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    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: Despite 9-Figure Infusion from Silicon Valley, Abundance Still Seeks Popular Support</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-02T01:36:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-despite-9-figure-infusion-from-silicon-valley-abundance-still-seeks-popular-support</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this news brief, we catch up with Dylan Gyauch-Lewis, senior researcher at the Revolving Door Project, to discuss Abundance's PR problems, why this latest neoliberalism rebrand isn't catching on and how Silicon Valley billionaires still see 'Abundance' as their best chance to counter populist forces in the Democratic Party."]]></description>
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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
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    <title>Democrats Don't Know what &quot;Affordability&quot; Actually Means, with Dino Guastella - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T09:45:35+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Politicians love to talk about lowering prices, but they really don’t like to talk about the other half of the equation: actually raising wages. That’s because the institutions of our government treat us as consumers first, and actual human beings with a role in society second. This week, Adam speaks with Dustin "Dino" Guastella, Director of Operations for Teamsters Local 623 and research associate with the Center for Working-Class Politics, about how the Democratic Party has lost track of what “affordability” actually means, and how a basic shift in perspective can actually begin to address the needs of working people."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/university-michigan-palestine-protests-federal-indictments-nessel-sayed">
    <title>The Issue of Israel Is Ending Democracy In Michigan</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-13T01:51:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dropsitenews.com/p/university-michigan-palestine-protests-federal-indictments-nessel-sayed</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.coyotemedia.org/endorsement-alcatraz-coyote-for-governor/">
    <title>Endorsement: Alcatraz Coyote for Governor</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-02T01:15:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.coyotemedia.org/endorsement-alcatraz-coyote-for-governor/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s not exactly news that this year’s primary candidates for California governor have largely left us wanting. Democrats are underwhelmed. Leftists are cringing at the possibility of a billionaire being their best bet (the fact that he’s the only one willing to tax his peers is hard to overlook). At the same time, high early voting turnout by Republicans across the state means a MAGA-supported, Trump-endorsed British toad might actually land the No. 2 spot in the primary, behind current frontrunner Xavier Becerra. 

If there’s a feeling in the air, it’s one of resignation.

You would think, perhaps, that the Democratic establishment might ask themselves why — from one end of the country to the other — people are starting to turn their backs on spineless mouthpieces for capital (might we also recommend a book on the matter?). Why an ex-Marine who, until recently, had a Nazi tattoo feels like the best hope for Black Mainers, or why socialists in California are preparing to hold their noses and vote for a former hedge fund CEO? We know this kind of introspection is beyond party leaders, but if consequence is what they need, then we suspect consequence is what they are about to get.

In these desperate times, we need a hero. 

Which leads us to a creature who does fit the description of a true leader. In January, a coyote was spotted swimming to Alcatraz Island, home of the infamous former federal penitentiary. Sopping wet and panting, he hauled himself to shore and instantly became a legend as the first such canid seen on the Rock. Despite skeptics’ disbelief that he wouldn’t survive, the coyote’s been eating well, making do with what wildlife is available on the 22-acre island. 

At first, experts presumed he swam 1.5 miles from San Francisco. But DNA evidence gathered from his poo found otherwise: The coyote wasn’t a city boy after all — he had actually swum from Angel Island, 2 miles away. 

“We couldn’t help being impressed by his accomplishment in making it to Alcatraz,” park service wildlife ecologist Bill Merkle said in a press release. “Coyotes are known to be resilient and adaptable, and he certainly demonstrated those qualities.”

Can the same be said of any of these gubernatorial candidates? We think not. 

The Alcatraz coyote has other qualities that would make him a fine leader: he thinks and acts independently, defies norms, is ambitious, and makes the best out of what's in front of him. He uses his skills to survive and resist a system stacked against him (and the rest of us). He’s smart in the most utilitarian and least pretentious of ways, but he’s still read the communist manifesto. And he’s not afraid to show his teeth.

Famously, coyotes are often seen as tricksters. But we posit that there is the right kind of trickster (smart, wily, surprising) and the wrong kind (corrupt liars who make promises they have no intention of keeping). Coyotes are clearly the former and thus have our vote.

The answer is clear. The best candidate is also the strongest swimmer. The candidate least likely to launch a podcast that platforms transphobes. COYOTE’s first official political endorsement is for the scrappy loner, the people’s governor, the Alcatraz coyote, who is — official slogan? — Somehow, Actually, Not the Worst Choice."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 coyotemedia coyotes california elections politics rahawahaile nualabishari billionaires tricksters democrats democracy left xavierbecerra maga donaldtrump republicans us alcatraz andelisland billmerkle gavinnewsom transphobia tomsteyer maine cuckschumer hakeemjeffries grahamplatner</dc:subject>
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    <title>The ADL is An Actual Psyop with Emmaia Gelman and Mama Ganuush - YouTube</title>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IAIzA5qCqtU">
    <title>bowling alone but not scrolling alone - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-20T05:50:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IAIzA5qCqtU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

"digging into the theory"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mLgwQY19s8w ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>aidanwalker democrats joebiden gaza palestine israel 2026 2024 elections politics socialmedia engagement government us policy robflaherty activism civiclife governance electoralpolitics elissaslotikin genocide ethniccleansing democracy timeline gerontogracy actions results audiences interaction messaging zionism antizionism blacklivesmatter ows occupywallstreet internet web online mutualaid systemicfailure humanitarianism networks institutions intitutionalrot</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.levernews.com/the-liberal-fiction-that-will-lead-to-another-trump/">
    <title>The Liberal Fiction That Will Lead To Another Trump</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-12T06:43:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.levernews.com/the-liberal-fiction-that-will-lead-to-another-trump/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Establishment Democrats and their fans insist the 2008 financial crisis had little to do with Trump’s rise — a comforting myth that could pave the way for an even more dangerous GOP authoritarian."]]></description>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_cvBXfptNh8">
    <title>&quot;Palestine does matter” with Yousef Munayyer - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-18T20:46:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_cvBXfptNh8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome Yousef Munayyer of the Arab Center in Washington, DC to the show to discuss the US-Israeli war on Iran and Lebanon, the role of the Zionist lobby and the nature of the relationship between the US and Israel, rapidly shifting attitudes on Israel and the Palestinians among the American public, the ferocious crackdown on dissent and protest against Israeli apartheid and genocide, and prospects for the urgent renewal of the anti-apartheid campaign for boycotts, divestments and sanctions.

Date of recording: Apr 14, 2026"

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/40920470
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/palestine-does-matter-w-yousef-munayyer ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>makdisistreet 2026 yousefmunayyer palestine gaza israel us donaldtrump joebiden iran war genocide ethniccleansing military policy impunity lebanon politics publicopinion benjaminnetanyahu zionism antizionism 2014 michaelbrown economics dissent apartheid aipac lobbying elections kamalaharris 2024 chuckschumer democrats democracy freespeech freedomofspeech repression inequality sareemakdisi ussamamakdisi karimmakdisi civilrights bds 2008 2009 2018 2019 2020 civilliberties jdvance marcorubio florida</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:28165282f07e/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>Are Americans Finally Breaking Up With Israel? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T16:27:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DmSEcJF3GUw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Since the start of the Gaza genocide, support for Israel has plummeted among Americans – across the political spectrum and all ages. What could this mean for politics in the U.S., which is Israel’s biggest ally? Dena Takruri talks to Jewish writer and activist Simone Zimmerman to unpack the implications of this shift."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NYe4KN_6uI">
    <title>These 2028 Democratic Hopefuls are ALREADY Trying to Bulls**t Voters - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T19:32:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NYe4KN_6uI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The 2028 Democratic Party presidential primary is already unofficially underway, and it’s clear that some presidential contenders are already trying to bulls**t their way through the primary by deceiving voters. For example, corporate Democrats like Gavin Newsom, Cory Booker, Josh Shapiro, Ruben Gallego and others have performatively distanced themselves from Israel by condemning AIPAC; but in actuality, it’s a meaningless gesture intended to obscure their support for Israeli apartheid and g***cide. In this issue we’ll talk about what Democrats are trying to do to appeal to the Democratic Party’s base and explain what they actually need to do to win voters over."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us israel policy democrats politics josshapiro corybooker gavinnewsom elections aipac palestine iran apartheid ethniccleansing lebanon genocide rubengallego benjaminnetanyahu joebiden kamalaharris chuckschumer 2026 donaldtrump warcrimes iof idf westbank gaza uae saudiarabia sudan yemen rsf rapidsupportforces</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://scalawagmagazine.org/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-and-the-sorcery-of-soft-rebellion/">
    <title>Zohran Mamdani and the Sorcery of Soft Rebellion – Scalawag</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T06:28:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://scalawagmagazine.org/2026/01/zohran-mamdani-and-the-sorcery-of-soft-rebellion/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Limits of Left Power Inside the Democratic Machine"

...

"The Rupture That Was Possible—and the Decision to Become Legible Instead

Here lies the wound.

Zohran Mamdani could have run as an independent. Not as fantasy, not as symbolism, but as a credible realignment candidate. New York remains one of the few American cities where a socialist candidacy, backed by unions, diasporic networks, and youth movements, could have cracked the bipartisan monopoly of legitimacy. A once-in-a-generation candidate, as Mamdani is heralded to be, does not ask the machine for permission; he forces history to respond to his refusal.

Had he chosen independence, three transformations might have followed:

1. A break in the monopoly of dissent: The line between Left and liberal would have been made visible, pushing the Democratic Party question from How do we reform the Party? to Why must emancipation seek permission from its captor?

2. The invention of a new political grammar: Even a loss could have inaugurated another political subject position within civic imagination and forged a space for Left politics untethered from The Party.

3. Immunity from institutional humiliation: To lose through a true political rupture is to preserve integrity over a compromised win that memorializes containment.

Instead, we were served the respectable primary, polite coronation, and calculated silence on genocide. The socialist enters the political arena not as a threat but as an ornament. The movement effectively traded confrontation for adjacency—the space where insurgency goes to die.

A socialist does not enter the machine to behave.
A socialist enters to terrify.
If you cannot terrify power, you become its décor.

What Is to Be Done? 

DSA Member Kelsea Bond's recent victory in Atlanta's City Council race mirrors Mamdani's ascent. Different geographies, same architecture. Both campaigns were endorsed by the DSA and Working Families Party,  and invoked affordability, equity, and safety as their moral lexicon. Bond's website ends with the line, "Paid for by Kelsea Bond for Atlanta (not the billionaires)." The slogan is charming, even sincere. But the omission is telling: no mention of (anti)capitalism.

Whether believer or cynic, every progressive or socialist who enters the Democratic Party eventually collides with its gravitational pull. The institution is not a vehicle for transformation, but a mechanism of translation. It turns rage into rhetoric, urgency into policy briefs, and concedes revolution for reform. From Bond to Mamdani, there is a recurring lesson: those who walk into the machine are consumed by it.

The American Left must therefore abandon its fascination with proximity. The seat at the table is not liberation; it is domestication. What is required is not representation within the architecture but the slow, patient construction of parallel power—unions, cooperatives, media infrastructures, and social movements that operate outside the coordinates of electoral permission.

The instruction is clear:
Do not mistake entry for transformation.
Do not mistake visibility for victory.
Do not mistake representation for redistribution.

A once-in-a-generation candidate is not the one who wins politely, but the one who redraws the map through refusal.

For our generation—exhausted by moral choreography, managerial benevolence, and the endless compromise that trades justice for civility—the Mamdani moment should not register as disappointment, but as revelation. The Democratic Party does not liberate, it launders. Municipal socialism cannot survive bureaucratic capture without counter-power. Palestine remains the litmus, optics being the enemy of clarity; "electability" is the euphemism for compliance.

The future will not be built by those who wait for permission. We do not need progressive mayors; we need new political possibilities, and this possibility is not born in primaries but in ruptures.

History, ever patient, remembers those who refused the velvet rope, not those who smiled as they walked beneath it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/">
    <title>Notes Towards A 'Woke 2'</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T07:37:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aftermath.site/woke-2-wokeness-black-lives-matter-activism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When I think about the successes and failures of wokeness as an ideological lens, I think about the music video for Childish Gambino’s song “This Is America.”

When the music video dropped in 2018, I remember feeling like it was genius. Police brutality against Black Americans had been a central focus of my political activation since 2014, when the murders of Eric Garner and Tamir Rice lit the country on fire. This was the beginnings of the Black Lives Matter movement. I was living in Chicago when a group of activists shut down the Dan Ryan Expressway, spanning across it in a human chain. Four years later, watching “This Is America” was an affirmation of the things I already believed and could see to be true just by being politically aware: America is a death cult where it's wholly permissible to use state sanctioned violence against Black people, and in particular they are being killed by police.

For the second round of Black Lives Matter in 2020, I lived in New York. As the COVID-19 pandemic shut the city down, it was also writhing with life in the form of protest. This was life-giving fire—I remember being handed a bouquet from a woman in a march going by, then later watching a bus driver film us as I marched past her, tears in her eyes—but by the end of the summer I also understood its limitations. I went to a rally with the man who is now my husband, and on our walk home I told him how annoying it was to hear everyone’s Instagram handles after every speech.

The idea of wokeness comes from Black culture. It’s not a complicated idea—to be “woke” means that you are not sleepwalking through life. You are awake and aware of the political realities around you. Notably, wokeness does not instruct you how to use this knowledge. If there is to be a sequel to wokeness, a “woke 2,” what I want to see is a better understanding of what to do once you have woken up.

Being so for real: woke 2 is an idea that started as a joke. Erin Vanderhoof from Vanity Fair describes its origins as coming from “progressive retribution fantasies after Donald Trump’s 2024 victory.” The idea was about bringing back wokeness as it was during Obama's presidency, when many people thought having a Black president meant racial progress was inevitable so our work was done—a political movement as defined by a desire to get back to brunch.

But the wheels fell off that brand of neoliberal thought a long time ago. “Woke” as a term joined ideas like “political correctness,” “DEI,” or “social justice” in its popular meaning becoming “things liberals do or say that’s annoying.” Calling something woke became more about being able to signal an in-group and out-group—a polite way of calling something tainted by its association with certain kinds of liberal-coded ways of being “anti-racist,” like mandatory unconscious bias training at work. The idea of flipping things back on their head—no, we are woke again, and you are too or else!—really cracks me up. Wokeness full cultural victory! Put those pronouns back in your bio, do a land acknowledgement—the wokeness struggle session begins now!  But if I were to ask myself what I want out of the idea of being woke in this political era, there are failures of woke 1 that I think are useful to dissect.

Wokeness, being so wrapped up in the Black Lives Matter movement which itself was reliant on the ecosystem of Twitter, was sometimes more about watching than taking action. I remember watching the protests in Ferguson, Missouri after the death of Mike Brown on Periscope, a Twitter product, trying to use the internet to get a sense of what was happening on the ground. I don’t know that watching all that footage did me much good; sure, I was pretty aware of what was going on in Ferguson, but there wasn’t much I could do. Mostly, it gave me a panic attack. 

> In 2026, talk is cheap.

As a movement, Black Lives Matter was intended to be decentralized and leaderless, but of course, that didn’t mean that figureheads did not emerge. The negative space in the idea of wokeness—who are you watching, who is bringing you to awareness?—can easily be occupied by grifters and other bad actors. In 2025, the executive director of the Oklahoma City branch of the Black Lives Matter organization was indicted on embezzlement charges. Shaun King, an organizer who would go on to work on Bernie Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign, has had enough accusations of pocketing donations meant for families of Black people killed by police violence that there’s a section on it in his Wikipedia page. Because the Black Lives Matter movement used Twitter to signal boost news and organize events, apparently former Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and Black Lives Matter activist DeRay McKesson became friends. I think we all know how that one turned out—as soon as Twitter execs found a buyer to take their company, they passed it off to a white supremacist and washed their hands of the whole thing.

In this first version of wokeness, I wasn’t nearly as skeptical of figureheads and corporations co-signing social movements as I needed to be. I had this unshakeable belief that justice would emerge in the end, that people would do the right thing just because it was the right thing to do. I trusted companies, I put my faith in people who posted about the right things online. 

Now in 2026, that talk is cheap. People—and corporations—who loudly demonstrate how much they are aware of the right things, how woke they are, are not always behaving in alignment with those values. In 2021, Target made a commitment to invest $2 billion into Black-owned businesses by stocking their products in its stores. By 2025, after America elected Donald Trump president again, Target had rolled back its DEI initiatives, including scaling back its investment in stocking products from Black-owned businesses. A long time ago, that might have felt like a betrayal, but I don’t put much faith in publicly-traded corporations to do the right thing anymore.

Wokeness as an ideology became about showing people how much you are aware of things happening around you, rather than a cogent plan about what to do with your newfound awareness. Being aware is really easy to do, and if just being aware becomes in itself a virtue, then there’s the potential for an ecosystem that is centered around showing other people how much you know. Oh, you’re fighting for Black Lives? I bet you don’t even know about these other marginalized groups of people that also need help! I have watched the brightest minds of my generation, starving hysterical naked, arguing about whether or not the finale of Stephen Universe was sufficiently righteous on the internet.

Knowing and being able to see the firmament that upholds injustice is useful, but you also have to know what to do with that knowledge. I felt proud of seeing different celebrities extol the virtues of the “This Is America” music video, but at the end of the day, it’s just a music video. What did I think people sharing it a lot was going to do? “Stay woke,” raising awareness, cannot be where one’s desire to do good terminates. When all you ask of a person is that they stay aware, attention and consumption takes the place of action. Getting out into the street to march was wonderful, but not when the marches are aimless and without goals, or when they become a platform for people to gain new Instagram followers (follow me to know where the next action is!). Wokeness can be instead about small, interpersonal actions, a way of linking humans together in a chain of community.

