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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/douthat-rauch-baumann-trump-january-6-religion">
    <title>Was January 6 a Providential Event? | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-25T19:02:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/douthat-rauch-baumann-trump-january-6-religion</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ross Douthat seems to think so"

...

"Ross Douthat, a conservative columnist at The New York Times, and Jonathan Rauch, a senior fellow in Governance Studies at the liberal Brookings Institution, have both written new books endorsing religion. Douthat is a Catholic, and his book is titled Believe: Why Everyone Should Be Religious. Given Rauch’s former indifference to religion, his book’s title is more surprising—Cross Purposes: Christianity’s Broken Bargain with Democracy. Rauch calls himself a Jewish atheist who happens to be gay. But he now regrets what he wrote twenty years ago about the triumph of secularism, something he welcomed at the time as “apathy-ism.” “I believe the rise of apathy-ism is to be celebrated as nothing less than a major civilizational advance. Religion remains the most divisive and volatile of social forces. Apathy-ism is not a lapse, it is an achievement,” Rauch wrote back then.

Earlier this month, Douthat and Rauch spoke at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington D.C., where Rauch was once a fellow. Each gave a detailed synopsis of his book before answering questions. Rauch lamented the “unprecedented experiment in secularization, or as it’s been called, de-churching” in the United States over the past twenty years. The result, he claimed, has significantly contributed to the social isolation, economic inequality, and fierce political partisanship that has made the United States increasingly ungovernable. In praising secularism, he had not understood something the nation’s Founders knew: “Christianity is a load-bearing wall in our culture. When it buckles, all the institutions around it come under stress, and some of them buckle, too.”

While insisting on the separation of church and state, the Founders nevertheless counted on Christianity to “inculcate the civil virtues, as would family, community, schools,” Rauch said. As traditional forms of Christianity have weakened, often by embracing secular values and downplaying distinctive Christian teachings, Americans have increasingly turned to politics to define their identity. This has had dramatic results among white Evangelicals, 80 percent of whom now identify as Republican. Rauch quotes the political scientist Ryan Burge: “Evangelism just means I’m a conservative Republican.” As Trumpism has taken hold among Evangelicals, Rauch notes, the church has lost “those counter-cultural, counter-political elements that define it.” The teachings of Jesus Christ don’t align with MAGA, and Rauch hopes the churches will return to emphasizing how Jesus wants us to behave in civic life. Christian teachings are reflected in liberal secular values regarding how we treat the poor and marginalized and why we must not treat others merely as a means to an end. If democracy is to survive, Rauch warns, secular people like himself must recognize that they have a stake in Christianity. 

Douthat’s book is about much more than the utilitarian case for Christianity as a load-bearing wall in our democracy, although he agrees with Rauch’s analysis on that point. “The New Atheists were wrong,” he said at the AEI event. “A more religious America had its flaws, and its problems, and its divisions. But all things considered, religion was doing something in American life that we miss.” Douthat makes an eloquent case for thinking religion is not just socially useful but also provides “very plausible descriptions of reality.” Given what science has revealed about the nature of the universe over the past seventy-five years, it is not unreasonable to think “the world [was] designed in some sense with human beings in mind.” Douthat claims that we are now experiencing a cultural moment in which a significant number of people are more open to religious possibilities, but his argument here is less persuasive than his apologetics for theism. He makes much of the current revival of interest in various ersatz spiritual practices and beliefs such as astrology, speculating that such interest may finally draw many people back to traditional religion. But that seems like wishful thinking based largely on his own family’s idiosyncratic experience.

Douthat takes issue with Rauch’s characterization of white Evangelicals. Evangelicals deserve more sympathy and understanding than Rauch offers because they have been the object of real “enmity” from secular elites. Over the past twenty years, Douthat said, American elites “went to war against the American past in profound ways, against their fellow elites who were insufficiently devoted to progressive orthodoxy.” That progressive orthodoxy involved “pretty striking metaphysical ideas about the nature of what it is to be a woman or a man. The nature of the human person and the human body suddenly being held up as defining views that are supposed to be adopted by all decent human beings.” Evangelicals (and many other Christians, including me) have found some of these developments to be deeply hostile to their faith and identity. Yes, Douthat concedes, the people who stormed the Capitol on January 6 deserve condemnation, but “it is important to recognize the larger dynamics at play.”

Perhaps. But claiming that the cultural oppression felt by white Evangelicals created a “dynamic” resulting in the violence at the Capitol seems like a stretch. The other dynamic on display was the sheer hatred the rioters felt for their perceived political opponents, including the Capitol police.

