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    <title>DEBATE: Who is Responsible for &quot;Woke?&quot; (with Musa al-Gharbi) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T05:13:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4mPRkXbpFjs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Author of We Were Never Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and professor in the School of Journalism at Stony Brook University, joins Bad Faith to discuss his historical review of the history of "wokeness," why it cyclically emerges and declines over the decades, and the dangers the "symbolic capitalism" class present to the pursuit of economic equality. Though there's much agreement on the pernicious effects of woke identity politics, we debate our different theories of who is responsible for "woke," and assess whether Tuesday's big DSA wins in New York herald the end of the establishment's superficial identity driven "woke" politics."]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi 2026 briahnajoygray wokeness capitalism identitypolitics wokeism politics discourse donaldtrump maga trumpism dei policy academia highered highereducation meritocracy discrimination professionalmanagerialclass pmc solidarity gender sexuality race symboliccapitalists culture symbolism culturalarbiters rhetoric education catherineliu law professionals creativeclass class colleges universities autonomy prestige employment adjuncts dsa left right conservatism affirmitiveaction diversity equity inclusion inclusivity classwarfare signaling elites elitism society nonprofit nonprofits journalism commongood virtue altruism power taxes taxation egalitarianism sweden nordiccountries us billionaires wealth eliteoverproduction gabrielrockhill identity sharedvalues individualism commonality workingclass workers labor progressive progressivism elections campaigning nikolehannah-jones racism whiteliberals liberalism blackskinwhitemasks frantzfanon behavior zohranmamdani darializaavilachevalier aoc alexandriaoca</dc:subject>
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    <title>Worn Out — Real Life</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-25T06:11:48+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Tech elites’ supposed indifference to fashion is a contempt for the commons"

[via:
https://www.robinsloan.com/newsletters/good-trains/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fashion culture technology drewaustin 2021 commons siliconvalley vanessafriedman publicspace hannahmurphy victoriahitchcock uniform uniforms clothing markzuckerberg marshallmcluhan understandingmedia society hannaharendt appearance gordonhull efficiency uber lyft doordash socialmedia facebook instagram tiktok airpods platforms microsoft nealstephenson nfts metaverse jonahweiner fellowship cynicism experience</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://newversereview.substack.com/p/the-poets-vision">
    <title>The Poet's Vision - by Steve Knepper</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T02:23:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newversereview.substack.com/p/the-poets-vision</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/03/meatpackers-barnes-noble-and-wittgenstein/

"Ryan Wilson considers how poets might teach us the gratitude and hospitality proper to creatures: “Creation cries out with myriad tongues for us to pay attention, to behold its splendor and the majesty of its Maker. And we do not. We refuse the gift; we wave away the bounty like Herods of cynicism. ‘What is all the world to us?’, we sneer. In this, we fail at what the Greeks called xenia, meaning ‘hospitality,’ that hospitality between guest and host that is the fundament of all civilization. The exchange of gifts is a customary rite of hospitality. But for the inexhaustible gift of Creation’s Beauty we repay nothing, too lordly even to deign to pay attention.”"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/bernhard-lederers-watchmaking-philosophy-could-liberate-the-swiss-watch-industry/">
    <title>The Swiss Watch Industry Needs Bernhard Lederer's Philosophy</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T12:57:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/bernhard-lederers-watchmaking-philosophy-could-liberate-the-swiss-watch-industry/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For the first time, I found myself wholeheartedly agreeing with a press release [https://lederertimepieces.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/DP2-LEDERER-CIC39mm-T2.pdf ] that just landed in my in-box. This was disorienting. Agreement is not a position I’ve found myself taking vis-a-vis press materials before. Most aren’t pushing anything to agree or disagree with in the first place. But as I read the PDF explaining Lederer’s new watch (the CIC 39 [https://lederertimepieces.com/watch/cic-39-racing-green/ ], already sold out), I was nodding my head approvingly the whole way down.

The watch takes on the historically significant and rather fascinating detent escapement [https://revolutionwatch.com/the-detent-escapement-in-wristwatches-dream-a-big-little-dream/ ] invented by Abraham-Louis Breguet, but what struck me about this press release was the philosophical statements woven into almost every paragraph. Together, these statements formed a coherent—yet wonderfully dreamy—philosophy of watchmaking that also (perhaps unwittingly) lodges a long-needed critique of the Swiss watch industry writ large.

[photo of Lederer CIC 39]

I mean, this is a really good press release. It comes from Bernhard Lederer, one of the few great living independent watchmakers to come out of the generation that gave us Philippe Dufour, F. P. Journe, Kari Voutilainen and Laurent Ferrier—a tiny ilk of true masters.

Check out these extracted bits from the CIC 39’s press release, which in condensed form read like a hybrid of Wittenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus and Shunryu Suzuki’s Zen Mind, Beginner’s Mind.

“…a watch is never an object, it is a manifestation of thought.”

“[Watchmaking’s] future belongs to those who pursue sincerity rather than spectacle.”

“…a creation has value only if it solves a real mechanical challenge, clarifies a system, stabilizes energy, or deepens understanding. Anything else is only noise.”

“Advancement cannot betray the craft.”

“Independence is not solitude….”

“Aesthetics arise not from decoration…”

“Every aesthetic choice in the [watch] exists to serve the mechanics.”

“…the elegance of a mechanism that has nothing to hide, only truth to reveal.”

“A movement should teach.”

“Its architecture is not merely functional; it is didactic.”

“Each wheel, bridge, and lever is placed with intent so that the movement reads clearly, teaching the eye how energy travels and how precision is earned.”

“…the [watch] expresses precision with a calm, almost meditative authority.”

“[The watch] does not demand attention; it invites a quieter form of fascination.”

[photo of Lederer CIC 39 movement from back of watch]

“…a quieter form of fascination.”

Many years ago, I started a podcast called Beyond the Dial that set out to explore the intersection of aesthetics and mechanics in watchmaking. I didn’t set out to explore mechanics and aesthetics separately, or even in parallel; I intended to explore the intersectionality of mechanics and aesthetics, what I envision as a kind of blurry overlaying of the Venn diagram’s circles into a unified field of aesthetic-mechanical creation from which those attuned to it could sometimes derive a state of prolonged wonder, a horological high.

A few truly great watches seamlessly fuse mechanics and aesthetics: Patek Philippe’s Ref. 1518, F.P. Journe’s Chronomètre à Résonance, the Lange 1, Jaeger-LeCoultre’s Master Hybris Mechanica Calibre 362. These watches, and precious few others, have transcended trends and can reliably engender the horological high, that uniquely prolonged state of wonder, that “quieter form of fascination,” as Lederer aptly puts it.

On the podcast, I struggled to express what this high was, exactly. I used phrases like “the phenomenology of watches,” [https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/insight-the-watch-collector-enthusiast-dichotomy-its-discontents-the-phenomenology-of-watches-as-spiritual-practice/ ] “mechanical wonder,” [https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/podcast-the-final-episode-through-the-looking-glass-on-philosophy-watches/ ] and “tripping on watches” to expound the idea that—since telling the time was no longer the point of looking at a mechanical wristwatch—experiencing a heightened state of mind might be. 

Watches are aesthetic objects, of course. All objects are. But when I allow watches to become mere objects of style, the psychological balm, the horological high, the sweet buzz of time abstracted via a tiny machine…it all just evaporates. When this happens, I find myself chasing down some passing trend [https://www.hodinkee.com/articles/vintage-vacheron-allen-farmelo ], or vying for social position in the horological hierarchy, worried about what so-and-so would think of my so-called wrist-game. And then I’d grow cynical about watches and, in the end, bored with them.

[photo of Lederer CIC 39]

Grokking mechanics to some degree is fundamental to my achieving the horological high, “the quieter form of fascination.” Promoting this state of mind, I will argue, should be the core mission of the Swiss watch industry. This message is implicit in Lederer’s philosophy.

The Sweeping Problem

I believe that social media and the mass popularization of watches it helped foster have made it much harder to filter out the buzz of fast-fashion and tune into the hard-hitting horological high I was pushing via Beyond the Dial. 

With a tiny glimmer of hope, I sense a return to mechanical concerns across the industry as the post-pandemic markets calm down. I sense that serious watch maisons are realizing that something more than a sage-green dial or some clever “collab watch” is required to draw serious collectors back to their latest offerings. The bubble burst around 2023, and now the hype-fest is cooling down. I’m seeing little glimpses of a return to mechanical concerns from Panerai, Breguet, Vacheron Constantin, and even Rolex.

Lederer’s recent release of the CIC 39 (as well as the other five watches in his Masters of Escapement [https://lederertimepieces.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025_Press-Dossier-LEDERER_Bernhard-Lederer-Biography.pdf ] series) may point the way for the watch industry to regain its hold on generating that elusive sense of mechanical wonder in its customers. This is certainly the highest calling of the enterprise called watchmaking, and it is well worth considering how the Swiss watch industry can humbly return that sense of mechanical wonder to primacy.

The Language of a Master

The philosophy of Lederer, so eloquently woven into this recent press release, is built from the astute language of a master who knows about mechanical wonder, about attaining horological highs, about transcending the surface of visual aesthetics (i.e., going beyond the dial) and basking in the blurry merger I call mechanical-aesthetics.

If Lederer’s philosophy of watchmaking wasn’t sincere, this language would be easy to dismiss as just more high-handed marketing fluff, of which a great deal emanates from the Swiss watch industry. But the Lederer release rings sincere—even humble—when considered within the context of the mechanical problems with which he toils.

[photo of Bernhard Lederer]

“A mechanism must solve a real problem. If it doesn’t, it remains an idea, not watchmaking. For centuries, the detent escapement had potential locked inside it. I wanted to give it a voice,” Lederer is quoted as saying in the press release for the CIC 39.

I’m reminded of John Coltrane, the jazz saxophonist who toiled humbly for well over a decade before finally figuring out how to go beyond the bold accomplishments of Charlie “Yardbird” Parker. Many great artists toil tirelessly in the shadow of a specific forebearer, a (usually deceased) master who haunts them with lingering unanswered questions.

[photo of John Coltrane]

Coltrane once said [https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/592345/3-shades-of-blue-by-james-kaplan/ ], “I’ve had a strange career. I haven’t yet quite found out how I want to play music. Most of what’s happened these past few years has been questions. Someday we’ll find the answers.”

“We go where watchmaking has questions left to answer,” Lederer says in the press release, sounding just like Coltrane.

The Detent Escapement and its Problems

Others of Lederer’s generation have toiled with Breguet’s escapements (both the natural and detent mechanisms), including Laurent Ferrier [https://laurentferrier.ch/blogs/news/in-depth-look-laurent-ferriers-natural-escapement ] and Kari Voutilainen [https://revolutionwatch.com/the-detent-escapement-in-wristwatches-dream-a-big-little-dream/ ]. The problems inherent to these mechanisms loom large, nagging the great masters to solve them.

You can find dozens of videos [https://www.google.com/search?udm=7&q=detent%20escapement&sqi=2 ] depicting the detent escapement’s fascinating motion, which will serve you better than my attempts at explanation. What I can confirm is that for centuries the detent escapement had suffered from limitations that make it unsuitable for use in everyday watches. It’s hard to get going once the movement has stopped, for one, and it is prone to instability at low amplitude, which is required for any meaningful power reserve in the relatively small space of a wristwatch movement. 

Lederer claims to have toiled—and, importantly, failed repeatedly—with the detent escapement for decades, slowly building up his understanding of the mechanism’s limitations and eventually finding workable solutions.

[photo of Lederer CIC 39 movement showing detent escapement]

The result of Lederer’s protracted effort is a gorgeous movement that runs the revised detent escapement off of a center-mounted balance cock. The escapement drives two independent gear trains, a configuration similar to the natural escapement-driven movement in his Central Impulse Chronometer [https://www.phillips.com/article/162598500/in-depth-the-lederer-central-impulse-chronometer ] of 2022, one of the six movements that Lederer is releasing as part of his Masters of Escapement series.

Humility and Slowness Can Reset the Watch Industry

As I read the press release for this watch, I hear a not-entirely subtle critique of the mainstream Swiss watch industry. Lederer’s philosophy of watchmaking is tersely in opposition to what has become the operable norm of Swiss watchmaking today: namely, that style and decoration (from gratuitous dial treatments to gaudy pave cases and trendy reissues) dominate watch design.

“Aesthetics arise not from decoration…”

“…a creation has value only if it solves a real mechanical challenge, clarifies a system, stabilizes energy, or deepens understanding. Anything else is only noise.”

“[Watchmaking’s] future belongs to those who pursue sincerity rather than spectacle.”

In espousing this philosophy, Lederer is, I think, showing the watch industry how it might rearrange its priorities and, with that, keep itself from bleeding out while caught in the hype-trap. The underlying message is that the marketing strategies of large luxury groups have sacrificed too much in service of social media’s voraciousness and the fashion industry’s quarterly renewals. Watchmaking that allows the inherently slow development of genuine mechanical innovation to (literally) undergird aesthetics can never keep that pace.

It is abundantly obvious to me that the reason Swiss watchmaking today can feel so spurious, so devoid of meaning, at times so blatantly dumb, is that too many brands insist on attempting to keep an unreasonable pace dictated by the demands of their marketing departments and not their R&D divisions. This hyper-pace has resulted in a splintering of annual collections into monthly, sometimes weekly, introductions of new dial colors, limited editions wrapped in weak partnership narratives, endless announcements about who wore which watch to what red-carpet event, and the press release I received last year asking me to tell my readers about a new strap color on offer for a watch already released multiple times with increasingly horrendous dial colors. I’m confident that this is the “noise” to which Lederer refers.

[photo of Lederer CIC 39]

With a measure of compassion, I understand that the onset of social media, the broadening of luxury markets, and the demand for quarterly ROI have pressured the great watchmakers of Switzerland (and elsewhere) to hustle beyond their capacity for genuine innovation. We all get it on some level; the impact is felt across industries around the world—including journalism.

But wasn’t watchmaking meant to be that one oasis of enduring sanity in a desert of spurious luxury madness? Or, shouldn’t it be?

Over and over we’ve seen the mandates for growth destroy the integrity of horological endeavors ranging from publications [https://www.wsj.com/style/fashion/hodinkee-luxury-watches-ben-clymer-b4078322 ] to philanthropic programs [https://robbreport.com/style/watch-collector/lists/15-watches-withdrawn-from-onlywatch-auction-1235595062/ ] to entire watch brands [https://robbreport.com/style/watch-collector/lists/bremont-watches-are-suddenly-good-investments-here-are-10-to-get-now-1235799724/ ]. At some point an industry gets stretched too far and can lose something essential, allowing consumer cynicism to creep in. Watchmaking has to at least consider resetting its priorities around something other than striving to keep pace with the mad tempos of social media and the world of fashion into which it seems so desperate to enter.

It’s time to put mechanical wonder back at the center of watchmaking, to respect the actual history of mechanical watchmaking rather than perennially spinning that history up into some seasonal marketing campaign, to more slowly help neophytes come to understand the subtleties of mechanical watchmaking rather than trying to degrade their sense of self in order to convince them to buy this week’s offering. We’ll get fewer bubbles this way, but they won’t burst their wet mess all over the quarterly reports, either.

Without a reinstatement of a core philosophy that prioritizes meaningful horological achievements, we’re going to end up in a world of uninspiring watches traded as the coinage of social capital. The world needs that about as much as it needs another smooth jazz record."]]></description>
<dc:subject>watches watchmaking 2025 lederer philosophy bernhardlederer philippedufour fpjourne karivoutilainen laurentferrier wittgenstein sunryusuzuki zen zenbuddhism aesthetics solitude independence sincerity stectacle thought elegance fascination attention mechanics phenomenology watchcanon socialmedia panerai breguet vacheronconstantin rolex switzerland johncoltrane charlieparker jazz music detentescapement humility slowness slow decoration philanthropicindustrialcomplex charitableindustrialcomplex cynicism consumerism consumption art abraham-louisbreguet luxury fashion wonder horology markets innovation marketing hype understanding allenfarmelo escapements watchmovements</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.leahreich.com/the-global-fraud-economy/">
    <title>The Global Fraud Economy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T00:28:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.leahreich.com/the-global-fraud-economy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Anyway, the story was about Meta and all the money the company makes from facilitating fraud on a gargantuan scale by showing users fake ads, ads for fraudulent investment schemes and other scams, and ads for banned goods. "Banned goods" is a vague phrase, so you should know that based on my extremely cursory internet search, "banned goods" include but are not limited to: banned medical products (while blurring or blocking ads for abortion pills), gun silencers, "nudify" apps that allow users to create sexually explicit deepfakes, gambling and sports betting, along with pornographic and sexually explicit ads (all examples in that article are blurred, don't worry) and "AI girlfriend" apps.

Need I remind you that if you are a user on any of these platforms, your content may immediately be removed for the slightest hint of nudity or anything else that violates the terms of service. You won't be able to contest this. You might even be banned from using the app. Meanwhile, this is happening:

[screenshot from https://igamingexpert.com/news/affiliates/urgent-warnings-over-metas-16bn-illegal-gambling-ad-revenue/ :

"Earlier this year, a report by the All India Gaming Federation found that Facebook ads were fuelling the black market in the country with unlicensed betting platforms getting 1.6 billion visits over a three month period.

In September, the Malaysian government called Meta out on its prevalence of black market gambling ads."]

Now, Meta obviously does not show these ads intentionally, but show them it does. According to internal estimates, it sometimes shows them to the tune of 15 billion scam ads a day across all platforms. Fifteen billion. That is a mind-boggling number. Beyond the very serious issue at hand—users being shown and clicking on scammy ads or sexually explicit deepfakes, Meta making money from these views and clicks—it's also a reminder of just how many ads are being shown every day on Meta products alone. 15 billion is a fraction of that total.

Oh and by "all the money the company makes," I mean upwards of 10% of Meta's total revenue, according to those same internal estimates. So you know, about $16 billion dollars. (These numbers have since been walked back.)

Now, I should be fair. While I've seen some questionable ads on Instagram, I've also seen crazy scam ads on non-Meta platforms. Recently, during a random YouTube rabbit hole, I got served a series of super weird deepfake ads about natural erectile dysfunction remedies, and one of them featured... Oprah?

And you know, Meta has tried to remediate the issue to a certain degree. They've done internal assessments, developed automated systems to not only flag questionable ads and marketers but predict whether those advertisers are likely to be scammy, taken down millions of ads, reduced user reports of scam ads, and penalized marketers that are likely to be scammers by charging them higher ad rates.

I'm sorry. They do what?

They charge higher ad rates. The idea is that higher rates will be a deterrent for anyone who might—might! not absolutely certainly!—be looking to advertise gambling or firearm supplies or sex. In other words, the company actually makes more money from these ads than from other ads.