I think the mostly grassroots effort to boycott Target is an example of this in action. There is only one goal for this boycott: show Target that it has lost the loyalty of the Black shoppers it used to enjoy, unless the company is willing to reinstate the policies it dropped after Trump was elected president again. As far as I know, there’s no leader to this movement, and it is mostly a spontaneous action born out of Target deciding to roll back its DEI initiatives. It’s not going to change the world, sure, but it’s making a dent in Target’s finances. When a Black pastor attempted to call off the boycott after a year, Black people en masse refused. Former Ohio state Senator Nina Turner told USA Today that in meetings with Target executives, they were still hostile to the idea of diversity, equity and inclusion, and she intended to escalate her efforts in organizing against the brand. All in all, not shopping somewhere isn’t a big ask, but if a lot of people do it together, then you can demonstrate power in a way that these corporations understand: losing them money.

> I don’t really want to change the world anymore.

Recently, I also joined the Democratic Socialists of America. It was the campaign for Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a campaign he handily won, that tipped me over. At least in New York, the DSA is an organization that offers me a lot of opportunities to use my knowledge of what needs fixing in this city and put it into action. I don’t think electoralism is the answer, per se, but I know this group will give me resources to put pressure on my local government if and when I need to.

Another part of this is that I have stopped trying to demonstrate my wokeness to other people. I want to lead with actions rather than words. And besides, trying to argue people into submission is quicksand you’ll never get out of—a lot of the time, the person I’m yelling at on the internet knows their argument doesn’t make sense, and by responding to it with anything other than “fuck off” I’m just amplifying it.

Two weeks ago, a friend reached out to me to help with a fundraiser for my friend Stella. We talked about her situation on the Aftermath podcast– she had been scammed out of a lot of money from a game developer who decided just to never pay her for services rendered. We didn’t end up fundraising the entire amount of the money Stella was owed, but we raised nearly $13,000. I was happy to raise awareness of what Stella went through on the channels I have available to me. It is good that people knew that the studio she worked for scammed her. But more than that, I made a material difference in my friend’s life.

It doesn’t have to be a national movement. Stella’s live stream was only a few hours, and most of the people participating were just her friends and neighbors. Still, we managed to do a little good just by pooling our resources and working together. 

In 2014, 2018, and 2020, I thought that it was possible to be so woke, so aware, that liberty would emerge. I don’t know what the end goal of a woke 2 could or should be—I think of it more of a chance to give back to people and communities that have helped me, to create spaces of love for the people I love in a world that can be uncaring. I think I don’t really want to change the world anymore. I am just happy to be able to do a little good."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.economist.com/europe/2026/03/12/in-pariss-mayoral-race-its-drivers-against-cyclists">
    <title>In Paris’s mayoral race, it’s drivers against cyclists</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T04:31:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.economist.com/europe/2026/03/12/in-pariss-mayoral-race-its-drivers-against-cyclists</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A decade of greening leaves the capital less congested but more divided"

[archived:
https://archive.is/rj6Dw ]

"A decade ago the Rue de Rivoli, which bisects the centre of historic Paris, was clogged with cars and parked vans. Today two-thirds of its width is given over to protected cycle lanes. On a weekday morning, commuters, delivery bikes and tourists pedal quietly along what was once a grimy transit axis. With over 1,500km of cycle lanes, Paris now boasts a bigger network than Amsterdam, Europe’s cycling mecca. The capital’s air is cleaner; noise levels are down. Yet as Parisians prepare to go to the polls on March 15th and 22nd to elect a new mayor, many are not happy.

Motoring has become the new front line for city politics. If Paris is on its way to becoming a post-car city, this owes much to the tenacity of Anne Hidalgo, the outgoing Socialist mayor, and the Greens with whom she has governed since she was first elected in 2014. The cycling network Ms Hidalgo inherited was already 700km long. She more than doubled it, blocking streets, curbing on-street parking and reclaiming roads—including a former riverside expressway—for pedestrians and cyclists. More daily trips in Paris are now made by bike than by car.

Yet motorists have never stopped grumbling. Only a third of Parisians own cars. But the share reaches half in the posh western quartiers. Their discontent helps explain why a majority of Parisians are unhappy with Ms Hidalgo. One of them is Sarah Knafo, a populist-right candidate (though not for Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, which is fielding another contender). She has surged into third place in the first-round polls, overtaking Pierre-Yves Bournazel, the candidate backed by President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist party. Ms Knafo’s slogan is “A happy city”; her signature colour is daffodil yellow. A happy Paris, she implies, means allowing cars back on roads where they are now banned.

For Rachida Dati, the centre-right candidate and mayor of a swanky rive gauche neighbourhood, the crusade against the car is emblematic of misguided priorities. She has broadly embraced the cycling culture, although she deplores the “chaos” brought about by so many cyclists. But the impeccably turned-out Ms Dati, who until recently was Mr Macron’s culture minister, wants to focus on other things, including clearing rubbish and getting rid of rats. A clip of her emptying rubbish bins with the refuse-collection services went viral. If elected Ms Dati would end 25 years of Socialist rule. One of 11 children of north African immigrant parents, she would also be the first ethnic-minority mayor of Paris.

Her chief rival is Emmanuel Grégoire, the Socialist candidate and first-round poll front-runner. Speaking in the sunshine by the Seine on a recent afternoon, he cheerfully answers voters’ questions, which roam from the use of plant-based protein in public-school meals to the loss of local bookshops. Home delivery is undermining the “15-minute city”, the idea that you can easily reach shops, restaurants, schools and the like on foot or bike. As Ms Hidalgo’s former deputy, Mr Grégoire knows his stuff and is behind many of the projects to curb car use. He promises to finish the job and create a “100% cyclable” city, and to adopt a less top-down management style.

Other issues divide the candidates, too. One is the housing shortage. Mr Grégoire wants fewer tourist rentals and more public housing; Ms Dati would leave all that to the private sector and cut the city’s debt. Another is crime. Everyone wants more local police; Ms Dati wants them armed.

Such genuine concerns deserve proper responses. But the discontent over policies that have made the city so visibly less congested and noisy—at least in the centre—is more surprising. One reason for it, notes Jean-Louis Missika, former head of planning under Ms Hidalgo, is the disruption caused by building properly protected cycle lanes. Chaos and congestion seem to worsen before commuters feel secure enough to switch to bikes. Another, say critics, is that Ms Hidalgo has not matched her focus on grand urban redesign with a daily effort to keep the city clean and safe, and potholes filled. Paris may be admired abroad for championing cyclists. Parisians, divided, will now get their say."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics">
    <title>The Limitations of Partisan Politics - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-10T02:08:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://musaalgharbi.substack.com/p/the-limitations-of-partisan-politics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I don’t vote.

As I explained to Nick Gillespie, I stopped voting as I transitioned into social science. Putting on a jersey and rooting for a team was messing up my work (and that of my peers), so I decided to take a step back from participation in horseraces (although I still vote for ballot initiatives, etc.).

What I told Nick was true. But, perhaps, it wasn’t the whole truth. If I’m being fully honest, another part of my reason for abstaining was the growing realization that, when the chips are down, and the rubber meets the road, the Democratic Party is basically useless. Often, in fact, they’re a big part of the problem. This reality shone through clearly to me while researching my book.

The core puzzle We Have Never Been Woke tries to grapple with is that, from the beginning of our professions, symbolic capitalists have defined ourselves in terms of altruism and serving the common good. We have higher pay, prestige and autonomy than most other workers in America. We have a lot more cultural and political influence too. We have consistently insisted that it’s necessary to preserve and enhance these benefits – not for our own sake, but to empower us to help everyone in society, including and especially the least among us.

In terms of moral and political affiliations, the slice of Americans that are most likely to self-identify as antiracists, feminists, environmentalists or allies to LGBTQ people are also the same slice of society that dominates the symbolic professions. Symbolic capitalists overwhelmingly self-identify as “liberal,” “progressive,” or “left.” We vote overwhelmingly and increasingly for the Democratic Party.

Given how we tend to define ourselves, what one might expect is that as more wealth and power was consolidated in our hands, we’d see longstanding social problems getting ameliorated, inequalities would shrink, social tensions would be eased thanks to the adjudication of experts who make decisions based on “the facts” and “merit,” and we’d see growing trust in institutions because of all the great work we’re doing. This is what previous generations of symbolic capitalists promised would happen – and it’s a story we continue to tell.

Over the last 50 years, there were significant changes to the global socioeconomic order that radically enhanced the affluence and influence of symbolic capitalists relative to everyone else in society. However, the results from this transition are very far from what we promised. We see growing inequalities. Longstanding social problems have festered and, in some cases, grown worse. We see growing affective polarization and mistrust in institutions. The core puzzle the book is trying to work through is, “what went wrong here?” Why is it that the world we inhabit is so far from the world we promised?

Of course, symbolic capitalists recognize that the world we live in is very far from what we ostensibly hope for. We have stories we like to tell ourselves about why this is the case. Ultimately, these stories tend to boil down to two villains: “the millionaires and the billionaires” and “those damn Republicans.” In a previous post, I addressed the “blame the actual capitalists,” narrative at length. Here, I want to address the deficiencies of the partisan political narrative we gravitate towards."

...

"A desire for peace, order, and non-confrontation dominates the academy. Higher ed institutions, in general, are full of people who are risk averse and conformist. People who fall into “leadership” roles are often the most quiescent of all – allowing themselves to get steamrolled by PR teams and lawyers into servile postures, offering limp and half-hearted defenses of the academy and its mission, when they are offered at all. And to their credit, they recognize this about themselves: most university presidents acknowledge they have done a poor job responding to declining faith in their institutions and the accompanying efforts to impose reforms from the outside.

Small wonder the public doesn’t trust academia! Not only are we apparently unable or unwilling to address stakeholders’ concerns, we also seem incapable of effectively communicating our own value in society in the face of adversaries who are out to gut our institutions.

Now is the time to dispense with both of these tendencies. We need to be more explicit about addressing ways our institutions are not, in fact, representing and serving large swaths of America. However, we also need to be more muscular about pushing back against false narratives, asserting our value to society, and defending our institutions from inappropriate forms of political interference.

Institutional neutrality, now the rage, is no shield for cowardice. The Kalven Report, the foundational document of the institutional neutrality movement, emphasizes, “From time to time instances will arise in which the society, or segments of it, threaten the very mission of the university and its values of free inquiry. In such a crisis, it becomes the obligation of the university as an institution to oppose such measures and actively to defend its interests and its values.”

We find ourselves in such a moment now.

If, in this moment, faculty refuse to make use of the rights and freedoms we have, then it doesn’t matter if they’re stripped away, and they will be. If “academic freedom,” “free speech,” and “viewpoint diversity” organizations have nothing to say to this illiberalism, or even support these moves, they’re worse than useless. If university leaders cannot muster the strength or conviction to decline to follow unlawful and unethical orders and challenge these actions in the courts, then they should resign in disgrace or be pushed out. If we, as a collective, cannot and will not stand against this overreach and defend ourselves in public -- then we deserve what we get. But others do not deserve to suffer from our failure. And so, we must not fail.

Critically, any resistance to the administration’s illiberal policies, or defense of our institutions and their mission – these must not be framed in banal partisan terms. This is not just a matter of effective praxis (to prevent further polarization and resentment), it’s also a matter of respecting the truth. Again, we got here through bipartisan political actions. Moreover, the chronic failures of our own professions and institutional leaders provided fodder for the “populist” forces now aligned against us. We’ll only get out of this predicament by engaging with those who are currently skeptical of, or alienated from, our institutions – by acknowledging and constructively responding to their concerns.

More broadly, it’s critical for symbolic capitalists to understand that “voting blue no matter who” is not really a solution to the social problems we express concern about. Some of the places where these problems are most pronounced are symbolic economy hubs where Democrats exercise uncontested rule. And when there’s a lot on the line, and it’s critical for the party to have a backbone and take decisive action, you can bank on the Democratic Party to instead make things worse or, at best, to engage in purely sterile forms of #Resistance.

As I detail in Chapter 4 of We Have Never Been Woke, symbolic capitalists are more likely to vote and support political campaigns than almost any other block of the U.S. electorate. However, we tend to overrate voting as a means of addressing social problems. It’s convenient to think that we just show up to the ballot box every couple of years, pull the lever for the “blue” candidate, and we’ve fulfilled our obligations to social justice. But that simply isn’t the way the world works.

We can look to the areas Democrats control with one-party rule to recognize the limitations of partisan politics for addressing social problems. Those limitations are severe."]]></description>
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    <title>Rebecca Solnit Says Trump's Strongest Foil Has Been Here All Along | The Interview - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-09T19:15:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sOJ_uaffG5s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How does the critically acclaimed progressive writer Rebecca Solnit view the world?  In our era of democratic backsliding, technological disruption and looming climate disaster, is there a more hopeful way to enact change? 

Solnit has written a new book, “The Beginning Comes After the End,” a thematic sequel to her classic “Hope in the Dark.” David Marchese, a host of “The Interview,” says the new book “shines a light on the vibrant world often hidden within our own seemingly gloomier one — a world that has embraced ideas of interconnection, ecological care and political equality.”  

Solnit and Marchese discuss fighting climate change, countering  Donald Trump, the power of the people in Minneapolis and more during their conversation. 

Read more: https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/07/magazine/rebecca-solnit-interview.html "

...

"As the old saw goes, the only constant is change. But change doesn’t always feel as overwhelming as it does right now. We are living in an era of widespread democratic backsliding, sweeping technological disruption and the slow-motion disaster of the climate crisis, to name just a few of the most troubling societal upheavals. But what if, despite all that, there’s a different and more hopeful story to tell about change?

That’s the question at the heart of “The Beginning Comes After the End,” the new book by the prolific and critically acclaimed progressive writer Rebecca Solnit. A thematic sequel to her classic “Hope in the Dark,” the book shines a light on the vibrant world often hidden within our own seemingly gloomier one — a world that has embraced ideas of interconnection, ecological care and political equality. It’s not a naïve book — Solnit is keenly aware of the challenges we’re all facing — but it provides a stabilizing counterweight to the feeling that the world, of late, has spun dangerously off-kilter."

...

[among elsewhere, referenced here, quoting:
https://kottke.org/26/03/the-hidden-hope-in-the-darknes

"Even the right tells us something encouraging, if we listen carefully to what they’re saying. They tell us: You are very powerful. You’ve changed the world profoundly. All these things that are often treated separately — feminism, queer rights, environmental action — are connected, so they’re basically telling us we’re incredibly successful, which is the good news. The bad news is that they hate it and want to change it all back. There is a backlash, and it is significant. But it is not comprehensive or global."

...

"One of the great weaknesses of our era is that we get lone superhero movies that suggest that our big problems are solved by muscly guys in spandex, when actually the world mostly gets changed through collective effort. Thich Nhat Hanh said before he died a few years ago that the next Buddha will be the Sangha. The Sangha, in Buddhist terminology, is the community of practitioners. It’s this idea that we don’t have to look for an individual, for a savior, for an Übermensch. I think the counter to Trump always has been and always will be civil society. A lot of the left wants social change to look like the French Revolution or Che Guevara. Maybe changing the world is more like caregiving than it is like war. Too many people still expect it to look like war."]

[See also:

"The Beginning Comes After the End by Rebecca Solnit"
https://kottke.org/26/03/beginning-comes-after-the-end

"Rebecca Solnit offers a thrilling account of the sheer breadth and scale of social, political, scientific, and cultural change over the past three quarters of a century.

In this sequel to her enduring bestseller Hope in the Dark, Solnit surveys a world that has changed dramatically since the year 1960. Despite the forces seeking to turn back the clock on history, change is not a possibility; it is an inevitability.

The changes amount to nothing less than dismantling an old civilization and building a new one, whose newness is often the return of the old ways and wisdoms. In this rising worldview, interconnection is a core idea and value. But because the transformation is obscured within a longer arc of history, its scale is seldom recognized.

While the white nationalist and authoritarian backlash drives individualism and isolation, this new world embraces antiracism, feminism, a more expansive understanding of gender, environmental thinking, scientific breakthroughs, and Indigenous and non-Western ideas, pointing toward a more interconnected, relational world."]]]></description>
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    <title>A David Frum response to Ro Khanna shows how hasbara culture has warped the Jewish community’s response to antisemitism – Mondoweiss</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-09T03:52:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mondoweiss.net/2026/03/a-david-frum-response-to-ro-khanna-shows-how-hasbara-culture-has-warped-the-jewish-communitys-response-to-antisemitism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When Ro Khanna made a sharp joke in response to an AIPAC smear, David Frum didn't see politics but 3,000 years of Jew-hatred. That is hasbara culture in action."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/scott-wiener-the-astroturf-network%E2%80%99s-og">
    <title>Scott Wiener: The Astroturf Network’s OG - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-05T22:49:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/scott-wiener-the-astroturf-network%E2%80%99s-og</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a few short months, state Senator Scott Wiener may come one step closer to his long-stated goal of replacing Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi and attaining a measure of the power that comes with succeeding a Democratic Party icon.

Recent polling has Wiener leading what is expected to be a close race against Saikat Chakrabarti, a former tech executive who once worked for Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan. A recent entrant, former Trump appointee Marie Hurabiell, is expected to garner little support.

In the race for money, the distance is far greater: Wiener has raised roughly $2.8 million compared to $1.8 million for Chakrabarti (most of it in the form of a personal loan from the candidate himself), and $300,000 for Chan. 

What explains the fundraising gap? Wiener is neither wealthy, like Chakrabarti, nor does he have the passionate support of organized labor, like Chan. And unlike his opponents, he is charisma-challenged. 

