share of the profits and respect and acknowledgement. Say it. Can the public create jobs. Of course. Fixing infrastructure will create jobs by providing more public resources that private lives and businesses depend on. Public resources to create more public resources. Freedom creates opportunity that creates more freedom.

Third, keep out of nasty exchanges and attacks. Keep out of shouting matches. One can speak powerfully without shouting. Obama sets the pace: Civility, values, positivity, good humor, and real empathy are powerful. Calmness and empathy in the face of fury are powerful. Bill Clinton won because he oozed empathy, with his voice, his eye contact, and his body. It wasn’t his superb ability as a policy wonk, but the empathy he projected and inspired.

Values come first, facts and policies follow in the service of values. They matter, but they always support values.

Give up identity politics. No more women’s issues, black issues, Latino issues. Their issues are all real, and need public discussion. But they all fall under freedom issues, human issues. And address poor whites! Appalachian and rust belt whites deserve your attention as much as anyone else. Don’t surrender their fate to Trump, who will just increase their suffering.

And remember JFK’s immortal, “Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country.” Empathy, devotion, love, pride in our country’s values, public resources to create freedoms. And adulthood.

Be prepared. You have to understand Trump to stand calmly up to him and those running with him all over the country."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theintercept.com/2016/06/25/brexit-is-only-the-latest-proof-of-the-insularity-and-failure-of-western-establishment-institutions/">
    <title>Brexit Is Only the Latest Proof of the Insularity and Failure of Western Establishment Institutions</title>
    <dc:date>2016-06-26T22:52:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theintercept.com/2016/06/25/brexit-is-only-the-latest-proof-of-the-insularity-and-failure-of-western-establishment-institutions/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["IN SUM, THE West’s establishment credibility is dying, and their influence is precipitously eroding — all deservedly so. The frenetic pace of online media makes even the most recent events feel distant, like ancient history. That, in turn, makes it easy to lose sight of how many catastrophic and devastating failures Western elites have produced in a remarkably short period of time.

In 2003, U.S. and British elites joined together to advocate one of the most heinous and immoral aggressive wars in decades: the destruction of Iraq; that it turned out to be centrally based on falsehoods that were ratified by the most trusted institutions, as well as a complete policy failure even on its own terms, gutted public trust.

In 2008, their economic worldview and unrestrained corruption precipitated a global economic crisis that literally caused, and is still causing, billions of people to suffer — in response, they quickly protected the plutocrats who caused the crisis while leaving the victimized masses to cope with the generational fallout. Even now, Western elites continue to proselytize markets and impose free trade and globalization without the slightest concern for the vast inequality and destruction of economic security those policies generate."

…

"Because that reaction is so self-protective and self-glorifying, many U.S. media elites — including those who knew almost nothing about Brexit until 48 hours ago — instantly adopted it as their preferred narrative for explaining what happened, just as they’ve done with Trump, Corbyn, Sanders, and any number of other instances where their entitlement to rule has been disregarded. They are so persuaded of their own natural superiority that any factions who refuse to see it and submit to it prove themselves, by definition, to be regressive, stunted, and amoral."

…

"BUT THERE’S SOMETHING deeper and more interesting driving the media reaction here. Establishment journalistic outlets are not outsiders. They’re the opposite: They are fully integrated into elite institutions, are tools of those institutions, and thus identify fully with them. Of course they do not share, and cannot understand, anti-establishment sentiments: They are the targets of this establishment-hating revolt as much as anyone else. These journalists’ reaction to this anti-establishment backlash is a form of self-defense. As NYU journalism professor Jay Rosen put it last night, “Journalists today report on hostility to the political class, as if they had nothing to do with it,” but they are a key part of that political class and, for that reason, “if the population — or part of it — is in revolt against the political class, this is a problem for journalism.”

There are many factors explaining why establishment journalists now have almost no ability to stem the tide of anti-establishment rage, even when it’s irrational and driven by ignoble impulses. Part of it is that the internet and social media have rendered them irrelevant, unnecessary to disseminate ideas. Part of it is that — due to their distance from them — they have nothing to say to people who are suffering and angry about it other than to scorn them as hateful losers. Part of it is that journalists — like anyone else — tend to react with bitterness and rage, not self-assessment, as they lose influence and stature.

But a major factor is that many people recognize that establishment journalists are an integral part of the very institutions and corrupted elite circles that are authors of their plight. Rather than being people who mediate or inform these political conflicts, journalists are agents of the forces that are oppressing them. And when journalists react to their anger and suffering by telling them that it’s invalid and merely the byproduct of their stupidity and primitive resentments, that only reinforces the perception that journalists are their enemy, thus rendering journalistic opinion increasingly irrelevant.

Brexit — despite all of the harm it is likely to cause and despite all of the malicious politicians it will empower — could have been a positive development. But that would require that elites (and their media outlets) react to the shock of this repudiation by spending some time reflecting on their own flaws, analyzing what they have done to contribute to such mass outrage and deprivation, in order to engage in course correction. Exactly the same potential opportunity was created by the Iraq debacle, the 2008 financial crisis, the rise of Trumpism and other anti-establishment movements: This is all compelling evidence that things have gone very wrong with those who wield the greatest power, that self-critique in elite circles is more vital than anything.

But, as usual, that’s exactly what they most refuse to do. Instead of acknowledging and addressing the fundamental flaws within themselves, they are devoting their energies to demonizing the victims of their corruption, all in order to de-legitimize those grievances and thus relieve themselves of responsibility to meaningfully address them. That reaction only serves to bolster, if not vindicate, the animating perceptions that these elite institutions are hopelessly self-interested, toxic, and destructive and thus cannot be reformed but rather must be destroyed. That, in turn, only ensures that there will be many more Brexits, and Trumps, in our collective future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://orionmagazine.org/article/thoughts-in-the-presence-of-fear/">
    <title>Orion Magazine | Thoughts in the Presence of Fear</title>
    <dc:date>2015-11-17T04:08:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://orionmagazine.org/article/thoughts-in-the-presence-of-fear/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I. The time will soon come when we will not be able to remember the horrors of September 11 without remembering also the unquestioning technological and economic optimism that ended on that day.

II. This optimism rested on the proposition that we were living in a “new world order” and a “new economy” that would “grow” on and on, bringing a prosperity of which every new increment would be “unprecedented”.