The cursory internet search I mentioned above also produced a number of results on sites like Reddit and Quora, among others, full of people trying to figure out how to effectively report these ads and get them taken down, or even report the ads at all. To be clear, these posts and comment threads are not data, and many of them might not even be real. So they don't prove anything about Meta's reporting systems or the company's willingness to remove questionable or overtly problematic ads. But seeing them, and thinking about experiences I've had as a user, it does make you wonder how they reduced user reports of scam ads by 58%. Were there in fact fewer scam ads to be reported? Or did the changes in content moderation policies earlier this year have an impact on ads? Did users feel more discouraged from reporting, or confused by the process? I don't know the answers to any of these, but they would be interesting to dig into.

But! I'm not here to accuse Meta of doing anything shady when it comes to user reports, or secretly trying to earn more money from scam ads. (Hello to any lawyers who may be reading!) I just want to talk about these ads, and about the fact that a company is able to make billions of dollars by in part by providing a platform for advertisers who may be actively scamming and defrauding the users of those platforms. Including users who try to report it, whose own content has been taken down for ostensibly violating terms of service, who are vulnerable or at risk. Or they may not, it's really hard to be certain.

When I worked at big tech companies, it was often hard to explain to non-tech workers (and frankly even to many tech workers) why companies made products and made decisions that users hated. Occasionally, it was a case of a necessary change to navigation, an honest attempt to fix an issue even though it would be impossible to please everyone, or a choice that was based on a particular engineering decision the company had committed to years ago. It's not always possible to build the thing you want. But the funny thing you learn is that it usually is possible to build the thing a business partner wants, or a particular VP, or a major partner, or an advertiser.

Sometimes this is even explicit. At one job (not at Meta), I pushed back when another team kept telling my team they were taking a feature we had worked on and were pushing it to production. I told them that in every single study we had conducted, users didn't like the feature. I made it clear that the feature would actively worsen the experience for the people who paid to use the product. The other team kept insisting, and it was only after they said I was being obstinate and "kind of bitchy" (for advocating for our users) that someone cleared things up: Someone in the C-suite had personally told the team to ship the product because they'd promised it to business partners. I said, "Oh. Why didn't you guys tell us this to begin with? Even I know there are some battles you can't win."

When you work in tech long enough, if you have any level of detachment and cynicism (and any sense of ethics or morals), you start to see patterns. All those new legal policies that provide cover, all those public statements touting efforts to mitigate the problem full of results that sound so impressive. But who really holds these companies accountable for enforcing those policies? How do we know the problem is being solved when we have no other numbers or metrics to compare? How much money would the company stand to lose if the problem was fixed to the full extent possible? To the public it always seems like not enough is being done, but when you've been on the inside long enough you can see that it's actually just enough being done: Look how hard we’re trying! It’s such a tough intractable problem! Who could possibly solve it! :jazz hands:"

...

"Tech, as we've learned the hard way, has been our 21st Century Empire. You might think this is crazy, because no one was "born" to tech. But that's always been part of the ethos behind the industry. A special Shangri-La, a meritocracy in which certain people succeed because of their obvious natural born talents, a selective club of special geniuses. Although this is the United States, so instead of class we just call it money. And there are a lot of ways to take money from dupes and dummies.

It's not just the ads. It's NFTs, crypto, and the insane proliferation of sports betting sites, new versions of the old sleight of hand and back room bookies that we've now spit-shined and legitimized. It's the products that suck you in and ruin your attention span, then push ten different things at you to distract you and make you forget whatever it was you'd intended to do. But it's also the ads. The relentless barrage of shit that you click on even when you don't mean to, the ads that skirt the rules, the ads that remind you that you're not only trading your data for a free service, you're also allowing the company to pick your pockets, access your life savings, and flash you in the bargain.

You already know that the tech industry has attracted people who think they're smarter than everyone else. Now you know they also think the rest of us are total dummies, while they're born to rule in this new Empire, fully entitled to take our money. They've been doing it for a while now! No wonder nothing is beautiful, and everything hurts."]]></description>
<dc:subject>leahreich 2025 fraud meta facebook instagram ads advertising society economics internet web online socialmedia scams reddit quora cynicism trust us nfts crypto cryptocurrencies sportsgambling gambling sports blackmarket</dc:subject>
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    <title>There are too many waterfalls here - by Rob Horning</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-20T21:00:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://robhorning.substack.com/p/there-are-too-many-waterfalls-here</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sora slop feeds"

...


"In other words, generative models don’t lead to “artificial general intelligence” but simply more content to keep people using their phones (and keep them under tech-company surveillance).

A Sora feed and Sora-moji make more sense to me than chatbot “companions”: That people would use generative models to help them sustain social connections rather than replace them corresponds with my hopeful belief that the only thing that is ultimately worth anything to anyone is other people’s time and attention. Slop might be easier or slightly less risky for some people to share when they want to be present online but don’t feel like they have anything interesting to say.

But this doesn’t explain why people would want to consume slop, or find it more interesting than other material they could share. Are Sora clips really in competition with TikTok clips for people’s idle consumption time? Are they as effective at making people distracted and distractable? Do generative clips offer anything (beyond fleeting novelty right now) that TikTok’s algorithm can’t provide a more human version of?

It seems self-evident that generative video makes the world of representation (if not the world in general) more boring. One could hope it would re-enchant those forms of visual experience that resist simulation, but instead there is a sense of theoretically infinite video unleashing an infinite boredom, depleting our capacity to see by inundating our eyes with synthetic sights. Generative models mean that no one has to create anything they don’t care about, but they also mean that all media has more of that sense of indifference attached to it. And if we consent to consume it, it is because we are willing to internalize aspects of that indifference, taking some solace in it.

Often the mainstream discussion of generated video begins with the concern about convincing fakes destroying our trust in documentary media, but if anything, it would seem to increase dependence on institutions with sourcing protocols. When anyone can produce realistic-looking fakes, being a trusted institution capable of persuasively certifying documents becomes more valuable, and the power of social “truth-making” becomes even more centralized and more pronounced.

At the same time, it seems like most clips aren’t trying to be persuasive on that level but instead hold attention by tricking people for an instant and then becoming “fun” or “watchable” (rather than disappointing and pointless) precisely because they are fake. They aren’t necessarily framed or understood as news. The criteria for them has less to do with showing real events but with their being legible — they have to be appropriately targeted jokes that one is in on; they have to be worth the attention spent on them. As Ryan Broderick suggests, “the online platforms that created our new world, run on likes and shares and comments and views, reshaped the marketplace of ideas into an attention economy,” and generated videos compete in that marketplace, where documentary veracity is mostly insignificant. Now the attention economy has “untethered popularity from tastemakers — cultural, political, financial — and turned it into something nakedly transactional,” Broderick argues. Regardless of their facticity, or what the “tastemakers” want, or what trusted institutions bother to verify, popular videos automatically become “true” in terms by virtue of their circulation (the only kind of fact that matters) and how they shape widely received narratives.

A flood-tide of heavily publicized generated video could have the effect of denaturalizing any tendency to treat video as automatically documentary."

...

"Claire Wilmot, in a piece for the London Review of Books, calls generated images “fascistic dream machines.” She explains that “part of the misunderstanding of the deepfake threat stems from the idea that it is a problem of bad information, rather than a problem of desire (or the material conditions that shape desire).” Generated images “offer clear, illustrative diagnoses” of “alleged problems,” which, if you are willing to surrender to them, must be a relief to see, particularly when you just want distraction or compensation for your own personal share of grievance.

As with other kinds of direct entertainment, the consumer’s impotence — their incapacity to imagine a better world or the reality of different ways of being — is turned into a kind pleasure and compensation for itself. When consuming images, it may be that people don’t typically want information (which reinforces impotence); they want ideology (which “feels true” and requires no power of mind). Part of the appeal then is indulging in unfettered cynicism.

<blockquote>A Londoner spreading deepfakes of white women saying they don’t feel safe ‘because of migrants’ told me impatiently that everyone knows the videos aren’t real, but I was missing the point: ‘It’s about us showing everyone what’s really happening.’</blockquote>

Generated video allows consumers to inoculate themselves against events and representations that don’t conform to their schema by instantly offering alternatives that soothe them and match their expectations: They can enjoy their own ideological interpellation as a movie, or an endless feed.

But also key to generated images appeal us the ease with which they bring ideology before one’s senses. It supplements algorithmic feeds’ tendency to make the worldview tailored to one’s consumption patterns seem ubiquitous and self-evident, beyond question.

If you have to work to imagine the images to confirm an ideological distortion of how the world works, you begin to lose the libidinal benefits of that worldview, which grant a kind of identity that requires no work to articulate. Whereas the fact that a machine can generate these “true-feeling” images instantly confirms that the images can do what they are supposed to do, which is to protect us from thinking. Generative models are well suited to articulating ideas and wishes that people don’t want to have to make the effort to think through themselves, because the “pleasure” (such as it is) in them is in their apparent automaticity, in the speed with which prejudice formats and pre-digests and orders the world.

Video generators allow people to experience ideas or beliefs as content without their having to invest their imagination into making them real, into “really” believing in them and coming to terms with the implications of their beliefs. They are more like gaming engines than truth simulators."]]></description>
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    <title>It's Anarchist Season with Alexis Shotwell - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:20:16+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/china-2025">
    <title>America Against China Against America - by Jasmine Sun</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T06:16:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/china-2025</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["notes on shenzhen, shanghai, and more"

...

"No word appeared in conversation more often than neijuan1 (内卷), or “involution.” The term was popularized in 2020 among Chinese social media users, though it was supposedly first adapted by online intellectual Liu Zhongjing (who Afra described as “the Curtis Yarvin of China”) from anthropologist Clifford Geertz’s book on rice farming in Indonesia. Quoting Yi-Ling Liu’s New Yorker piece on the topic:

<blockquote>Geertz’s theory of involution holds that a greater input (an increase in labor) does not yield proportional output (more crops and innovation)... Involution is “the experience of being locked in competition that one ultimately knows is meaningless,” Biao told me. It is acceleration without a destination, progress without a purpose, Sisyphus spinning the wheels of a perpetual-motion Peloton.</blockquote>

Chinese solar companies battling to the death? Involution. High schoolers spending Saturdays out-prepping each other for the gaokao? Involution. Six hotpot restaurants side-by-side on a single mall floor? Involution. Boba delivery that somehow costs less than pickup? Dance, dance, involution.2"

...

"Overall, my trip was a blast. There are other places in Asia I’d like to visit—Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand—but whenever the opportunity presents itself, I find myself returning to China again and again. Part of this is family ties, part is a preference for depth over breadth. But a substantial component is sheer fascination, and a solipsistic desire to understand China so that I might better understand America and myself.

There’s a saying that goes something like “After one week in China, you feel you could write a book. After one year, you think you could write an article. After ten years, you realize you know nothing.” I am currently in the second stage of hubris, so forgive me for the generalizations I will surely regret. This irreducibility is a function of both China’s size and speed: it’s a country still modernizing at a mind-bending pace, its future still radically undetermined. Shanghai recently surpassed Taipei in my personal city ranking simply because it feels so different on every trip. For the first time, I grokked why someone might cross the Pacific Ocean, then turn back again. Expats there are all addicted to the pace of change; everywhere else is slow in comparison. It’s the same reason I love San Francisco, for all its thorns—China is a place where things actually happen.

I often hear that things are worse now, compared to the golden years of the late 2000s. Politically, it’s true, but it’s hard to leave feeling too pessimistic. Choppy waters train the strongest swimmers. I prefer spending time in places like this: where God-like technologies meet our medieval institutions and Paleolithic emotions. These sites produce the most interesting questions: What does modernization feel like, in your bones? What is it like to live in a place that transforms—physically, culturally, spiritually—at this rate? Are you a surfer cresting a wave, or wiping out on the shore? The hurricanes of progress blow fast and hard. The factory girls had it right. Survival is a process of constant self-reinvention."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 jasminesun shenzhen deepseek shanghai manufacturing consumerism competition siliconvalley china artificialintelligence democracy surveillance wanghuning society afrawang charlesyang aadilali arhunramani progress abundance hangzhou yuyao hongkong dengxiaoping specialexonomiczones policy economics davidsacks donaldtrump tariffs computers computing technology cliffordgeertz indonesia yi-lingliu curtisyarvin liuzhongjing involution cynicism genz generationz zoomers huawai wechat tencent work labor howwework workers xijinping meritocracy jackma tallpoppysyndrome alibaba unitree hikvision west us california sanfrancisco madeinchina mentalhealth changche mollyhuang anxiety traditionalism chagee raydalio consumption excess highspeedrail hsr byd culturalrevolution mosuspace daniellurie saas robots robotics ai heygen elonmusk lesliechang factories ethnography dongguan culture liberty freedom engineering building making markets onechildpolicy taiwan military afrazhaowang menciusmoldbug darkenlightenment nerdreich</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture">
    <title>from counterculture to cyberculture (ft. fred turner)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T01:36:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Stewart Brand, accelerationism, dating apps"

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TNg34K85-8

"Today's guest is Fred Turner, a Professor of Communication at Stanford and probably the best historian of Silicon Valley culture over the past 100 years
.
His book, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, is my favorite book on Silicon Valley's history, focusing on how hippies and hackers came together from the 60s to the 90s.

Fred is also one of the warmest, most enthusiastic storytellers I know—the kind of history teacher everyone wishes they had. You’ll leave this listen with a bunch of fun facts about the Whole Earth Catalog, Burning Man, and the Italian futurists; but more importantly, a deep appreciation for what humans and the humanities can offer.

01:00 The two types of Bay Area hippies
10:59 Military tech since the Vietnam War 
22:59 Disembodiment and dating apps
45:30 Zuckerberg, Chappell Roan, and the free market
1:02:50 Accelerationism from Mussolini to now
1:30:03 Teaching the humanities in 2025"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner jasminesun 2025 stewartbrand siliconvalley datingapps history markzuckerberg chappellroan mussolini hippies californianideology miliary vietnamwar humanities teaching howweteach benitomussolini toddgitlin newleft berkeley marissavio newcommunalists haight-ashbury thehaight politics psychedelics lsd janisjoplin left escape communalism sharedconsciousness computers computing technology military vietnam 1960s 1970s wiredmagazine buckminsterfuller decentralization hierarchy hierarchies geodesicdome bureaucracy individualism counterculture burningman design liberation kenkesey apple wholeearthcatalog tescreal immateriality class war singularity singularitarianism transhumanism dematerialization online internet web abstraction disembodiment combat bodies veterans iraq iraqwar militaryindustrialcomplex stanford italianfuturists italianfuturism futurism information godcomplex stevejobs cybernetics immaterial philosophy networks networkedthinking cyberculture google catalogs race segregation racism privilig</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e63-rolex-vs-gen-x/">
    <title>Podcast Insights E23 - Rolex vs. Gen X - BEYOND THE DIAL</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-24T23:14:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e63-rolex-vs-gen-x/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Can irony reconcile the cynical Gen X world view with a luxury hobby? Does the Swiss watch industry sell us “Vintage Nationalism” along with our watches? Did Jean-Claude Biver leverage anti-establishment tendencies with his anti-electronic rhetoric of the 1980s and 1990s?  Allen takes a stab at these topics and more in this essay episode."

[Also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/insights-e23-rolex-vs-gen-x/id1472733566?i=1000518322057
https://open.spotify.com/episode/30aIknfcJE6JPuVshl0jru ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SM9hRuy31JA">
    <title>Adam Curtis on the BBC, Politics &amp; AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-23T04:30:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SM9hRuy31JA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Adam Curtis is one of the UK's most iconoclastic and followed documentarians. His epic films, spanning decades of cultural and political history have become instant classics and gained him a worldwide following including the likes of Kanye West and Elon Musk.

Richard Osman and Marina Hyde interview the BBC journalist about his disappointment at modern television, unique approach to archival material and his thoughts on modern culture at large."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://defector.com/toward-a-theory-of-kevin-roose">
    <title>Toward A Theory Of Kevin Roose | Defector</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-20T16:33:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://defector.com/toward-a-theory-of-kevin-roose</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/zm41a ]

""You can't be a serious critic," New York Times technology reporter Kevin Roose wrote on Tuesday, on Bluesky, about artificial intelligence, "if you're in denial about how useful it is." Narrowly, in strict terms, this is true: You can't be a serious critic of anything if you are in denial about any part of it, where "in denial" describes an irrational and unfounded rejection of empirical reality. That's hardly even worth saying, but it's also not really what Roose is saying.

What Roose wants is to put an entire suite of claims about the technology presently doing business as "artificial intelligence"—not just that it has more than zero uses (a thing nobody really denies) but that it truly is artificial intelligence or anything like it; that it represents a profound leap forward for technology and human endeavor; that it is the future; that, as such, adopting it and integrating it into day-to-day work and life processes is the smart move—beyond dispute. He wants to marginalize the many technology experts, media knowers, and sharp lay readers who have for years been calling his work on behalf of those claims appalling boobery. He wants his readers to view all of those critics as coterminous with whatever minor body of irrelevant five-follower internet loons might bother trying to argue the literal uselessness of a predictive text generator or a program that collates search engine results into layperson's language. He wants his readers to think of all the critics as united in an essentially pathological relationship with the observable world. And he wants the juice of dancing this shitty little passive-aggressive jig on Bluesky, the social-media platform where many of those critics will encounter his work and, while dunking on it, also share it around to some number of people who will read it.

Why do this crap? I think that I would be embarrassed. I think that after I'd gassed up cryptocurrency and NFTs in the New York Times and told New York Times readers that the Bing search engine was trying to steal me away from my wife, I would have asked my editor if maybe I could cover the Broadway beat for a while instead of continuing to smirk at the world while pouring fire ants down the front of my shorts for a living. So: Why do it? But also: How?

I think about these questions a lot, certainly more than I should. (Not just about Kevin Roose! Sometimes also about Felix Salmon.) Some two decades since the digital-media attention economy took shape and, sheesh, like 13 years into my own career working in that economy, the list of the cold incentives that might drive a journalist toward this type of routine—attention, website traffic, access to industry honchos otherwise not inclined toward talking to the press, the possibility of later getting a nice job from one of them—is depressingly easy to conjure. But that list's plausibility as a Kevin Roose Explainer is, for me, limited by my fixed standing assumption that other people have and value dignity.

Something occurred to me the other day when I was thinking about this—not even Tuesday! Not even prompted by this particular Kevin Roose Bluesky post!—and has been sort of following me around since, making me feel squirmy and uncomfortable and haunted. What occurred to me was the possibility that what had seemed, to me, like it could only come from a chilling and impossible level of cynicism might come instead from a perverse and even more chilling variety of mostly genuine belief. Not in the transformative power of AI! I'm talking about something wider and deeper and more frightening than that: a genuine and horribly earnest belief in not believing in anything.