Douthat detects another dynamic at play in the Trump-inspired insurrection, and curiously it is a religious one. Asked to comment on the “strange parallels” between the spirituality of Abraham Lincoln and our current religious and political divisions, Douthat briefly discussed the providentialism of Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address. In that famous speech, Lincoln proposed that the slaughter of the Civil War was God’s judgment on both the South and North. “Both sides are at fault, and things happen that are sort of chastisements for not just one side or the other, but both,” according to Douthat. “You know, to be perfectly blunt, I think that’s a useful way to see the phenomenon of Donald Trump in our own time…. The resilience of Trump as a sort of agent of chaos in American and Western life should, from a religious perspective, prompt you to a theological reading of whatever God is up to by allowing this craziness to happen.” 

That pronouncement brought me up short. When it comes to this sort of theological reading of history, I belong to the school of the-less-said-the-better. “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” and the story of Job are, perhaps paradoxically, more reassuring to me than the idea that Trump is actually an agent of God’s chastisement for liberal overreach. And I say that as someone who agrees with most of Douthat’s characterization of “wokeism.” In suggesting such a reading of history, Douthat tiptoes up to the Evangelical conceit that sees Trump as a figure like Cyrus, the Persian king sent by God to punish the wayward Israelites. And how does this sort of providentialism work when the victims are innocent of the crimes for which they were punished, such as the Jews at the hands of the Nazis? Of course, Lincoln knew his Bible, but his beliefs are probably best described as a “political religion,” not orthodox Christianity. He never joined a church. He was determined to preserve the Union, and casting one side of the conflict as righteous and the other as wholly culpable would have made an almost impossible task even more difficult. The judgments of the Lord may be just, as Lincoln wrote, but they are also unfathomable in this life. Trump is bad enough without the thought that his rogue regime has been sent by God as some kind of punishment."]]></description>
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    <title>The States of the Earth: An Ecological and Racial History of Secularization | Verso Books</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-09T21:33:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.versobooks.com/products/3050-the-states-of-the-earth</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["HOW THE DISENCHANTMENT OF EMPIRE LED TO CLIMATE CHANGE

While industrial states competed to colonize Asia and Africa in the nineteenth century, conversion to Christianity was replaced by a civilizing mission. This new secular impetus strode hand in hand with racial capitalism in the age of empires: a terrestrial paradise was to be achieved through accumulation and the ravaging of nature.

Far from a defence of religion, The States of the Earth argues that phenomena such as evangelism and political Islam are best understood as products of empire and secularization. In a world where material technology was considered divine, religious and secular forces both tried to achieve Heaven on Earth by destroying Earth itself."]]></description>
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    <title>Line Goes Up – The Problem With NFTs - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-28T20:29:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQ_xWvX1n9g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If someone pitches you on a "great" Web3 project, ask them if it requires buying or selling crypto to do what they say it does."

[See also:
https://www.theverge.com/2022/1/28/22906010/web3-nft-internet-history-video-platformer ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/show/therednation/id/15815267">
    <title>The Red Nation Podcast: The end of US empire? with Kim TallBear</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-15T22:47:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/show/therednation/id/15815267</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dakota scholar Kim TallBear talks about the end of US empire and what that means for Indigenous people. 

She is a regular panelist for the podcast Media Indigena and writes for the Critical Polyamorist."]]></description>
<dc:subject>rednation nickestes kimtallbear indigeneity indigenous us canada land militarism culture 2020 interviews resistance empire imperialism colonialism governance government elections sovereignty patriotism treaties history academia research race racism nationstates nations war aggression politics alternative joebiden neoliberalism donaldtrump barackobama johangaltung apocalypse allies trust israel palestine peacestudies redemption zombies zombiefilms coercion horror society settlers anthropology settlercolonialism theroad cormacmccarthy whiteness solarpunk property ownership death settlerhorror fiction ghostfiles iamlegend willsmith alternativeendings ghosts violence possession possessions possessiveness capitalism dakota conversion evangelism manipulation control power</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/15/opinion/sunday/a-christian-nation-since-when.html">
    <title>A Christian Nation? Since When? - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-17T06:21:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/15/opinion/sunday/a-christian-nation-since-when.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""AMERICA may be a nation of believers, but when it comes to this country’s identity as a “Christian nation,” our beliefs are all over the map.

Just a few weeks ago, Public Policy Polling reported that 57 percent of Republicans favored officially making the United States a Christian nation. But in 2007, a survey by the First Amendment Center showed that 55 percent of Americans believed it already was one.