III. The dominant politicians, corporate officers, and investors who believed this proposition did not acknowledge that the prosperity was limited to a tiny percent of the world’s people, and to an ever smaller number of people even in the United States; that it was founded upon the oppressive labor of poor people all over the world; and that its ecological costs increasingly threatened all life, including the lives of the supposedly prosperous.

IV. The “developed” nations had given to the “free market” the status of a god, and were sacrificing to it their farmers, farmlands, and communities, their forests, wetlands, and prairies, their ecosystems and watersheds. They had accepted universal pollution and global warming as normal costs of doing business.

V. There was, as a consequence, a growing worldwide effort on behalf of economic decentralization, economic justice, and ecological responsibility. We must recognize that the events of September 11 make this effort more necessary than ever. We citizens of the industrial countries must continue the labor of self-criticism and self-correction. We must recognize our mistakes.

VI. The paramount doctrine of the economic and technological euphoria of recent decades has been that everything depends on innovation. It was understood as desirable, and even necessary, that we should go on and on from one technological innovation to the next, which would cause the economy to “grow” and make everything better and better. This of course implied at every point a hatred of the past, of all things inherited and free. All things superseded in our progress of innovations, whatever their value might have been, were discounted as of no value at all.

VII. We did not anticipate anything like what has now happened. We did not foresee that all our sequence of innovations might be at once overridden by a greater one: the invention of a new kind of war that would turn our previous innovations against us, discovering and exploiting the debits and the dangers that we had ignored. We never considered the possibility that we might be trapped in the webwork of communication and transport that was supposed to make us free.

VIII. Nor did we foresee that the weaponry and the war science that we marketed and taught to the world would become available, not just to recognized national governments, which possess so uncannily the power to legitimate large-scale violence, but also to “rogue nations”, dissident or fanatical groups and individuals – whose violence, though never worse than that of nations, is judged by the nations to be illegitimate.

IX. We had accepted uncritically the belief that technology is only good; that it cannot serve evil as well as good; that it cannot serve our enemies as well as ourselves; that it cannot be used to destroy what is good, including our homelands and our lives.

X. We had accepted too the corollary belief that an economy (either as a money economy or as a life-support system) that is global in extent, technologically complex, and centralized is invulnerable to terrorism, sabotage, or war, and that it is protectable by “national defense”

XI. We now have a clear, inescapable choice that we must make. We can continue to promote a global economic system of unlimited “free trade” among corporations, held together by long and highly vulnerable lines of communication and supply, but now recognizing that such a system will have to be protected by a hugely expensive police force that will be worldwide, whether maintained by one nation or several or all, and that such a police force will be effective precisely to the extent that it oversways the freedom and privacy of the citizens of every nation.

XII. Or we can promote a decentralized world economy which would have the aim of assuring to every nation and region a local self-sufficiency in life-supporting goods. This would not eliminate international trade, but it would tend toward a trade in surpluses after local needs had been met.

XIII. One of the gravest dangers to us now, second only to further terrorist attacks against our people, is that we will attempt to go on as before with the corporate program of global “free trade”, whatever the cost in freedom and civil rights, without self-questioning or self-criticism or public debate.

XIV. This is why the substitution of rhetoric for thought, always a temptation in a national crisis, must be resisted by officials and citizens alike. It is hard for ordinary citizens to know what is actually happening in Washington in a time of such great trouble; for all we know, serious and difficult thought may be taking place there. But the talk that we are hearing from politicians, bureaucrats, and commentators has so far tended to reduce the complex problems now facing us to issues of unity, security, normality, and retaliation.

XV. National self-righteousness, like personal self-righteousness, is a mistake. It is misleading. It is a sign of weakness. Any war that we may make now against terrorism will come as a new installment in a history of war in which we have fully participated. We are not innocent of making war against civilian populations. The modern doctrine of such warfare was set forth and enacted by General William Tecumseh Sherman, who held that a civilian population could be declared guilty and rightly subjected to military punishment. We have never repudiated that doctrine.

XVI. It is a mistake also – as events since September 11 have shown – to suppose that a government can promote and participate in a global economy and at the same time act exclusively in its own interest by abrogating its international treaties and standing apart from international cooperation on moral issues.

XVII. And surely, in our country, under our Constitution, it is a fundamental error to suppose that any crisis or emergency can justify any form of political oppression. Since September 11, far too many public voices have presumed to “speak for us” in saying that Americans will gladly accept a reduction of freedom in exchange for greater “security”. Some would, maybe. But some others would accept a reduction in security (and in global trade) far more willingly than they would accept any abridgement of our Constitutional rights.

XVIII. In a time such as this, when we have been seriously and most cruelly hurt by those who hate us, and when we must consider ourselves to be gravely threatened by those same people, it is hard to speak of the ways of peace and to remember that Christ enjoined us to love our enemies, but this is no less necessary for being difficult.

XIX. Even now we dare not forget that since the attack of Pearl Harbor – to which the present attack has been often and not usefully compared – we humans have suffered an almost uninterrupted sequence of wars, none of which has brought peace or made us more peaceable.

XX. The aim and result of war necessarily is not peace but victory, and any victory won by violence necessarily justifies the violence that won it and leads to further violence. If we are serious about innovation, must we not conclude that we need something new to replace our perpetual “war to end war?”

XXI. What leads to peace is not violence but peaceableness, which is not passivity, but an alert, informed, practiced, and active state of being. We should recognize that while we have extravagantly subsidized the means of war, we have almost totally neglected the ways of peaceableness. We have, for example, several national military academies, but not one peace academy. We have ignored the teachings and the examples of Christ, Gandhi, Martin Luther King, and other peaceable leaders. And here we have an inescapable duty to notice also that war is profitable, whereas the means of peaceableness, being cheap or free, make no money.

XXII. The key to peaceableness is continuous practice. It is wrong to suppose that we can exploit and impoverish the poorer countries, while arming them and instructing them in the newest means of war, and then reasonably expect them to be peaceable.

XXIII. We must not again allow public emotion or the public media to caricature our enemies. If our enemies are now to be some nations of Islam, then we should undertake to know those enemies. Our schools should begin to teach the histories, cultures, arts, and language of the Islamic nations. And our leaders should have the humility and the wisdom to ask the reasons some of those people have for hating us.

XXIV. Starting with the economies of food and farming, we should promote at home, and encourage abroad, the ideal of local self-sufficiency. We should recognize that this is the surest, the safest, and the cheapest way for the world to live. We should not countenance the loss or destruction of any local capacity to produce necessary goods.