My suspicion, my awful awful newfound theory, is that there are people with a sincere and even kind of innocent belief that we are all just picking winners, in everything: that ideology, advocacy, analysis, criticism, affinity, even taste and style and association are essentially predictions. That what a person tries to do, the essential task of a person, is to identify who and what is going to come out on top, and align with it. The rest—what you say, what you do—is just enacting your pick and working in service to it.

I was thinking about a lot of different stuff. I was thinking about the phenomenon of small-fry sports-bettor bros with no passion for any serious right-wing politics going big for Donald Trump in 2024 based on a view of their vote as something like a wager, and of Trump as the bold, ambitious choice—risky, but with the bigger potential payout. I was thinking about sophisticated, high-achieving tech-industry types abruptly throwing off all of their (thin, half-cooked, fundamentally dogshit, but still) liberal-libertarian politics to get behind an explicitly authoritarian program and help build its surveillance state. I was thinking about bushy-tailed go-getter types in legacy media who kept their language carefully bland around policing reform, anti-racism, and social justice during those topics' brief heightened salience around the George Floyd protests and then smoothly pivoted to criticizing the excesses of woke when the winds changed. I was thinking about randos whom Elon Musk would not cross a sidewalk to piss on if they were on fire, who, when Trump invited Musk to gut federal government agencies and programs that benefit their own lives, rushed to tweet GIFs of Musk, like, dunking on somebody's head at his critics. I was thinking about bag culture. And I was thinking about Kevin Roose, serially and with apparent enthusiasm donning each next pair of gigantic clown shoes handed to him by this or that Silicon Valley titan, and dancing in them long past the point when everybody else figured out it was all on behalf of a grift.

To these people this kind of thing is not cynicism, both because they believe it's just what everybody is doing and because they do not regard it as ugly or underhanded or whatever. Making the right pick is simply being smart. And not necessarily in some kind of edgy-cool or subversive way, but smart the very same shit-eating way that the dorkus malorkus who gets onto a friendly first-name basis with the middle-school assistant principal is smart. They just want to be smart.

So these people look at, say, socialists, and they see fools—not because of moral or ethical objections to socialism or whatever, or because of any authentically held objections or analysis at all, but simply because they can see that, at present, socialism is not winning. All the most powerful guys are against it. Can't those fools see it? They have picked a loser. They should pick the winner instead.

Likewise: When all the rich guys got behind cryptocurrency, and all the rich cryptocurrency guys got behind Donald Trump, for these people the thing to do was very obvious, even if they had previously regarded crypto as a scam: not just to buy some cryptocurrency—the kind of move any cynic might make—but to adopt the attitudes and positions of a crypto enthusiast. Neither their conscience nor their concept of dignity troubles them in this switcheroo, because they take for granted that this is the precise way everyone forms the stuff they say and appear to think. In their view someone like me dumps on cryptocurrency not because of an analytical conclusion that it sucks and is a scam, or because of a moral conclusion that as a scam it is reprehensible, but because I am making pragmatic prediction that it will fail; my arguments for it being bad, in this view, are at best just the articulation of the reasons why I think it will not win.

Personally, when Donald Trump won the 2024 presidential election and threw open the regulatory gates for crypto, I saw it as a bleak and bitter vindication of crypto skepticism: Critics had always been right to have identified it as a tool of predators and scam artists, and now, in its embrace by the most brazen undisguised crook in American society and the gleeful removal of all safeguards protecting people from it, everyone could see it for what it is. For the specimens we are examining here today, they saw almost the exact opposite: not just a victory for crypto and its boosters, but an actual self-evident refutation of crypto skeptics' arguments—for the simple reason that these people understood those arguments to have always been at root a prediction that crypto would lose, and crypto had won.

This has not been how I have approached my life—I think that's sort of painfully obvious—and I think in general it is mostly not how people approach their lives. I think in general even really flawed and derelict people like me are trying to figure out what's right or what's best or what's just or what's fair, or at least some workable compromise between the demands of those pesky ideas and our desire for near-term comfort and stability. I think in general people only form associations on the basis of what they think will win in certain discrete circumstances, like betting on a horse race or making stock-market trades or whatever; the rest of life is more complicated than that. You vote for the candidate you think will represent your interests in government and you hope they will win; you do not try to figure out who is going to win and then vote for them. You praise the beauty of an artwork because you think it's beautiful, not because you expect it will smash auction-price records. You root for the Sacramento Kings because you are a sick pervert, not because you believe they will ever win the NBA Finals.

And so, for probably most people, it would be sort of uncomfortable to, for example, shrug off the social ideas you'd vocally advocated for and throw yourself behind a political movement in direct opposition to all of them! Not only on principle—you'd actually believed that stuff, after all—but because of things like dignity and even vanity: People in general do not want to look like turncoats, scumbags, or frontrunners. Likewise, for probably most people, the dissolution of a succession of huge tech-industry hypes having exposed you as a world-historic stooge and imbecile might temper your eagerness to deliver a public Funkmaster Flex routine on behalf of AI companies! Not even for particularly admirable reasons; you might just be tired of looking like a world-historic stooge and imbecile in the New York Times.

But now imagine believing that victory, whenever it arrived and on whatever terms it was accomplished, would automatically redeem all that debasement. If you believed that Donald Trump winning would mean that everyone who supported him was right to have done so, because they had picked the winner; that the mega-rich AI industry buying its way into all corners of American society would mean that critics of the technology and of using it to displace human labors were not just defeated but meaningfully wrong in their criticisms; that some celebrity getting richer from a crypto rug-pull that ripped off hundreds of thousands of less-rich people would actually vindicate the celebrity's choice to participate in it, because of how much richer it made them. Imagine holding this as an authentic understanding of how the world works: that the simple binary outcome of a contest had the power to reach back through time and adjust the ethical and moral weight of the contestants' choices along the way. Maybe in that case you would feel differently about what to the rest of us looks like straight-up shit eating.

This, I think, is how a guy like Kevin Roose can do what he does without apparent embarrassment, without ever seeming to have learned anything or to have been chastened in the least by a series of cigars exploding in his face right after he told everyone in the world that smoking these guaranteed-not-to-explode cigars was the way of the future. He is playing the long game. Non-fungible tokens turned out to be a musical-chairs scam, web3 nothing more than a Sony Playstation in helmet form, crypto at best a speculative asset class and at worse a wilderness of Ponzi schemes; AI might turn out to be just the ruinous money-pit Potemkin singularity that critics and scholars and experts (and I) think it is.

My theory of Kevin Roose is this: His bet is not on any of these individually, but on the very rich and very powerful men and institutions backing them. He thinks they are going to win, and that when they do win it won't matter that the rest of us regarded his sucking up to them as a disgrace to journalism and human dignity. He is, I suppose I must grant, being very smart."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=44uC12g9ZVk&amp;t=3501s">
    <title>Jon Stewart – One of My Favorite People - What Now? with Trevor Noah Podcast - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-16T19:02:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=44uC12g9ZVk&amp;t=3501s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join me as I sit down with Jon Stewart in what will be one of my favorite episodes with one of "My Favorite People". We talk life, comedy, similar experiences hosting The Daily Show, and the benefits of keeping one’s mind occupied. Thank you friend for joining me on the pod. 🙏🏽"

[via:
https://www.theverge.com/social/687639/its-speech-in-the-way-doritos-are-food ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4IQz8Ff-A0">
    <title>&quot;The Biggest Problems in Legacy Media&quot; A Conversation With Chris Hedges - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-04T18:13:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4IQz8Ff-A0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-biggest-problems-in-legacy-media

"I went on Hasan Piker's show to discuss my new book, "A Genocide Foretold," Gaza and the United States' descent into fascism."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zXrjlOE9e50">
    <title>'Somebody needs to do it' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-31T06:07:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zXrjlOE9e50</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Thousands of posts on TikTok, X, and Instagram pleading “someone needs to do it” are racking up millions of likes. The subject is never named and the action is never spelled out, but it's a loaded call to action that somehow everyone understands. 

The phrase has become online shorthand for a society that has lost all faith in the system. In this video, I unpack how and why this meme became so pervasive, the political and cultural moments that led us here, and dissect what the "someone's got to do it" meme reveals about the cultural and political moment that we're living in. I talk about collective trauma, political cynicism, our decaying faith in democratic institutions, and so much more. 

I spent so long on this video, please watch and let me know what you think!!!!"

[via BHN:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w-IWUT-soQQ

See also:
"How Covid Radicalized American Politics with Taylor Lorenz | MR Live | Majority Report - YouTube"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UYXdhQyqx1M ]]]></description>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d4ab1972b394/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691232607/we-have-never-been-woke">
    <title>We Have Never Been Woke | Princeton University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-10T06:13:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691232607/we-have-never-been-woke</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How a new “woke” elite uses the language of social justice to gain more power and status—without helping the marginalized and disadvantaged"

...

"Society has never been more egalitarian—in theory. Prejudice is taboo, and diversity is strongly valued. At the same time, social and economic inequality have exploded. In We Have Never Been Woke, Musa al-Gharbi argues that these trends are closely related, each tied to the rise of a new elite—the symbolic capitalists. In education, media, nonprofits, and beyond, members of this elite work primarily with words, ideas, images, and data, and are very likely to identify as allies of antiracist, feminist, LGBTQ, and other progressive causes. Their dominant ideology is “wokeness” and, while their commitment to equality is sincere, they actively benefit from and perpetuate the inequalities they decry. Indeed, their egalitarian credentials help them gain more power and status, often at the expense of the marginalized and disadvantaged.

We Have Never Been Woke details how the language of social justice is increasingly used to justify this elite—and to portray the losers in the knowledge economy as deserving their lot because they think or say the “wrong” things about race, gender, and sexuality. Al-Gharbi’s point is not to accuse symbolic capitalists of hypocrisy or cynicism. Rather, he examines how their genuine beliefs prevent them from recognizing how they contribute to social problems—or how their actions regularly provoke backlash against the social justice causes they champion.

A powerful critique, We Have Never Been Woke reveals that only by challenging this elite’s self-serving narratives can we hope to address social and economic inequality effectively."

[See also:
https://press.princeton.edu/ideas/ideas-podcast-we-have-never-been-woke

via:

"A book on ‘wokeness’ Catholic evangelizers need to read" by Stephen G. Adubato
https://www.americamagazine.org/arts-culture/2025/05/09/review-we-have-never-been-woke-250608 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi wokeness elites 2024 culture society antiracism feminism racism race capitalism neoliberalism elitism economics inequality socialjustice nonprofit nonprofits ngos trends hypocrisy cynicism elitecapture dei prejudice justice wokeism pierrebourdieu credentials credentialism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk">
    <title>Steven Salaita's Reflections on the Downward Spiral of US Empire &amp; the Fate of the Western Academy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T00:20:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode Steven Salaita will return for a conversation about two of his recent lectures/essays which touch on US imperial decline, the western academy, and the genocidal war on the Palestinian people and children of Gaza. We will also discuss the challenges of behaving ethically in a society that rewards subservience to power, and that power is based on unmitigated violence against the oppressed and dispossessed. 

One piece The Meaning of Honesty in Academe was delivered as the 2025 James Baldwin Memorial Lecture at UMass Amherst on April 16th: 
transcript: https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/
video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y 

and the other "No Resurrection: The Life and Death of the Modern University" was delivered at Villanova on April 14th: https://stevesalaita.com/no-resurrection-the-life-and-death-of-the-modern-university/

This is our 5th conversation with Dr. Steven Salaita since Tufan Al-Aqsa. To check out the others, view our playlist:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBj8KHKHvws6Yh9i95yz4s-Alu4UltG7F "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://culture.ghost.io/the-age-of-the-double-sell-out/">
    <title>The Age of the Double Sell-Out</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-11T21:03:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://culture.ghost.io/the-age-of-the-double-sell-out/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the last three decades, youth culture has moved from a deep suspicion of commerce to a passionate defense of anti-anti-commerce to an entire generation of "creatives” who leverage the commercial market… to do even more commerce

In the 1990s, there was a single ethical principle at the heart of youth culture — don’t sell out. There was a logic behind it: When artists serve the commercial marketplace, they blunt their pure artistic vision in compromising with conventional tastes. This ethic was also core to subcultures, which were supposed to be social spaces for personal expression and community bonding, not style laboratories for the fashion industry.

The ethics against commercial art set strong boundaries for "alternative" culture, which arguably allowed it to flourish as a separate entity. As that culture began to hit the mainstream in the early 1990s, the taboo against selling out spread into broader youth culture. As Chuck Klosterman writes in The Nineties, “The concept of ‘selling out’ — and the degree to which that notion altered the meaning and perception of almost everything is the single most nineties aspect of the nineties.” The kids actually cared. When mainstream radio began to play alternative music, middle school playgrounds erupted with debates on whether REM’s “The Sidewinder Sleeps Tonite” crossed a dangerous "pop" line and whether Stone Temple Pilots were just “poseurs.”

By the late 1990s, however, that very merger between alternative and mainstream culture made the debate around selling out seem very silly. Moreover Britney Spears and the boy bands ushered in a return of manufactured pop. By the early 2000s, everyone — from VICE editors to Total Request Live viewers — agreed that selling out was a dated concept. This backlash found its purest expression when critic Kelefa Sanneh — who spent his youth listening to obscure punk seven-inches and crafting Harvard radio’s notoriously snobby “rock test” — published an op-ed in the New York Times defending Ashlee Simpson for lip syncing on Saturday Night Live. Pop was good, he argued, precisely because it was an industrially manufactured product. This new critical ideology soon crystallized into an "anti-anti-sellout movement" known as “poptimism,” which gave fans of sophisticated culture blanket permission to engage with things made explicitly for profit.

The poptimist ideology succeeded because it made compelling points about why it was unfair to castigate selling out:

1. Artists deserve to make a livelihood: With music sales down after Napster, musicians needed to supplement their income with commercial sponsorship

2. Artists from marginalized communities tend to work in commercially-oriented genres: It was essentially bigotry to see R&B, disco, and teen pop as “lesser"

3. Commercial success is key to true cultural influence: Nirvana and Pearl Jam changed aesthetics because they sold a lot of records

These points were neither cynical nor nihilistic. There was a strong belief that loosening the taboo against selling out would allow art and creativity to flourish. A detente with the marketplace could make art more democratic, more diverse, more sustainable, and more impactful.

There is no question that the poptimists won this debate, and by the mid-Aughts, all lingering anxieties about selling out evaporated from youth culture. The Columbia University students who formed Vampire Weekend didn’t have to take day jobs at Accenture, because they could make a decent living composing Honda ditties alongside their catchy odes to generational wealth.

At this point, the new ideal for an artistic career is what I'd call the “single sell-out.” The artist was "allowed" to make a few commercial compromises to gain attention in the increasingly competitive marketplace, but once they achieved fame and fortune, they were expected to use their vaulted platform to provide the world with meaningful and ground-breaking art. This actually did happen: The Neptunes leveraged their strong track record of pop hits to push legitimately bizarre minimalist tracks like Clipse’s “Grindin’” and Snoop Dogg’s “Drop It Like It's Hot.”  Beyoncé’s “Formation” was musically adventurous, and the video is now considered “the best of all time.”

Unfortunately these examples became rarer and rarer over time. In fact, the 21st century has been the age of the “double sell-out”: Creators who produce market-friendly content to achieve fame — and then use that fame to pursue even more commerce-for-commerce's-sake. MrBeast is arguably one of the most important "creators" of our times. He dreams up, produces, and directs elaborate and sensational video content, which made him the #1 channel on YouTube. He then used this world-historical level of fame... to open a generic fast food chain. This has also become common amongst established stars: George Clooney worked hard for decades to become a well-respected actor... who could take the lead role in a Nespresso commercial.

YouTuber Emma Chamberlain may be the clearest example of the double-sellout, in that she could have taken a very different path. Chamberlain rose to fame through charming confessional videos, arguably a new art form for the internet age. And in not being a total sociopath like many other popular YouTubers, she won the endorsements of mainstream brands. In 2019, she became an official Louis Vuitton ambassador and has been one of the few digital-natives to still receive invitations to the Met Gala. By almost every metric, Chamberlain "made it."

Such fame and financial stability opened the door to a bewildering panoply of opportunity, so where did she put her non-video energy? She worked with her talent agency to create a brand of coffee called Chamberlain Coffee. There are already many coffee brands. What was the innovation Chamberlain hoped to bring to the world of coffee? Well, unlike other brands, Chamberlain Coffee is “passionate about providing high quality, delicious beverages.” Okay, but did she pursue some manner of product differentiation? “We believe that drinks can be more than just drinks, but sources of joy, inspiration and creativity in a cup.” But hold on: Chamberlain holds a very strong belief: “Coffee. For some people (aka me), it’s more than a drink. It’s a way to connect. It’s a way to share moments. And, ok, sometimes it’s just a way to wake up and get stuff done.” Alright.

On first glance, celebrity coffee brands appear to be cynical cash-grabs — a way to nudge captive audiences into buying merch on a monthly basis. They're actually much more cynical than that. James Hoffmann interviewed a guy from Masteroast, which produces the actual coffee for most of these brands. As that guy describes, "We no longer produce products. We produce a code." In this "paint by numbers" model, celebrities provide Masteroast with a diagnostic code outlying certain manufacturing parameters, which the company then automates into bags of mass-produced coffee.

The 20th century taboo against selling out was, at its heart, a communal norm to reward young artists who focused on craft and punish those who appropriated art and subculture for empty profiteering. Now the culture is most exemplified by people whose entire end goal appears to be empty profiteering.

Ultra-poptimists believe that celebrities have the god-given right to always be profitmaxxing — no questions asked — but the problem is that all this explicitly non-artistic output, such as moldy Lunchlys and charmless coffee, becomes the culture. MrBeast is a businessman masking as a creator, but unlike Mark Burnett, he is understood as a star engaged in personal cultural expression.

Whether we like it or not, culture operates on norms, and changes in norms have consequences. The old norm was "don't sell out." The new norm is "do sell-out," or maybe more charitably, "don't judge people on selling out." The outcome is Chamberlain Coffee. If we want different outcomes, we can change the norms, which conveniently costs no money. If we want culture to be culture and not just advertorials for a sprawling network of micro-QVCs pumping out low-quality goods, an easy step would be to re-shift the norms towards, at least, “Don’t be a double sell-out.” This is already a quite generous compromise in that it blesses artists to be conventional to stabilize their income and try to win over large fanbases. But this esteem must be given on the promise that the money and fame are used in pursuit of artistic or creative innovation. Double sell-outs don't deserve our esteem as "creative" people. They should be content with the reward they chose: the money extracted from fans who snap up their mediocre commodities out of parasocial loyalty.