The confusion is understandable. For all our talk about separation of church and state, religious language has been written into our political culture in countless ways. It is inscribed in our pledge of patriotism, marked on our money, carved into the walls of our courts and our Capitol. Perhaps because it is everywhere, we assume it has been from the beginning.

But the founding fathers didn’t create the ceremonies and slogans that come to mind when we consider whether this is a Christian nation. Our grandfathers did.

Back in the 1930s, business leaders found themselves on the defensive. Their public prestige had plummeted with the Great Crash; their private businesses were under attack by Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal from above and labor from below. To regain the upper hand, corporate leaders fought back on all fronts. They waged a figurative war in statehouses and, occasionally, a literal one in the streets; their campaigns extended from courts of law to the court of public opinion. But nothing worked particularly well until they began an inspired public relations offensive that cast capitalism as the handmaiden of Christianity.

The two had been described as soul mates before, but in this campaign they were wedded in pointed opposition to the “creeping socialism” of the New Deal. The federal government had never really factored into Americans’ thinking about the relationship between faith and free enterprise, mostly because it had never loomed that large over business interests. But now it cast a long and ominous shadow.

Accordingly, throughout the 1930s and ’40s, corporate leaders marketed a new ideology that combined elements of Christianity with an anti-federal libertarianism. Powerful business lobbies like the United States Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers led the way, promoting this ideology’s appeal in conferences and P.R. campaigns. Generous funding came from prominent businessmen, from household names like Harvey Firestone, Conrad Hilton, E. F. Hutton, Fred Maytag and Henry R. Luce to lesser-known leaders at U.S. Steel, General Motors and DuPont.

In a shrewd decision, these executives made clergymen their spokesmen. As Sun Oil’s J. Howard Pew noted, polls proved that ministers could mold public opinion more than any other profession. And so these businessmen worked to recruit clergy through private meetings and public appeals. Many answered the call, but three deserve special attention.

The Rev. James W. Fifield — known as “the 13th Apostle of Big Business” and “Saint Paul of the Prosperous” — emerged as an early evangelist for the cause. Preaching to pews of millionaires at the elite First Congregational Church in Los Angeles, Mr. Fifield said reading the Bible was “like eating fish — we take the bones out to enjoy the meat. All parts are not of equal value.” He dismissed New Testament warnings about the corrupting nature of wealth. Instead, he paired Christianity and capitalism against the New Deal’s “pagan statism.”

Through his national organization, Spiritual Mobilization, founded in 1935, Mr. Fifield promoted “freedom under God.” By the late 1940s, his group was spreading the gospel of faith and free enterprise in a mass-circulated monthly magazine and a weekly radio program that eventually aired on more than 800 stations nationwide. It even encouraged ministers to preach sermons on its themes in competitions for cash prizes. Liberals howled at the group’s conflation of God and greed; in 1948, the radical journalist Carey McWilliams denounced it in a withering exposé. But Mr. Fifield exploited such criticism to raise more funds and redouble his efforts.

Meanwhile, the Rev. Abraham Vereide advanced the Christian libertarian cause with a national network of prayer groups. After ministering to industrialists facing huge labor strikes in Seattle and San Francisco in the mid-1930s, Mr. Vereide began building prayer breakfast groups in cities across America to bring business and political elites together in common cause. “The big men and the real leaders in New York and Chicago,” he wrote his wife, “look up to me in an embarrassing way.” In Manhattan alone, James Cash Penney, I.B.M.’s Thomas Watson, Norman Vincent Peale and Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia all sought audiences with him.

In 1942, Mr. Vereide’s influence spread to Washington. He persuaded the House and Senate to start weekly prayer meetings “in order that we might be a God-directed and God-controlled nation.” Mr. Vereide opened headquarters in Washington — “God’s Embassy,” he called it — and became a powerful force in its previously secular institutions. Among other activities, he held “dedication ceremonies” for several justices of the Supreme Court. “No country or civilization can last,” Justice Tom C. Clark announced at his 1949 consecration, “unless it is founded on Christian values.”

The most important clergyman for Christian libertarianism, though, was the Rev. Billy Graham. In his initial ministry, in the early 1950s, Mr. Graham supported corporate interests so zealously that a London paper called him “the Big Business evangelist.” The Garden of Eden, he informed revival attendees, was a paradise with “no union dues, no labor leaders, no snakes, no disease.” In the same spirit, he denounced all “government restrictions” in economic affairs, which he invariably attacked as “socialism.”