XXV. We should reconsider and renew and extend our efforts to protect the natural foundations of the human economy: soil, water, and air. We should protect every intact ecosystem and watershed that we have left, and begin restoration of those that have been damaged.

XXVI. The complexity of our present trouble suggests as never before that we need to change our present concept of education. Education is not properly an industry, and its proper use is not to serve industries, either by job-training or by industry-subsidized research. It’s proper use is to enable citizens to live lives that are economically, politically, socially, and culturally responsible. This cannot be done by gathering or “accessing” what we now call “information” – which is to say facts without context and therefore without priority. A proper education enables young people to put their lives in order, which means knowing what things are more important than other things; it means putting first things first.

XXVII. The first thing we must begin to teach our children (and learn ourselves) is that we cannot spend and consume endlessly. We have got to learn to save and conserve. We do need a “new economy”, but one that is founded on thrift and care, on saving and conserving, not on excess and waste. An economy based on waste is inherently and hopelessly violent, and war is its inevitable by-product. We need a peaceable economy."

[via: https://twitter.com/Orion_Magazine/status/666317940799758336 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://vimeo.com/122720631">
    <title>Defies Measurement on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2015-04-08T03:43:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://vimeo.com/122720631</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["DEFIES MEASUREMENT strengthens the discussion about public education by exploring why it is so important to address the social and emotional needs of every student, and what happens when the wrong people make decisions for schools.

For information on how to screen this film for others and for resources to learn more and take action, visit defiesmeasurement.com

By downloading this film, you are agreeing to the 3 terms listed below: 

1) I will only use portions of Defies Measurement or the whole film for educational purposes and I will NOT edit or change the film in any way. (Educational purposes = viewing a portion or complete version of the film for an individual, private or public event, free of charge or as a fundraiser)

2) I will post a photo or comment about the film and/or screening on the Defies Measurement Facebook page 

3) I will spread the word about the film to others via social media and word of mouth. Follow us @defymeasurement #defiesmeasurement"

[See also:
https://www.shineonpro.com/
https://robertogreco.tumblr.com/post/115791029088/defies-measurement-via-will-richardsondefies ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.pieria.co.uk/articles/moral_aspects_of_basic_income">
    <title>Moral Aspects of Basic Income</title>
    <dc:date>2015-02-07T18:10:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.pieria.co.uk/articles/moral_aspects_of_basic_income</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The fall of Adam and Eve is a metaphor for the demise of our hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Eden is the recollection of an oppressed peasantry of the more humane world of their happier ancestors. Before we bit the apple, we lived off the fat of the land. Hunter-gatherers lived longer, ate better, and worked less than their agriculturalist descendants.  Average adult height, an excellent proxy for childhood nutrition did not return to levels seen in the Palaeolithic until a mere 150 years ago. 

Archaeologists tell us the invention of farming may well have been the greatest calamity to befall our species. Kings and slaves, property and war all were by-products of agriculture.  Even today, even when forced onto marginal lands, hunter-gather tribes often prefer to retain their old ways rather than till the soil.  “Why work hard when god made so many mongongo nuts?” ask the !Kung of southern Africa.
  
The lifestyle of hunter gathers is   much more easygoing than that of serfs and peasants. Subsistence agriculturalists worked from sunup to sundown. Hunter-gatherers “worked” a few hours a day.  That was enough to feed and clothe and house their families. The rest of the time they could socialize, play games, tell stories. And “work” back then was hunting antelope with your mates or strolling through the savannah looking for nuts and berries. Farmers overwhelmed hunter-gatherers, not because their lives were more pleasant but because farming makes land so much more productive. 

Of course, we cannot go back to those happier days.  Farming can feed up to 100 times as many people from the same plot of land and soon farmers outnumbered hunter-gatherers. An expanding population locked humanity into a constant and arduous grind. Until now."

…

"A number of us here at Pieria have argued that a basic income guarantee (also called a negative income tax) will not only reignite the economy and overcome secular stagnation, it will be the salvation of capitalism. Yes, it provides a safety net for the most unfortunate and yes, it reduces inequality, but most important, by creating steady and dependable demand, it cures capitalism’s only weakness, over-production. By putting money in consumers’ pockets, a basic income guarantees consistent demand and so gives the private sector confidence to hire and invest.

The economics of this proposal strike me as clear and convincing. I want to focus now on its ethical implications. On the one hand, helping the poorest citizens seems the Christian (or Muslim or Jewish or   Buddhist or humane) thing to do. In a wealthy society, it is unnecessarily cruel   that anyone among us should lack shelter, warmth and food. A negative income tax takes care of our most vulnerable without creating another government bureaucracy."

…

"If a conservative is someone who cherishes the time-honoured ways, is a bit odd that conservatives should exalt free markets. After all, capitalism is the most revolutionary force the world has ever known.  Whenever it meets a traditional society, it turns it upside down. The rise of fundamentalism, in the Islamic world, in America, in India, is a global phenomenon and so requires a global explanation.  The simplest is that capitalism, by shattering age-old relationships leaves many of us lost and alienated without the ancient verities that gave logic to our lives. “All that is solid melts into air. All freed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify.” 

Capitalism has been magnificent in producing wealth and increasing productivity.  Unfortunately, It happily serves our baser instincts.  GDP goes up whether we spend on guns and Internet porn or education and opera tickets. When money is the measure of the man, when consumption is our only goal   our culture becomes shallower, and perhaps so do our relationships. And it is getting worse.
 
Thrift was the original capitalist virtue. According to Max Weber, upright burghers would limit consumption in order to purchase productive machinery or finance transoceanic voyages. By avoiding sumptuous consumption, our frugal protocapitalist could invest his capital and so increase society’s productive capacity.  That was admirable. That was then.
  
Today, thrift is passé.  These days, we serve capitalism by buying stuff, even stuff we don’t need.  Thrift no longer has much economic purpose. We have a savings glut, we have a labour glut, what we don’t have is a consumption glut. The world economy doesn’t require prudent savers, it needs us to max out our credit cards just to keep unemployment below 7%. No wonder our children are obsessed with buying the coolest football boots or the dress they saw in Vogue. It is as consumers that we best serve global capitalism. Sadly this addiction to   consumption may offer a bump to GDP but it does not create happiness.