The challenge for our times is to locate and elevate the artists using their platforms for art and other social goods rather than just securing further personal profit. Every time we don't condemn the double sell-outs, we're insulting those in pursuit of what used to be the clear goal: to move culture forward."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8WPlhdM7gMI">
    <title>“Both the US and Israel are delusional” with Jeffrey Sachs - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-16T03:57:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8WPlhdM7gMI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome the world-renowned economics professor and bestselling author, and Professor Jeffrey D. Sachs of Columbia University. They discuss the nature of U.S. global hegemony, idealism vs. realism, the possibility of de-dollarization, BRICS, the delusional notions of perpetual US and Israel hegemony, and why their killing lots of civilians does not translate into political victory, the influence of the Israel lobby in pushing for wars in the Middle East that goes against US interests, money in American politics, Arab state inaction given their leverage, what a “two state” solution actually means in the context of the genocide in Gaza and the end of the Biden administration. 

Watch the episode on our YouTube channel

Date of recording: January 7, 2025."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/34875395
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/both-the-us-and-israel-are-delusional-w-jeffrey-sachs ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/716349/falling-back-in-love-with-being-human-by-kai-cheng-thom/">
    <title>Falling Back in Love with Being Human by Kai Cheng Thom: 9780593594988 | PenguinRandomHouse.com: Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T04:18:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/716349/falling-back-in-love-with-being-human-by-kai-cheng-thom/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["ABOUT FALLING BACK IN LOVE WITH BEING HUMAN

A national bestseller in Canada, hailed by The New York Times as an “intimate expression of self-acceptance and forgiveness, tenderly written to fellow trans women and others.”

“Required reading.”—Glennon Doyle, #1 bestselling author of Untamed

A THEM AND AUTOSTRADDLE BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR • FINALIST FOR THE PAT LOWTHER MEMORIAL AWARD

What happens when we imagine loving the people—and the parts of ourselves—that we do not believe are worthy of love?

Kai Cheng Thom grew up a Chinese Canadian transgender girl in a hostile world. As an activist, psychotherapist, conflict mediator, and spiritual healer, she’s always pursued the same deeply personal mission: to embrace the revolutionary belief that every human being, no matter how hateful or horrible, is intrinsically sacred.

But then Kai Cheng found herself in a crisis of faith, overwhelmed by the viciousness with which people treated one another, and barely clinging to the values and ideals she’d built her life around: justice, hope, love, and healing. Rather than succumb to despair and cynicism, she gathered all her rage and grief and took one last leap of faith: she wrote. Whether prayers or spells or poems—and whether there’s a difference—she wrote to affirm the outcasts and runaways she calls her kin. She wrote to flawed but nonetheless lovable men, to people with good intentions who harm their own, to racists and transphobes seemingly beyond saving. What emerged was a blueprint for falling back in love with being human."]]></description>
<dc:subject>human humanity humanism kaichengthom hope love loving healing cynicism 2023 outcasts runaways activism</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thedigradio.com/podcast/democratic-dealignment-w-keeanga-yamahtta-taylor/">
    <title>Democratic Dealignment with Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor · The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-23T18:27:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/democratic-dealignment-w-keeanga-yamahtta-taylor/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor on Trump’s decisive victory, Harris’s catastrophic loss, multi-racial working-class dealignment, and where the left might go from here."

[See also:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/democratic-dealignment-w-keeanga-yamahtta-taylor/id1043245989?i=1000676321849 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2024 keeanga-yamahttataylor elections donaldtrump kamalaharris barackobama joebiden democrats reform technocracy continuity economics statusquo 2016 2020 2019 politics us inequality workingclass elitism billclinton neoliberalism populism classconflict welfarestate policy berniesanders danieldenvir smugness housing inflation deathsofdespair race racism blacklivesmatter left whiteprivilege virutuesignaling identitypolitics leftism solidarity knightsoflabor scottwalker iww opposition resistance hostility project2025 governance planning intolerance establishment deepstate government socialmedia online internet web deathpenalty policiebrutality discrimination border borders immigration policereform flipflopping fracking lizcheney iraqwar dickcheney 2008 cynicism history atlanta nyc suppression encampments colleges universities chicago philadelphia debate education politicaleducation copcity culture organizing politicalparties democracy thirdparties ralphnader dsa workingfamiliesparty hustleculture passiveincome cr</dc:subject>
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    <title>2024 Election was the Oligarchic Elite vs. Corporate Elite (with Chris Hedges) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-15T17:00:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=umDj2dUIQcA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, author, and minister Chris Hedges returns to Bad Faith for a left-focused deep dive into what happened on election night, what's next for the left, and the role spirituality may play in creating a sense of community that some are finding in the Joe Rogan media environment."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2024/nov/07/david-graeber-optimistic-anarchist-rebecca-solnit">
    <title>‘It does not have to be this way’: the radical optimism of David Graeber | Books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-13T18:28:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2024/nov/07/david-graeber-optimistic-anarchist-rebecca-solnit</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a new collection of his writing is published, Rebecca Solnit remembers her friend, the late activist and anarchist who believed ordinary people had the power to change the world"

...

"David Graeber was a joyful, celebratory person. An enthusiast, voluble, on fire with the possibilities in the ideas and ideologies he wrestled with. Every time we met – from New Haven in the early 00s to London a few years before his death in 2020 – he was essentially the same: beaming, rumpled, with a restless energy that seemed to echo the constant motion of his mind, words tumbling out as though they were, in their unstoppable abundance, overflowing. But he was also much respected in activist circles for being a good listener, and his radical egalitarianism was borne out in how he related to the people around him.

He was always an anthropologist. After doing fieldwork among traditional peoples in Madagascar, he just never stopped, but he turned his focus to his own society. Essays such as Dead Zones of the Imagination: On Violence, Bureaucracy, and ‘Interpretive Labor’ and his book Bullshit Jobs came from using the equipment of an anthropologist on stuff usually regarded as boring, or not regarded at all – the function and impact of bureaucracy. His 2011 bestseller on debt reminded us that money and finance are among the social arrangements that could be rearranged for the better.

He insisted, again and again, that industrialised Euro-American civilisation was, like other societies past and present, only one way of doing things among countless options. He cited times when societies rejected agriculture or technology or social hierarchy, when social groups chose what has often been dismissed as primitive because it was more free. And he rejected all the linear narratives that present contemporary human beings as declining from primordial innocence or ascending from primitive barbarism. He offered, in place of a single narrative, many versions and variations; a vision of societies as ongoing experiments, and human beings as endlessly creative. That variety was a source of hope for him, a basis for his recurrent insistence that it doesn’t have to be this way.

As Marcus Rediker wrote in his review of David’s posthumous book Pirate Enlightenment, “Everything Graeber wrote was simultaneously a genealogy of the present and an account of what a just society might look like.” He was concerned about inequality of all kinds, including gender inequality in this society and others, and the violence that enforces inequality and unfreedom, as well as how they might be delegitimised and where and when societies might have escaped them. He focused, in short, on freedom and its impediments.

He was often credited with coining the Occupy Wall Street slogan “We are the 99%”, but he insisted on paring his credit down to having contributed the 99% part to a phrase so compelling that “the 1%” remains a widely used description of the uppermost elite. “The 99%” is a hopeful phrase, in opposition to the old layer-cake description of the working, middle, and upper classes. It’s an assertion that the great majority of us are working, and often financially struggling or precarious; that most of us have a lot in common – and a lot of reasons to oppose the super-rich.

David took joy in his work, and in how that work intersected with actualities on the ground – especially with the radical movements of the late 1990s and the new millennium, including the anti-corporate-globalisation movement that peaked with the shutdown of the World Trade Organization ministerial conference in Seattle in 1999, the Zapatista uprising in Mexico that began in 1994, and the many forms of radical egalitarianism manifesting as direct-democracy experiments and resistance to unjust institutions and governments, especially 2011’s Occupy Wall Street, in which he was deeply involved.

That joy: maybe this is how everyone should feel about ideas and the ways that they open up or close off possibilities. The way that, as he wrote, “The ultimate hidden truth of the world is that it is something we make and could just as easily make differently.” If you truly believe that, if you perceive a world that is constructed according to certain assumptions and values, then you see that it can be changed, not least by changing those assumptions and values.

We have to recognise that ideas are tools that we wield – and with them, some power. David wanted to put these tools in everyone’s hands, or remind them that they are already there. Which is part of why he worked hard at – and succeeded in – writing in a style that wasn’t always simple but was always as clear and accessible as possible, given the material. Egalitarianism is a prose style, too. Our mutual friend the writer, film-maker, and debt abolitionist Astra Taylor texted him: “Re-reading Debt. You are such a damn good writer. A rare skill among lefties.” He texted back that August, a month before his demise: “Why thanks! Well at least I take care to do so – I call it ‘being nice to the reader,’ which is an extension of the politics, in a sense.”

In order to believe that people can govern themselves in the absence of coercive institutions and hierarchies, anarchists must have great faith in ordinary people, and David did. A sentence Lyndsey Stonebridge wrote about Hannah Arendt could apply equally well to him: “To fixate on her exceptional mind is to miss something that is important about her lessons in thinking: thinking is ordinary, she teaches; that is its secret power.”

He had a strained academic career, despite his brilliance and originality – or because of them. In the first book of his that I read, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, a tiny book bursting with big ideas, he wrote, “In the United States there are thousands of academic Marxists of one sort or another, but hardly a dozen scholars willing openly to call themselves anarchists … It does seem that Marxism has an affinity with the academy that anarchism never will. It was, after all, the only great social movement that was invented by a PhD, even if afterwards, it became a movement intending to rally the working class.” And then he argues that anarchism was not, by comparison, an idea created by a few intellectuals; instead, “the basic principles of anarchism – self-organisation, voluntary association, mutual aid” – have been around “as long as humanity.”

David’s recurrent rallying cry as both a scholar and an activist was: “It does not have to be this way.” Where academia can be cool and guarded, pulling away from direct engagement, he was warm and enthusiastic, wanting to see ideas lead to actions that could change the world. Taylor notes: “While he despised the tedium of academic bureaucracy, he loved activist meetings, savouring the ideological debates and revelling in various forms of planning, scheming, and mischief.” He was hopeful, not foolishly so, but due to the evidence he had amassed that human societies have taken myriad forms, that the people who are supposedly powerless can together wield quite a lot of power, and that ideas matter. One of my favourite scraps of information in Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology is about Madagascar’s Sakalava people, who officially revere dead kings – but these kings make their wishes known “through spirit mediums who are usually elderly women of commoner descent.” That is, a system officially led by elite men is controlled by non-elite women.

Hope is a tricky business among intellectuals and activists. Cynicism, though it’s often inaccurate about both human nature and political possibilities, gives the appearance of sophistication; despair is often seen as sophisticated and worldly-wise while hopefulness is seen as naive, when the opposite is not infrequently true. Hope is risky; you can lose, and you often do, but the records show that if you try, sometimes you win.

His essay Despair Fatigue opens: “Is it possible to become bored with hopelessness?” David’s superpower was being an outsider. He did not proceed from widely shared assumptions but sought to dismantle them, urging us to see they’re arbitrary, confining and optional, and inviting everyone into the spaces this opens up (while saluting those already there). So much of his writing says, in essence, “What happens if we don’t accept this?” – if we dissect it to see its origins and impacts, or if we reject it, if we lift it off like some burden we don’t have to carry, some outfit we don’t have to wear? What happens is we get free."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/the-employer-based-social-safety">
    <title>The Employer-Based Social Safety Is a Disaster. We Can End It.</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-30T04:56:35+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Business and labor are on the same side here."]]></description>
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Overview: What Is Media Literacy, Who Cares, and Why?, Gretchen Schwartz
RISE, DECLINE, AND RE-EMERGENCE OF MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES: 1960-2000, Ranjit Tigga
Echo Chambers and Epistemic Bubbles, C. Thi Nguyen
Understanding New Media Literacy: An Explorative Theoretical Framework, Tzu-Bin Lin, Jen-Yi Li, Feng Deng and Ling Lee
Why We Call Things 'Porn', C. Thi Nguyen"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ivd8so3vWjQ">
    <title>Internet Loneliness and Loss of Community - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-22T04:48:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ivd8so3vWjQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Timestamps:
0:00 intro
2:04 history of media resistance
7:03 anti-internet arguments
12:49 capitalism and the internet
19:22 milanote shoutout
21:32 back to the video
22:08 everything is so fast
25:16 superficial connection
28:35 internet activism
42:03 closing thoughts
-
Tags:
internet activism, slacktivism, capitalism, video essays, social media detox, social media is toxic, tiktok, tiktok attention span, extremely online, online activism, digitine, celebrity blockout 2024, shanspear, shanespeare, video essay pop culture"]]></description>
<dc:subject>shanspeare 2024 internet media history web online radio tv television 2010s 1990s 2000s plato stephenmarche technology isolation loneliness society digital slacktivism capitalism socialmedia tiktok attention distraction activism yvettevickers moralpanics moralism reading howweread sensationalism children mentalhealth guydebord spectacle jonathancrary capitalflows johnbellamyfoster robertmcchesney rapidity speed productivity comparison consumerism community dehumanization algorithms cynicism apathy separation individualism commodities commodityfetishism advocacy ignorance silence suppression simplicity engagement bds organizing boycotts boycott palestine israel starbucks abstinence onlineactivism celebrities metgala influencers digitine inequality precarity organization raybradbury fahrenheit451 despair whitesupremacy colonialism imperialism</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:83a1d14b5c62/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/our-your-pitiful-ethics-a-response-to-zadie-smiths-shibboleth/">
    <title>Our (Your) Pitiful Ethics!:  A Response to Zadie Smith’s “Shibboleth” - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-08T00:18:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/our-your-pitiful-ethics-a-response-to-zadie-smiths-shibboleth/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Since the publication of her debut novel, White Teeth (2000), Zadie Smith has been a darling of tastemakers across the Atlantic.  Much of her ensuing work feels like a love letter to the forces who anointed her into literary stardom.  Twenty-four years on, she continues to repay the favor. 

Her reflections on student activism in The New Yorker (where else?) represent a milestone in the venerable genre of Self-Important-Liberal-Novelist-Giving-Unwanted-Advice-To-Wayward-Youth-And-Uncouth-Radicals.  Most entries in the genre are merely obtuse and sanctimonious; Smith manages to also be sloppy and misinformed.  Give her credit.  She’s mastered the trick for which the haut monde sent her off into the world.  While positioning herself as a Deep Thinker detached from primitive loyalties, Smith painstakingly tethers expressions of ambiguity to the status quo, the most primal loyalty of all. 

Let’s examine the essay’s most egregious failures one-by-one: 

—In the first line, Smith writes, “A philosophy without a politics is common enough.”  It’s not at all common.  In fact, a philosophy without a politics is impossible.  Only a mind afflicted by upper-class rot could think otherwise. 

—Smith speaks of activism that can lead to arrest or other forms of punishment, concluding that it “represent[s] a level of personal sacrifice unimaginable to many of us.”  This royal “us” betrays Smith’s position as outsider and poseur.  In reality, sacrifice is eminently imaginable to the countless people who have chosen to act on their conscience and subsequently languished in prison, lost jobs and careers, or suffered exile and ostracism.  It is eminently imaginable to the very students on whom Smith lavishes so much scorn.  They are being punished in horrible ways and yet they keep going.  Sacrifice isn’t unimaginable to “many of us.”  It is unimaginable to Smith and her cohort of frivolous lickspittles.  This she confirms a few sentences later with what is supposed to be a droll anecdote about her inability to give up travel to New York for the sake of the environment.  “What pitiful ethical creatures we are (I am)!” she laments.  This singular (and parenthetical) flash of self-awareness, meant to be ironic and thus venial, is the only aspect of the essay worth the reader’s attention. 

—“The more than seven million Jewish human beings who live in the gap between the river and the sea will not simply vanish because you think that they should.”  Who has called for seven million Jews to vanish?  It is not a demand of any Palestinian political party, of the BDS movement, of pro-Palestine student organizations, of the vast Palestinian intellectual tradition, or of any Palestine solidarity community around the world.  Not a single spokesperson in any of the student encampments has even hinted at replacing or eliminating Israeli Jews.  To interpret Palestinian demands for freedom as inherently malicious is nothing more than crude racism dressed in humanistic affectations.  Smith, like too many of her Western contemporaries, believes herself capable of discussing Palestine without apparently having read a single Palestinian writer. 

—Regarding the encampment at Columbia University:  “…it may well be that a Jewish student walking past the tents, who finds herself referred to as a Zionist, and then is warned to keep her distance, is, in that moment, the weakest participant in the zone.”  Yes, and it may well be that an elephant wakes up one morning with a trunk attached to its ass.  The only Jewish students facing recrimination are those who have joined with their Palestinian classmates.  The ones agitating for genocide are supported by the entire corporate and political establishment. 

—“To send the police in to arrest young people peacefully insisting upon a ceasefire represents a moral injury to us all.  To do it with violence is a scandal.  How could they do less than protest, in this moment?  They are putting their own bodies into the machine.  They deserve our support and praise.”  Here’s the point at which a competent editor would have asked Smith if she planned on including any support and praise or if she just wants to keep bombarding college students with passive-aggressive bromides.  (The same editor might have explained that in the year 2024 pretentions of neutrality have become incredibly trite and boring.) 

—Smith tut-tuts protestors and their antagonists for simplifying “unbelievably labyrinthine histories.”  There are precisely three reasons why a person would describe the history of Zionist colonization as labyrinthine:  1) ignorance; 2) cynicism; 3) racism.  Ignorance is self-explanatory and the least troublesome of the options.  Cynicism might result from careerism or bootlicking or simple contempt for the downtrodden.  And racism of course arises from any form of Zionism, in this case the notion that Palestinians don’t deserve freedom because it would muck up the good times for everyone else. 

—“But it is in the nature of the political that we cannot even attend to such ethical imperatives unless we first know the political position of whoever is speaking.”  Finally a moment where the term “labyrinthine” is applicable.  I’m having trouble figuring out what Smith wants to say.  She’s probably confused, too, but, being a longstanding member of the cultural elite, understands that clarity is less important than satisfying the right audience.  Anyway, students are saying exactly what their position is, as Smith acknowledges elsewhere in the essay.  She just doesn’t accept it.  Perhaps she’s upset that the approval of Zadie Smith was never part of their calculation. 