What Wiener has is the staunch support of well-funded YIMBY organizations. YIMBY— short for Yes In My Backyard — is the clever name that disguises a lucrative partnership between the real estate and tech industries.

Most of the $1.5 million raised by Wiener in his first race for state Senate back in 2016 came through independent expenditure committees and were funded by the building trade unions, real estate industry and the police union. Billionaire tech investor Ron Conway was behind an independent expenditure committee that spent more than $173,000 on ads attacking Wiener opponent Jane Kim.

Once elected, he amply rewarded his generous supporters: No one has done more to further the YIMBY cause than Scott Wiener.

In fact, Wiener should be considered the OG of YIMBYism and the Astroturf Network on which it is based. His legislative staffers have gone on to populate lavishly funded YIMBY groups like the Abundant SF, started by tech executive Zack Rosen. Before creating the Abundance Network, Rosen cofounded California YIMBY, composed of wealthy tech executives like himself, in 2017. It is considered one of the first groups formed to push the pro-growth agenda.

Todd David, the architect of Wiener’s first state Senate campaign, is the Abundance Network’s political director; Andres Power, his former land-use policy advisor works alongside David as does Jeff Cretan, his former spokesman. Annie Fryman, his former legislative aide at San Francisco City Hall, works a position at SPUR (a pro-growth think tank) that is directly funded by the Abundance Network, while moonlighting as Abundance’s Senior Policy Advisor. 

YIMBY's claim, against compelling evidence to the contrary, is that removing impediments to residential development will solve the state’s housing crisis. They apply Reagan era trickle-down economics to the complex problem of housing. The results are equally dubious: In instance after instance, unfettered development has failed to produce the kind of affordable housing San Francisco — and other California cities — so desperately needs.

Instead, it results in gentrification and displacement, particularly of working-class residents living in rent-controlled housing. Another unfortunate outcome of YIMBYism is environmental degradation since they look upon environmental laws as simply another impediment to building.

A week after being elected to the state Senate, Wiener introduced SB 35, a bill that called for cities that failed to meet state requirements for new housing to hand over the approval processes for new developments to the state. Since 1980, California’s Regional Housing Needs Assessment (RHNA) office has assigned housing goals for each jurisdiction in the state. Wiener wrote a companion bill that changed the RHNA calculation ensuring that no jurisdiction could meet state mandates.

That guaranteed that a state-run approval process would be triggered so that housing approvals would be expedited. It eliminated reviews required by the California Environmental Quality Act. A year later, Wiener’s bill was signed into law by then-Governor Jerry Brown. 

It was the first of a series of Wiener bills that wrested planning decisions from cities to the state. We frequently hear YIMBYs tell us that we have to build whatever they want or else the state will take even more control from San Francisco. It is important to understand that did not happen by accident but because his wealthy backers made that happen.

A year later, Wiener authored SB 827, a bill said to have been written by California YIMBY Chief Brian Hanlon. Hanlon is a long-time Wiener association believed to have authored most of the state senator’s housing legislation. SB 827 called for removing height and density restrictions on development sites near transit. It received full-throated support from 150 tech executives, many of whom had donated to Wiener’s campaign for state Senate. It died in committee. Wiener would come back with two similar bills before SB 79 passed and was signed into law.

He was equally relentless in obtaining passage of a statewide upzoning measure, trying five times before ultimately failing. Instead, Wiener settled for passage of SB 9 in 2020, a more reasonable law that allows owners of some single-family homes to create duplexes on their property. However, another successful Wiener bill, SB 478, prevented cities from restricting lot size for upzoning projects.

The indefatigable Wiener has turned his attention to weakening California’s long-standing environmental laws. In 2024, he introduced SB 951, to remove portions of San Francisco from the protection of the state’s Coastal Commission. Despite vocal opposition from environmental groups, the law passed, allowing housing development on land along the city’s coastline. He followed up with SB 607, an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act, commonly known as CEQA, to limit environmental review for development projects. For now, CEQA reviews remain largely intact after the bill was significantly amended due to vigorous opposition from environmentalists.

All these measures were on the wishlist of Wiener’s YIMBY supporters. On its website, California YIMBY lists its legislative victories. Most of them are thanks to Scott Wiener, its main man in Sacramento. Now the tech and real estate industries are showing their appreciation by generously funding his long-cherished dream of a seat at the nation’s capitol."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://brokeassstuart.com/p/political-dark-money-is-coming-for-sf-again">
    <title>Political Dark Money is Coming for SF...Again</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-05T22:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://brokeassstuart.com/p/political-dark-money-is-coming-for-sf-again</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Billionaires and powerful forces are about to drop a shit ton of dark money into this year’s election... Again."

...

"If you thought the San Francisco moderates would be happy now that they’ve taken over the Board of Supervisors and and the Mayor’s office, you’d be wrong. Jay Cheng (yes, the controversial fellow who has been accused of attempted sexual assault and who the mayor refuses to work with) is pouring tons of money through astroturf group Neighbors for a Better SF into 2026 races. 

***

The group has told Politico Playbook, “it has raised $10 million to pour into San Francisco local races this year to prevent progressive candidates from regaining power at City Hall and defeat a looming ‘CEO tax.’” Ten million dollars is enough to buy a Banksy or get one of those ten passenger private jets. 

So why spend it on San Francisco elections? After all, it’s not a presidential election year, so there are only a handful of Board of Supervisor seats. Oh, and a few Board of Education seats… 

555 Franklin is a kind of stuffy concrete building where SFUSD does much of its governing. The Board of Education isn’t a fully paid or staffed position; the public comment can be brutal; the work (while important) is quite hard. How much could a seat in one of those $500 / month stipend board positions cost? 

Apparently a million dollars. 

***

Jay Cheng and his ilk plan to spend as much keeping the never-elected Board of Ed member Phil Kim, who faced intense scrutiny for being missing in action during the strike, in his Breed-appointed chair. Who cares that much about a school board? 

Playbook describes Neighbors for a Better SF’s role as one of “defending Phil Kim, a leader of the board’s centrist bloc, from a progressive challenger.” The unnamed challenger is Brandee Marckman. She’s got a few endorsements, but she’s already gained an enemy by the name of Meredith Dodson, another never-elected from the Breed era who runs a Facebook group and keeps ending up in the Chronicle as the voice of all parents here.

Why Neighbors for a Better SF cares so much is hard to say. They’ll also be pouring $2mil into Blueprint (an organization that made an entire Instagram video making fun of this author for crying over Kitkat, a cute little tabby that got run over by a Waymo around Dia de los Muertos). (Nope, not going to link the video. RIP Kitkat!)

It’ll be a fascinating election season, with plenty of people, issues, bonds, measures, and drama. Get the popcorn ready. The more money the billionaires pour into the race, the harder it’ll be to paint this as anything but the future of democracy in our little liberal city."]]></description>
<dc:subject>bunnymcfaden darkmoney sanfrancisco politics 2026 elections jaycheng neighborsforabettersf eattherich billionaires philkim centrism moderates brandeemarckman meredithdodson londonbreed blueprint</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E3C6MxO8O8Q">
    <title>&quot;Trump isn't just President, he is a gangster and a businessman“ with Jeremy Scahill - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-28T21:49:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E3C6MxO8O8Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome the investigative journalist Jeremy Scahill of ‪@DropSiteNews‬  back to the show to discuss the looming threat of a joint US-Israeli attack on Iran, the various forces driving US foreign policy, the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and the capacity of Palestinian steadfastness to withstand either the plan for the dystopian reduction of Gaza to a wasteland of biometric concentration camps and foreign privatization and profiteering or the ongoing Israeli drive for total annihilation.

Date of recording: Feb 26, 2026"

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/40257385
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/trump-isnt-just-president-he-is-a-gangster-and-a-businessman-w-jeremy-scahill ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thebaffler.com/latest/its-his-turn-bronzini-vender">
    <title>It’s His Turn | Alex Bronzini-Vender</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-26T03:41:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/latest/its-his-turn-bronzini-vender</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perhaps the most interesting thing about Young Man in a Hurry is that it never quite answers a basic question: What is the actual raison d’être of Newsom’s political career? When Newsom describes his original leap into politics, he writes only that he was “casting about” for “a path that took me deeper into the city and its influence on the West.” You close the book with a nagging suspicion that he isn’t entirely persuaded by his own pitch.

There is no rational case for Newsom’s presidential candidacy, and anyone with any semi-coherent system of beliefs can tell. As far as his chances of winning a Democratic primary are concerned, though, this is not necessarily a terminal condition. Hillary Clinton reportedly found it difficult, in private calls with donors and staff, to articulate the animating rationale behind her own presidential campaign. Clinton, by that point, had built a résumé roughly as formidable as Newsom’s. Her staff ventured that “it’s her turn” might function as a campaign slogan.

The case for Newsom, insofar as Young Man in a Hurry makes one, is a fun-house mirror version of that slogan: It’s his turn. Having conquered sports, business, and state politics, there’s only one chapter left for Newsom to write, and it takes place in the White House. The Democratic Party, for its part, has swung from fretting over toxic masculinity and white privilege to desperately courting white men. (See, for instance, “White Dudes for Harris.”) It’s a perfect storm for Gavin Newsom. It may not matter that he lacks firm political commitments. There’s no substantive platform here because the platform is him. He’s asking you to believe in Gavin, and Gavin, bless him, already does. Dippity-do, Dippity-do."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gavinnewsom california us politics entitlement hillaryclinton democrats elections 2016 2026 2028 mattgonzalez sanfrancisco kamalaharris donaldtrump billionaires affordability homelessness inequality williebrown gordonhgetty</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thefrisc.com/this-great-highway-obsession-must-end-for-the-good-of-san-francisco/">
    <title>This Great Highway Obsession Must End For the Good of San Francisco</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-19T22:01:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thefrisc.com/this-great-highway-obsession-must-end-for-the-good-of-san-francisco/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Hello Sunset District people: a D10 resident would like a word with you."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 andrearease sanfrancisco politics sunsetdunes greathighway elections</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://kottke.org/26/02/vote-dizzy">
    <title>Vote Dizzy!</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-18T07:14:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kottke.org/26/02/vote-dizzy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In 1964, legendary jazz musician Dizzy Gillespie ran for President as a write-in candidate. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dizzy_Gillespie_1964_presidential_campaign ] Some of the more interesting details about his campaign:

• If elected, he’d rename the White House to the Blues House.

• Running mate was slated to be Phyllis Diller. “She seems to have that sua-a-a-a-ve manner; she looks far into the future. She’s looking into the future. So I’m a future man, I said to her.”

• His nominees for a stacked cabinet: Duke Ellington (minister of foreign affairs), Charlie Mingus (minister of peace), Peggy Lee (minister of labor), Malcolm X (minister of justice), Louis Armstrong (minister of agriculture), Ray Charles (Librarian of Congress), and Miles Davis (head of the CIA). Of Davis, Gillespie said: “O-o-oh, honey, you know his schtick. He’s ready for that position. He’d know just what to do in that position.”

Gillespie dropped out before the election, paving the way for Lyndon Johnson’s victory over Barry Goldwater, who Gillespie said “wants to take us back to the horse­-and-buggy days when we are in the space age”. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>dizzygillespie us politics 1964 elections jazz music phyllisdiller charlesmingus dukeellington peggylee malcolmx louisarmstrong milesdavis raycharles blues lbj lyndonjohnson barrygoldwater</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://buttondown.com/monteiro/archive/how-to-vote-early-and-often/">
    <title>How to vote early and often • Buttondown</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T01:15:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://buttondown.com/monteiro/archive/how-to-vote-early-and-often/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Is voting an illusion?

Short answer, ehhhhh… no. Voting is real. Too many people have died for the right to vote for me to make light of it. The fact that millions of people are willing to wait in line, many of them under threat of harassment (both physical and bureaucratic) to get their vote counted makes it real. Very real. The fact that so many terrible people in power spend so much energy trying to keep people from voting also tells me that voting is very real. And something that scares them.

I get why you feel frustrated by the process though. I sometimes share in your frustration. But as a naturalized citizen who had to jump through a few mild hoops and wave a little flag in order to get the right to vote, I still take pride in the act of voting, if not so much with the choices of who or what to vote for.

The problem isn’t the voting. It’s everything around the voting. Everything from the names that get printed on the ballots, to how those names are chosen, the money that puts those names there (and the lack of money that keeps other names off), and then how those votes are cast, collected, and counted. With a side of gerrymandering, as a treat.

But I want to talk to you about another kind of voting today. Because while I agree that voting is real, and you should aim to do it, I also don’t want to have a discussion about elections. Which is what we end up talking about when we talk about voting. (I also don’t want to start an argument about how it’s our duty to vote for the candidate who wants to commit genocide with a sad face versus the candidate who wants to commit genocide with a scowl on their face, and I won’t berate people for withholding their vote from candidates that want to bomb their family. We can save that argument for another day.)

Here’s the truth about voting: We vote every day. Which is not to say that the voting that typically happens on November 4 isn’t important, it is. But what I’m saying is the voting you do on the other 364 days of the year are just as important, if not—in some ways—more so. Because in America, the biggest ballot box is the cash register, and in America you vote with your dollar. I want to talk about where we’re putting our dollar.

To see how quickly the oligarch class threw democracy under the bus in order to continue doing business as usual should be enough to disabuse you of the notion that they care about democracy in the least. To see how quickly the tech oligarchs caved to fascism in order to get the deregulation they needed to continue inhaling profit they’ve long ago stopped needing should disabuse you of the notion that they saw democracy as anything but a feel-good fantasy they were willing to entertain because, sure why not.

The honest truth is that the collapse of American Democracy™ hasn’t had much of an effect on people in power. They’re still in power. And sure, Tim Cook might not exactly enjoy flying to DC to kiss the ring, show up with lucite awards, and sit in a private screening room (which has to reek of Big Mac farts pressed through a syphilitic tube) to watch Melania, but he’s going to do it because it’s the new price of doing business in America. Chuck Schumer wishes he was majority leader of the Senate—it looks good on a résumé, I suppose, and who doesn’t want to be Top Boy—but the difference between AIPAC donations to Senate Majority Leaders and Senate Minority Leaders is fairly negligible. Chuck’s doing fine. And he sure as shit isn’t putting those contribution checks in danger because you had a bad day of being murdered by ICE goons. (Have you tried not being murdered by ICE goons?)

Most of the people in power were willing to do away with the fantasy of democracy as long as capitalism kept chugging along. Capitalism is the true cornerstone of what makes America America. Because in America, the biggest ballot box is the cash register.

We need to be more mindful of where we are putting our dollar.

I was fifteen years old when the ET video game for the 2600 came out in 1982, very shortly on the heels of the movie. (Some of you reading this are old enough that you just got angry.) For those not familiar, this video game was the most shoddily-made piece of cash-grab garbage that had ever entered our young lives. It was unplayable. It scarred us. I still bring it up in therapy. Also, that fucking game also cost $30 and at fifteen years of age you either got those $30 from your parents or by saving up $30, which in 1982 took shoveling the snow from six houses. Which meant that you weren’t getting another game for a while. I myself didn’t get an ET game at the time because I didn’t have an Atari 2600 yet. But my friend Rob did. He put thirty of his dollars down on an ET game. So we’d hang out in his basement trying to make ET eat his fucking Reese’s Pieces and see if this was maybe the time the game did what it was supposed to do, which of course it didn’t because it was a badly coded piece of shit. Nevertheless, we persisted because to admit that it didn’t work was to admit that he had put his thirty dollars on something stupid.

A few months later, after I’d finally persuaded my parents into getting me a 2600, I walked into Toys R Us and there was an endcap mountain of ET cartridges for $1. I remember staring at them, arching my short body’s neck up to see the top of the mountain, and thinking “well, it’s only a dollar” before snapping out of it and remembering how much that game sucked and no, it was not getting my dollar.

I was reminded of all this as I left the house this morning and ran into my neighbor who was telling me he was in the market for a new car. He mentioned that he really wanted an EV, which is a reasonable thing. Then, lowering his voice just a little bit, mentioned that used Teslas were going for about five dollars. And suddenly I was back at Toys R Us staring at a mountain of ET cartridges and thinking fuck no, that is still too much. That is not where you should put your dollar.

San Francisco can tell me it is a progressive city all it wants to, but when I ride my bike I see evidence that it’s simply not true. Because I can see how you’ve voted with your dollar. I see that you were willing to give your dollar to a nazi transphobe that defunded USAid and killed 22 million people in the process.

“But we didn’t know he was like that.”

Yes we did.

Every time we shop at Target we are supporting a company that dismantled all its DEI and Pride initiatives before they were even threatened with anything. They caved ahead of the curve. (The fact that Target headquarters is in Minneapolis should fill everyone on the board of that company with a lifelong shame.) Every time we walk into a Home Depot or a Lowe’s we’re supporting a company that gives ICE a reach-around every time they pull into their parking lot. Every time we share a Substack we’re supporting a company that’s built fascism into the core of its business model. Every time we walk into a Starbucks we’re giving our dollar to union busters. Every time we install a Ring camera from Amazon on our front door we are putting an ICE agent between us and our neighbors. Every Uline order you place is a bullet in the gun of an ICE agent.

You cannot complain about all the retail vacancies in town while also getting thirty Amazon packages delivered to your door every week.

You cannot complain all the restaurants are closing when you’re ordering all your meals from UberEats ghost kitchens.

This list could go on forever.

Every dollar we put down is a ballot cast for the values of the organization that we’ve handed it to.