What makes us happy, as Adam Smith recognized in The Theory of Moral Sentiments (the book he thought his masterpiece) is the regard of others.  What brings me joy is not a new toy but the look on my wife’s face that tells me she loves me. What makes me happy at work is not the corner office but what that symbolizes:  the sense that my boss admires and respects my talent and effort. A man buys an expensive watch because he thinks it will impress his mates but sadly, no one even notices.  When a middle aged man pulls up in a candy red Ferrari, he rarely makes the impression he had hoped when he put down his credit card.

What we admire in others are not their possessions but rather the same virtues we admired back in the Palaeolithic: kindness, loyalty, bravery, generosity, beauty, strength and a sense of humour.  Check out the personals ads: a sense of humour trumps an expensive watch every time. Today most of us work long hours, seeing our children less than we would like while others are utterly idle, unable to find work at all.  We act as though we live in a world of scarcity when actually will live in a world our ancestors would have thought abundant beyond their wildest dreams.  In terms of material comfort, you and I and even the guy in the hoodie down at the council estate live better than Charlemagne or Cleopatra.  

Hunter-gatherers shared. Farmers and factory workers, for the most part, did not. In many tribes, a successful hunter would give away 90% of the meat from his kill.  He certainly gained respect (and perhaps female companionship) for his prowess but the families of mediocre hunters also got to eat. Anthropologists suggest this propensity for generosity served everyone’s interests. Since no one family can eat an entire buffalo and even the best hunter sometimes goes a while without a kill, sharing the proceeds of a hunt is not just generous, it is an economically sensible insurance policy.  So is a basic income guarantee.

We can afford a basic income guarantee.  We can give every citizen enough money to survive. It will stimulate an economy starved of demand.  It will make our society more equitable. It will feed the hungry and house the homeless.  It respects the individual. It provides a constant level of demand that firms can depend on and so stimulate the animal spirits of businessmen.  It will strengthen workers bargaining position because they will be able to tell their employers to “take this job and shove it.” It will also reduce labour costs since firms won’t be required to provide a living wage.  It will give us more free time to dance and play and love our children.  I would also suggest, it might just end up making us better human beings. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics politics universalbasicincome christianity ethics morality 2013 maragretthatcher larrysummers labor work history capitalism freemarkets markets tomstreithorst adamsmith thrift kindness loyalty bravery generosity johngrey neoliberalism malthus karlmarx capital hunter-gatherers ubi</dc:subject>
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    <title>Melville House | &quot;We no longer like to think about bureaucracy, yet...</title>
    <dc:date>2015-01-29T20:49:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://melvillehouse.tumblr.com/post/109505266725/we-no-longer-like-to-think-about-bureaucracy-yet</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We no longer like to think about bureaucracy, yet it informs every aspect of our existence. It’s as if, as a planetary civilization, we have decided to clap our hands over our ears and start humming whenever the topic comes up. Insofar as we are even willing to discuss it, it’s still in the terms popular in the sixties and early seventies. The social movements of the sixties were, on the whole, left-wing in inspiration, but they were also rebellions against bureaucracy, or, to put it more accurately, rebellions against the bureaucratic mindset, against the soul-destroying conformity of the postwar welfare states. In the face of the gray functionaries of both state-capitalist and state-socialist regimes, sixties rebels stood for individual expression and spontaneous conviviality, and against (“rules and regulations, who needs them?”) every form of social control. 

With the collapse of the old welfare states, all this has come to seem decidedly quaint. As the language of antibureaucratic individualism has been adopted, with increasing ferocity, by the Right, which insists on “market solutions” to every social problem, the mainstream Left has increasingly reduced itself to fighting a kind of pathetic rearguard action, trying to salvage remnants of the old welfare state: it has acquiesced with—often even spearheaded—attempts to make government efforts more “efficient” through the partial privatization of services and the incorporation of ever-more “market principles,” “market incentives,” and market-based “accountability processes” into the structure of the bureaucracy itself. 

The result is a political catastrophe. There’s really no other way to put it. What is presented as the “moderate” Left solution to any social problems—and radical left solutions are, almost everywhere now, ruled out tout court—has invariably come to be some nightmare fusion of the worst elements of bureaucracy and the worst elements of capitalism. It’s as if someone had consciously tried to create the least appealing possible political position. It is a testimony to the genuine lingering power of leftist ideals that anyone would even consider voting for a party that promoted this sort of thing—because surely, if they do, it’s not because they actually think these are good policies, but because these are the only policies anyone who identifies themselves as left-of-center is allowed to set forth. 

Is there any wonder, then, that every time there is a social crisis, it is the Right, rather than the Left, which becomes the venue for the expression of popular anger?

The Right, at least, has a critique of bureaucracy. It’s not a very good one. But at least it exists. The Left has none. As a result, when those who identify with the Left do have anything negative to say about bureaucracy, they are usually forced toadopt a watered-down version of the right-wing critique.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2013-07-11/at-sears-eddie-lamperts-warring-divisions-model-adds-to-the-troubles#p1">
    <title>At Sears, Eddie Lampert's Warring Divisions Model Adds to the Troubles - Businessweek</title>
    <dc:date>2013-07-19T03:25:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2013-07-11/at-sears-eddie-lamperts-warring-divisions-model-adds-to-the-troubles#p1</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Plagued by the realities threatening many retail stores, Sears also faces a unique problem: Lampert. Many of its troubles can be traced to an organizational model the chairman implemented five years ago, an idea he has said will save the company. Lampert runs Sears like a hedge fund portfolio, with dozens of autonomous businesses competing for his attention and money. An outspoken advocate of free-market economics and fan of the novelist Ayn Rand, he created the model because he expected the invisible hand of the market to drive better results. If the company’s leaders were told to act selfishly, he argued, they would run their divisions in a rational manner, boosting overall performance.