In 1952, Mr. Graham went to Washington and made Congress his congregation. He recruited representatives to serve as ushers at packed revival meetings and staged the first formal religious service held on the Capitol steps. That year, at his urging, Congress established an annual National Day of Prayer. “If I would run for president of the United States today on a platform of calling people back to God, back to Christ, back to the Bible,” he predicted, “I’d be elected.”

Dwight D. Eisenhower fulfilled that prediction. With Mr. Graham offering Scripture for Ike’s speeches, the Republican nominee campaigned in what he called a “great crusade for freedom.” His military record made the general a formidable candidate, but on the trail he emphasized spiritual issues over worldly concerns. As the journalist John Temple Graves observed: “America isn’t just a land of the free in Eisenhower’s conception. It is a land of freedom under God.” Elected in a landslide, Eisenhower told Mr. Graham that he had a mandate for a “spiritual renewal.”

Although Eisenhower relied on Christian libertarian groups in the campaign, he parted ways with their agenda once elected. The movement’s corporate sponsors had seen religious rhetoric as a way to dismantle the New Deal state. But the newly elected president thought that a fool’s errand. “Should any political party attempt to abolish Social Security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs,” he noted privately, “you would not hear of that party again in our political history.” Unlike those who held public spirituality as a means to an end, Eisenhower embraced it as an end unto itself.

Uncoupling the language of “freedom under God” from its Christian libertarian roots, Eisenhower erected a bigger revival tent, welcoming Jews and Catholics alongside Protestants, and Democrats as well as Republicans. Rallying the country, he advanced a revolutionary array of new religious ceremonies and slogans.

The first week of February 1953 set the dizzying pace: On Sunday morning, he was baptized; that night, he broadcast an Oval Office address for the American Legion’s “Back to God” campaign; on Thursday, he appeared with Mr. Vereide at the inaugural National Prayer Breakfast; on Friday, he instituted the first opening prayers at a cabinet meeting.

The rest of Washington consecrated itself, too. The Pentagon, State Department and other executive agencies quickly instituted prayer services of their own. In 1954, Congress added “under God” to the previously secular Pledge of Allegiance. It placed a similar slogan, “In God We Trust,” on postage that year and voted the following year to add it to paper money; in 1956, it became the nation’s official motto.

During these years, Americans were told, time and time again, not just that the country should be a Christian nation, but that it always had been one. They soon came to think of the United States as “one nation under God.” They’ve believed it ever since.""]]></description>
<dc:subject>us history christianity myths 2015 capitalism propaganda evangelism libertarianism 1930s 1940s 1950s socialism government politics business ealth abrahamvereide jamesfifield jhowardpew billygraham corporatism economics labor unions newdeal</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://thenewinquiry.com/essays/against-ted/">
    <title>Against TED – The New Inquiry</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-19T23:18:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://thenewinquiry.com/essays/against-ted/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["TED is not simply “engaging” & “entertaining” but a specific type of entertainment that is increasingly out of touch & exclusionary.

…appears that whole TED brand induces laughter from many of those skeptical of corporate speak & techno-jargon. At first, I thought I was laughing alone; however, it turns out that lots of other people are equally unimpressed by the current state of TED…I’m not the only one who does not take TED very seriously or worse, views the whole project as suspect…

Perhaps the biggest complaint I heard was that TED smells of corporatism…

So many of the TED talks take on the form of those famous patent medicine tonic cure-all pitches of previous centuries, as though they must convince you not through the content of what’s being said but through the hyper-engaging style of the delivery…

As Mike Bulajewski pointed out in a Tweet, “TED’s ‘revolutionary ideas’ mask capitalism as usual, giving it a narrative of progress and change.”"
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.patheos.com/community/slacktivist/2011/08/13/witnessing-tools-and-resentment/">
    <title>Witnessing tools and resentment | slacktivist</title>
    <dc:date>2011-08-21T03:56:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.patheos.com/community/slacktivist/2011/08/13/witnessing-tools-and-resentment/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Mainly, though, car-fish aren’t really intended for witnessing. They’re not witnessing tools, they are tribal symbols. The Jesus-fish on a car is not an invitation, but a declaration of tribal allegiance. It’s a signal that the driver of this car is an “Us” rather than a “Them.” And that Us-Them symbolism has far more to do with conflict than with any attempt at conversion.<br />
<br />
This is true as well of many of the other things we tell ourselves are “witnessing tools.” One one level, they may be intended as conversation-starters, but on another level they’re also intended as conversation-stoppers — as attempts to win some implied argument. They’re not really designed for evangelism. They’re just the graffiti and propaganda of the culture wars."]]></description>
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