More importantly, when we put our dollars there, we don’t have that dollar anymore. We no longer have a dollar that we can give to our local hardware store, to our local coffee shop, to the trans-inclusive Girl Scout troop, to a rent relief fund in Minnesota. We’ve already voted.

We gotta be better voters.

What we’re seeing in Minneapolis right now is the strength of community. People with a strong core of decency—who probably disagree on a lot of things—coming together and looking out for one another. And we’ve all seen a lot of photos of what’s happening on the ground. And in those photos there are storefronts. And in those storefronts there are signs telling ICE to get the fuck out of their town, and telling their neighbors that they are welcome there. These are the places where you should put your dollar. These are the places where you should place your vote. The same community that will look out for you when you need it. And I fear that we will all need it, if not against the current madness then a madness yet to come. And let me also make sure to say that community is not necessarily geography. The people of Minneapolis are our community, wherever we might be. And we are theirs.

We need to vote for each other. We need to put our dollar where it best feeds our community because in America, the biggest ballot box is a cash register.

To finish off the ET story, all the unsold Atari cartridges eventually went unsold. On September 26, 1983, Atari buried 700,000 game cartridges in a landfill outside Alamogordo, New Mexico. I remember hearing this as a rumor when I was a kid. The great ET Landfill. We wanted desperately to believe it was true, because that fucking game stole our thirty dollars and we were still angry. But this was before the internet, so who knew whether it was just wishful thinking or not. In 2014 it was verified. The landfill is real! And while not all 700,000 cartridges were ET cartridges, many of them were. (A lot were Pac-Man, which also sucked, but it was at least mildly playable.)

The things you refuse to put your dollar on, the things you refuse to vote for, will eventually end up buried, lost to time. I hope to some day visit the ET Landfill in Alamogordo, New Mexico but when I do I hope to also see the Tesla Landfill next to it, and the Ring Camera landfill next to that, and the Harry Potter Landfill next to that (because fuck JK Rowling), and the ICE equipment landfill next to that. (With apologies to the people of New Mexico. Maybe we should spread these around.)

Oligarchs like Tim Cook and Elon Musk have shown us their ass. But when you show someone your ass you end up also exposing your neck. America has one neck, and it’s capitalism. Which runs on your dollar. If you want to change how America works, change where you’re putting your dollar.

Change your vote."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mikemonteiro 2026 voting elections consumption consumerism oligarchy resistance electoralpolitics politics capitalism timcook apple aipac ice usaid elonmusk tesla sanfrancisco dei pride minneapolice uline fascism ubereats community local decency jkrowling</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQsbaDevHzQ">
    <title>The Silicon Valley Money Machine Hijacking Democrats - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-12T18:50:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQsbaDevHzQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A new wave of “centrist Democrats” backed by Silicon Valley money is organizing to stop progressive momentum inside the party.

Groups like Next America Era — funded by Big Tech executives and pro-AI crypto billionaires — are pushing deregulation, corporate-friendly policies, and a return to status-quo politics just as voters demand bold reform.

David Sirota, founder and editor-in-chief of The Lever and Oscar-nominated writer of Don’t Look Up, joins the show to explain how corporate power is reshaping the Democratic Party — and why the base may be ready to fight back."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4AA9bt0mrY">
    <title>PALANTIR for California Governor? The Broligarchy Is Buying DEMOCRATS! with GIL DURAN - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-12T18:45:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4AA9bt0mrY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Palantir — the surveillance giant tied to billionaires like Peter Thiel — is expanding its political influence on both sides of the aisle.

From ICE contracts to military AI deals abroad, the company’s power continues to grow. Now, Silicon Valley money is flowing into Democratic primaries, backing “pro-AI” candidates while branding them as centrists.

Journalist Gil Duran, editor of The Nerd Reich, joins the show to break down how the broligarchy is pivoting ahead of key elections — and whether Big Tech is quietly reshaping the future of the Democratic Party from within."

[See also:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/nerd-reich-comes-for-california/

"Palantir Power Pollutes Politics

Yesterday, I joined Wajahat Ali to discuss Silicon Valley’s effort to buy the California governor’s office by funding the candidacy of San José Mayor Matt Mahan, a right-leaning Democrat whose supporters include Trump-loving Palantir billionaire Joe Lonsdale. Click below to listen to our conversation about how the tech oligarchs behind Trump are also working to co-opt the Democratic Party."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenerdreich.com/palantir-for-governor/">
    <title>Palantir for Governor?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-12T05:53:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenerdreich.com/palantir-for-governor/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why is extremist MAGA billionaire Joe Lonsdale funding a California Democrat?"

...

"In December, Palantir co-founder Joe Lonsdale called for public hangings in the United States. The Texas-based billionaire, a longtime associate of Peter Thiel, is a major Trump supporter who believes the 2020 election was stolen and the “deep state” is responsible for the January 6 attack on the United States Capitol.

So, why is Lonsdale—who says public executions will bring back “masculine leadership”—funding a Democratic candidate in the California governor's race? New public filings reveal that Lonsdale has given the maximum donation of $78,400 to a little-known California politician named Matt Mahan. (That’s more than he donated to Steve Hilton, a right-wing former Fox host also running for governor.)

Mahan, currently serving his first term as mayor of San José, made a late entry into the crowded governor’s race in January. He’s polling in the single digits and, historically, it’s pretty hard for anyone to go directly from a mayor’s office to the governor's office. The last mayor to pull it off was James “Sunny Jim” Rolph, who went from San Francisco City Hall to the governor's office in 1931—and later became infamous for endorsing the public lynching of two men by a mob in San José. Nearly a century later, a San José mayor wants to make the same leap, bankrolled by a billionaire who wants to bring back public hangings. History does weirdly rhyme sometimes...but, I digress.

Mahan’s chances appear slim, but he has a secret weapon: he worked in tech and has the backing of many of the same tech oligarchs, like Lonsdale and Google co-founder Sergey Brin, who now stand behind Donald Trump. Also backing Mahan: Y Combinator president Garry Tan, a Palantir alumnus (he claims to have created the company’s logo) and a member of the Network State cult, which hopes to replace democratic nations with tech-run dystopias. In January 2024, Tan got drunk and tweeted “die slow motherfuckers” at seven members of San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors in a tirade that triggered actual death threats against them.

As I wrote in the New Republic at the time, Tan is spearheading a tech-funded campaign to seize control of San Francisco’s government, using what he calls a “parallel political machine” that he bragged about at the 2023 Network State Conference. Like Mahan, Tan is a “Democrat” with nothing much to say about how Trump and his tech billionaire backers—Tan’s friends—are ripping apart American democracy.

Normally, a small-fry mayor with such a thin résumé wouldn’t get much attention in a gubernatorial race. But rumor has it the billionaire oligarchs are willing to put up massive amounts of money to get Mahan elected. The money is already flowing. A Silicon Valley-backed committee just dropped $1.4 million on a Super Bowl ad introducing Mahan to voters, funded by Y Combinator's Michael Seibel and Riot Games co-founder Marc Merrill—and Mahan’s campaign says it raised $7 million in its first week alone. Other Mahan funders include Brian Singerman of Peter Thiel’s Founders Fund and David Marcus, a crypto executive “who announced in 2024 that he was ‘crossing the Rubicon’ to back Trump,” according to Politico.

Also chipping in: an executive from Anduril, the Peter Thiel-backed defense tech company that, like Palantir, profits from military and surveillance contracts.

Why are tech oligarchs flooding Mahan with cash? The answer is simple. Mahan, though nominally a member of the Democratic Party, is a puppet of right-wing Silicon Valley interests. He brands himself a “back to basics” candidate, but the basics are familiar: harsh policies to punish the addicted, homeless, and poor, and very little to say about Trump’s fascist regime.

In fact, Mahan has gone out of his way to criticize Governor Gavin Newsom for trolling Trump on social media, suggesting that the governor should only focus on California matters. Most importantly, Mahan opposes a proposed wealth tax for billionaires that a California labor union is working to put on the ballot this year.

In short, Mahan is a perfect “Democrat” for billionaire oligarchs—a candidate cooked up in a venture capital lab. Billionaires love him because he’ll serve them while fighting against any pesky liberal or progressive policies, and the credulous political press will label him a “centrist.” This is a pattern I’ve been exposing: tech billionaires trying to seize political power by funding candidates who answer to them, not voters. In 2026, the Nerd Reich is literally trying to buy the California governor’s office.

Since no California Republican has been elected statewide since Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2006, right-wingers have to get creative here. This means funding Democratic candidates who embrace Republican policies and feast on oligarch money.

The strategy carries risks. Public opinion of Silicon Valley billionaires and tech companies—especially Palantir, which is aiding ICE terror raids—is at all-time lows. By gorging on oligarch money, Mahan makes it clear that he’s their agent. This will likely spark a strong reaction from the Democratic voter base and powerful labor unions, which will spring to action to keep the tech billionaires behind Trump from also capturing Sacramento.

“His challenge: He will be tagged as the tech bro candidate at a time when tech bros are increasingly associated as being Trump’s buddies,” wrote Joe Garofoli of the San Francisco Chronicle.

And Mahan will have to answer a simple question on the campaign trail: Why is your campaign being bankrolled by a Trump-supporting Palantir billionaire who wants to bring back public hangings?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>california democracy gilduran 2026 joelonsdale mattmahan sanjose siliconvalley palantir peterthiel ice police policing fascism gavinnewsom oligarchy demoracts elections anduril ycombinator michaelseibel briansingerman davidmarkus foundersfund garrytan networkstate nerdreich sergeybrin donaldtrump jamerolph</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA">
    <title>Charlie Kirk: The Man Who Broke Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-05T22:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BIBLIOGRAPHY & FOOTNOTES:
https://tinyurl.com/kirkvideosources

TIMESTAMPS:

INTRO: 00:00:00
PART 1: The American Question: 00:08:55
PART 2: Time for a Turning Point: 00:12:49
PART 3: Big Government Sucks: 00:34:23
PART 4: The Great American Horseshoe: 01:04:12
PART 5: Charlie's New Friends: 01:17:18
PART 6: The Noble Lie: 01:40:25
PART 7: Trump 2.0: 01:53:23
PART 8: Ouch, Charlie: 02:04:19
PART 9: The Demos 02:14:27
Credits: 02:46:57"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM">
    <title>You are being misled about renewable energy technology. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-03T21:30:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let's learn and grow. New things are cool!
Links 'n' stuff down below. Lots of links.

First, the "clean version." Please pass that around.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zgxb8I1nk2I

Jerry Rig Everything's video on battery recycling
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s2xrarUWVRQ

If you'd like a legal argument from an actual lawyer which highlights the uniquely strange and unchecked powers we have given DHS and ICE, this is worth a watch. I am not being hyperbolic in saying that this is a serious problem we need to face head on through abolishment, not reform.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zkgNnbTrsgw
 
Here are a couple of corn ethanol vs. solar land use studies. There are more if you'd like to look for them.
https://news.cornell.edu/stories/2025/04/trading-some-corn-ethanol-land-solar-offers-tremendous-opportunity
https://www.cleanwisconsin.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Corn-Ethanol-Vs.-Solar-Analysis-V3-9-compressed.pdf

I'm not gonna post links to my socials or my Patreon here.

Take care of each other.

00:00 Intro
07:35 Some opening notes
10:14 Cars and all the oil they use
15:38 Photovoltaics and electric cars
18:59 A cost and opportunity comparison
22:33 Solar farms
30:35 A discussion of land use
38:29 A diversion on wind power
41:17 The materials in solar panels
50:52 What about the batteries?
1:02:41 The reasons I made this video
1:10:16 The reason I am who I am
1:16:35 Who the liars are and what we need to do about them."]]></description>
<dc:subject>solar energy electricity lies 2026 2025 tyranny donaldtrump fascism constitution ice police policing militarism batteries republicans jimmycarter ronaldreagan joebiden democrats congress wind windpower corporations corporatism landuse photovoltaics evs cars oil fossilfuels petroleum solarpanels elections trumpism maga liars truth technologyconnctions technology jerryrigeverything voterfraud foxnews propaganda democracy us governance government tariffs trade policy journalism media maddmedia mainstreammedia reality accountability renewables minnesota minneapolics care solidarity mutualaid emissions immigration racism race nazis fascists borders border statueofliberty history ethanol cornathanol dhs law legal ethniccleansing fraud twitter socialmedia authoritarianism totalitarianism 9/11 homelandsecurity patriotact borderpatrol fourthamendment firstamendment freedomofspeech freespeech secondamendment alexpretti solarfarms powergrid fuel backupgenerators reneegood misinformation toxicity materials</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/if-you-want-freedom-and-democracy">
    <title>If You Want Freedom and Democracy For Iranian People and All Peoples, You Must Start By Admitting What America Is and Does</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-17T04:31:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/if-you-want-freedom-and-democracy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>freddiedeboer 2026 iran us venezuela nicolásmaduro regimechange donaldtrump maga trummpism foreignpolicy media mohammedmmossadegh 1950s elections middleeast uk cia rezapahlavi ruhollahkhomeini nclb accountability neocons neoconservatism intervention greenland mossad israel corruption democracy mohammedshiaal-sudani syria iraq georgewbush iraqwar isis saddamhussein afghanistabn islam peterbeinart virtue neoconservatives necons neconservatives</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a7201dbffe59/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://data4democracy.substack.com/p/the-wall-looks-permanent-until-it">
    <title>The Wall Looks Permanent Until It Falls - by Adam Bonica</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-13T18:44:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://data4democracy.substack.com/p/the-wall-looks-permanent-until-it</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the optimism of preparation in a time of democratic decay."

[via:
https://kottke.org/26/01/the-america-that-could-be ]

"My earliest political memory is watching the Berlin Wall fall. I was six years old. We watched together on the nightly news—strangers embracing, people swinging hammers at concrete, everyone laughing. I didn’t know what the wall was or why it mattered. I remember how happy everyone looked. I remember thinking that smashing the wall looked like a lot of fun. I wanted a hammer too.

I’ve spent my career as a political scientist learning why moments like that almost never happen. And why, sometimes, they do.

On a Saturday afternoon in March 1911, Frances Perkins was having tea near Washington Square when she heard screams. She ran toward the smoke rising from the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory and arrived in time to watch 146 workers—mostly young immigrant women—burn to death or leap from ninth-floor windows. The doors had been locked to prevent theft. The fire escapes collapsed. The city’s tallest ladders reached only the sixth floor.

She witnessed it all. She later called it “the day the New Deal was born.”

Perkins understood that the fire was a policy outcome. Every death had been produced by specific legal choices—the absence of fire codes, the permissibility of locked exits, the treatment of workers as inputs rather than persons. The horror of that day was not that the system failed. It was that it was functioning exactly as designed.

I keep a dataset of cross-national comparisons. The OECD—the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development—tracks outcomes across thirty-one wealthy democracies. These are our peers. On metric after metric, the United States stands apart from them. American exceptionalism is real, but not in ways worth celebrating.

Start with work and economic life. Americans work longer hours, pay more out-of-pocket for college and childcare, lack parental leave, and enjoy less economic mobility. The share of income going to the top 1 percent is nearly double the OECD average. American CEOs earn, on average, 354 times as much as their workers. More workers are trapped in poverty-wage jobs. Collective bargaining covers fewer workers. And social protections are less generous for those who fall on hard times, with the government raising less in taxes and spending more on the military.

The economy is just the beginning.

We spend nearly twice as much on healthcare as other wealthy countries do. Yet life expectancy is well below average, infant and maternal mortality rates are alarmingly high, and more Americans remain uninsured.

We suffer from overlapping public health crises—the highest rates of teenage births, drug overdoses, obesity, and gun deaths among peer nations.

We have more lawyers per capita and the world’s most profitable legal services industry. Yet we rank 101 out of 114 countries—behind Afghanistan—in ordinary citizens’ ability to access and afford legal services. The average American is outmatched by wealthy interests who can purchase the representation that justice supposedly guarantees.

Our criminal justice system is discriminatory and excessively punitive, with an incarceration rate five times the OECD average. Yet it can seem easier to fit a camel through the eye of a needle than to send a wealthy American to prison.

These outcomes flow from a political system designed to suppress participation and amplify affluent voices. Americans express similar interest in politics as citizens of other democracies. Yet our turnout remains depressed through deliberate barriers—voter ID laws, purged rolls, Election Day on a workday, gerrymandered districts.

Our society generates enormous prosperity while deliberately withholding it from those who need it most. That is the American exception.

A reasonable person might conclude that the American project is in terminal decline. But the same numbers that document the dysfunction point toward a different, more optimistic conclusion.

America’s problems are solved problems.

Universal healthcare is not some utopian fantasy. It is Tuesday in Toronto. Affordable higher education is not an impossible dream. It is Wednesday in Berlin. Sensible gun regulation is not a violation of natural law. It is Thursday in London. Paid parental leave is not radical. It is Friday in Tallinn, and Monday in Tokyo, and every day in between.

There is another America inside this one, visible in the statistics of nations that made different choices. Call it Latent America: the nation that would exist if our democracy functioned to serve the public rather than protect the already powerful.

To see this, you need only compare outcomes in the US with its peers. The graphic below illustrates a simple thought experiment: What would happen if the United States simply matched the average performance of our 31 peer nations in the OECD? We don’t need to become a shining city on a hill to transform Americans’ lives. We just need to become average.

[big set of data]

Perkins saw what this country wasn’t but could be. After the fire, she did not wait. She dragged legislators through factories and sweatshops until they saw what she had seen. She worked alongside organizers like Rose Schneiderman who understood that reforms don’t happen unless workers were organized enough to demand them. Frederick Douglass put it plainly: “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.”