Instead, the divisions turned against each other—and Sears and Kmart, the overarching brands, suffered. Interviews with more than 40 former executives, many of whom sat at the highest levels of the company, paint a picture of a business that’s ravaged by infighting as its divisions battle over fewer resources. (Many declined to go on the record for a variety of reasons, including fear of angering Lampert.) Shaunak Dave, a former executive who left in 2012 and is now at sports marketing agency Revolution, says the model created a “warring tribes” culture. “If you were in a different business unit, we were in two competing companies,” he says. “Cooperation and collaboration aren’t there.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>competition collaboration aynrand eddielampert sears 2013 freemarket economics motivation cooperation business freemarkets</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.bostonreview.net/BR38.3/lili_loofbourow_chile_education_privatization.php">
    <title>Boston Review — Lili Loofbourow: “No to Profit” (Chile, Privatized Education)</title>
    <dc:date>2013-05-14T00:28:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.bostonreview.net/BR38.3/lili_loofbourow_chile_education_privatization.php</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[now at: https://bostonreview.net/world/%E2%80%9Cno-profit%E2%80%9D ]

"“The culture of the market that was established in Chile made social inequality ethically and politically tolerable,” Mayol writes. Such a system “guarantees that difference will exist,” in fact, “differentiation is its sign of health.”

<blockquote>We are Chileans of an age in which ideas . . . are ‘bought,’ where ‘to cooperate’ means to be dim or naïve (because to be intelligent is to be selfish), where achieving an object regardless of the means is ‘making it,’ and where being a millionaire is synonymous with a high intellectual capacity.</blockquote>

Thus Chileans became accustomed to a passive role. Their country would react to international demand for goods—mainly the nation’s rich underground resources—and services, and that would be all. Everyone had to adapt, and there was no use complaining about it. The result is that Chileans aren’t even actors in a free market anymore. They’ve instead become another resource Chile can offer to investors: a captive consumer base forced to pay private industry for domestic goods that were once public.

Mayol sees the student movement as the stirring to life of a people that had forgotten it once had the right, and even the responsibility, to complain and to demand. Following the example set by the students, citizens started complaining to the institutions that they felt were behaving abusively. In 2010 there were 9,010 complaints against rising health care costs. In 2011 that figure was 25,767. There was no substantive change in health care; what changed, Mayol says, was the public’s consciousness. Suddenly there was hope that complaints might not be futile after all."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chile economics neoliberalism 2013 education healthcare markets albertomayol ricardolagos sebastiánpiñera universities highereducation highered debt consumerism citizenship civics passivity freemarket responsibility society lililoofbourow freemarkets</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.thebaffler.com/past/practical_utopians_guide">
    <title>A Practical Utopian’s Guide to the Coming Collapse | David Graeber | The Baffler</title>
    <dc:date>2013-05-11T00:09:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.thebaffler.com/past/practical_utopians_guide</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Now here: http://www.thebaffler.com/salvos/a-practical-utopians-guide-to-the-coming-collapse ]

"What is a revolution? We used to think we knew. Revolutions were seizures of power by popular forces aiming to transform the very nature of the political, social, and economic system in the country in which the revolution took place, usually according to some visionary dream of a just society. Nowadays, we live in an age when, if rebel armies do come sweeping into a city, or mass uprisings overthrow a dictator, it’s unlikely to have any such implications; when profound social transformation does occur—as with, say, the rise of feminism—it’s likely to take an entirely different form. It’s not that revolutionary dreams aren’t out there. But contemporary revolutionaries rarely think they can bring them into being by some modern-day equivalent of storming the Bastille."

…

"Revolutions are thus planetary phenomena. But there is more. What they really do is transform basic assumptions about what politics is ultimately about. In the wake of a revolution, ideas that had been considered veritably lunatic fringe quickly become the accepted currency of debate. Before the French Revolution, the ideas that change is good, that government policy is the proper way to manage it, and that governments derive their authority from an entity called “the people” were considered the sorts of things one might hear from crackpots and demagogues, or at best a handful of freethinking intellectuals who spend their time debating in cafés. A generation later, even the stuffiest magistrates, priests, and headmasters had to at least pay lip service to these ideas. Before long, we had reached the situation we are in today: that it’s necessary to lay out the terms for anyone to even notice they are there. They’ve become common sense, the very grounds of political discussion.

Until 1968, most world revolutions really just introduced practical refinements: an expanded franchise, universal primary education, the welfare state. The world revolution of 1968, in contrast—whether it took the form it did in China, of a revolt by students and young cadres supporting Mao’s call for a Cultural Revolution; or in Berkeley and New York, where it marked an alliance of students, dropouts, and cultural rebels; or even in Paris, where it was an alliance of students and workers—was a rebellion against bureaucracy, conformity, or anything that fettered the human imagination, a project for the revolutionizing of not just political or economic life, but every aspect of human existence. As a result, in most cases, the rebels didn’t even try to take over the apparatus of state; they saw that apparatus as itself the problem."

…

"In retrospect, though, I think that later historians will conclude that the legacy of the sixties revolution was deeper than we now imagine, and that the triumph of capitalist markets and their various planetary administrators and enforcers—which seemed so epochal and permanent in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991—was, in fact, far shallower."

…

"In fact, most of the economic innovations of the last thirty years make more sense politically than economically. Eliminating guaranteed life employment for precarious contracts doesn’t really create a more effective workforce, but it is extraordinarily effective in destroying unions and otherwise depoliticizing labor. The same can be said of endlessly increasing working hours. No one has much time for political activity if they’re working sixty-hour weeks.

It does often seem that, whenever there is a choice between one option that makes capitalism seem the only possible economic system, and another that would actually make capitalism a more viable economic system, neoliberalism means always choosing the former. The combined result is a relentless campaign against the human imagination. Or, to be more precise: imagination, desire, individual creativity, all those things that were to be liberated in the last great world revolution, were to be contained strictly in the domain of consumerism, or perhaps in the virtual realities of the Internet. In all other realms they were to be strictly banished. We are talking about the murdering of dreams, the imposition of an apparatus of hopelessness, designed to squelch any sense of an alternative future. Yet as a result of putting virtually all their efforts in one political basket, we are left in the bizarre situation of watching the capitalist system crumbling before our very eyes, at just the moment everyone had finally concluded no other system would be possible.

Work It Out, Slow It Down

Normally, when you challenge the conventional wisdom—that the current economic and political system is the only possible one—the first reaction you are likely to get is a demand for a detailed architectural blueprint of how an alternative system would work, down to the nature of its financial instruments, energy supplies, and policies of sewer maintenance. Next, you are likely to be asked for a detailed program of how this system will be brought into existence. Historically, this is ridiculous. When has social change ever happened according to someone’s blueprint? It’s not as if a small circle of visionaries in Renaissance Florence conceived of something they called “capitalism,” figured out the details of how the stock exchange and factories would someday work, and then put in place a program to bring their visions into reality. In fact, the idea is so absurd we might well ask ourselves how it ever occurred to us to imagine this is how change happens to begin.