I could explain why the essay also fails rhetorically, stylistically, and creatively, or go on about how it is thoughtless, ungenerous, superficial, but what’s the point?  It was doomed the moment that Smith decided she could philosophize without politics.  It only got worse when she changed her mind and then found ten different ways to butcher the word “political.” 

At one point, Smith seems to almost recognize that she’s talking a whole lot of bullshit and tries to preempt the inevitable backlash:  “The objection may be raised at this point that I am behaving like a novelist, expressing a philosophy without a politics, or making some rarefied point about language and rhetoric while people commit bloody murder.”  Incorrect yet again.  The objection is that you’re abetting a genocide."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita zadiesmith palestine israel politics 2024 neutrality violence statusquo protest liberalism zionism racism cynicism ignorance careerism bootlicking peace clarity ethics rhetoric genocide ethniccleansing colleges universities highereducation highered academia elitism gaza thenewyorker</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://psyche.co/ideas/william-james-was-right-about-our-strange-inner-experiences">
    <title>William James was right about our strange inner experiences | Psyche Ideas</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-06T23:33:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psyche.co/ideas/william-james-was-right-about-our-strange-inner-experiences</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Rather than Freud’s cynicism or Jung’s enthusiasm, we need an inquisitive approach to unusual forms of consciousness"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2024 williamjames psychology davidyaden freud jung cynicism inquiry spirituality theology science consciousness friedrichschiller numinous lifeofthemind psychotherapy pragmatism mentallife life supernatural drugs carljung psychedelics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1.7032238">
    <title>CBC Massey Lectures | #1: Cura’s Gift | CBC.ca</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-23T19:44:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1.7032238</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Insecurity has become a "defining feature of our time," says CBC Massey lecturer Astra Taylor. The Winnipeg-born writer and filmmaker explores how rising inequality, declining mental health, the climate crisis, and the threat of authoritarianism originate from a social order built on insecurity. In her first lecture, she explores the existential insecurity we can’t escape — and the manufactured insecurity imposed on us from above."]]></description>
<dc:subject>astrataylor 2023 insecurity crisis crises housing mentalhealth socialorder police policing beauty inequality climatecrisis climatechange authoritarianism security risk randomness stoics existentialism power control life living worry covid-19 coronavirus pandemic empathy solidarity appearance intelligence health age discrimination apprehension self-aggrandizement coping online internet energy freedom hustle hustleculture self-care survival hierarchy hierarchies history ancientgreece buddhism zenbuddhism liberalism capitalism latecapitalism needs consumerism consumption discontent manufactureddisconsent manufacturedinsecurity myths myth exploitation profit profits culture democracy debtcollective debt socialsafetynet expectation deprivation wealth wealthdistribution economics emotions shame suffering competition haves havenots indigence opulence commonalities illness depression anxiety addiction drugs drugabuse status stress billionaires ecology environment sustainability socialjustice justice progress</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://pluralistic.net/2024/01/15/passive-income-brainworms/#four-hour-work-week">
    <title>Pluralistic: Sympathy for the spammer (15 Jan 2024) – Pluralistic: Daily links from Cory Doctorow</title>
    <dc:date>2024-01-16T23:07:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pluralistic.net/2024/01/15/passive-income-brainworms/#four-hour-work-week</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In any scam, any con, any hustle, the big winners are the people who supply the scammers – not the scammers themselves. The kids selling dope on the corner are making less than minimum wage, while the respectable crime-bosses who own the labs clean up. Desperate "retail investors" who buy shitcoins from Superbowl ads get skinned, while the MBA bros who issue the coins make millions (in real dollars, not crypto).

It's ever been thus. The California gold rush was a con, and nearly everyone who went west went broke. Famously, the only reliable way to cash out on the gold rush was to sell "picks and shovels" to the credulous, doomed and desperate. That's how Leland Stanford made his fortune, which he funneled into eugenics programs (and founding a university):

https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/malcolm-harris/palo-alto/9780316592031/

That means that the people who try to con you are almost always getting conned themselves. Think of Multi-Level Marketing (MLM) scams. My forthcoming novel The Bezzle opens with a baroque and improbable fast-food Ponzi in the town of Avalon on the island of Catalina, founded by the chicle monopolist William Wrigley Jr:

http://thebezzle.org

Wrigley found fast food declasse and banned it from the island, a rule that persists to this day. In The Bezzle, the forensic detective Martin Hench uncovers The Fry Guys, an MLM that flash-freezes contraband burgers and fries smuggled on-island from the mainland and sells them to islanders though an "affiliate marketing" scheme that is really about recruiting other affiliate marketers to sell under you. As with every MLM, the value of the burgers and fries sold is dwarfed by the gigantic edifice of finance fraud built around it, with "points" being bought and sold for real cash, which is snaffled up and sucked out of the island by a greedy mainlander who is behind the scheme.

A "bezzle" is John Kenneth Galbraith's term for "the magic interval when a confidence trickster knows he has the money he has appropriated but the victim does not yet understand that he has lost it." In every scam, there's a period where everyone feels richer – but only the scammers are actually cleaning up. The wealth of the marks is illusory, but the longer the scammer can preserve the illusion, the more real money the marks will pump into the system.

MLMs are particularly ugly, because they target people who are shut out of economic opportunity – women, people of color, working people. These people necessarily rely on social ties for survival, looking after each others' kids, loaning each other money they can't afford, sharing what little they have when others have nothing.

It's this social cohesion that MLMs weaponize. Crypto "entrepreneurs" are encouraged to suck in their friends and family by telling them that they're "building Black wealth." Working women are exhorted to suck in their bffs by appealing to their sisterhood and the chance for "women to lift each other up."

The "sales people" trying to get you to buy crypto or leggings or supplements are engaged in predatory conduct that will make you financially and socially worse off, wrecking their communities' finances and shattering the mutual aid survival networks they rely on. But they're not getting rich on this – they're also being scammed:

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4686468

This really hit home for me in the early 2000s, when I was still editing Boing Boing. We had a submission form where our readers could submit links for us to look at for inclusion on the blog, and it was overwhelmed by spam. We'd add all kinds of antispam to it, and still, we'd get floods of hundreds or even thousands of spam submissions to it.

One night, I was lying in my bed in London and watching these spams roll in. They were all for small businesses in the rustbelt, handyman services, lawn-care, odd jobs, that kind of thing. They were 10 million miles from the kind of thing we'd ever post about on Boing Boing. They were coming in so thickly that I literally couldn't finish downloading my email – the POP session was dropping before I could get all the mail in the spool. I had to ssh into my mail server and delete them by hand. It was maddening.

Frustrated and furious, I started calling the phone numbers associated with these small businesses, demanding an explanation. I assumed that they'd hired some kind of sleazy marketing service and I wanted to know who it was so I could give them a piece of my mind.

But what I discovered when I got through was much weirder. These people had all been laid off from factories that were shuttering due to globalization. As part of their termination packages, their bosses had offered them "retraining" via "courses" in founding their own businesses.

The "courses" were the precursors to the current era's rise-and-grind hustle-culture scams (again, the only people getting rich from that stuff are the people selling the courses – the "students" finish the course poorer). They promised these laid-off workers, who'd given their lives to their former employers before being discarded, that they just needed to pull themselves up by their own boostraps:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/04/10/declaration-of-interdependence/#solidarity-forever

After all, we had the internet now! There were so many new opportunities to be your own boss! The course came with a dreadful build-your-own-website service, complete with an overpriced domain sales portal, and a single form for submitting your new business to "thousands of search engines."

This was nearly 20 years ago, but even then, there was really only one search engine that mattered: Google. The "thousands of search engines" the scammers promised to submit these desperate peoples' websites to were just submission forms for directories, indexes, blogs, and mailing lists. The number of directories, indexes, blogs and mailing lists that would publish their submissions was either "zero" or "nearly zero." There was certainly no possibility that anyone at Boing Boing would ever press the wrong key and accidentally write a 500-word blog post about a leaf-raking service in a collapsing deindustrialized exurb in Kentucky or Ohio.

The people who were drowning me in spam weren't the scammers – they were the scammees.

But that's only half the story. Years later, I discovered how our submission form was getting included in this get-rich-quick's mass-submission system. It was a MLM! Coders in the former Soviet Union were getting work via darknet websites that promised them relative pittances for every submission form they reverse-engineered and submitted. The smart coders didn't crack the forms directly – they recruited other, less business-savvy coders to do that for them, and then often as not, ripped them off.

The scam economy runs on this kind of indirection, where scammees are turned into scammers, who flood useful and productive and nice spaces with useless dross that doesn't even make them any money. Take the submission queue at Clarkesworld, the great online science fiction magazine, which famously had to close after it was flooded with thousands of junk submission "written" by LLMs:

https://www.npr.org/2023/02/24/1159286436/ai-chatbot-chatgpt-magazine-clarkesworld-artificial-intelligence "

...

"The quest for passive income is really the quest for a "greater fool," the economist's term for the person who relieves you of the useless crap you just overpaid for. It rots the mind, atomizes communities, shatters solidarity and breeds cynicism: https://pluralistic.net/2023/02/24/passive-income/#swiss-cheese-security "

...

"Hustle culture and passive income are about turning other peoples' dollars into your dimes. It is a negative-sum activity, a net drain on society. Behind every seemingly successful "passive income" is a con artist who's getting rich by promising – but not delivering – that elusive passive income, and then blaming the victims for not hustling hard enough:"]]></description>
<dc:subject>hustleculture scams scamming 2024 corydoctorow latecapitalism capitalism entrepreneurship bots spam crypto crtyptocurrencies bitcoin passiveincome economics solidarity cynicism fraud pyramidschemes ponzischemes ai artificialintelligence lelandstanford eugenics mlms exploitation multilevelmarketing california history williamwrigleyjr martinhench johnkennethglabraith unemployment self-employment globalization openai web internet online amazon automation latestagecapitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.techwontsave.us/episode/196_the_human_side_of_the_ai_underclass_w_joanne_mcneil">
    <title>The Human Side of the AI Underclass w/ Joanne McNeil - Episodes - Tech Won’t Save Us</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-03T16:56:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.techwontsave.us/episode/196_the_human_side_of_the_ai_underclass_w_joanne_mcneil</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Notes
Paris Marx is joined by Joanne McNeil to discuss her new novel dealing with the human labor behind self-driving cars and the challenges of being a good tech critic.

Guest
Joanne McNeil is the author of Wrong Way and has written for Dissent Magazine, New York Magazine, and The Nation.

Links
- Joanne has written about the need for tech critics that aren’t insiders and tech media warming back up to Facebook.
- Paris wrote about the recent scandal around GM’s Cruise division.
- In 2014, Ursula Le Guin was awarded the National Book Foundation’s Medal for - Distinguished Contribution to American Letters and gave a speech that skewered capitalism.
- Joanne’s fictional tech founder was in part inspired by Holacracy and Dan Price.
- The fantasy of self-driving cars is highly reliant on remote drivers.

Similar
- The Fight Over the Future of OpenAI w/ Mike Isaac
- Elon Musk Unmasked: Creating the Genius Myth (Part 2)
- Elon Musk Unmasked: Origins of an Oligarch (Part 1)
- The Real History of the Luddites w/ Brian Merchant']]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8CNOS0v8v5c">
    <title>What Liberals Get Wrong about the Right with Corey Robin - Factually! - 236 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-22T21:19:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8CNOS0v8v5c</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It's easy to caricature those on the political far right as outlandish, cartoonish, and bizarre, and easier still to dismiss their agendas as irrational or uninformed. This, however, can be a tremendous mistake. Assessing political rivals requires not just learning the history of their influences and principles, but also remembering that they are real people. In this episode, Adam speaks with Corey Robin, Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College, to learn the history of where the far right movement emerged from, and what we can learn from evaluating them honestly."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wNdJOX_hk58">
    <title>If I were President w/ Dr. Cornel West - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-22T21:12:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wNdJOX_hk58</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dr. Cornel West is a prolific author, professor, preacher, and activist.  He is running for US President in 2024. We ask Dr. West how his campaign challenges the brutalities of settler colonialism while also lifting the spirits of people in struggle.

Learn more about his campaign here
https://www.cornelwest24.org/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K6MLtFeZcak">
    <title>Our History Has Always Been Contraband: In Defense of Black Studies - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-20T21:54:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K6MLtFeZcak</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor and Robin D.G. Kelley for a conversation about perspectives for fighting back against racism today.

Since its founding as a discipline, Black Studies has been under relentless attack by social and political forces seeking to discredit and neutralize it. Most recently, legislatures across the country have moved to ban Black Studies from curricula, while the right mobilizes outrage against librarians and educators. These attacks come in the context of a backlash against the popular 2020 uprising against racism and police violence, and are being amplified in the halls of power from Congress to the Supreme Court.

Join Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor and Robin D.G. Kelley, co-editors with Colin Kaepernick of the new book Our History Has Always Been Contraband: In Defense of Black Studies, for a wide-ranging conversation about perspectives for fighting back against racism today, from the classroom to the streets.

Speakers:

Robin D. G. Kelley is Professor and Gary B. Nash Endowed Chair in U.S. History at UCLA. He is the author of Hammer and Hoe, Race Rebels, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, and Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times of an American Original, among other titles. His writing has been featured in the Journal of American History, American Historical Review, Black Music Research Journal, African Studies Review, New York Times, The Crisis, The Nation, and Voice Literary Supplement.

Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor writes and speaks on Black politics, social movements, and racial inequality in the United States. She is the author of Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership, published in 2019 by University of North Carolina Press. Race for Profit was a semi-finalist for the 2019 National Book Award and a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in History in 2020. She is a 2021 MacArthur Foundation Fellow. Her earlier book From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation won the Lannan Cultural Freedom Award for an Especially Notable Book in 2016. She is also editor of How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, which won the Lambda Literary Award for LGBQT nonfiction in 2018. She is a contributing writer at The New Yorker and Professor of African American Studies at Princeton University."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/">
    <title>Neoliberal Keywords: Creative, Passionate, Confident - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2023-06-13T20:29:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Some recent dispatches from my university inbox:

<blockquote>Everything Is Fine: A Toolkit for Surviving and Thriving in Grad School … 

Register for our Empowered Educator Online Conference … Leverage technology to increase students’ digital literacy and career readiness … 

The most important thing you will do in this role (and maybe your entire career!) is be a part of building the future of education for your area of domain expertise. You will design a program to teach traditional school subjects but in a non-traditional way. If you are a passionate subject matter expert who believes that technology—not teachers—is the key to unlocking students’ full learning potential, then this job is for you.</blockquote>

There is something so banal, even embarrassing, in the aggressive positivity and predictable cant of these emails. Such exhortations have become ubiquitous on the corporatized university campus, where a diverse cast of players—administrators, student clubs, brand ambassadors, Christian ministries, military recruiters, corporate employers, fitness organizations, test prep companies—coalesce around a shared set of keywords. But when did we all become so empowered, passionate, and self-enterprising? And how did having those qualities get to be so important?

Three new books address those questions, each dismantling a core myth of neoliberal discourse. In The Cult of Creativity: A Surprisingly Recent History, Samuel W. Franklin uncovers the contemporary premium placed on “creativity” as a product of postwar US anxiety. Passionate Work: Endurance After the Good Life, by Renyi Hong, critiques the contemporary idea of “passion” for one’s work as an affective tool for managing the disappointments, alienation, and injustices of labor under late capitalism. And in Confidence Culture, Shani Orgad and Rosalind Gill contend that the contemporary discourse of self-empowerment directed at women—both a “culture” and a “cult”—represents a neoliberal strand of feminism that makes the individual responsible for improving her own circumstances rather than addressing systemic and institutional injustices.

Together, these books provide historical context for some of neoliberalism’s most persistent idioms: grit, resilience, initiative, innovation, positive mindset, and self-improvement. The books also remind us of the stakes of language in all this. When we continue to rely on such keywords, we obscure the structural reality—and political urgency—of issues like worker precarity and widening economic inequality. Our linguistic repetition reinforces the unquestioned “truth” of the words themselves, and we thus naturalize political problems as personal ones."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2021/05/the-brazilianization-of-the-world/">
    <title>The Brazilianization of the World - American Affairs Journal</title>
    <dc:date>2023-01-09T22:19:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2021/05/the-brazilianization-of-the-world/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Indeed, this story of regression is now perhaps most conspicuous in the Global North, which today is demonstrating many of the features that have plagued the Global South: not just inequality and informalization of work, but increasingly venal elites, political vola­tility, and social ungluing. Is the rich world not also becoming “modern but not modern enough,” but in reverse?"

...

"The Brazilianization of the World

Modernization everywhere meant the destruction of old feudal ves­tiges in the countryside, urbanization, and the incorporation of the masses through formalized work in an industrializing society. This process would generalize wealth and citizenship—or at least, it would form an urban proletariat who would fight for these rights, gaining concessions and thereby disciplining elites. It would root out patri­monial and clientelist relationships. Politics would become more regularized, ordered along ideological lines, with salutary effects on the state and its bureaucracy—at least in the most advanced countries.

The undoing of modernization through its principal process—the coming apart of formal employment and of the rise of precaritization—is the root of the whole phenomenon of “Brazilianization”: growing inequality, oligarchy, the privatization of wealth and social space, and a declining middle class. Its spatial, urban dimension is its most visible manifestation, with the development of gentrified city centers and the excluded pushed to the periphery.

In political terms, Brazilianization means patrimonialism, clientelism, and corruption. Rather than see these as aberrations, we should understand them as the normal state of politics when widely shared economic progress is not available, and the socialist Left can­not act as a countervailing force. It was the industrial proletariat and socialist politics that kept liberalism honest, and prevented elites from instrumentalizing the state for their own interests.

The “revolt of the elites”—their escape from society, physically into heavily guarded private spaces, economically into the realm of global finance, politically into anti-democratic arrangements that out­source responsibility and inhibit accountability—has created hol­lowed-out neoliberal states. These are polities closed to popular pres­sures but open to those with the resources and networks to directly influence politics. The practical consequence is not just corruption, but also states lacking the capacity to undertake any long-range developmental policies—even basic ones that might advance economic growth, such as the easing of regional inequalities. State failure in the pandemic is only the most flagrant recent example.

Brazil’s ignoble history of irresolution and indeterminacy, cou­pled with a dualized society in which hustling is essential to survival, gave birth to Brazilian cynicism. Increasingly, the West is coming to ape this same pattern. Not only does there seem to be no way past capitalist stagnation, but politics is characterized by a void between people and politics, citizens and the state. The ruling class’s relation to the masses is one of condescension. Elites call anyone who revolts against the contemporary order racist, sexist, or some other delegitimizing term. They also advance outlandish conspiracy theories for why electorates have failed to vote for their favored candidate—most visibly with “Russiagate” in the United States and beyond. This phenomenon, dubbed Neoliberal Order Breakdown Syndrome, only breeds further cynicism in Western publics, who are increasingly taken with conspiracy theories of their own. This is another Brazilian speciality: in a country with very low levels of institutional trust and plentiful examples of actual conspiracies, conspiracy theories flourish.