By 1914, New York had passed dozens of new labor laws—fire codes, limits on hours, restrictions on child labor. Perkins achieved this before she could vote for the legislators who enacted them.

Over the next two decades, she kept building. As Industrial Commissioner, she made New York the proving ground: minimum wages, unemployment insurance, workplace safety. The policies dismissed as radical in Washington became ordinary in Albany.

When Roosevelt named her Secretary of Labor in 1933, she walked into his office with a list: a 40-hour work week, a federal minimum wage, unemployment insurance, abolition of child labor, workplace safety protections, social security. “Nothing like this has ever been done in the United States before,” she told him. “You know that, don’t you?” She had the blueprints in hand—and she made clear she would not take the job unless he was prepared to build from them.

I know how this moment feels. I watch the dismantling too—the corruption displayed without shame, the institutions hollowed from within, the coordinated campaigns of cruelty and dehumanization. It is easy to believe we are watching an ending.

But scholars who study democratic collapse see it differently. “The United States is in a very good place to resist,” Steven Levitsky said recently. “There is a very high likelihood that Trump will fail.”

The regime dismantling our institutions does not command majority support. It never has. Trump’s approval ratings have remained underwater throughout his presidency. The policies being enacted poll badly, often catastrophically. This is not a popular revolution. It is a minoritarian project exploiting a counter-majoritarian system—and regimes built that way are inherently unstable.

The corruption is no longer hidden. Trump accepts $400 million planes from foreign governments while making billions from crypto schemes. Cabinet positions go to mega-donors. Supreme Court justices vacation with billionaires who have cases before the court. This nakedness is not strength but a vulnerability borne of arrogance. Corruption has been the grievance that unites disparate opposition and sweeps strongmen from power. Hidden corruption persists because it is difficult to mobilize against. Exposed corruption shifts the axis of politics from left versus right to clean versus corrupt, people versus oligarchs. That’s a fight authoritarians lose.

And then there are the generations now rising. They are less credulous, more pragmatic, less patient with institutions that fail to deliver. They want specific reforms addressing problems they can name.

The old playbook was caution: promise little, deliver less, call it pragmatism. A new cohort of leaders is done with that. You can hear it in how they speak. When Zohran Mamdani was inaugurated as mayor of New York City, he promised to govern audaciously. “We may not always succeed,” he said, “but never will we be accused of lacking the courage to try.”

Political pragmatism is not about fighting only the battles you expect to win. It is the refusal to let probable failure dictate what you attempt. This is the Perkins disposition. She did not know the Depression would come. She did not know Roosevelt would call. She prepared anyway, because preparation is itself a form of politics—a way of insisting that the world you are ready for is a world that could exist.

My deepest fear is not that we fail to survive this moment—it’s that we survive it only to return to the status quo that made it possible. That we exhale, declare victory, and leave in place the Electoral College, the filibuster, the gerrymandered maps, the money-soaked elections that allowed a minoritarian movement to capture the state in the first place. The point is not to get back to normal. Normal is how we got here.

The wall looks permanent until the day it comes down. So it goes with all institutions. They are not immutable fixtures but human creations, designed to solve the problems of one era and replaceable when they fail the next."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg">
    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w">
    <title>The Trillion Dollar War Machine (with William D. Hartung) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T07:31:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-trillion-dollar-war-machine-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The military-industrial-complex has grown into a monster so powerful that even its earliest critics likely never foresaw its evolution. In the age of Big Tech's rising power, can anything stop it?"

...

"The military-industrial-complex (MIC) is unique in its ability to pull untold flows of tax revenue into “defensive” infrastructure that benefits no one other than the private sector manufacturing and investing in it. The machine, which perpetuates itself through an incestuous milieu that lobbies for war and defense spending, wages psychological warfare on citizens and engages in corrupt backroom deals, has risen to once unthinkable heights of influence and power since Dwight D. Eisenhower first warned Americans of its growing presence in 1961.

Political scientist William D. Hartung joins this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his and Ben Freeman’s new book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, which contextualizes the growth of the MIC behind the backdrop of Silicon Valley’s increasing radicalism and integration into American military infrastructure, as well as the Trump administration’s chaotic and unabashed foreign policy.

These tech elites push for automated warfare, domestic surveillance, and the full diffusion of any line still separating the corporate and public sectors. In essence, they symbolize how significantly Western capital has grown since Eisenhower’s warning — bolstering a corporate state bent on maximizing profit through warfare and manufacturing reliance on its often faulty products both in the public and private sector.

Empowered by the Trump administration, the trillion dollar war machine only looks to grow — and Hartung says that it will harm the entire nation in its endless quest for domination."

[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mxti7sPPD0 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/abominations-of-capital">
    <title>Abominations of Capital - by Hamilton Nolan</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T16:36:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/abominations-of-capital</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Forcing a price on priceless things."

...

"One of the best places to go on a slow weekday morning in Washington, DC is the basement of the Hirshhorn Museum, on the National Mall. There, in a dark corner gallery, you can find a small Basquiat exhibit, with one single crown jewel: “Boy and Dog in a Johnnypump,” a massive, 14-foot long canvas depicting a cartoonish dog and a wild skeletal boy with his hands splayed out, surrounded by swirls and smears of colors. It’s one of my favorite Basquiats—I have a print of it, which I bought for $30, hanging in my kitchen. In the Hirshhorn, you will often have the painting to yourself. You can stand one foot away from it and peer at the drips and feel the same gravity that held Basquiat to the earth when he painted it in 1982.

The painting that is hanging on that basement wall cost more than $100 million. It was bought by hedge fund founder Ken Griffin in 2020. He can afford it. His net worth today stands at over $50 billion. Indeed, the Basquiat is not even Griffin’s most expensive painting. In 2016, he reportedly paid $500 million for a pair of paintings, one by Pollock and one by de Kooning. He needs a lot of art to decorate his $238 million New York apartment and his $1 billion Palm Beach compound and the rest of his real estate portfolio in St. Tropez, Chicago, Aspen, and The Hamptons.

Griffin is one of the biggest Republican donors in America. He has spent a quarter-billion on political donations in the past decade. Though he preferred other Republican candidates in the 2024 primaries, he said that he voted for Trump, and declared triumphantly after Election Day that “America is open for business again.”

Now, I am just a simple man in Brooklyn with neither hedge fund nor art history degree, but I feel compelled to say that Ken Griffin owning that Basquiat is a moral perversion that disgusts me in the same way that Martin Luther was disgusted by the lavish papacy of Pope Leo X. Ken Griffin, a dead-eyed automaton who has spent his life piling treasure in a vault, rotely accruing power in order to accrue more capital in order to accrue more extravagant luxuries, seeking always to arrange the world in service of his own personal enrichment, may have the financial means to “own” the painted canvas that Basquiat made, but no amount of money will ever allow him to feel and understand why something is cool. He is not built like that. Nor can he buy that. I like to imagine that this causes him to be plagued at all times by a ferocious sense of inadequacy. But who knows.

To gaze at the amazing gift that Basquiat gave to the world in the form of art and then to reflect that one asshole can, if he chooses, light that artwork on fire for his own amusement, or stash it forever aboard a yacht, or sell it off to an even less appreciative plutocrat in order to fund the purchase of another penthouse apartment is to begin to understand the way that wealth inequality is disease of our collective soul. Democracy is an attempt to create some level of political equality, to mirror the inherent moral equality of all humanity. This is simply not possible in the presence of the level of wealth inequality that America now has. It is not possible. We can have our level of inequality or we can have a democracy but we cannot have both. The numbers, at present, tell us that we have chosen the inequality. We are just playing out the string on the rest right now.

Either we eradicate the billionaires or we will march steadily into dictatorship of capital so strong that everything else means little. Total spending on the last presidential election was about $5 billion, all in, on all sides. Ken Griffin is worth $50 billion, and Bloomberg and Bill Gates and Warren Buffett and the Waltons and the Google guys are each worth more than $100 billion, and Larry Ellison and Bezos and Zuckerberg are each worth more than $200 billion, and Musk is worth more than $300 billion. Of the 330 million people in America, these are the ones who will decide everything. Do you like that? Well, it doesn’t matter. You don’t get to decide. You don’t have $5 billion to buy a presidential election. These people do. For another $10 billion you could pay for every single Congressional election, as well. Ken Griffin could buy all of the above and still have enough to buy all the rest of Basquiat’s paintings, and hang them on his mansion wall, and cock his head like a golden retriever as he stares at them and wonders what they all mean.
Ken Griffin: The King of Soul.

People are naturally bad at interpreting very large numbers and therefore we all have a hard time conceptualizing just how insane wealth inequality has become, just how ludicrous the sizes of these people’s fortunes are, just how divorced from any intelligible concept of “work” and “deserve” this kind of opulence represents. There are various ways to try to make these big numbers more understandable—Jeff Bezos, for example, could give each of Amazon’s million American employees a bonus of $100,000 and still be worth more than $100 billion himself. If the absurd math of luxury purchases that these plutocrats could pull off doesn’t drive the point home, another useful method is simply to sit and meditate on the priceless cultural artifacts that these people have, in fact, put a price upon.

Ken Griffin owns a copy of the Emancipation Proclamation signed by Abraham Lincoln. Bought it for $18 million. Ken Griffin also condemned Democratic officials in Illinois for not being tough enough on crime and moved his hedge fund headquarters to Florida and donated millions of dollars to Florida Republicans to help them wage their war against “wokeness” and abortion rights and diversity. From his walled 50,00-square-foot compound on 27 acres in Palm Beach, Griffin has done more than any other individual to create the political conditions that make Florida more hostile to black people, and LBTQ people, and women, and immigrants. Why? What is the reason for this? In order to ensure that political conditions are favorable for the success of Griffin’s hedge fund, and by extension for Griffin’s own net worth, so that he might buy grander estates, more expensive artworks, more exotic luxuries.

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In some ways I think that the basic abomination that is Ken Griffin’s ownership a copy of the Emancipation Proclamation, or of Basquiat’s art, is even more powerful than the numbers. This man should not be able to own these things. Not for $18 million, or $100 million, or at all. The grotesqueness of billions of dollars, the brute force of that tidal wave of capital, its ability to force a price upon things that are priceless—it is this quality that may be most effective in demonstrating why such fortunes, like biological weapons and killer robots, fall into the category of “Things we are capable of creating, but should not.”

America feels quite chaotic. The daily procession of political outrages can feel overwhelming. It is important, if you care about such things, to take a quiet moment as the year winds down and refocus on the one, big problem at the center of all these things: The fact that too few people have been allowed to have too much money. That is the underlying problem. The other problems are manifestations of this. We have to destroy the billionaires. Judge political policies on their likelihood to accomplish this. Use this as your guiding star. Don’t lose sight of this amid the swirling conflicts of personalities. We need to take away the fortunes. Otherwise, they will rule, and all of our angry words of protest will not matter much at all.

In that Basquiat exhibit at the Hirshhorn, on a separate wall from “Boy and Dog in a Johnnypump,” is one other, much smaller work. It’s a single scrap of white paper in a small frame. On it is a figure with a crown standing next to a bottle of milk, and the words:

<blockquote>MAN NEEDS MILK
OWNS 10,000 COWS</blockquote>

What was the artist trying to say here, Ken Griffin? Write your answer on the Emancipation Proclamation. Drink it with a glass of milk, and choke. "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election">
    <title>Chile’s Trump? Ariel Dorfman on the Election of Pinochet Admirer José Antonio Kast | Democracy Now!</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-18T04:39:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["José Antonio Kast has won Chile’s presidential election, with the far-right leader getting about 58% of the vote in Sunday’s runoff against Jeannette Jara, a member of the Communist Party who served as labor minister under outgoing President Gabriel Boric. Kast has openly praised former U.S.-backed dictator Augusto Pinochet and is the son of a Nazi who fled Germany after World War II. Kast campaigned on fighting crime and carrying out mass deportations of immigrants.

“It is a political and ethical earthquake,” says acclaimed Chilean American writer Ariel Dorfman, who served as a cultural adviser to socialist President Salvador Allende from 1970 to 1973. He pins much of the blame for Kast’s rise on an “uninspired left” that has lost its way since the end of dictatorship and “turned its back on the troubles of the people.”"

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aa0HtHEZrWA 

See also:
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html
https://archive.ph/6NZhX ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html">
    <title>Opinion | Chile’s Election Is More Than Just a Swerve to the Right - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-18T04:38:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/17/opinion/chile-election-kast-pinochet.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/6NZhX 

See also:
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/17/chile_election
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aa0HtHEZrWA ]

"General Augusto Pinochet, the strongman who imposed a reign of terror on Chile from 1973 to 1990, must be smiling in his grave.

His brazen defender and admirer José Antonio Kast has just been elected president of Chile. Mr. Kast, a right-wing politician who has praised the military dictatorship and once said that if Mr. Pinochet were alive “he would have voted for me,” won by an overwhelming margin on Sunday, beating his center-left opponent by about 16 points. It is the first time since democracy in Chile was restored 35 years ago that any supporter of the dictatorship has won such high office.

Mr. Kast’s victory is not necessarily a public endorsement of his veneration for Mr. Pinochet. His campaign promises appealed to an angry, weary and confused populace eager for radical change: a vow to expel hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants, a crackdown on crime and narcotrafficking, a pledge to slash government spending and boost economic growth. Mr. Kast, an ultraconservative Catholic, also opposes abortion, same-sex marriage, gender identity protections and Indigenous rights.

Some might call his rise just one more alarming case of a worldwide trend toward nativist authoritarianism — and it is. But the attendant rehabilitation of one of the continent’s most infamous autocrats is a particularly agonizing setback in a country where many considered the long struggle for democracy to have been won.

In 1973 the military, with Mr. Pinochet at the helm, overthrew the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende. The general proceeded to close Congress, torture and kill thousands of Mr. Allende’s supporters and persecute and exile many more. Mr. Pinochet’s power began to wane in the late 1980s, and democracy in Chile was eventually restored in 1990. In 1998 he was arrested in London on charges of human rights abuses; subsequent revelations that he had illicitly accumulated millions of dollars fueled a general abhorrence that turned him into even more of a pariah. When he died in 2006, wild crowds gathered in Chile’s cities, chanting, “Adiós, General.” To those dancing, riotous citizens, here was the chance to bury forever, along with Mr. Pinochet’s corpse, the influence he had exercised over Chile for so many decades.

I was not so sure. The totalitarian grip he exercised for so long and the dread he had engendered so deeply did not seem easily dispelled. Witnessing the carnivalesque ecstasy in the streets of Santiago, I wondered in an Opinion guest essay if the general’s legacy had really died. “Will he ever stop contaminating every schizophrenic mirror of our life?” I asked. “Will Chile ever cease to be a divided nation?”

Almost two decades later, the answer to both questions appears to be a resounding no.

Supporters of Mr. Pinochet never really went away. The general, they say, saved the country from communism; he imposed law and order; his neoliberal economic policies made Chile a modern country. But they have invariably been a minority. Since the end of the dictatorship, the only conservative to win the presidency — Sebastián Piñera, who governed from 2010 to 2014 and then again from 2018 to 2022 — was careful to distance himself from Mr. Pinochet’s frightful legacy.

In this sense, Mr. Kast’s victory is a political and ethical earthquake. For the first time in Chile’s contemporary history, it’s possible that the most powerful man in the country will use the full force of the executive branch to sanitize Chile’s violent past so that the pain, the slaughters and exiles, the torture and the concentration camps, can be expunged. Although he has said that anyone who violated human rights does not have his support, Mr. Kast has indicated that he might release the 139 high-ranking Pinochet officials who are still in prison for terrible abuses. This includes Miguel Krasnoff, a notorious henchman of Mr. Pinochet’s who was sentenced to over one thousand years for crimes including assassinations, tortures, and kidnappings.

What drove millions of Chileans to embrace him in this way? As I’ve spoken with voters of all social strata and political preferences, the word that kept coming up was “malestar,” which loosely translates to unease, unrest, malaise. Men and women around the country feel that something is obscurely wrong and off balance, and that this cries out for a return to the times when a strong leader enforced discipline and security, no matter the cost. This is what Mr. Kast’s victory signals: the belief that democracy itself is unable to deliver when it comes to the everyday problems of crime, cost of living and rampant immigration.

In his crusade to rewrite the past and recast the future, Mr. Kast may not have an easy ride. There are dissenters in his own conservative coalition who may try to rein in the new president’s worst instincts. Chile also can count on a vigorous and truly independent judiciary that is not inclined to tolerate an anti-democratic blitz. Nor is it certain that the armed forces, leery of being drawn into civilian politics and still stinging from the shame of having enacted so many of Mr. Pinochet’s horrors, will become Mr. Kast’s dogs of war.

The most important opposition to Mr. Kast’s plans will come from ordinary citizens. If the people of this country feel that he is unable to ease their suffering, if they continue to feel excluded and marginalized, without sufficient control of their destiny, that discontent may erupt. Over the past century in Chile, every advance of democracy has been paid for with the lives of miners, workers, peasants and students who died in the defense of their dignity and social rights. It was this embodiment of hope and struggle — this “river of buried tigers,” to quote Pablo Neruda — that I fell in love with when I arrived in Chile from the United States at the age of 12. It was not suffocated under the vindictive dictatorship that Mr. Kast nostalgically reveres, and it will not disappear now.

Any resistance that Chileans bring to the streets must be accompanied by an equally valiant attempt to imagine our way out of this crisis. Mr. Kast could not have won if the center-left parties and their elites had not failed to offer a viable alternative to the country’s chronic unhappiness.