This is not to say there’s anything wrong with utopian visions. Or even blueprints. They just need to be kept in their place. The theorist Michael Albert has worked out a detailed plan for how a modern economy could run without money on a democratic, participatory basis. I think this is an important achievement—not because I think that exact model could ever be instituted, in exactly the form in which he describes it, but because it makes it impossible to say that such a thing is inconceivable. Still, such models can be only thought experiments. We cannot really conceive of the problems that will arise when we start trying to build a free society. What now seem likely to be the thorniest problems might not be problems at all; others that never even occurred to us might prove devilishly difficult. There are innumerable X-factors.

The most obvious is technology. This is the reason it’s so absurd to imagine activists in Renaissance Italy coming up with a model for a stock exchange and factories—what happened was based on all sorts of technologies that they couldn’t have anticipated, but which in part only emerged because society began to move in the direction that it did. This might explain, for instance, why so many of the more compelling visions of an anarchist society have been produced by science fiction writers (Ursula K. Le Guin, Starhawk, Kim Stanley Robinson). In fiction, you are at least admitting the technological aspect is guesswork.

Myself, I am less interested in deciding what sort of economic system we should have in a free society than in creating the means by which people can make such decisions for themselves. What might a revolution in common sense actually look like? I don’t know, but I can think of any number of pieces of conventional wisdom that surely need challenging if we are to create any sort of viable free society. I’ve already explored one—the nature of money and debt—in some detail in a recent book. I even suggested a debt jubilee, a general cancellation, in part just to bring home that money is really just a human product, a set of promises, that by its nature can always be renegotiated."]]></description>
<dc:subject>debt economics politics revolution work labor davidgraeber power society revolutions 2013 grassroots punk global conformity bureaucracy feminism 1789 frenchrevolution 1848 1968 communism independence freedom 1917 thestate commonsense fringe ideas memes socialmovements war collateraldamage civilrights gayrights neoliberalism freemarkets libertarianism debtcancellation fear insecurity consumerism occupy occupywallstreet ows sustainability growth well-being utopianism productivity environment humanism ideology class classstruggle abbiehoffman slow supervision control management taylorism virtue artleisure discipline leisurearts globalization wellbeing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/11/14/all-about-the-patriarchy/">
    <title>All About the Patriarchy - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2012-11-19T01:20:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/11/14/all-about-the-patriarchy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There’s a strand of thought — I identify it especially with Corey Robin, although he’s not alone — that says that conservatism isn’t really about the things it claims to be about. It isn’t really about free markets and moral values; it’s about authority — the authority of bosses over workers, of men over women, of whites over Those People.

Score one on the morality front: Pat Robertson, stern moral lecturer, says that it wasn’t Petraeus’s fault because “he’s a man”."]]></description>
<dc:subject>government governance politics 2012 hierarchies hierarchy values tcsnmy power authority control patriarchy patrobertson coreyrobin freemarkets paulkrugman via:litherland conservatism</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1ac2f29b5f5f/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:patrobertson"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=whVf5tuVbus">
    <title>23 Things They Don't Tell You About Capitalism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-15T03:07:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=whVf5tuVbus</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Development economics expert Ha-Joon Chang dispels the myths and prejudices that have come to dominate our understanding of how the world works in a lecture at the RSA."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ideology taxes taxation freemarkets growth regulation trickledowneconomics inequality wealthcreation financialcrisis myths via:chrisberthelsen 2010 economics capitalism ha-joonchang trickledown</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:aafdb5d3c3c2/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://vimeo.com/23538008">
    <title>Rebecca Solnit on Hope on Vimeo</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-05T18:48:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://vimeo.com/23538008</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Despair is a black leather jacket in which everyone looks good, while hope is a frilly pink dress few dare to wear. Rebecca Solnit thinks this virtue needs to be redefined.

Here she takes to our pulpit to deliver a sermon that looks at the remarkable social changes of the past half century, the stories the mainstream media neglects and the big surprises that keep on landing.

She explores why disaster makes us behave better and why it's braver to hope than to hide behind despair's confidence and cynicism's safety.

History is not an army. It's more like a crab scuttling sideways. And we need to be brave enough to hope change is possible in order to have a chance of making it happen."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mainstreammedia davidgraeber venezuela indigeneity indigenousrights indigenous us mexico ecuador anti-globalization latinamerica bolivia evamorales lula cynicism uncertainty struggle barackobama georgewbush humanrights insurgency hosnimubarak egypt yemen china saudiarabia bahrain change protest tunisia optimism future environment contrarians peterkro peterkropotkin worldbank imf globaljustice history freemarkets freetrade media globalization publicdiscourse neoliberalism easttimor syria control power children brasil argentina postcapitalism passion learning education giftgiving gifteconomy gifts politics policy generosity kindness sustainability life labor work schooloflife social society capitalism economics hope 2011 anti-authoritarians antiauthority anarchy anarchism rebeccasolnit brazil shrequest1 luladasilva antiglobalization</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/faultlines/2011/11/2011111103913257125.html">
    <title>Chile rising - Fault Lines - Al Jazeera English [embedded video]</title>
    <dc:date>2012-01-06T09:09:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/faultlines/2011/11/2011111103913257125.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Chilean students have taken over schools and city streets in the largest protests the country has seen in decades.

The students are demanding free education, and an end to the privatisation of their schools and universities. The free-market based approach to education was implemented by the military dictator Augusto Pinochet in his last days in power.

The protests are causing a political crisis for Sebastian Pinera, the country's president. But what are the underlying issues driving the anger?

As the demonstrations in Chile coincide with protests erupting globally, Fault Lines follows the Chilean student movement during their fight in a country plagued by economic inequality."]]></description>
<dc:subject>srg edg freemarket freemarketreforms privatization economics inequality protest aljazeera faultlines 2011 policy politics ows education activism chile freemarkets</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://exiledonline.com/radicals-imbeciles-fbi-stooges-from-jerry-rubin-to-rich-fink-weve-reached-rock-bottom-baby/">
    <title>Radicals, Imbeciles &amp; FBI Stooges: From Jerry Rubin To Rich Fink, We’ve Reached Rock-Bottom, Baby! - By Mark Ames - The eXiled</title>
    <dc:date>2011-07-12T18:22:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://exiledonline.com/radicals-imbeciles-fbi-stooges-from-jerry-rubin-to-rich-fink-weve-reached-rock-bottom-baby/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["…FBI gave explicit orders to leave the “anarchist” Libertarian Alliance alone, and focus on everyone else in the room.