Revolts against the establishment, when they aren’t driven by QAnon-style derangement, wield the weapon of anti-politics, where­by not only formal politics, but representation and political authority itself are rejected. Anti-politics tends to result in either a delegitimation of democracy itself, leading to authoritarian rule, or it prompts technocrats to learn from populists, returning to the scene promising an end to corruption and real change. The result is the same sort of distant, out-of-touch politics that prompted anti-political revolts in the first place. Brazil’s history from 2013 to 2019 is this dynamic presented in pure, crystallized form. But the same pattern is visible in Italy’s Five-Star Movement, the anti-corruption protests that led to Viktor Orbán’s ascent in Hungary, Trump, and Boris Johnson’s technopopulist attempt to defuse Brexit.

Society of the Void

What might the response to Brazilianization look like? Perhaps we are seeing a movement towards a more protective state, more jealous in its guarding of sovereignty and eager to offer citizens a more paternal relationship. Clearly, the pandemic seems to be pushing things in this direction, with state support and direct cash transfers to citizens marking President Biden’s first months in office. But the state is transforming in other ways too. Straitened conditions for profitability appear to be leading to an ever-greater interlinking of political and economic power, furthering a process that has been called “accu­mulation by dispossession.” Even Robert Brenner, doyen of the study of the transition from feudalism to capitalism, has hinted that we may be undergoing a transition from capitalism to something else entirely.

The high point of globalization, in economic relations as well as ideology, has already passed. But the dualization of society and the “flexibilization” of labor continues apace. No doubt, “revolting elites” may conclude things will only get worse from here and seek to shelter themselves even further from social consequences. Not only that, but the growing dualization of societies across the West creates a society of the void: the void between the winners of the new economy and the rest, and the void between the state and citizens. Fears of populism, complaints about bureaucratic incompetence, lack of lead­ership, and general political volatility and incoherence—things that concern economic elites—are symptoms of this void. They would do well to remember this.

It is here that the debate over neo-feudalism comes into view, with its four interlocking features, which bear resemblance to Brazilianization: parceled sovereignty, new lords and peasants, hinterlandization, and catastrophism. But the argument advanced here is that what we are seeing is precisely not a return of the old. It is the expression of tendencies immanent to capitalist modernity. To see the globalization of degraded social conditions and capitalist dependence on the state—features that have long been a reality in the global periphery—as a return to “feudalism” is not only misguided but Eurocentric. Never­theless, if we are indeed living through the end of the society of work and its accompanying modernization, with the inevitable consequences for social and political integration, then capitalism will be more reliant than ever on the state—not just for regulation and the provi­sion of physical and legal infrastructure, but to participate directly in the extraction of value or the guaranteeing of profits, be it through the transference of wealth upwards or the creation of artificial scarcity.

Is this a stable arrangement? Brazil’s unceasing turbulence since 2013 began with Brazilians becoming sick of mere “inclusion through consumption.” It is clear that our contemporary drift cannot continue indefinitely. Cash transfers may buy elites time, just as private debt-fueled consumption did for the last few decades, while wages stagnat­ed. But the post-pandemic world will not settle down; Brazilianized state failures in the richest and most powerful countries in the world are laid bare for everyone to see. At the End of the End of History, protests, revolts, and uprisings have become a global phenomenon, perhaps presaging a more general insurrection. Denunciation of elites will not be enough; seizing collective control of our destiny, taking responsibility for our future, will be required, lest another wave of popular agitation all end in pizza."]]></description>
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    <title>Between Chaos and the Man: How not to become an anarchist, by Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-09T10:23:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I first heard of anarchism around forty-five years ago, as a teenage member of the Science Fiction Book Club. One day the U.S. Postal Service delivered a novel by Ursula K. Le Guin called The Dispossessed, which I read as soon as it arrived and immediately declared my favorite book—even better than Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood’s End or Loren Eiseley’s The Immense Journey, which had until that moment shared the honor. Then I dug out a moldy volume of our old World Book Encyclopedia and read about the history of anarchism.

My enthusiasm soon—I almost said faded, but that’s not quite right: lacking a point of focus, it diffracted. I retained my enthusiasm but didn’t know where to direct it. I hold Le Guin partly responsible, because she was too intelligent and honest a writer to portray her anarchist society as anything but “an ambiguous utopia,” as a cover blurb of a later edition put it, in a formulation that would eventually become the effective subtitle of the book. Even an anarchist society is made up of human beings, and we all know the warping that inevitably happens when that crooked timber is one’s primary building material. Le Guin made anarchism beautiful but also human—and therefore questionable.

I also came to feel increasingly strongly that I lived in a country dominated by two parties, two parties that could not be dislodged, and that could not be persuaded to take anarchist ideas seriously. Again and again I watched third-party candidates who deviated only slightly from political orthodoxy spring up and then wither away, along with the movements in which they were rooted; what chance, then, did something as bizarre as anarchism have? Anarchism was, I decided, fascinating in science fiction but irrelevant to the world in which I actually lived.

That was the story I told myself, anyway. Looking back, I see that there were other forces at work: a disinclination to marginalize myself; a reluctance to follow paths of thought that might lead to discomfort, or to unpleasant choices; and perhaps most important, an inchoate sense that I didn’t hold anarchism’s view of human nature. But none of this caused me to forget anarchism’s appeal.

Since that encounter with The Dispossessed I have read a great deal in the history of this subject. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was pedantic; Peter Kropotkin was sometimes stimulating but often dreary; Murray Bookchin was my best guide through the thickets of intra-anarchist divisions and hostilities, but he couldn’t help me cut them down to a reasonable density. Sometimes I felt that the most useful readings came not from self-declared anarchists but from anarchism-adjacent scholars such as Marshall Sahlins, whose Stone Age Economics makes a charming and largely convincing defense of the leisurely lives of hunter-gatherers—though it didn’t help me understand how I could adopt, even in a distant way, their approach to the basic problem of staying fed and clothed with the least possible expenditure of energy.

Sahlins’s argument is more than half a century old now, so I looked forward to reading a “new history of humanity,” The Dawn of Everything, by David Graeber and David Wengrow (a book completed just before Graeber’s sudden death in September 2020, at the age of fifty-nine). Their dismantling of the established sequence of social development that progresses from hunter-gatherer bands to agricultural tribes to urban kingdoms to our very own modern nation-states convinced me; they make clear through innumerable examples that the sequence is simply a myth. But I didn’t know where to take their ideas. Graeber and Wengrow are like Sixties gurus telling me to free my mind. Okay, so my mind feels freer now—what do I do with my freedom? Why am I even still drawn to this stuff? Trying to understand my own curious addiction, I decided to reread The Dispossessed.

The novel begins in a place called Anarres—the moon of the planet Urras—where we meet Le Guin’s protagonist, a physicist named Shevek. One of the most profound ambiguities of The Dispossessed involves the poverty of Anarres: its people live at scarcely better than a subsistence level, in dramatic contrast to the wealth and luxury experienced by many on Urras. But cause and effect are uncertain here. The Anarresti are the descendants of a revolutionary anarchist movement that arose on Urras two centuries earlier—they are called Odonians, after a political philosopher and revolutionary leader named Odo. The result of the Odonians’ revolution was not the rule of their own world, but rather the granting of exclusive residence on the arid and barely habitable Anarres. Their collective life is a kind of gift, and a kind of exile.

It is easy and partly correct to say that the resource-poor environment of Anarres ensured that its residents would live simply; but it is equally true to say that simplicity was what the Odonians preferred. They stood a better chance of adhering to that preference, and of remaining anarchist, on a world that never tempted them with a lush life and (therefore) a more differentiated social order. Ample natural resources and hierarchical political structures—such as existed on Urras, especially in the nation called A-Io—lead to innovation and productivity; but they also lead to inequality, injustice, and the exploitation of the world and its creatures, including its human creatures.

Every social order comes with trade-offs. The Odonians of Anarres know they have given up comforts that those on Urras would deem necessities. Most of them warmly accept those sacrifices, and indeed don’t think of them as sacrifices, because they believe themselves to be amply compensated by their freedom and egalitarian social solidarity. When Shevek visits A-Io, and meets some of its residents, he thinks, “They knew no relation but possession. They were possessed.” By contrast, the Anarresti have been dispossessed by Urras—and by themselves.

Dispossession initiates a particular kind of order. Proudhon, in the middle of the nineteenth century, asserted that liberty is “not the daughter but the mother of order,” and that “society seeks order in anarchy.” Anarchists do not reject order or rule or governance but insist that in a healthy society these things cannot be imposed from above—from some arche, some authoritative source. Rather they emerge from negotiations between social equals. When complex phenomena arise from simple rules distributed throughout a large population—as can be seen best in social insects and slime molds—modern humans tend to be puzzled. For a long time scientists thought that there had to be intelligent queens in bee colonies giving directions to the other bees, because how else could the behavior within colonies be explained? The idea that the complexity simply emerges from the rigorous application of a handful of simple behavioral rules is hard for us to grasp. Bees and ants demonstrate how anarchy is order. It’s a shame that Proudhon did not know this.

On Anarres, “negotiations between social equals” happen within the ambit of a particular task or project or profession. Shevek, for example, is part of a self-organizing and self-maintaining syndic of scientists, in which responsibilities are typically assumed by volunteers. Shevek wants to work on highly technical problems of theoretical physics, which makes him grateful that others are willing to take on the inevitable administrative tasks. One of these others is a man named Sabul, who serves as the conduit through whom scientific papers move from Anarres to Urras, Urras to Anarres. For the student of anarchism, Sabul may be the novel’s most significant character.

It is often said—not least by central figures in the history of anarchist thought—that anarchism as a political philosophy depends on a belief in the essential goodness of human beings. In an essay titled “Are You An Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You!,” Graeber poses the following question: “Do you believe that human beings are fundamentally corrupt and evil . . . ?” He continues, “If you answered ‘yes,’ then, well, it looks like you aren’t an anarchist after all.” But much hinges here on what is meant by “fundamentally corrupt and evil.” I don’t believe that everyone is wicked altogether; I don’t believe that without the restraint of law we would have what Thomas Hobbes called the “War of every man against every man.” But I do believe that everything we human beings do is to some extent infected by selfishness, by pride, by the often unconscious desire to make ourselves superior to others in some way—perhaps in wealth, perhaps in power, perhaps in virtue. Does this mean that I can’t be an anarchist after all?

Anarchism depends, Kropotkin claims in his seminal book Mutual Aid, on the belief that cooperation and reciprocity come more naturally to humans than competition and a desire for dominance do. When I first read Kropotkin’s argument, decades after encountering The Dispossessed, I found it unconvincing—because I remembered Sabul.

I remembered Sabul because, however strongly and sincerely he may affirm Odonian principles, he is not at all cooperative. He is, rather, intensely protective of his little field of authority. Jealous of Shevek’s more powerful mind, he gums up the works, preventing, as best he can, any real communication between Shevek and physicists on Urras. Indeed, the crucial events of the book are set in motion by Shevek’s decision to travel to Urras, and he makes that decision only because of Sabul’s petty obstructionism.

For those who associate anarchism with a belief in the cooperativeness of human beings, the key word in that sentence will probably be “obstructionism.” Does not Sabul’s jealousy of Shevek, and his determination to achieve and maintain control, suggest that a society built on the assumption of voluntary, emergent mutual aid is a pipe dream?

For me, though—a person with an exceptionally low anthropology, a skepticism about human motives that borders on the cynical—the key word is “petty.” The decentralized character of Anarresti society means that, however tyrannical Sabul may be in temperament, he does not and cannot exercise tyranny. In a more structured and hierarchical society he would be far more dangerous. As I reflected on these matters, it seemed to me that—whatever Graeber and Kropotkin may have thought to the contrary—anarchism may well be the ideal political philosophy for those of us who believe in original sin.

In every sector of society we are afflicted by a hierarchical centralization, a concentration of power in the hands of a few, typically a few who are directly accountable to no one—least of all to us, the people. Standards and canons of efficiency have come to rule all: the era in which “mechanization takes command”—the title of a 1948 book by Sigfried Giedion—has given way to the era of what Nikil Saval has called “self-Taylorizing,” the psychological internalization of the impulse toward efficiency and productivity. And only anarchic order, as far as I can tell, offers any real hope of rescue.

An accurate assessment of the character of the moment is needed here. Those of us drawn to any scheme of decentralization, either anarchism or the Distributism of G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, are often treated to a litany of the gifts of modern civilization that would be absent in an anarchist society. One could argue about the quality of those gifts—the meaning of the German word Gift comes to mind: poison—but I think it more expedient to waive the point. I am not at all certain that any of us are better off with iPhones than we were without them but, sure, let’s posit that iPhones are wonderful, gifts in the English sense rather than the German. Without contesting that point let’s simply say: enough is enough.

As I noted earlier, I was fascinated but also somewhat confused by The Dawn of Everything. It was meant—before Graeber’s untimely death—to be the first of several volumes. Maybe Wengrow will write the successors, and maybe they will clarify the path forward, but in the interim, I found myself knowing very well what it means to be interested in anarchism but not at all what it means to become an anarchist. I found myself wondering whether “How do I become an anarchist?” is even the right question. Maybe (I thought) becoming an anarchist is a very un-anarchistic thing to do.

Around the time The Dispossessed came out, Le Guin published a kind of pendant to it, a short story called “The Day Before the Revolution,” in which Odo spends the eve of the revolution that will lead to the colonization of Anarres not dreaming of the future but lost in her past. Living with her disciples, most of them much younger, she realizes that they dress in a way that would have been considered immodest in her youth. By contrast, she continues to dress in accordance with the conventions of her own upbringing. “They had grown up in the principle of freedom of dress and sex and all the rest, and she hadn’t. All she had done was invent it. It’s not the same.” When she speaks of her late “husband” Asieo, her followers grow uncomfortable. “The word she should use as a good Odonian, of course, was ‘partner.’ ” But, Odo reflects, “Why the hell did she have to be a good Odonian?” The leader of an anarchist movement has become uncomfortable as anarchy has settled into habit, into structure, into expectation. There is something livelier and more human about being Odo than there is about being an Odonian. Which may be another way of saying: something more anarchic.

One of the ways the Anarresti are dispossessed is through their language, called Pravic, which doesn’t dispense with possessive pronouns altogether but is idiomatically resistant to them. “To say ‘this one is mine and that’s yours’ in Pravic, one said, ‘I use this one and you use that.’ ” A child is encouraged to say not “my mother” but “the mother.” It is significant, though, that we are told all this about Pravic because a friend of Shevek’s, who learns that he plans to work with Sabul, warns him: “You will be his man.” The use of the possessive startles Shevek, but eventually he learns the ways in which that uncommon usage was appropriate. These tensions between Pravic and its speakers indicate what language can’t do; what politics can’t do; and what order, even the order that is anarchy, can’t do.

“State is the name for the coldest of all cold monsters,” Nietzsche writes in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. In the same passage he elaborates:

Every people speaks its own tongue of good and evil: this the neighbor does not understand. It has invented its own language of customs and rights. But the state lies in all the tongues of good and evil.

Is not Pravic, subtly yet necessarily, the tongue of a kind of state?

In “The Day Before the Revolution” Odo—an elderly woman, suffering the effects of a stroke—walks slowly through the city she lives in, and thinks, “There would not be slums like this, if the Revolution prevailed.” She continues:

But there would be misery. There would always be misery, waste, cruelty. She had never pretended to be changing the human condition, to be Mama taking tragedy away from the children so they won’t hurt themselves. Anything but. So long as people were free to choose, if they chose to drink flybane and live in sewers, it was their business. Just so long as it wasn’t the business of Business, the source of profit and the means of power for other people.

At another point in the story Odo quotes herself: “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice.” Is this statement profound—or fatuous? I think it’s fatuous in our current social order, in which choice is always already governed by the logic and power of consumption: that we choose is an illusion that it’s the business of Business to maintain. But if you ask yourself in what circumstances might this sentence be necessary wisdom, maybe it will look different. If the whole formulation strikes you as individualistic, perhaps you might reflect that one cannot truly have individualism until one has individuals. And if the question of what might serve to form genuine individuals is one that anarchism cannot answer—well, perhaps anarchy can.

Some years ago, Walter Mosley published a novella called Archibald Lawless, Anarchist at Large—in which, let me be quick to say, the titular character acknowledges the peculiarity of his last name, though he never explains it. Lawless does, however, freely and frequently state his convictions to his new scribe, Felix Orlean. He says, for instance, “I walk the line between chaos and the man.” He says, even more portentously,

I am, everyone is, a potential sovereignty, a nation upon my own. I am responsible for every action taken in my name and for every step that I take—or that I don’t take. When you get to the place that you can see yourself as a completely autonomous, self-governing entity then everything will come to you; everything that you will need.

I was in a pro-anarchist frame of mind when I first read this story, and so I tried to make the best of it, but no—this is the common caricature of anarchism: radically self-indulgent and “lawless,” without any order at all. Nevertheless, there’s something intriguing about that notion of walking the line “between chaos and the man,” between the absence of order and a rigid simulacrum of order imposed from above. Isn’t that, after all, what anarchy in practice is: a tightrope strung across a double abyss?

Trying to think these matters through, I found myself returning to Graeber’s voluminous writings, many of which appear on obscure websites. I was not wholly deterred by his suggestion that my cynicism debars me from being an anarchist; my obsession was not so easily dispelled. So I kept reading, and in a long essay titled “Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology” I came across this:

Anarchistic societies are no more unaware of human capacities for greed or vainglory than modern Americans are unaware of human capacities for envy, gluttony, or sloth; they would just find them equally unappealing as the basis for their civilization. In fact, they see these phenomena as moral dangers so dire they end up organizing much of their social life around containing them.

I like this; I think of it as Graeber opening his heart to reveal the secular Calvinist hidden within. And such clear-eyed awareness of our darker proclivities is surely a better ground for anarchist action than any celebration of the human propensity for cooperative action. The best reason to pursue anarchism, to walk that line between chaos and the man, is that none of us is free from greed or vainglory. Insofar as anarchism arises from that sober and constant awareness of the “moral dangers” our own libido dominandi present to social order, I am all for it.

Graeber also helps me to understand how to pursue it. One of his core concepts is “prefigurative politics”: action that practically instantiates what you hope for and therefore “prefigures” it. “Revolutionary action is not a form of self-sacrifice,” he writes, “a grim dedication to doing whatever it takes to achieve a future world of freedom. It is the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free.” But, I would say, that prefigured freedom should primarily be freedom not from the man out there but the man that I always, by nature, want to be.