What Chile needs now is a deep intellectual renewal of its progressive forces, a painful reckoning with its shortcomings and fractures. How well the Chilean opposition responds to this sobering defeat will determine whether Mr. Kast truly represents an ominous swerve toward the world’s current desolate panorama of would-be dictators, or whether he proves a mere parenthetical in Chile’s erratic but perpetual advance toward freedom and justice. The battle for the soul and identity of my adopted country is nowhere near over."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/14/opinion/billionaires-politics-money.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Billionaires Have Gone Full Louis XV - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T04:15:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/14/opinion/billionaires-politics-money.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first rule of dark money is to quit blabbing about it. Did they think people would thank them for it?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/P9kC2

via:

"Tech Billionaires Flirt With the Guillotine"
https://www.thenerdreich.com/tech-billionaires-flirt-with-the-guillotine/ ]

"Billionaires had a great thing going. The ruling in the 2010 Citizens United case, among others, invited the super rich to exert all the influence on policy and politics that their money could buy — and then enjoy all the wealth that influence secured for them in return. Thanks to ever-more-obliging tax policies, the billionaire class grew absurdly rich over the years that followed. In the last five years alone, the wealthiest 20 Americans increased their net worth from $1.3 trillion to $3 trillion, Forbes reported.

And they did it in many cases without the rest of us even having a clue. It took the investigative reporter Jane Mayer five years of relentless digging to figure out how the Koch brothers gained a chokehold on the Republican Party. The title of her 2016 book, “Dark Money,” became synonymous with a particularly effective form of influence that was all but untraceable. The billionaires could have kept on like that forever. All they had to do was keep their mouths closed.

Today, billionaires are still flooding politics with their money and still reaping the benefits, but they won’t stop yapping about it.

Elon Musk bragged about his support for President Trump, to whose campaign and allied groups he donated more than $250 million. He loudly attempted to buy votes in Pennsylvania. Then he leveraged it all into a cruel and chaotic effort to dismantle federal agencies. Marc Andreessen’s tech-heavy venture capital firm publicly pledged $100 million to target lawmakers who attempt to regulate artificial intelligence; Mr. Andreessen then mocked the pope for suggesting some ethical guardrails around the technology. Bill Ackman announced that he and his pals were prepared to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to defeat Zohran Mamdani, and urged Mr. Trump to call in the National Guard if that effort failed and Mr. Mamdani’s mayoralty met his worst expectations.

And all the while they’re out there lecturing us about their fitness routines, their weird personal philosophies, their conspicuous consumption and more. Jeff Bezos staged a three-day, celebrity-packed, $50 million wedding to Lauren Sánchez, the whole cringe affair optimized for global paparazzi interest. Mr. Ackman is advising young men to try the line, “May I meet you?”, a strategy that in his own experience, he says, “almost never got a no.” Owning the world isn’t enough for these people; they must also go in search of the cheap high of influencer culture.

But no amount of auramaxxing can hide the new reality. Just six years ago, 69 percent of respondents to a Cato Institute poll agreed that billionaires “earned their wealth by creating value for others.” An only slightly smaller majority agreed with the statement “we are all better off when people get rich.” Today, one poll after another shows that Americans want the rich to be taxed at higher, even much higher rates. Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have attracted an increasingly large national following with an anti-billionaire message that previously would have sounded extremist. And New York City, the richest metropolis in the nation, just elected a democratic socialist who thinks billionaires shouldn’t exist at all.

The billionaires have only themselves to blame.

It’s as if the sheer scale of this wealth, which beggars even the riches of the Gilded Age, has induced a kind of class sociopathy. Peter Thiel, the crucial funder of JD Vance’s ascent, talks extensively about his desire to escape democracy (and politics generally) in favor of some kind of bizarre techno-libertarian future. Balaji Srinivasan, the investor and former crypto exec, calls for tech elites to take control of cities and states — or build their own — and run them as quasi-private entities. Alex Karp, who along with Thiel founded the high-flying military intelligence company Palantir, shares his predictions about an apocalyptic clash of civilizations, pausing to brag, “I think I’m the highest-ranked tai chi practitioner in the business world.” In another era, this would all be laughable. But as the MAGA moment emboldens them to drop any pretense of civic virtue and just go full will-to-power, their nutty ideas are now borderline plausible. And terrifying.

These people are whip smart. Why can’t they see how badly they’re coming off? Perhaps it’s because the superrich have allowed themselves to become increasingly isolated. An ever-more-stratified scale of luxury allows the staggeringly rich to avoid coming into contact with even the merely wealthy, let alone the rest of the world, “to glide through a rarefied realm unencumbered by the inconveniences of ordinary life,” as The Wall Street Journal reported. Chuck Collins, who gave away his family fortune and who now investigates inequality, describes it this way: “Wealth is a disconnection drug that keeps people apart from one another and from building authentic real connections and communities.”

Billionaires control the cable channels, social media platforms, newspapers, movie studios and essentially everything else that we consume, but for their own information sources they are in some cases more likely to trust their own kind. Semafor documented one ultraexclusive group chat that included Mr. Andreessen and Mr. Srinivasan, among others, in which the self-reinforcing discourse is reported to have pushed many Silicon Valley tycoons toward right-wing politics. “If you weren’t in the business at all,” the writer Thomas Chatterton Williams said of a similar group chat he was a member of, “you’d think everyone was arriving at conclusions independently.”

Such disconnection goes a long way to explaining why billionaires can’t grasp how the real world is convulsing outside their well-secured gates.

And convulsing it is. According to the most recent edition of an annual Harris Poll, for the first time, a majority of Americans believe billionaires are a threat to democracy. A remarkable 71 percent believe there should be a wealth tax. A majority believe there should be a cap on how much wealth a person can accumulate.

A realignment may be underway. The recent push for the Epstein files, a previously unimaginable collaboration between conspiracy-addled MAGA true believers and anti-corporatist Democrats, was just the latest sign. At a moment when income inequality, the looming threat of A.I. and the rise of authoritarianism seem to be straining American societal cohesion, a revolt against self-dealing elites may be the only cause compelling enough to bring us together.

The favor of billionaires is already in some cases proving to be more of a liability than a blessing. In Seattle last month, a democratic socialist was elected mayor over a Democratic incumbent backed by wealthy interests. For the billionaires, Virginia Heffernan wrote, the problem is self-evident: “It’s their billions. Lately, once the money of the private-jet set enters a campaign, the stink of the oligarchy sticks to the campaign and the candidate can be attacked as a corporate tool.” Alex Bores, a candidate for Congress in New York City next year, even thanked Mr. Andreessen’s super PAC for targeting him; its scorn will most likely help him, and his efforts to regulate A.I., to stand out in a crowded field.

The historian Robert Darnton described an uncannily similar moment in “The Revolutionary Temper: Paris 1748-1789,” his brilliant 2023 account of the decades leading up to the French Revolution. The preconditions were all there: suffocating top-down control of the media, rapid technological change, let-them-eat-cake behavior among the courtier class, weaponized religious bigotry, mansions with hideously de trop ballrooms. OK, Marjorie Taylor Greene is not quite Voltaire. But there was a pedophilia scandal involving Louis XV: Public obsession with the king’s many mistresses helped give rise to so-called libelles, cheaply printed, semi-factual pamphlets that speculated on, among other matters, the king’s supposed never-ending supply of teenage girls. It would have fit right in on TikTok. Reverence turned to mockery; mockery begot contempt; and then …

That story did not end well. This one may not either."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://missionlocal.org/2025/12/sunset-election-d4-upzoning-great-highway-alan-wong-natalie-gee-david-lee/">
    <title>The District 4 supervisor race will be nasty, brutish — and short</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-09T18:11:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://missionlocal.org/2025/12/sunset-election-d4-upzoning-great-highway-alan-wong-natalie-gee-david-lee/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Sunset has a new supervisor — and a bruising, reductive and rapid election on the horizon"

...

"There’s an old joke in which two old ladies are sitting down to dinner. One complains that “The food in this place is terrible.” The other responds, “I know! And such small portions!” 

That, in a nutshell, will be your District 4 supervisor race. It’s going to be a reductive and nasty — and terrible — slog. But Sunset residents will be voting in less than six months.

The sleepy Sunset, the Outer Boroughs of San Francisco, has, counter-intuitively, become San Francisco’s political Wild Wild Westside. Voters in September overwhelmingly recalled their supervisor, Joel Engardio, for championing the transformation of the  Upper Great Highway into a park. 

It was the first of many regime changes. Mayor Daniel Lurie on Nov. 6 launched a thousand Google searches by tapping unknown 29-year-old Beya Alcaraz to the role — only for her to resign a week later after post-appointment vetting by the media revealed allegations of appalling conditions at Alcaraz’s former pet shop and her own text messages copping to paying workers “under the table” and skimping on taxes. 

A game show-like process to anoint the next supervisor followed, with a game-show-like number of would-be supes getting the Whammy after the media pointed out issues like not voting, being a Republican or “forgetting” to file tax returns. Alan Wong, a 38-year-old National Guardsman, former legislative aide and City College trustee, was nearly the last contestant standing. 

Will Wong become the first District 4 supervisor to win re-election since Katy Tang or will regime change come for him too? The angriest people in District 4 want cars on the Great Highway and high-rises to stay on the east side of town. Wong has remained coy about his hopes for the Great Highway and alienated upzoning critics immediately when he threw in for the mayor’s upzoning plan at his first board meeting. This only added to Wong’s challenges; being saddled with this vote is akin to swimming from Alcatraz to Aquatic Park and, at the last moment, being tossed a cinder block to carry. 

Beneath the surface of what could be San Francisco’s most serene neighborhood, great vengeance and furious anger are roiling. It’s possible that a figure from the Engardio recall will jump into the race. But, even if that doesn’t come to pass, Sunset residents are still simmering over the specter of Fontana Towers by the beach and inordinately preoccupied with crime in one of the city’s safest neighborhoods. 

In case you’re wondering, “I’m as mad as hell and I’m not going to take this anymore!” in Cantonese is 我好嬲，真係唔會再忍啦！

The D4 stage is set for hyperbolic and specious arguments in a race that promises to be nasty, brutish and short. Here are a few to look out for: "

...

"Wong either can’t or won’t give the most fervent opponents of Sunset Dunes Park and Westside upzoning what they want. That put him in an immediate hole. But he — or, more accurately, his backers  — can deflect from Wong’s shortcomings, past, present and future, by attempting to render Gee unelectable. This is already under way via attempts to immolate Gee as an anti-police extremist. 

Last month, police union president Louis Wong signed his name to a stern letter to the mayor. Wong inveighed against Gee’s potential appointment in part because of an answer she provided in a 2024 Harvey Milk Club questionnaire supporting the use of Tasers by law enforcement and writing that she’d rather officers use less-lethal weapons than firearms. With disarming speed, this kompromat found its way all the way to the British tabloid the Daily Mail, which did not disappoint with the headline “Democrat set to control huge swathe of San Francisco believes police should be banned from carrying guns.” 

That’s how you spell “swath” in Britain, where, incidentally, only around 3.9 percent of cops carry guns. It’s not clear a British reader would find this story all that salacious.  

Neither should an American reader: Reached for comment, Gee said she simply would rather police officers use weapons that are less likely to kill people. She never wrote anything about taking cops’ guns away and  does not support doing this — because that would be crazy. 

San Francisco politics can be confusing even to good-faith outsiders, so it warrants mentioning that, by local standards, Gee’s answer to this question was less progressive than Alan Wong’s. He wrote, in the same questionnaire, that the SFPD should not have Tasers at all. This is our status quo and one needn’t be a wild liberal to espouse such a position: Tasers fail at an alarmingly high rate, and, even when they work, they can be ineffective when the person being Tased is, like every Northern Californian, dressed in layers. 

Many of Wong’s past positions on policing appear to be out of step with the law-and-order policies District 4 residents, per recent polling, crave today. In a 2020 questionnaire, he answered — in writing — that 25 percent of the police budget should be reallocated to “housing,homeless services, social workers, health, and education.”

Far from defunding the police, every candidate who will be running for D4 supervisor next year will say that they want the police department to recruit and retain more officers. The SFPD staffing crisis is real and costs the city a fortune in overtime. But that’s not something a district supervisor has any control over — the mayor runs the police department. And, even down 500-odd cops, crime rates in San Francisco are at their lowest in decades. A historical analysis reveals a surprisingly erratic correlation between police staffing, arrest rates and crime rates. 

There is a nuanced conversation to be had here. Don’t expect it to take place during this campaign."

...

"Into these rough waters sails a  third notable entrant, David Lee, who recently filed papers to run against Gee and Wong next year. Something of the William Jennings Bryan of San Francisco, Lee has already run three times for District 1 supervisor (he lost) and once for state assembly (he didn’t win). Earlier this year, he moved from the other side of the park into District 4. Will the fifth time be the charm? 

If Wong and Gee tear each other down, Lee could absolutely be the beneficiary. There’s even a precedent for this: In 2006 real estate investor (and future prison inmate) Ed Jew landed the D4 supervisor position as other, better-known candidates savaged each other. 

The 2026 race will be strange and terrible — and such small portions. Bon appétit."]]></description>
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    <title>America is a Banana Republic - The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T06:52:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/america-is-a-banana-republic</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["El Presidente Donald Trump is the gringo version of brutal and corrupt dictators foisted on Latin American countries by their oligarchs and Yankee imperialists."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://geoeconomic.substack.com/p/spare-a-state-subsidy-for-the-chainsaw">
    <title>Spare a State Subsidy for the Chainsaw Libertarian</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T21:52:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://geoeconomic.substack.com/p/spare-a-state-subsidy-for-the-chainsaw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How the American State Keeps Milei’s Libertarian Revolution Solvent"

...

"To survive in the bond market, libertarianism needs subsidies. That is the Karl Polanyi-style truth of Javier Milei’s Argentina, where a government that promised to torch the state is being kept afloat by the largest (and recently one of the most interventionist) one on earth. The chainsaw libertarian has become a client of the U.S. Treasury, and his self-proclaimed “miracle of freedom” now depends on swap lines, credit guarantees, and the willingness of Washington to keep the music playing. Milei’s anti-state experiment has revealed a truth that would make your libertarian economist of choice choke on their Chicago rump steak: markets do not liberate nations from politics—they entangle them in it.

When Milei took power, he promised to bulldoze the Peronist past and install an Argentina run by prices instead of politicians. He waved a chainsaw, shouted no hay plata, and vowed to end the culture of subsidies. His first acts were pure orthodoxy: deep spending cuts, deregulation, and a war on inflation. Investors, exhausted after years of Peronist improvisation, wanted to believe. Inflation fell, the budget briefly balanced, and from US to Romania the libertarian Twitter lit up with charts showing the resurrection of rational economics at the tip of South America. For a few months, Milei seemed like the man who would finally do what his predecessors couldn’t—cut with shouts and show the cord between Argentina and the state.

Then the arithmetic hit. The peso, propped up to keep inflation under control, drained the central bank’s reserves. Growth sputtered. The middle class, already hollowed out by decades of crises, began to sour on the revolution. A corruption scandal touched Milei’s sister and closest confidante. Provincial governors turned against him. His approval rating sagged and, with midterm elections looming, so did the peso. Investors, ever skittish about Argentina’s serial defaults, started to flee."

...

"The Milei case is revealing because it signals a U.S. comeback in Latin America and because it shows how easily ideology bends to liquidity. The man who preached the gospel of self-reliance is now proof that in the global economy, no one is truly sovereign. The market rewards conviction right up until it doesn’t, and then it rewards whoever can call the Treasury. There is always money, somewhere, if the politics line up. The question is how long a libertarian government can live on external credit before it becomes just another debtor with good slogans. For now, Milei is learning the oldest Argentine lesson of all: that ideology is a luxury and liquidity is destiny.

In Buenos Aires cafés, people joke that every president comes to office with a new theory and leaves with a new exchange rate. Chances are Milei will be no different. What sets him apart is the spectacle of a libertarian being kept alive by the same subsidies he vowed to destroy, his revolution financed by the very state he loathes. The world is watching a political experiment mutate into a geopolitical derivative. Libertarianism has become a carry trade: high yield, high risk, and ultimately dependent on a backstop."]]></description>
<dc:subject>javiermilei 2025 argentina libertarianism bailouts economics economy us ustreasury subsidies karlpolanyi governance government romania anarcholibertarianism southamerica latinamerica scottbessent donaldtrump china chile peronism peronismo perú brazil brasil buenosaires elections monetarypolicy ideology cornelban policy foreignpolicy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://badfaithtimes.com/a-crisis-of-confidence-solved/">
    <title>A Crisis Of Confidence Solved</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T17:22:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://badfaithtimes.com/a-crisis-of-confidence-solved/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Republicans understand in their marrow that confidence is contagious. 

It’s why, even after a slim electoral win, they strut before the cameras and say fuck you, we won, it’s all over for you, our victory is permanent. Republicans look you right in the eye and say you’re finished here: We have the mandate not just of the American people in all their wisdom and careful consideration, but of God himself, for God wants lower interest rates and ethnic cleansing and a bull market and the end of pronouns in email signatures, and what God wants, God gets. 

Confidence projected correctly tells people what to think, how to perceive you and how to perceive events. Anything said with sufficient confidence, I think, can be made real. Whether it’s innate or taught in Republican boarding school, the American right wing’s expertise lies (mostly) in projecting confidence that they have won, even when they’ve lost."

...

"Mamdani, after blowing out Cuomo and ending his family’s wretched political dynasty, sounded a lot like a goddamn Republican: I won, I have a mandate, I will follow through with the policies I relentless pitched over the past year, and I’m not going to take no for an answer.

“I refuse to apologize for any of this,” Mamdani said about his unabashedly left-wing economic stances and his Muslim faith. “I’m looking to be clear about the mandate that we won over the course of this election, and it is a mandate to deliver on the agenda that we ran on.”