What’s so galling is that, in the libertarians’ revisionist history of themselves, they constantly describe themselves as “radicals”–as in “radicals for capitalism” or “anarcho-capitalists.” For three decades now, they’ve been pumping American history full of free-market mind-smog…

The real radicals were destroyed by the State: imprisoned, scattered, harassed, surveilled, ruined, even shot to death in their beds, like Fred Hampton. That becomes clear in those FBI files. Today, there’s no Left to speak of. Today, libertarianism is not only the only “choice” that the state allows us to make, but worse, libertarianism’s popularity is growing to record levels (thanks to the billionaire Koch brothers’ investment), according to a recent New York Times article, “Poll Finds Shift Towards More Libertarian Views.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>radicals history libertarianism libertarian capitalism 2011 markames via:adamgreenfield politics policy revisionism anarcho-capitalism freemarkets 1960s 1970s yippies hippies marxism anarchism radicalism fbi kochbrothers larrykudlow richardnixon huntercollege jneilschulman richfink briandoherty rebellion civilrights</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/aug/19/meritocrats/?pagination=false">
    <title>Meritocrats by Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2011-05-07T20:36:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/aug/19/meritocrats/?pagination=false</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Universities are elitist: they are about selecting the most able cohort of a generation and educating them to their ability—breaking open the elite and making it consistently anew. Equality of opportunity and equality of outcome are not the same thing. A society divided by wealth and inheritance cannot redress this injustice by camouflaging it in educational institutions—by denying distinctions of ability or by restricting selective opportunity—while favoring a steadily widening income gap in the name of the free market. This is mere cant and hypocrisy."

[via: http://www.gyford.com/phil/writing/2011/05/03/easter-reading.php ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>education culture uk politics cambridge equality opportunity highereducation highered injustice hypocrisy wealth inheritance society 2010 ability meritocracy freemarkets incomegap economics capitalism elitism tonyjudt</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:equality"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:opportunity"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:highereducation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:highered"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:injustice"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:hypocrisy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:wealth"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:inheritance"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:society"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2010"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ability"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:meritocracy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:incomegap"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:economics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:capitalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:elitism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:tonyjudt"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.kitchenbudapest.hu/en/piratesofthedanube">
    <title>KIBU-WAMP Designer Challenge 2011! | Kitchen Budapest</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-19T19:25:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.kitchenbudapest.hu/en/piratesofthedanube</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What alternative roles might designers take and what new strategies and ideas might the ‘design community‘ employ in response to these challenges?

What happens when we move from severing corporate interests to the interests of the community?

How can new tools and resources of rapid prototyping, digital and bio hacking, and DIY culture as a whole be used to create new economies?

What services might we design if our constraints move from concerns about legal implications to personal ethical considerations?