There are many schools of anarchism, most only partly reconcilable with the others: anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-communism, primitivism, cooperativism, and so on. The most interesting thing they have in common, Graeber notes, is that they aren’t named for a person (Marxism) or an economic system (capitalism) but rather for modes of practice—ways of acting in the world. Somewhere down the line perhaps one becomes an anarchist of one description or another; but however that may be, to act in accordance with the better world imaginatively prefigured is an option for me, for each of us, right now.

So this is what I have come around to, this is how I have made sense of my obsession with anarchism: the first target of anarchistic practice ought to be whatever it is in me that resists anarchy—what resists negotiation, the turning toward the Other as neighbor and potential collaborator. I return to Odo’s line, “What is an anarchist? One who, choosing, accepts the responsibility of choice,” but I add this: The responsibility of choice arises when I acknowledge my own participation, in a thousand different ways, in the imposition of order on others. This is where anarchism begins; where the turning aside from the coldest of all cold monsters begins; where I begin. The possibility of anarchic action arises when I acknowledge my own will to power. Self-dispossession begins when I say to myself: Je suis Sabul."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlNPVhmS7Yw">
    <title>Marianne Williamson: Why You're So Sad - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-08-10T21:19:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlNPVhmS7Yw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["More and more people, in America and around the world, are reporting that they're depressed, lonely, or friendless. People call it a mental health crisis. What's going on? Why are so many people, especially young people, reporting problems with their mental health? Marianne Williamson, spiritual thinker and author, joins us to explain."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gravelinstitute 2022 mariannewilliamson robertputnam sociology society sadness anxiety depression mentalhealth community connection belonging life living unions laborunions clubs religion spirituality meaning purpose us neoliberalism capitalism relationships dignity social socialsafetynet 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s 2020s church communities neighborliness civics democracy socialtrust friendship love suspicion individualism libertarianism self-centeredness latecapitalism markets privatization financialization consumerism competition economics work education health healthcare emptiness drugs prescriptions antidepressants identity consumption cults extremism cynicism internet web online socialmedia addiction asmr companionship loneliness ageism agesegregation elderabuse suicide coldness overdose humans values solidarity conviviality abstraction money labor productivity atomization exploitation polarization humanconnection latestagecapitalism</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/bitcoin-as-a-meme-and-a-future/">
    <title>Bitcoin As A Meme And A Future - NOEMA</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-01T22:09:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/bitcoin-as-a-meme-and-a-future/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Memes perform powerful magic that turns absurdity and cynicism into the kind of true belief that can bend reality."

]]></description>
<dc:subject>crypto bitcoin cryptocurrency lanaswartz 2021 cynicism cryptocurrencies blockchain</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:cb4c2da354f6/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2020/09/pandemic-no-excuse-colleges-surveil-students/616015/">
    <title>The Pandemic Is No Excuse for Colleges to Surveil Students - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-07T22:07:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2020/09/pandemic-no-excuse-colleges-surveil-students/616015/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Draconian surveillance is not only counterproductive. It is antithetical to higher education. Our job as educators is not to create a surveillance environment that teaches students how to better lie, but to foster critical thinking and civic responsibility. Hiding from authorities because they have come up with an unworkable plan during a pandemic—opening university dorms but expecting students not to socialize—will foster cynicism, not education. For example, after a Northeastern University student posted a survey on Instagram asking incoming students if they would party, the school responded by sending letters to the parents of the 115 students who were honest enough to answer yes, threatening to rescind their admission offer. That’s a way to ensure students will lie, not to actually stop partying and indoor socializing (especially because many students live in dorms, since that’s what the university provides).

Instead of asking which measures might stop socializing among students, it’s better to understand why such gestures are, at best, futile but also fundamentally performative. In sociology, we talk about “manifest” and “latent” functions of institutions. Manifest functions are what everyone knows and thinks the institutions are about, and how those institutions describe themselves. For K–12 education, for example, the manifest function is to teach young people basic skills: reading, writing, math, social sciences. But as the pandemic has shown, K–12 education has a strong and crucial latent function in society: child care, which is especially important as our economy increasingly demands two-parent employment. Latent functions aren’t less important; they are just spoken about less explicitly. And when we kneecap them, their importance becomes clearer.

One of the most important latent functions of higher education in the United States is to provide a place for socialization where young adults can meet their potential lifelong friends, spouses, and business partners, and where they can create their durable social networks. Another is to provide a quasi-supervised transition from parental control to responsible, fully independent adulthood. That comes with the basic understanding that students will socialize and, yes, party, and that’s why colleges trying to recruit students emphasize the quality of life and extracurriculars they provide: the meal plans, the climbing gyms, the social clubs. Plus, many colleges are home to fraternities and sororities, which supercharge some of higher education’s latent functions, providing members with more exclusivity and less supervision, but still under the umbrella of the university. To deny these latent functions is to deny why residential higher education exists. Certainly, it’s for the learning and the experience in the classrooms and labs, but it's not just for that.

Making the latent functions explicit is important because we have to account for them in how we manage and change these institutions—during regular times and during a crisis. For example, for K–12 education, “summer learning loss” is a well-documented consequence of ignoring its latent function of child care. During the summer, when families lose the child care that school provides, those with resources can make up for the loss in ways that not only keep their children occupied, but also continue their education. Many times, kids from better-off families return to school in the fall after having attended enriching summer camps, whereas poorer families have to make do with haphazard child care—often the TV, and these days probably a lot of YouTube. This has implications during the pandemic as well, because wealthier families can respond to K–12 school closures by hiring tutors and forming pods, while poorer kids struggle even to access Wi-Fi. In the case of higher education, pretending that the latent function of socializing doesn’t exist makes controlling the pandemic harder.

The kind of mandatory surveillance that some universities are envisioning is also unethical, as it lacks sufficient justification. Certain ethical boundaries can justifiably be crossed during emergencies. Once, during a post-earthquake rescue mission (I was in a nearby city and joined a rescue team because help was needed), I walked into a house and swiped a floor lamp because I needed light to continue a nighttime rescue effort. I had no qualms, and a local police officer actually helped me “break in” to the house. Public health also often requires considerations that go beyond individual choice—such as mandating masks indoors—since individual actions can threaten the health of others.

But in this particular case, the authorities are going out of their way to create a situation where the congregate living (dorms and shared housing) alone makes outbreaks inevitable and threatens people who work at universities—the custodial and food-services staff, many of whom are older and from minority communities—who cannot avoid young people by teaching online (as I was allowed to and have chosen to do). Further, they are creating an extra privacy threat, because if we know anything about what happens to databases, it’s that they are often leaked, hacked, or misused. To add to these cascading failures, many universities are responding to the inevitable outbreaks by trying to move students out of dorms, or to send them home—ensuring that some of the infected young adults will then seed more outbreaks, or infect their more vulnerable parents or grandparents. No financial constraint justifies this combination of unethical actions and counterproductive surveillance.

At a minimum, universities should concede that if they open dorms and bring students on campus, there will be transmission. They should engage in frequent testing to try to locate, trace, and isolate outbreaks before they spread more. Contact tracing requires trust, and if digital contact tracing is to be invoked, it has to be through voluntary apps with strong guarantees of privacy and a lack of punitive consequences—ideally without any data collected in a central database or accessible to university administrators.

Instead of extensive but ineffective surveillance of the inevitable gatherings, universities should offer safer options for socializing (outdoors, distanced) throughout the semester while minimizing contact between students and staff and ensuring that adequate safety measures in regards to masks and ventilation are practiced. But that’s only if universities open in person. Instead of a haphazard opening followed by rapid backtracking that scatters students to seed more outbreaks, universities should stay closed to in-person, residential experience until the adults get their act together and get the virus under control. The rest is surveillance theater, ineffective against the pandemic and corrosive to what higher education should be about."]]></description>
<dc:subject>surveillance zeyniptufekci contacttracing covid-19 coronavirus edtech trust highered highereducation academia authoritarianism policy pandemic responsibility 2020 cynicism schools schooling schooliness criticalthinking socialization universities colleges childcare learningloss ethics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVTDahs2gFQ">
    <title>Cornel West, Phillip Agnew, Michael Brooks, Esha Krishnaswamy | Class Warfare | Harvard - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-21T08:02:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVTDahs2gFQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/gerikhere/status/1285443318344749058
"As a Christian Leftist I remember when I realized that my socialist values could coexist with my faith. But I feared that my faith would separate me from the left movement. Michael Brooks made me feel like I had a place. Rest in power brother @_michaelbrooks"
https://twitter.com/gerikhere/status/1285443485311664128

via: https://twitter.com/Syndicalist_Mia/status/1285460588727095297
"God Michael Brooks was such a fucking treasure. Cannot believe his brain is put to rest. There was so much more he wanted to do and say."]

“In 1912, Harvard armed its students to break a strike, using the motto “Defend Your Class.” On January 28, 2020, prominent progressives will gather at Harvard to discuss the past, present, and future of class struggle, and to envision the leftist movement that will arise from it. The 2020 primary is shaping up to be a referendum on the Democratic party, an ideological battle between the traditional, Biden-led wing of status quo politics and an emerging faction led by calls for the political revolution of Bernie Sanders. But the primary, like the 2020 election at large, is only the beginning.

The “Battle for the Soul of the Democratic Party,” features Dr. Cornel West (philosopher, author, Harvard professor), Michael Brooks (The Michael Brooks Show), Phillip Agnew (activist, Bernie 2020 national surrogate), and Esha Krishnaswamy (activist and host of historic.ly).”]]></description>
<dc:subject>michaelbrooks cornelwest eshakrishnaswamy class leftism socialism classwarfare 2020 christianity mlk martinlutherkingjr values complexity religion faith politics belief democrats elections coexistence grace empathy understanding twothings identity identitypolitics phillipagnew soul johncoltrane steviewonder us democracy malcolmx arethafranklin sarahvaughan love bittersweet berniesanders solidarity sappho imperialism progressivism holdingmultipletruths wecontainmultitudes left power machiavelli welcome welcoming hospitality kindness utopia prisonabolition children education unschooling schooling labor agesegregation youth organizing blackfeminism blackradicalism dissent difference diversity democraticparty hierarchy structuralchange policy work classism ideology elitism workingclass volatility riskaversion capitalism elizabethwarren change theoryofchange certainty uncertainty predictability participation participatory dialogue conversation consensus risk medicareforall openness neoliberalism mainstream poverty</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://anchor.fm/rumble-with-michael-moore/episodes/Ep--20-The-Half-Baked-Politics-of-Half-Measures-feat--Keeanga-Yamahtta-Taylor-ea83cc/a-a1ap4a7">
    <title>Ep. 20: The Half Baked Politics of Half Measures (feat. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor) by RUMBLE with MICHAEL MOORE • A podcast on Anchor</title>
    <dc:date>2020-01-26T00:31:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://anchor.fm/rumble-with-michael-moore/episodes/Ep--20-The-Half-Baked-Politics-of-Half-Measures-feat--Keeanga-Yamahtta-Taylor-ea83cc/a-a1ap4a7</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://player.fm/series/rumble-with-michael-moore/ep-20-the-half-baked-politics-of-half-measures-feat-keeanga-yamahtta-taylor
https://open.spotify.com/episode/6YcwDWPeMrcZ9DfBN3cMFX ]

“The failures of liberal half measures, compromise and “third way” politics has opened the door for right-wing demagogues to take power. It has also re-awakened a militant and energized left to combat both the wackadoodle right and the tepid center. We’re seeing this play out in American politics and the 2020 Democratic primary. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is a scholar, author and activist. Her writing and speaking has incisively and ferociously exposed the failures of capitalism and the necessity of a fierce struggle to overcome it. She joins Michael to discuss how the hell we got here and how we liberate ourselves. 

********** 

“Five Years Later, Do Black Lives Matter?” https://jacobinmag.com/2019/09/black-lives-matter-laquan-mcdonald-mike-brown-eric-garner 

“How Real Estate Segregated America” https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/how-real-estate-segregated-america-fair-housing-act-race 

Read about and order Keeanga’s books here: http://www.keeangataylor.com/books.html 

Follow Keeanga on Twitter here: https://twitter.com/KeeangaYamahtta ”]]></description>
<dc:subject>keeanga-yamahttataylor politics us berniesanders 2020 statusquo power organizing barackobama notmeus hope change revolution socialmovements interdependence interconnectedness michaelmoore elections thirdway blacklivesmatter housing healthcare medicareforall capitalism neoliberalism latecapitalism socialism flint michigan segregation democrats congress corruption centrism moderates moreofthesame struggle policy inequality joebiden donaldtrump hillaryclinton cynicism troydavis poverty elitism rulingclass interconnectivity interconnected latestagecapitalism</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/ryangrim/status/1215462171422920705">
    <title>Ryan Grim on Twitter: &quot;This is true and also very sad. Actual pundits have no idea what they’re talking about (including this one). Amateur ones don’t either. What a mess. https://t.co/V4NI4oidYd&quot; / Twitter</title>
    <dc:date>2020-01-11T00:11:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/ryangrim/status/1215462171422920705</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“This is true and also very sad. Actual pundits have no idea what they’re talking about (including this one). Amateur ones don’t either. What a mess. [quoting Alex Thompson (@AlxThomp): https://twitter.com/AlxThomp/status/1215444325066211328 ]

<blockquote>.@jaredleopold, a consultant who worked for Inslee’s bid, says that in 2020 candidates need to win the “process primary” 

“Cable news has warped voters’ brains and turned everyone into mini-pundits. That means candidates need to win not just on policy but on process.”</blockquote>“]]></description>
<dc:subject>elections politics us pundits experts cynicism 2020 ryangrim jaredleopold jayinslee alexthompson policy democrats process primaries</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/10/opinion/bernie-sanders-multiracial-workers.html">
    <title>Opinion | Don’t Think Sanders Can Win? You Don’t Understand His Campaign - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-11T08:03:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/10/opinion/bernie-sanders-multiracial-workers.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Mr. Sanders has not diluted his message since then, but has instead recommitted to his promises of “big government” socialist reforms — all the while pulling other candidates to his side. Although Mr. Sanders grows in popularity, neither the Democratic Party establishment nor the mainstream media really understand his campaign. That’s because it disregards conventional wisdom in politics today — tax cuts for the elite and corporations and public-private partnerships to finance health care, education, housing and other public services.

After months of predictions of its premature end, Bernie Sanders’s improbable run continues its forward movement. In October, pundits and other election experts suggested that perhaps Mr. Sanders should leave the race and throw his support to Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, in the wake of her rising poll numbers and his heart attack. But doubts quickly gave way to excitement when Mr. Sanders captured the coveted endorsement of Representative Ilhan Omar of Minnesota. She was soon joined by Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.

The spirited endorsements of three-quarters of the so-called squad illustrates how Mr. Sanders’s campaign has grown from 2016 when it was criticized for being too white, too male and for underestimating the salience of race and gender oppression. Some of that criticism was overstated. Indeed Mr. Sanders won 52 percent of the black millennial vote in 2016 and was supported by Black Lives Matter activists like Erica Garner, who passed away in 2017. But Mr. Sanders took the criticisms seriously anyway.

Much of the media, though, has been stuck in 2016 and has missed the ways that the Sanders campaign has transformed into a tribune of the oppressed and marginalized. We can also measure this change in the endorsement of Philip Agnew, the former head of the Florida-based Dream Defenders and a leader in the Black Lives Matter movement who has become a campaign surrogate. As well as the endorsement of the Center for Popular Democracy Action on Tuesday, a powerful coalition of more than 40 progressive community groups which will now rally their 600,000 members across the country to organize voters in support of Mr. Sanders. These developments defy the caricature of his campaign as impossibly sexist and implicitly racist.

Instead, Mr. Sanders has reached the typically invisible, downwardly mobile working class with his language of “class warfare.” He has tapped into the anger and bitterness coursing through the lives of regular people who have found it increasingly impossible to make ends meet in this grossly unequal society. Without cynicism or the typical racist explanations that blame African-Americans and Latino immigrants for their own financial hardship, Mr. Sanders blames capitalism. His demands for a redistribution of wealth from the top to the rest of society and universal, government-backed programs have resonated with the forgotten residents of the country.

Since Mr. Trump’s election, “class,” when it’s discussed at all, has been invoked for its hazy power to chart Mr. Trump’s rise and potential fall. Recall the endless analyses of poor and working-class white voters shortly after his election and the few examinations of poor and working-class people of color. But the Sanders campaign has become a powerful platform to amplify the experiences of this multiracial contingent.

Under normal circumstances, the multiracial working class is invisible. This has meant its support for Mr. Sanders’s candidacy has been hard to register in the mainstream coverage of the Democratic race. But these voters are crucial to understanding the resilience of the Sanders campaign, which has been fueled by small dollar donations from more than one million people, a feat none of his opponents has matched. Remarkably, he also has at least 130,000 recurring donors, some of whom make monthly contributions.

Adding to that, Mr. Sanders is the top recipient for donations by teachers, farmers, servers, social workers, retail workers, construction workers, truckers, nurses and drivers as of September. He claims that his donors’ most common employers are Starbucks, Amazon and Walmart, and the most common profession is teaching. Mr. Sanders is also the leading recipient of donations from Latinos as well as the most popular Democrat among registered Latinos who plan to vote in the Nevada and California primaries. According to Essence magazine, Mr. Sanders is the favorite candidate among black women aged 18 to 34. Only 49 percent of his supporters are white, compared with 71 percent of Warren supporters. Perhaps most surprising, more women under 45 support him than men under 45.

Mr. Sanders’s popularity among these voters may be what alienates him within the political establishment and mainstream media. The leadership of the Democratic Party regularly preaches that moderation and pragmatism can appeal to “centrist” Democrats as well as Republicans skeptical of Mr. Trump. It is remarkable that this strategy still has legs after its spectacular failure for Hillary Clinton in 2016.

Mrs. Clinton’s rejoinder to Mr. Trump that “America never stopped being great” was tone deaf to millions of ordinary Americans struggling with debt, police brutality and pervasive inequality. Simply focusing on the boorishness of Mr. Trump or offering watered-down versions of what has made Mr. Sanders a household name will not motivate those who do not typically vote or angry voters who recoil at the cynicism of calculating politicians.