Shorter Mamdani: I won, fuck you. 

Fascists respond to this brazen confidence. Some of the filthy rich guys who vehemently opposed Mamdani's campaign immediately bent the knee and asked how they could work with the city's next mayor. Even Trump conceded that he might work with Mamdani. These guys respond to confidence. They respond to authoritativeness and even belligerence. They crave nothing more than appeasement, as Mamdani said in a victory speech that made me tear up over my first cup of coffee Wednesday morning.

The conditioning of the American left to never feel good about itself and to always – no matter what – engage in the most intense kind of doomerism could be seen in CNN pundit Van Jones’ response to Mamdani’s victory speech. The victor had projected unshakable confidence that he could carry the energy of his upstart campaign into governing, and Jones winced at this show of force. Mamdani said I won and my opponents lost and they have to learn to live with that and Jones – who, like Cuomo, is functionally a Republican – recoiled. 

"I think he missed a chance tonight to open up and bring more people into the tent," Jones told a CNN election night panel. "I think his tone was sharp. I think he was using the microphone in a way that he was almost yelling. And that's not the Mamdani that we've seen on TikTok and the great interviews and stuff like that, so I felt like there was a little bit of a character switch here where the warm, open, embracing guy that's close to working people was not on stage tonight, and there was some other voice on stage."

Jones and other centrist pundits and columnists and podcasters who only wish to magically return to pre-Trump politics are not capable of understanding the Dark Woke vibes that made themselves known on Tuesday. They need a return to somewhat normal politics if their shtick is going to hold up in the long run. What they refuse to acknowledge is that there remains no appetite whatsoever among Democratic voters for conciliation and bipartisanship. We tried that. It didn’t work. Now is the time for unbreakable political will and confidence and a nationwide back burn to save representative democracy in the United States. 

Look to Virginia Senate President Louise Lucas for a model of confidence and a reflection of what so-called Dark Woke politics might look like in practice. Lucas, clearly a born Poster, has logged on a few times since Tuesday’s results to tell her Republican opponents and critics to locate the nearest pile of shit and scarf it down. 


Lucas committed to gerrymandering Virginia's house districts to counter Republican gerrymanders, and told a shameless Maryland Democratic lawmaker to shut his damn mouth about Tuesday's wins until he's committed to purging Maryland's lone Republican House member via gerrymander.

Lucas saw Tuesday's results and chose to be confident in what her party can do with (almost) unchecked power in Virginia. Her confidence – and Mamdani's confidence – is contagious. It makes people believe, it converts to doomer into something less doomy. She did not reach out to her opponents and ask to hold hands. Lucas said your time is up, we're in charge, have fun wielding no power. Shorter Lucas: We won, fuck you. "]]></description>
<dc:subject>zohranmamdani confidence politics democrats left republicans elections doomers doomerism dennycarter leftism zoomers genz generationz wisconsin virginia newjersey pennsylvania mississippi georgia wokeism wokeness media andrewcuomo vanjones darkwoke louiselucas gerrymandering maryland</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/roads-not-taken">
    <title>Roads Not Taken | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T04:17:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/roads-not-taken</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On the exit ramps Evangelicals ignored"]]></description>
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    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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    <title>The TRILLIONAIRE Technocrats Are REELING — with GIL DURAN - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T02:17:50+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["They thought they could automate democracy.
They believed their wealth could buy a new reality.
But now — the trillionaire technocrats are starting to panic.

With Gil Duran, we look at how Silicon Valley’s new monarchs — the trillion-dollar titans of data, AI, and media — are losing control of the narrative they built.

The same algorithms that made them gods are now devouring their empires.

This is the moment when the myth of infinite progress begins to collapse — and humanity starts asking who’s really in charge."]]></description>
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    <title>DSA and the challenge of winning the Black vote</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T21:08:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.grassrootsthinking.com/dsa-and-the-challenge-of-winning-the-black-vote/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How is it that an organization and candidate that champions the working class lacks the presence of working-class Black supporters? Journalist Katie Coss investigates that tension."

[See also:

"Zohran Mamdani Won. Did We? ft. Katie Coss" (Jared Ball's iMiXWHATiLiKE!] 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=24O0DxWu6Us ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/">
    <title>'Let's bring some of those vittles back to the table:' What the Nov. 4 election means - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-06T04:35:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/lets-bring-some-of-those-vittles-back-to-the-table-what-the-nov-4-election-means/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Economic populism seems to be working. Siding with Trump doesn't. Where does the Democratic Party go now?"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hwOl5hpcvg0">
    <title>&quot;Our Time Is Now&quot;: Zohran Mamdani's Mayoral Campaign Inspires NYC's Working-Class South Asians - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-05T19:48:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hwOl5hpcvg0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Democracy Now!'s Anjali Kamat reports on working-class South Asian support for New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani. South Asian voter turnout increased by 40% during the Democratic primary, contributing to Mamdani's upset victory against former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, who is now running as an independent candidate. "We've had several South Asian or Indo-Caribbean candidates, and none of them elicit this response. And I think the fact that the campaign spoke to the very material issues of working-class people has, first and foremost, has really made a very significant difference," says Fahd Ahmed, director of the South Asian community organization DRUM Beats, whose members have been canvassing for Mamdani's campaign."

[transcript:
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/3/new_york_city_zohran_mamdani ]

[See also:

"Mamdani's Movement: Organizers & Supporters Celebrate Stunning Victory & Repudiation of Trump"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tEwjT_7mMC8
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/5/nyc_2025_mayoral_election_mamdani_hq

"Democracy Now! spoke with supporters celebrating Zohran Mamdani’s win in the New York City mayoral race Tuesday night. Volunteers with the Democratic Socialists and other campaign organizers at the Brooklyn Paramount victory party described the night as “surreal” and vowed to fight back against President Trump’s agenda. Sumaya Awad, a NYC-DSA member, describes Zohran as a politician “that doesn’t put the platform and the mission at the expense of anyone.”

“When people’s needs aren’t being met, they need an alternative, and so far, only the far right was providing an alternative in the form of authoritarianism, in the form of fascism, in the form of hate, turning against immigrants, against queer people, against Muslims,” says Fahd Ahmed, director of DRUM Beats. “What this campaign and our movement was able to do was offer a left alternative.”"]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers">
    <title>Nick Fuentes, Neo Nazis and Groypers Have Taken Over the GOP</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T23:25:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neo-nazi Nick Fuentes has emerged as one of the most influential young conservative voices in America, and his white nationalist politics are the present and future of the GOP."

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bxggd1EJGMk ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/now-is-the-time-of-monsters/">
    <title>Now Is the Time of Monsters</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-24T20:15:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/now-is-the-time-of-monsters/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ed-tech should not be an object of fandom, but that is precisely how far too many people relate to it, bending over backwards to defend an industry that should be serving the public but that is resolutely not. Technology should work for schools; schools – students, teachers, administrators, parent – should not have to conform their practices (lessons, assignments, assessments, discussions, content) to work for technology. But that is precisely the position we've put ourselves in by cultivating ed-tech as a fandom.

As Roth rightly points out in his essay, we are presented with a series of false choices – with ed-tech as with the Democratic Party. We have been trained for so long to accept the humiliation – what with the austerity, the denigration of intellectual labor, the false charges of indoctrination. We have been told for so long that education already costs too much – so all schools really deserve is the clunkiest of surveillance-software.

In reality, schools don't need all this ed-tech and probably none of this "AI." But damn, this extractive and exploitative machinery certainly needs us.

No doubt, everyone had a good chuckle this week when the AWS outage "bricked" a bunch of Internet-connected "smart" beds. Less funny, of course, is the impact the outage had on education, as Amazon is one of the most powerful platforms in education, shaping what teaching and learning looks like, how (and in case of an outage, if) teaching and learning happens.

That's not innovative. That's monstrous.

And it might feel like the monsters and the slop are winning. But that doesn't have to be the case."]]></description>
<dc:subject>audreywatters 2025 edtech ai artificialintelligence aws amazon web internet online schools schooling education highered highereducation academia criticalthinking colleges universities technology fandom monsters democrats antoniogramsci davidroth politics elections maine nyc zohranmamdani efficiency productivity generativeai superintelligence charliewarzel aislop slop fads hype agency autonomy cognition grahamplatner genai</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRmsacWQn-g">
    <title>Drs. Wolff &amp; Ware DESTROY Gavin Newsom on AIPAC/Housing/Economy (with Richard Wolff &amp; Butch Ware) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-23T23:14:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRmsacWQn-g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Marxist economist Richard Wolff returns to Bad Faith along with historian, professor, and Green Party candidate for the governor of California Butch Ware, to forensically break down California governor Gavin Newsom's recent viral appearance on Higher Learning with Van Lathan & Rachel Lindsay. Wolff & Ware weigh in on Newsom evasions in response to questions about the inherent contradictions of capitalism, California's failure to implement Medicare for All, & the "interesting" AIPAC moment, but the Higher Learning interview serves as a jumping off point for a broader and deeper conversation about the future of left politics, Zohran Mamdani, and the limits of the Democratic Party. (It's spooky season, and there's something magical happening with this guest pairing.)"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U8nuES2mwjY">
    <title>Portland Streets - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-23T03:15:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U8nuES2mwjY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>channel5 andrewcallaghan 2020 2025 anarchism anarchy decentralization wtoprotests wto seattle donaldtrump nazis fasicts ice police policing nationalguard andyngo influencers socialmedia tippingpointusa liberals liberalism portland gentirfication oralhistory gentrification crime georgefloyd blacklivesmatter protest protests nimby nimbyism nimbys horizontality hierarchy hierarchies stephenmiller grantspass homelessness homeless antifa incarceration harmreducation sanfrancisco drugs decriminalization thepostmillennial charlottesville proudboys jan6 1999 history race racism whitesupremacy altright violence blackbloc nicksortor juliorosas savanahhernandez camhigby nickshirly jonathanchoe jamesklug brandikruse jackprosbiec propaganda austin gunds secondamendment local politics elections electoralpolitics barackobama patriotprayer radicalization rico stopcopcity georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising pacificnorthwest</dc:subject>
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    <title>Are Mass Protests Losing Their Potency? - YouTube</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.caitlinjohnst.one/p/us-politics-is-just-nonstop-fake">
    <title>US Politics Is Just Nonstop Fake Revolutions Now</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-22T18:39:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.caitlinjohnst.one/p/us-politics-is-just-nonstop-fake</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s so silly how American politics is just nonstop fake revolutions now.

Millions flooded the US streets for the “No Kings” protests over the weekend to oppose a monarchy which does not exist without making a single tangible demand. Power was not challenged in any meaningful way. The status quo wasn’t disrupted in the slightest. People held up some signs saying the president is orange and that if Kamala were president they would be at brunch, and then went home.

The whole thing was just one big pep rally for the Democratic Party, designed to accomplish nothing beyond getting American liberals excited about the prospect of someday voting for Gavin Newsom. A bunch of boomers showed up to dance around and hold signs and feel as though they are fighting the power in their feely bits, while drumming up support for the same status quo which gave rise to Trump in the first place.

[image: screenshot of https://x.com/ljmontello/status/1979656218580066751 ]

You see the same fake revolutionary astroturf zeitgeist on the Republican side. American rightists are constantly pretending they’re fighting some kind of populist rebellion against an oppressive establishment even while their party controls every branch of the US government. They act like Trump is ending the wars and fighting the Deep State even as he stomps out free speech on behalf of Israel, rolls out a Palantir surveillance system, pours weapons into facilitating Israel’s genocidal atrocities, bombs Iran and Yemen, ramps up for war with Venezuela, and perpetuates the horrific proxy war in Ukraine.

It’s two plutocrat-owned warmongering imperialist parties whipping their respective bases into the mass delusion that they are participating in a heroic act of revolutionary defiance by voting Democrat or Republican. They get everyone fighting a fake revolution so that nobody thinks about fighting a real one.

It didn’t used to be this way, for the record. The US has been a murderous and tyrannical oligarchic bloodbath for its entire existence as a nation, but up until fairly recently its politics looked more or less like the politics of other western nations. Politicians had campaigns where they’d try to argue that they have the best policies, there’d be an election, and then they’d spend their time in office philandering and pretending to make themselves useful. There wasn’t this constant LARPing about how voting for one of the two mainstream parties is participating some kind of a courageous insurgency against monarchy or communism or the Deep State or whatever.

[image" screenshot of https://x.com/gtconway3d/status/1979558416726249663 ]

That’s changing because public discontent with the status quo is soaring to all-time highs as Americans get poorer and everything gets shittier. The establishment order is no longer accepted and people are starting to push for real change, so their outrage needs to be harnessed and corralled into politically safe directions.

Donald Trump’s entire political career has been all about this. He introduced a new WWE-style kayfabe theatrics into American politics where both Democrats and Republicans feel as though they are fighting the power in a very important and relevant way — Republicans because they believe Trump is a populist rebel and Democrats because they believe Trump is an unprecedented threat to freedom and democracy. Really his whole thing is about protecting the status quo of the US empire, but both mainstream factions are duped into seeing the exact opposite.

Now you’ve got the two main strands of American political thought falling all over themselves to be the first in line to support the establishment, all while being told that they are fighting the power. They remain mollified because they think they are doing something, and the powerful get to keep everything they’ve stolen.

It’s truly a brilliant scam. Evil, destructive and tyrannical, to be sure, but you’ve got to admire the skill with which this psyop has been pulled off."]]></description>
<dc:subject>caitlinjohnstone 2025 nokings liberals resistance democrats liberalism gavinnewsom republicans politics neoliberalism left insurgency deepstate communism monmarchism imperialism establighment onepartysystem twopartysystem us iran yemen palantir surveillance israel kamalaharris joebiden 2024 elections electoralpolitics rebellion oppression revolution</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MOmJVnwCtEI">
    <title>What Won't Israel Do? (with Max Blumenthal) - FULL VIDEO - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-16T03:17:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MOmJVnwCtEI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Grayzone Editor-In-Chief Max Blumenthal returns to the podcast to talk about Trump's "peace deal" with Gaza, speculation that Charlie Kirk was killed by Israel, Zionist control of CBS & Tiktok (and journalist Matt Tabbi's choice to exclude this issue from his 1st amendment coverage), Max's take on the Coates/Klein interview, Kamala's new book and Max's predictions for 2028 including how the left should prepare. A ton of ground is covered in this episode, so you'll want to listen in full."

[previously bookmarked shortened version:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9sb-g1yyOGY ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D2ehiUoU8ts">
    <title>Project 2025, Silicon Valley &amp; Tech's AI War on Democracy | The Nerd Reich Podcast Mailbag - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-13T18:45:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D2ehiUoU8ts</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when Project 2025, Silicon Valley, and AI collide?

In this Nerd Reich Mailbag episode, host Gil Duran sits down with Brooke Harrington (author of "Offshore: Stealth Wealth and The New Colonialism) and Adam Becker (author of "More Everything Forever") to answer listener questions about authoritarianism, AI power, and the new tech-driven assault on democracy.

🔥 Topics include:

How Project 2025 was planned like a “war against America”

The rise of the Tech Right — Musk, Thiel, and the Silicon Valley elite

How AI and algorithms are reshaping politics and power

The “Dark Enlightenment” and the anti-human turn in tech

Why dystopian science fiction was supposed to be a warning — not a blueprint

This episode is part political analysis, part cultural autopsy — and a call to understand how authoritarianism is accelerating in the digital age.

🎙️ Featuring:

Brooke Harrington — Professor of Economic Sociology, Dartmouth College
Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/ebharrington.bsky.social

Adam Becker — Astrophysicist & author of "More Everything Forever"
Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/adambecker.bsky.social

Gil Duran — Host. Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/gilduran.com
Follow on X: https://x.com/gilduran76

R.R. Robbins — Producer"

[See also
https://www.thenerdreich.com/project-2025-silicon-valley-techs-ai-war-on-democracy/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newrepublic.com/article/168125/david-sacks-elon-musk-peter-thiel">
    <title>The Quiet Political Rise of David Sacks, Silicon Valley’s Prophet of Urban Doom | The New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-13T01:09:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/article/168125/david-sacks-elon-musk-peter-thiel</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Like his pals Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, Sacks is using his wealth and online clout to unite conservatives and former leftists in a reactionary movement against liberalism."]]></description>
<dc:subject>elonmusk peterthiel davidsacks 2022 jacobsilverman paypal paypalmafia nerdreich siliconvalley politics reactionaries liberals liberalism chesaboudin katiehalper astroturfing farright rightwing tesla maga donaldtrump trumpism kylerittenhouse willianobendorf benburgis nandovila crime johnmearsheimer callin podcasting antiwoke vladimirputin ianbremmer ukraine russia crimea jessesingal jimmydore glenngreenwalkd michaeltracey briahnajoygray matttaibbi michaelshellenberger us tuckercarlson dystopia edwardonswegojr joseonkoebler china megynkelly california 2020 2021 palantir reidhoffman maxlevchin jdvance blakemasters hillaryclinton 2016 kyrstensinema miami francessuarez jameskull diegoberdakin skydayton rondesantis 2024 elections rickscott marcorubio chuckgrassley mahmetoz 1992 stanford maxchafkin diversity dei multiculturalism danquayle keithrabois tescreal solanocounty singularity singularitarianism extropianism rationalism cosmism longtermism transhumanism extroprianism effectivealtruism capitalism fascism techn</dc:subject>
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    <title>Democrats Must Abandon the Moderate Messaging of The White Dude Data Complex</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-09T00:26:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/democrats-must-abandon-the-moderate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Democrats have their lowest favorability rating since 1994, and they still believe they can be "Republican-lite" and win elections by ignoring a progressive, anti-oligarchy message. They're wrong."