If instead of designing for the free market, what if we designed for the street, or black market?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>design piracy workshops kitchenbudapest via:javierarbona community rapidprototyping diy economics blackmarkets freemarkets</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:df979292322d/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:design"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:piracy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:workshops"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:kitchenbudapest"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:via:javierarbona"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:community"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:rapidprototyping"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:diy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:economics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:blackmarkets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p005trqk">
    <title>BBC - BBC World Service Programmes - Business Daily, Adam Smith - Secret Socialist?</title>
    <dc:date>2010-01-24T05:24:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p005trqk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["He's often called the founder of modern economics. Some see him as the godfather of the free market. Others have viewed his work from a more socially concerned, even socialist standpoint. Business Daily takes a look at Adam Smith, the man and his legacy. Born in 1723 in Kirkcaldy in Scotland, he's been influencing economic thinking ever since the publishing of his seminal work, The Wealth of Nations. The eminent historian and economist, Tristam Hunt, guides us through Smith's life and how his ideas still have a fundamental bearing on economic and political strategies today. From Edinburgh to Vienna to Chicago to London, Hunt talks to some of the world's leading academics about Adam Smith's life and work, including Professor Iain McClean, professor of politics at Oxford university, Dr Craig Smith of St Andrew's University, Anthony Giddens from the London School of Economics and the activist and author Naomi Klein."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>naomiklein adamsmith economics history capitalism socialism greed policy uk philosophy freemarkets pinochet chile margaretthatcher gordonbrown friedrichvonhayek johnmaynardkeynes keynes friedrichhayek hayek</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:fa955d6c4733/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:naomiklein"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:adamsmith"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:economics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:history"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:capitalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:socialism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:greed"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:policy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:uk"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:philosophy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:pinochet"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:chile"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:margaretthatcher"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:gordonbrown"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:friedrichvonhayek"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:johnmaynardkeynes"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:keynes"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:friedrichhayek"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:hayek"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2010/01/11/second_bill_of_rights/index.html">
    <title>The case for economic rights: FDR said it and it holds 66 years later: There are benefits and opportunities every American should expect to enjoy - U.S. Economy - Salon.com</title>
    <dc:date>2010-01-13T03:00:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2010/01/11/second_bill_of_rights/index.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the ideal America of economic citizenship, there would be a single, universal, integrated, lifelong system of economic security including single-payer healthcare, Social Security, unemployment payments and family leave paid for by a single contributory payroll tax (which could be made progressive in various ways or reduced by combination with other revenue streams). Funding for all programs would be entirely nationalized, although states could play a role in administration. There would still be supplementary private markets in health and retirement products and services for the affluent, but most middle-class Americans would continue to rely primarily on the simple, user-friendly public system of economic security."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>rights economy fdr us policy human healthcare retirement welfare libertarianism corporatism corporations capitalism freemarkets socialsecurity economics markets via:cburell franklindelanoroosevelt</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b927148a5e86/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:fdr"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:us"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:human"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:healthcare"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:retirement"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:welfare"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:libertarianism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:corporatism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:corporations"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:via:cburell"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:franklindelanoroosevelt"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://business.theatlantic.com/2009/10/a_free_market_case_for_the_public_option.php">
    <title>A Free-Market Case for the Public Option - The Atlantic Business Channel [via: http://snarkmarket.com/2009/3696]</title>
    <dc:date>2009-10-14T06:40:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://business.theatlantic.com/2009/10/a_free_market_case_for_the_public_option.php</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Something like televisions exist in a free market because consumers, if they don't like any of the new TVs on the market, can simply keep their old one. If they really don't like the market, they can even forgo owning one altogether; it will make you unpopular on game day, but it won't risk your life. Insurance is different. Anyone with a sense of basic self-preservation has no choice but to buy health insurance every single month. You cannot opt out, there are few options to choose from, and it's difficult to know how to price your future risk of injury. So health insurance companies have distorted incentives to innovate or provide a more cost-effective product."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>healthcare insurance conservatism freemarket capitalism markets policy 2009 medicine freemarkets</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6d7ae7fbfd30/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:conservatism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarket"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:capitalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:policy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2009"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:medicine"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.metafilter.com/81632/Hacking-Education">
    <title>Hacking Education | MetaFilter</title>
    <dc:date>2009-05-31T19:56:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.metafilter.com/81632/Hacking-Education</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Some comments: "What is it about a certain kind of American mindset that feels everything can be solved by the profit motives of the private sector? It seemed like a naive mentality ten years ago, but given the implosion of the economy over the past two years it's feeling downright pathological" ... "Capitalism is to education as a pipe wrench is to watercolors."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>education economics hackingeducation fredwilson learning schools us freemarkets markets reform change progress profit motives motivation unschooling deschooling homeschool publicschools metafilter</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:650831870aaa/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:education"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:hackingeducation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:fredwilson"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:learning"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:schools"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:us"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:reform"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:change"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:progress"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:profit"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:motives"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:motivation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:unschooling"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:deschooling"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:homeschool"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:publicschools"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:metafilter"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.templeton.org/market/">
    <title>A Templeton Conversation: Does the free market corrode moral character?</title>
    <dc:date>2008-10-13T00:16:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.templeton.org/market/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This is the fourth in a series of conversations among leading scientists, scholars, and public figures about the "Big Questions.""
]]></description>
<dc:subject>freemarket capitalism economics politics morality markets character philosophy ethics freemarkets</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:433d7a1ac251/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarket"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:capitalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:economics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:politics"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ethics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/11/stiglitz200811?printable=true&amp;currentPage=all">
    <title>Reversal of Fortune: Politics &amp; Power: vanityfair.com</title>
    <dc:date>2008-10-04T22:01:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/11/stiglitz200811?printable=true&amp;currentPage=all</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Describing how ideology, special-interest pressure, populist politics, and sheer incompetence have left the U.S. economy on life support, the author puts forth a clear, commonsense plan to reverse the Bush-era follies and regain America’s economic sanity." ... "When the American economy enters a downturn, you often hear the experts debating whether it is likely to be V-shaped (short and sharp) or U-shaped (longer but milder). Today, the American economy may be entering a downturn that is best described as L-shaped. It is in a very low place indeed, and likely to remain there for some time to come."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>josephstiglitz economics us crisis bailout 2008 banking finance money policy politics sustainability energy longterm future taxes biofuels oil gamechanging regulation subprime meltdown recession wallstreet reaganomics georgewbush housing jobs markets unemployment freemarkets greatdepression wealth disparity lending reform change</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:41bbec25e65a/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:josephstiglitz"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:bailout"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:banking"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:money"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:politics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:sustainability"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:longterm"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:taxes"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:biofuels"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:oil"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:gamechanging"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:regulation"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:wallstreet"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:reaganomics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:georgewbush"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:housing"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:jobs"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:unemployment"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:greatdepression"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:wealth"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:disparity"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:lending"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:reform"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:change"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.salon.com/tech/htww/2008/07/14/fannie_mae_and_freddie_mac/">
    <title>Best. Bailout. Ever. - How the World Works - Salon.com</title>
    <dc:date>2008-07-14T23:12:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.salon.com/tech/htww/2008/07/14/fannie_mae_and_freddie_mac/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ponder that sentence for a moment. The Federal Reserve has decided it must order lenders not to make loans that they should not make. As Paul Krugman observed -- "Horse. Barn door." Perhaps if Bernanke's predecessor, Alan Greenspan, had taken it upon him
]]></description>
<dc:subject>markets collapse finance policy regulation freemarkets housing subprime</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e2734c5d78c5/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:collapse"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:finance"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:policy"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:freemarkets"/>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/articles/home_page/471.php?lb=hmpg1&amp;pnt=471&amp;nid=&amp;id=">
    <title>World Public Opinion</title>
    <dc:date>2008-04-16T16:15:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/articles/home_page/471.php?lb=hmpg1&amp;pnt=471&amp;nid=&amp;id=</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Majorities in most countries continue to support the free market system, but over the last two years support has eroded in 10 of 18 countries regularly polled by GlobeScan. In several countries this drop in support has been quite sharp."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics globalization politics trends markets freemarket capitalism china eu us brics regulation government policy society freemarkets</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://interconnected.org/home/2007/12/28/wrapping_up_2007">
    <title>wrapping up 2007 (28 December 2007, Interconnected)</title>
    <dc:date>2007-12-29T01:49:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://interconnected.org/home/2007/12/28/wrapping_up_2007</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Stafford Beer in his book Platform for Change. Beer talks about social institutions such as 'schooling,'... These are self-organising and self-regulating systems. As their environment changes, how do they not collapse? How are they not sensitive to shock?

Beer says that an ultrastable social institution will do one of three things in response to change:

1. It will change internally and still survive (I guess this is like scouting or soccer, both institutions that have changed minimally).

2. The institution's internal form will change, but its relationships to other institutions will remain. Perhaps this is like prisons, which have the same relationship to the population, police, courts and government... but operate internally very differently.

3. Dramatic change occurs. This makes me think of the Church: it has changed enormously internally and in its external relations over the last millennium, yet it's still the Church."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>semanticweb socialsoftware markets structures mattwebb lcproject marketing gamechanging social web2.0 trends thinking theory technology groups future organizations simplicity coding science computers systems collapse institutions society change reform deschooling staffordbeer complexity environment evolution flocking cars transportation rfid gps physics astronomy astrophysics nanotechnology ultrastablesystems progress phenotropics search microformats patterns drugs advertising browser web internet thermodynamics freemarkets capitalism behavior economics modeling identity reputation sharing networks networking socialnetworks socialnetworking self human memory forgetting play flickr webdev development webdesign experience ux flow iphoto interaction design radio typologies words motivation risk abstraction schooling schools 2007 browsers</dc:subject>
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