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_9KF-QCrXAA ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHMGb-dLfOU&amp;t=1s">
    <title>Fighting San Francisco's Manhattanization with Tim Redmond - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-08T20:56:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHMGb-dLfOU&amp;t=1s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Welcome to another episode of the Doomloop Dispatch, the news show covering the worst parts of the San Francisco Bay Area. In this episode, Kevin and D Scott talk to Tim Redmond, editor of the 48 Hills and former executive editor of the Bay Guardian. We get into Tim’s reporting on the recall of San Francisco supervisor Joel Engardio and his thoughts on Engardio’s replacement. We also talk about how real estate speculation destroyed the city and the state of local legacy media. Really good stuff!

Sources

All of Tim’s stories in 48Hills
https://48hills.org/author/tim/

Here’s what Scott Wiener has done
https://48hills.org/2025/09/heres-what-scott-wiener-has-done/

The Engardio recall, Yimby urbanist elitism, and the next step in SF politics
https://48hills.org/2025/09/the-engardio-recall-yimby-urbanist-elitism-and-the-next-step-in-sf-politics/

The Engardio recall and the failure of conservative politics in SF
https://48hills.org/2025/09/the-engardio-recall-and-the-failure-of-conservative-politics-in-sf/

Strange (and maybe inappropriate) actions at the Planning Commission …
https://48hills.org/2025/09/strange-and-maybe-inappropriate-actions-at-the-planning-commission/

Bullshit opinion piece on Family Zoning plan
https://sfstandard.com/opinion/2025/09/21/small-business-lurie-upzoning-sharky-laguana-ben-bleiman/ "]]></description>
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    <title>The Real Stakes, and Real Story, of Peter Thiel’s Antichrist Obsession | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-08T20:49:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/the-real-stakes-real-story-peter-thiels-antichrist-obsession/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Thirty years ago, a peace-loving Austrian theologian spoke to Peter Thiel about the apocalyptic theories of Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt. They’ve been a road map for the billionaire ever since."]]></description>
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    <title>CITY LIGHTS LIVE! Chris Carlsson celebrate the 2nd Edition of &quot;Hidden San Francisco&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:42:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCjaX0NlQNw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["City Lights and Shaping San Francisco celebrate the 2nd Edition of

Hidden San Francisco: A Guide to Lost Landscapes, Unsung Heroes, and Radical Histories
by Chris Carlsson
published by Pluto Press

Purchase the book at this link:
https://citylights.com/hidden-san-francisco-gt-lost-landscape

Hidden San Francisco is a guidebook like no other. Structured around the four major themes of ecology, labour, transit and dissent, Chris Carlsson peels back the layers of the city’s history to reveal a storied past: behind old walls and gleaming glass facades lurk former industries, secret music and poetry venues, forgotten terrorist bombings, and much more. Carlsson also delves into the Bay Area’s long prehistory, examining the region’s geography and the lives of its indigenous inhabitants before the 1849 Gold Rush changed everything.

This second edition includes new tours on the wild and natural parts of San Francisco that most tourists never visit, from Glen Canyon to Sutro Forest, as well as a new themed walk on the Summer of Love. There is also a new introduction examining the devastating impact of the pandemic, as well as a mini-history of tech in the city, from the Gold Rush to AI.

Chris Carlsson is a San Francisco historian and award-winning tour guide. He directs ‘Shaping San Francisco’ – an impressive archive of local history, and co-founded the urban cycling movement Critical Mass in 1992. He is the author of four books, including novels and histories about the city. He has lived in San Francisco since 1978. To learn more about Chris’ work visit his website: https://nowtopians.com/

This event was originally broadcast on Thursday, July 24, 2025.

Made possible by support from the City Lights Foundation."]]></description>
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    <title>The Village and the Sewer - by Henry Farrell</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-28T19:00:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-village-and-the-sewer</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Behind the "Blueskyism" debate"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wired.com/story/silicon-valley-politics-shift/">
    <title>I Thought I Knew Silicon Valley. I Was Wrong | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T15:51:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/silicon-valley-politics-shift/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tech got what it wanted by electing Trump. A year later, it looks more like a suicide pact."

...

"Bradley Tusk is a political consultant for tech companies. Uber and FanDuel have enjoyed his services as they rewrote the rules of their industries, and he’s used to political rough and tumble. As he sees it, Trump’s tactics are the government moving fast and breaking things.

When we talk, Tusk rattles off what he views as the components of US tech exceptionalism—independent markets and institutions, freedom of speech, intellectual property protections, strong educational institutions, decent immigration policy. Then his voice gets hard. “Trump is doing the opposite of every single one of those things,” he says. “There is definitely potential that he will destroy everything that makes the US economy unique and successful.”

Trump’s tariffs, of course, present big problems for business. But it turns out that you can run pretty well on a bended knee.

Start with immigration. Perhaps no group of techies has ridden Trump’s coattails more than the four chatty investor-bros who host the All In podcast. Three of the “besties,” as they call themselves, were born overseas. During the election season, two besties, venture capitalists Chamath Palihapitiya and David Sacks, threw a fundraiser at Sacks’ house with tickets as high as $300,000. Soon after, Trump rewarded them by going on their podcast. (Sacks is now Trump’s AI and crypto czar.) Some of the questions were big fat softballs like, “I never understood why the [border] wall was controversial.” But even they couldn’t get behind his immigration policy. Didn’t Trump recognize that the tech world thrives on foreign-born wizards?

To their astonishment, he not only agreed but promised that in his administration, any foreign student who completes a degree would get a green card. The besties were giddy.

It was too good to be true. Hours later, the MAGA base aflame, the Trump campaign issued a statement negating what he’d said. Now that he’s back in the White House, he and his vice president have remained two-faced—assuring tech audiences that they want the best foreign students while making it harder for companies to hire and retain that talent. At one point Trump moved to block any foreigner from enrolling in America’s oldest university. That hasn’t happened yet, but this summer the Department of Homeland Security proposed a new regulation that limits foreign student visas to four years—not enough to get a PhD or, for many, even an undergraduate degree. The number of students coming from overseas has tanked.

“We’re definitely seeing the chilling effect,” says Harj Taggar, a managing partner at Y Combinator. While YC’s international founders have so far managed to enter the country, applicants with student visas are more reluctant to leave school to join the program. He’s seeing foreign students consider going to London to work or start companies. “They feel it’s maybe not as safe to be here,” he says. “That makes me really sad.”

I’ve got a few more reasons for Taggar to feel really sad: the mass cancellation of science and research funding, for one. Goodbye, next generation of engineers and computer scientists. “In the name of punishing woke-ism, we’re going to absolutely hobble the innovation engine that has created the economic gains of the last 50 years,” says Hornik, the venture capitalist.

Then there’s the mounting effect of Trump’s favor-collecting and favoritism—buying that chunk of Intel, claiming that slice of Nvidia’s sales. In corruption-riddled countries, winners aren’t chosen by merit but by apparatchiks and strongmen. Those nations are doomed to second- or third-tier status. In his preelection appearance on the Joe Rogan podcast, Zuckerberg said as much himself. “At least the US has the rule of law,” he remarked. “If other governments decide that they’re going to go after you, you don’t always get a clear shake at defending yourself on the rules.” Guess what—now we’re like those other governments! Zuckerberg, no dummy, has probably figured this out, but now he’s locked into Trumpland, outplayed in a real-life game of Risk.

Many of the people I spoke with for this story are centrist liberals. They are a disheartened bunch, and talking to them was hazardous to my own heart. In interview after interview, I asked them what, if anything, might force the industry to confront its dim longer-term prospects. Their answers were vague. The midterm election? An economic collapse? One Silicon Valley figure suggested, “It could be as simple as 10 Republican senators discovering they actually have backbones.”

Or 10 big-time CEOs, I might add. They can unbend their knees and perhaps revive some of the Valley’s soul. Or at least stop ripping it apart. And while they’re at it, stop making it so easy for the government to usher in an AI-powered surveillance state.

Maybe that’s the thing I got most wrong about Silicon Valley. Those Davids I wrote about seemed fearless and full of verve as they challenged what was possible and rode the power of the chip and the net. I mistook this for character. They may believe, as Moritz told me, that submitting to Trump’s protection racket protects their shareholders. But tech giants are certainly capable of standing up for the long-term viability of their industry. And for democracy. So far they are doing the opposite. “I think they have made a bad deal,” says Tim Wu. “Everyone who thought they could work some deal with Trump ends up getting burned, if not imprisoned.”

There will probably be no reckoning. Tech leaders, like all rich people, always have alternatives to life in a declining country. Reid Hoffman has his, as he put it, “contingency plans.” Another source for this story let drop that he’s getting Portuguese citizenship. Lovely country. But it’s hard to imagine myself as a young reporter, roaming the streets of Lisbon and finding the excitement and promise I discovered in California. It’s even harder to imagine a young reporter finding that spirit in the industry as it stands today. The way I now feel in Silicon Valley is how Sam Altman described himself politically: homeless."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf">
    <title>Debunking the Abundance Agenda, by the Revolving Door Project [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-24T16:26:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Wealth disparities in the United States have reached extraordinary levels, with significant gaps in wages contributing to unequal opportunities for wealth accumulation. Today, wage growth is still uneven across income levels, with lower-paying positions seeing the lowest increases, and the federal minimum wage still at an abysmal $7.25/hour, while executive compensation has grown exponentially. These disparities make it increasingly difficult for working families to save money, invest in assets, or build the financial foundation necessary for long-term wealth creation, and at the same time, contribute to a cycle where economic benefits compound for those who are already wealthy.

Meanwhile, housing prices have risen far faster than wages in most metropolitan areas, with median home prices increasing by over 40% in many markets where wages have grown much more slowly. 1 This affordability crisis is exacerbated by the growing capture of the housing market by large private equity firms who purchase single-family homes as rental properties, thereby reducing homeownership opportunities and driving up both house prices and rents.2

Given these trends, it’s no wonder the economy ranked as the most important issue to voters in the 2024 election.3 While the Biden administration’s policies attempted to connect ambitious industrial policymaking with pocketbook issues, the timeline for seeing results was several years out. In this vacuum, liberal pundits Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson published their book Abundance, which sought to identify hindrances to the economy while offering solutions. The book issues a rallying cry for “a liberalism that 2 OPEN MARKETS INSTITUTE + THE REVOLVING DOOR PROJECT | DEBUNKING THE ABUNDANCE AGENDA builds,” which the writers hope will become the trademark economic and political platform of the Democratic Party. Yet, behind the catchy phrase lies a policy agenda that discourages the public sector from regulating the private sector for the sake of encouraging growth. This analysis has found favor in some policy circles, including right-leaning ones, but the Abundance agenda’s success poses a danger to all of us who truly believe in addressing corporate power in the fight for a democratic and egalitarian society.

This report delves into the Abundance agenda and focuses on some key components:

- How Abundance-aligned principles and policies accelerate the growth of corporate power. With more power, corporations have both the incentives and the means to warp the political and regulatory system to their own ends, keeping out competitors, inflating costs, and creating the kind of bottlenecks Abundance advocates say they are trying to avoid.

- How the Abundance movement’s support for land use reform while abandoning tenant protections and regulations is inadequate to meeting its own goal of increasing supply, while antithetical to housing justice. Land use reform belongs in a housing agenda as one, targeted component of a broader program of public investments, tenant protections, and rent stabilization. Wholesale land use deregulation by itself fails to solve the supply problem while creating new problems including suburban sprawl.

- How the Abundance faction’s attacks on bedrock environmental law benefit the fossil fuel and AI industries.

This report also touches on what an agenda promoting real abundance would look like, one built on the democratic legacy of the New Deal that puts working people, renters, and our communities before developers and corporations. The hope is that this will ignite a deeper conversation about how we fight for abundance for all, not just some."

[also here:
https://www.are.na/block/39806062 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>abundance abundancenetwork 2025 abundancemovement ezraklein derekthompson economics trickledowneconomics regulation deregulation neoliberalism housing policy democrats liberals liberalism wealth inequality joebiden wages income 2024 elections corporations corporatism power democracy trickledown abundanceagenda</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XsOYGt7EKG8">
    <title>The Death of Free Trade - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T19:01:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XsOYGt7EKG8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I blame globalisation for me not reading the autocute correctly and for the mic peaking at the end

References (in rough order of appearance):
Ricardo's Dream, Nat Dyer https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/trade/ricardos-dream
My interview with Nat Dyer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F1IQBoRiEuE
The allure of autarky, Ben Chu https://aeon.co/essays/isolationism-isnt-new-and-is-fuelled-by-deep-human-desires
Poll of economists: https://kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/free-trade/
Is Free Trade Passe?, Paul Krugman https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.1.2.131
The China Shock: Learning from Labor-Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade, Autor et al hhttps://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041
Watch me play Victoria 3 (lol): https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLjKthKm8bqYeEFSTuCqIJBLVRi2L3BGC-
Debt: the First 5,000 Years, Graeber
ISDS Info: https://isds.bilaterals.org/?-key-cases-
Wolfers video: https://bsky.app/profile/justinwolfers.bsky.social/post/3ltju7esgkc2c
Nothing (meaningful) to say, Branko Milanovic https://branko2f7.substack.com/p/nothing-to-say
Docking: Maritime ports in the making of the global economy, Charmaine Chua"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theverge.com/ai-artificial-intelligence/778767/meta-mark-zuckerberg-super-pac-kneecap-ai-rivals-california">
    <title>Meta created its own super PAC to politically kneecap its AI rivals | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-16T19:28:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/ai-artificial-intelligence/778767/meta-mark-zuckerberg-super-pac-kneecap-ai-rivals-california</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Mark Zuckerberg, via Meta, can now essentially spend unlimited money in California elections."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/Cvt3P ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>markzuckerberg meta facebook ai artificialintelligence 2025 pacs california elections influence policy superpacs billionaires politics elonmusk bigtech ltf us google waymo amazon davekasten sachahaworth uber doordash postmates instacart lyft rickhasen</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SCt1KuNPb3Y">
    <title>😱They Are Already Here! The Techno-Solutionists! ft. Prof. Hilary Allen - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-10T04:04:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SCt1KuNPb3Y</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Part One: 
📒 Bombshell New Book! Bitcoin, Crypto, Blockchain and the Fintech Dystopia ft. Dr. Hilary Allen https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YuLffEVWa2Q

Fintech Dystopia https://fintechdystopia.com/
Dr. Allen https://www.american.edu/wcl/faculty/hjallen.cfm "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theverge.com/regulator-newsletter/769232/democrats-chorus-influencer-program-regulator">
    <title>Why the left-wing Chorus influencer program can’t counter MAGA influencers | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-03T17:58:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/regulator-newsletter/769232/democrats-chorus-influencer-program-regulator</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["﻿As the fallout of the Chorus influencer program reveals, the Democratic establishment seems sclerotically incapable of existing in a media environment it cannot control."]]></description>
<dc:subject>tinanguyen taylorlorenz 2025 chorus democrats darkmoney influencers elections politics influence maga sixteenthirtyfund web online internet donors funding briantylercohen liberals left liberalism progressive progressivism miasato rightwing farright donaldtrump kochnetwork twitter socialmeda republicans billionaires teaparty joerogan joebiden kamalaharris 2024 andrewbreitbart amykurtz tuckercarlson media msnbc socialmedia</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f1163d896af5/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLklZ3Sq_-w">
    <title>Let’s Talk About Taylor Lorenz’s Wired Article - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-03T16:56:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLklZ3Sq_-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Liberals and leftists on the internet has completely lost it over the Wired recent article, “A Dark Money Group Is Secretly Funding High-Profile Democratic Influencers.” Writer of the article, Taylor Lorenz, joined Francesca to separate the truth of the article from the noise.

In Taylor’s article with Wired, she exposed a dark money funding group, The Sixteen Thirty Fund. This organization is funneling money into Chorus Creator Incubator Program, a progressive influencer program that pays creators up to $8,000/month. According to Lorenz’s reporting, the contracts these creators had to sign to join the program had strict restrictions on disclosing their funding. 

The response from many creators to the article has been telling. They have taken a page out of the MAGA playbook, smearing both Taylor and Wired in an attempt to discredit them. One creator went as far as to call Lorenz racist over the term “dark money” and calling her a troll. As the discourse descends into chaos, the actual point the article is trying to make about transparency in our media is lost."]]></description>
<dc:subject>taylorlorenz francescafiorentini 2025 influence democrats darkmoney politics maga sixteenthirtyfund influencers elections web online internet donors funding briantylercohen liberals left liberalism progressive progressivism chorus</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GUzoh4UZrBI">
    <title>Exposing The Dark Money Machine - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-03T16:54:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GUzoh4UZrBI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dark money orgs spend millions to shape our political system without having to reveal where their money comes from. Now, they're paying influencers too. 

Last week, I published an article on WIRED titled "A Dark Money Group Is Secretly Funding High-Profile Democratic Influencers." The story describes an initiative aimed at boosting Democrats online that offers influencers up to $8,000 a month in dark money funding. 

Since the story came out, a bunch of influencers in the program have tried to mislead people about what dark money is and isn't. Anna Massoglia is one of the top journalists in the country covering dark money. She is the director of investigations at the Sunlight Research Center and writes the newsletter Influence Brief. 

We break down what dark money is, what it isn't, who the biggest dark money power players are, and why even left-leaning undisclosed dark money can harm our political system. We also chat about how dark money is increasingly shaping content on the internet and being used for foreign propaganda campaigns."]]></description>
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