In many respects, Bernie Sanders’s standing in the Democratic Party field is shocking. After all, the United States government spent more than half of the 20th century locked in a Cold War against Soviet Communism. That an open and proud socialist is tied with Ms. Warren for second place in the race speaks to the mounting failures of free market capitalism to produce a decent life for a growing number of people. There was a time in America when being called a socialist could end a political career, but Bernie Sanders may ride that label all the way to the White House.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>2019 2020 berniesanders democrats elections keeanga-yamahttataylor socialism class race campaigning politics policy age youth 2016 cynicism media inequality labor marginalization policebrutality</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3c6eac485310/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2016"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://communemag.com/dystopias-now/">
    <title>Dystopias Now | Kim Stanley Robinson</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-02T04:07:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://communemag.com/dystopias-now/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Immediately many people will object that this is too hard, too implausible, contradictory to human nature, politically impossible, uneconomical, and so on. Yeah yeah. Here we see the shift from cruel optimism to stupid pessimism, or call it fashionable pessimism, or simply cynicism. It’s very easy to object to the utopian turn by invoking some poorly-defined but seemingly omnipresent reality principle. Well-off people do this all the time.

Clearly we enter here the realm of the ideological; but we’ve been there all along. Althusser’s definition of ideology, which defines it as the imaginary relationship to our real conditions of existence, is very useful here, as everywhere. We all have ideologies, they are a necessary part of cognition, we would be disabled without them. So the question becomes, which ideology? People choose, even if they do not choose under conditions of their own making. Here, remembering that science too is an ideology, I would suggest that science is the strongest ideology for estimating what’s physically possible to do or not do. Science is AI, so to speak, in that the vast artificial intelligence that is science knows more than any individual can know—Marx called this distributed knowing “the general intellect”—and it continually reiterates and refines what it asserts, in an ongoing recursive project of self-improvement. A very powerful ideology. For my purpose here, I only invoke science to assert that the energy flows in our biosphere would provide adequately for all living creatures on the planet today, if we were to distribute them properly. That proper distribution would involve not just cleaner, ultimately decarbonized technologies—these are necessary but not sufficient. We would also have to redefine work itself to include all the activities now called social reproduction, treating them as acts valuable enough to be included in our economic calculations one way or another.

An adequate life provided for all living beings is something the planet can still do; it has sufficient resources, and the sun provides enough energy. There is a sufficiency, in other words; adequacy for all is not physically impossible. It won’t be easy to arrange, obviously, because it would be a total civilizational project, involving technologies, systems, and power dynamics; but it is possible. This description of the situation may not remain true for too many more years, but while it does, since we can create a sustainable civilization, we should. If dystopia helps to scare us into working harder on that project, which maybe it does, then fine: dystopia. But always in service to the main project, which is utopia."]]></description>
<dc:subject>utopia dystopia criticism kimstanleyrobinson 2018 centrism cynicism society climatechange civilization sufficiency ideology karlmarx framing</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://logicmag.io/nature/a-giant-bumptious-litter/">
    <title>A Giant Bumptious Litter: Donna Haraway on Truth, Technology, and Resisting Extinction</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-08T04:20:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://logicmag.io/nature/a-giant-bumptious-litter/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Socialists aren’t the only ones who have been techno-utopian, of course. A far more prominent and more influential strand of techno-utopianism has come from the figures around the Bay Area counterculture associated with the Whole Earth Catalog, in particular Stewart Brand, who went on to play important intellectual and cultural roles in Silicon Valley.

They are not friends. They are not allies. I’m avoiding calling them enemies because I’m leaving open the possibility of their being able to learn or change, though I’m not optimistic. I think they occupy the position of the “god trick.” [Eds.: The “god trick” is an idea introduced by Haraway that refers to the traditional view of objectivity as a transcendent “gaze from nowhere.”] I think they are blissed out by their own privileged positions and have no idea what their own positionality in the world really is. And I think they cause a lot of harm, both ideologically and technically. 

How so?

They get a lot of publicity. They take up a lot of the air in the room. 

It’s not that I think they’re horrible people. There should be space for people pushing new technologies. But I don’t see nearly enough attention given to what kinds of technological innovation are really needed to produce viable local and regional energy systems that don’t depend on species-destroying solar farms and wind farms that require giant land grabs in the desert.

The kinds of conversations around technology that I think we need are those among folks who know how to write law and policy, folks who know how to do material science, folks who are interested in architecture and park design, and folks who are involved in land struggles and solidarity movements. I want to see us do much savvier scientific, technological, and political thinking with each other, and I want to see it get press. The Stewart Brand types are never going there. 

Do you see clear limitations in their worldviews and their politics?

They remain remarkably humanist in their orientation, in their cognitive apparatus, and in their vision of the world. They also have an almost Peter Pan quality. They never quite grew up. They say, “If it’s broken, fix it.” 

This comes from an incapacity to mourn and an incapacity to be finite. I mean that psychoanalytically: an incapacity to understand that there is no status quo ante, to understand that death and loss are real. Only within that understanding is it possible to open up to a kind of vitality that isn’t double death, that isn’t extermination, and which doesn’t yearn for transcendence, yearn for the fix.

There’s not much mourning with the Stewart Brand types. There’s not much felt loss of the already disappeared, the already dead — the disappeared of Argentina, the disappeared of the caravans, the disappeared of the species that will not come back. You can try to do as much resurrection biology as you want to. But any of the biologists who are actually involved in the work are very clear that there is no resurrection. 

You have also been critical of the Anthropocene, as a proposed new geological epoch defined by human influence on the earth. Do you see the idea of the Anthropocene as having similar limitations?

I think the Anthropocene framework has been a fertile container for quite a lot, actually. The Anthropocene has turned out to be a rather capacious territory for incorporating people in struggle. There are a lot of interesting collaborations with artists and scientists and activists going on.

The main thing that’s too bad about the term is that it perpetuates the misunderstanding that what has happened is a human species act, as if human beings as a species necessarily exterminate every planet we dare to live on. As if we can’t stop our productive and reproductive excesses. 

Extractivism and exterminationism are not human species acts. They come from a situated historical conjuncture of about five hundred years in duration that begins with the invention of the plantation and the subsequent modeling of industrial capitalism. It is a situated historical conjuncture that has had devastating effects even while it has created astonishing wealth. 

To define this as a human species act affects the way a lot of scientists think about the Anthropocene. My scientist colleagues and friends really do continue to think of it as something human beings can’t stop doing, even while they understand my historical critique and agree with a lot of it. 

It’s a little bit like the relativism versus objectivity problem. The old languages have a deep grip. The situated historical way of thinking is not instinctual for Western science, whose offspring are numerous. 

Are there alternatives that you think could work better than the Anthropocene?

There are plenty of other ways of thinking. Take climate change. Now, climate change is a necessary and essential category. But if you go to the circumpolar North as a Southern scientist wanting to collaborate with Indigenous people on climate change — on questions of changes in the sea ice, for example, or changes in the hunting and subsistence base — the limitations of that category will be profound. That’s because it fails to engage with the Indigenous categories that are actually active on the ground. 

There is an Inuktitut word, “sila.” In an Anglophone lexicon, “sila” will be translated as “weather.” But in fact, it’s much more complicated. In the circumpolar North, climate change is a concept that collects a lot of stuff that the Southern scientist won’t understand. So the Southern scientist who wants to collaborate on climate change finds it almost impossible to build a contact zone. 

Anyway, there are plenty of other ways of thinking about shared contemporary problems. But they require building contact zones between cognitive apparatuses, out of which neither will leave the same as they were before. These are the kinds of encounters that need to be happening more.

A final question. Have you been following the revival of socialism, and socialist feminism, over the past few years? 

Yes.

What do you make of it? I mean, socialist feminism is becoming so mainstream that even Harper’s Bazaar is running essays on “emotional labor.”

I’m really pleased! The old lady is happy. I like the resurgence of socialism. For all the horror of Trump, it has released us. A whole lot of things are now being seriously considered, including mass nonviolent social resistance. So I am not in a state of cynicism or despair."]]></description>
<dc:subject>donnaharaway 2019 californianideology interviews wholeearthcatalog stewartbrand technosolutionism technology climatechange extinction deminism ontology cynicism resistance siliconvalley objectivity ideology science politics policy loss mourning biology resurrection activism humans multispecies morethanhuman extractivism exterminationism plantations capitalism industrialism history indigenous socialism</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/how-i-drew-my-mental-map-of-politics/">
    <title>how I drew my mental map of politics – Snakes and Ladders</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-28T17:27:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/how-i-drew-my-mental-map-of-politics/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[The Reagan years were for me an education in political cynicism. In the 1980s I came to believe what I still believe: That almost no elected politicians have principles that they’re willing to stake their careers on, and those who have such principles typically last a single term in office; that the rare politician who has integrity almost certainly lacks courage, while those who have courage lack integrity; that the extremely rare politician who has both courage and integrity will surely lack judgment; that the members of both major parties care primarily about getting and keeping power, secondarily about exerting that power over the powerless, and beyond that about nothing else whatsoever; that both parties are parties of death, differing only on their preferred targets (though they are equally fond, it seems, of military action in Asia); that the only meaningful criterion by which to judge who to vote for is encapsulated in the question Who will do less damage to our social fabric?

And because they’re all going to do damage, just of different kinds, for the last thirty years I have voted for third-party or write-in candidates. For much of that time I knew that I couldn’t vote for Democrats and debated whether I could vote for Republicans. The answer to that question was always No. But recently I have come to be absolutely certain that I can’t vote for Republicans, and have debated whether I can vote for Democrats. The answer to that question is, so far, also No, and I cannot envision that changing.

I oppose false equivalences as forcefully as anyone. But there are also true equivalences. And so I say, as I have said for three decades now: A plague on both their houses.]]></description>
<dc:subject>alanjacobs politics 2019 democrats republicans thirdparties us elections cynicism history ronaldreagan jimmycarter integrity courage policy consistency reliability falseequivalences death destruction war harm society thirdparty</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://dash.harvard.edu/handle/1/33063300">
    <title>From Bureaucracy to Profession: Remaking the Educational Sector for the Twenty-First Century</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-16T04:49:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://dash.harvard.edu/handle/1/33063300</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this essay, Jal Mehta examines the challenges faced by American schooling and the reasons for persistent failure of American school reforms to achieve successful educational outcomes at scale. He concludes that many of the problems faced by American schools are artifacts of the bureaucratic form in which the education sector as a whole was cast: “We are trying to solve a problem that requires professional skill and expertise by using bureaucratic levers of requirements and regulations.” Building on research from a variety of fields and disciplines, Mehta advances a “sectoral” perspective on education reform, exploring how this shift in thinking could help education stakeholders produce quality practice across the nation."

[full article in .pdf: https://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/33063300/Mehta_--_From_Bureaucracy_to_Profession_--_HER_2013.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>jalmehta us schools schooling scale bureaucracy skill edreform education publicschools professions policy institutions cynicism johntaylorgatto pisa assessment singapore finland korea southkorea canada lindadarling-hammond expertise professionalization teachers teaching howweteach pedagogy management teachertraining responsibility standards learning</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aPE9v4O5qPk">
    <title>Empire, Militarization, and Popular Revolt in Africa - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-09T06:10:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aPE9v4O5qPk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“In what ways does militarization/militarism in the African context enable, extend and depend upon economic, military/’security’ relations with imperialist actors, most importantly the US and Israel? 

What are the new/old justifications and mechanisms of imperialist intervention, war, and policing across the continent (e.g. AFRICOM, drone strikes, outsourcing of regional interventions, joint military trainings and ‘cooperation’ etc.)? How do they criminalize dissent and shape the contexts in which popular mobilization take place? What are the socio-economic, (geo)political structures and dynamics, historical legacies and past forms of mobilization that inform current revolts in Algeria and Sudan? What do they share in common and how do they differ from one another and past mobilizations? What kinds of connections can be made with current anti-colonial/anti-capitalist/anti-imperialist struggles currently underway in Puerto Rico and Haiti, as well as with struggles against racial capitalism and the police/carceral state in the US?  What is the role of the US and its allies (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, UAE) as counter-revolutionary actors? How can we build on past and existing forms of internationalism and contribute to reviving an anti-imperialist left in order to better support popular struggles across the African continent and beyond?”

[https://peoplesforum.org/event/empire-militarization-and-popular-revolt-in-africa/ 

“Empire, Militarization, and Popular Revolt in Africa
August 31 @ 2:00 pm - 5:15 pm

This event explores the themes of imperialism, militarization, police/carceral state,  and resistance across the African continent with the aim of making broader regional and transnational connections with struggles elsewhere in order to build cross-regional solidarity.

2:00-3:30pm
‘Imperialist Interventions and Militarization across Africa and beyond’ 
Yasmina Price
Samar Al-Bulushi
Corinna Mullin
Kambale Musavuli
Khury Petersen-Smith

–BREAK—

3:45-5:15pm
“African Revolts” 
Nisrin Elamin
Brahim Rouabah
Suzanne Adely”

Each panel will consist of short presentations to ensure time for meaningful discussion and the opportunity to share/ learn from our diverse experiences working on these themes in different contexts. Some of the questions that will be addressed include:

In what ways does militarization/militarism in the African context enable, extend and depend upon economic, military/’security’ relations with imperialist actors, most importantly the US and Israel? What are the new/old justifications and mechanisms of imperialist intervention, war, and policing across the continent (e.g. AFRICOM, drone strikes, outsourcing of regional interventions, joint military trainings and ‘cooperation’ etc.)? How do they criminalize dissent and shape the contexts in which popular mobilization take place? What are the socio-economic, (geo)political structures and dynamics, historical legacies and past forms of mobilization that inform current revolts in Algeria and Sudan? What do they share in common and how do they differ from one another and past mobilizations? What kinds of connections can be made with current anti-colonial/anti-capitalist/anti-imperialist struggles currently underway in Puerto Rico and Haiti, as well as with struggles against racial capitalism and the police/carceral state in the US?  What is the role of the US and its allies (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, UAE) as counter-revolutionary actors? How can we build on past and existing forms of internationalism and contribute to reviving an anti-imperialist left in order to better support popular struggles across the African continent and beyond?

Participant BIOS

Suzanne Adely is a long time Arab-American community organizer, with a background in global labor and human rights advocacy. She is a member of the Bureau of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, National Lawyers Guild board member and co-chair of the NLG international committee and MENA subcommittee. She currently works for the Food Chain Workers Alliance, a bi-national alliance of worker based organizations in the food economy. She is a member of Al-Awda-NY, US Palestine Community Network and a newly launched Arab Workers Resource Center.

Samar Al-Bulushi is an assistant professor in the department of anthropology at University of California, Irvine. Her research is broadly concerned with militarism, policing, and the ‘War on Terror’ in East Africa. Previously, she worked with various human rights organizations and co-produced AfrobeatRadio and Global Movements, Urban Struggles on Pacifica’s WBAI in New York City.

Nisrin Elamin is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Columbia University Society of Fellows and a lecturer in the Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies Department. Her work explores the relationship between land, belonging, migration and geopolitics in post-secession Sudan. Her current project examines the ways landless and landholding communities are negotiating and contesting changes in land ownership prompted by a recent wave of Gulf Arab corporate investments in Sudanese land. She is affiliated with Girifna, a movement fighting for democracy and a transition to full civilian rule in Sudan.

Corinna Mullin is an adjunct professor at John Jay College and the New School. Her research examines the historical legacies of colonialism and contemporary imperialist interventions in shaping Global South security states in a way that facilitates labor exploitation, natural resource extraction and other forms of Global South value drain, with a focus on Tunisia.

Kambale Musavuli, a native of the Democratic Republic of Congo and one of the leading political and cultural Congolese voices, is a human rights advocate, Student Coordinator and National Spokesperson for the Friends of the Congo.

Khury Petersen-Smith is an activist and geographer who interrogates US empire.  He is the Middle East Research Fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies and a founding member of Black For Palestine.

Yasmina Price is a Black anti-imperialist Marxist committed to the liberation of colonised peoples and the abolishment of police, prisons and all oppressive structures. She has organized locally and led trainings within a socialist group, also participating in panels organized by Verso Books and the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung focusing on global mechanisms of injustice. She is currently a PhD student in Black Cinema at Yale.

Brahim Rouabah is an Algerian activist and academic. He is the co-founder of the UK based Algerian Solidarity Campaign. He is currently working on his PhD in Political Science at the CUNY Grad Center. His research focuses on issues related to knowledge production, colonialism and the origins of capitalist property relations.

Co-sponsor by The Polis Project and Warscapes. 
The Polis Project is a hybrid research and journalism organization producing knowledge about some of the most important issues affecting us, and amplifying diverse perspectives from those indigenous to the conflicts and crises affecting our world today. We aim to democratize scholarship, produce in-depth, critical journalism and knowledge for and by communities in resistance.  We look to make sense of the world with its infinite injustices, inequality and violence, with the courage to reveal how existing systems, ideas, ideologies and laws have failed us.  We unpack complexity by understanding that knowledge is power, and like all power, it shouldn’t be owned by a few people or corporations.  And we pursue this by adapting our storytelling, analysis and research to the newest, most innovative ways of spreading work to engaged audiences everywhere.

Warscapes is an independent online magazine that provides a lens into current conflicts across the world. Established in 2011, Warscapes publishes fiction, non-fiction, poetry, interviews, book and film reviews, photo-essays and retrospectives of war literature from the past fifty years, and hosts public conversations, art shows, and film screenings in the United States, Europe and across Africa. Warscapes is motivated by a need to move past a void within mainstream culture in the depiction of people and places experiencing staggering violence, and the literature they produce. Apart from showcasing great writing from war-torn areas, the magazine is a tool for understanding complex political crises in various regions and serves as an alternative to compromised representations of those issues.]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://soundcloud.com/citationsneeded/episode-87-nate-silver-and-the-crisis-of-pundit-brain">
    <title>Episode 87: Nate Silver and the Crisis of Pundit Brain by Citations Needed Podcast</title>
    <dc:date>2019-09-23T01:20:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://soundcloud.com/citationsneeded/episode-87-nate-silver-and-the-crisis-of-pundit-brain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Nate Silver tell us Joe Biden’s inconsistent political beliefs are, in fact, a benefit. They’re “his calling card” and evidence he “reads the room pretty well”. Venality, we are told, is “a normal and often successful [mode] for a politician.” Insurgent progressive groups like Justice Democrats shouldn’t call Biden out of touch with the base because, Silver tell us, “only 26 of the 79 candidates it endorsed last year won their primaries, and only 7 of those went on to win the general election.”

On Twitter and his in columns, high-status pundit Nate Silver, has made a career reporting on the polls and insisting he’s just a dispassionate, non-ideological conduit of Cold Hard Facts, just channeling the holy word of data. Empirical journalism, he calls it. But this schtick, however, is very ideological - a reactionary worldview that prioritizes describing the world, rather than changing it. For Silver - and data-fetishists like him - politics is a sport to be gamed, rather than a mechanism for improving people’s lives.

We are joined by Current Affairs editor-in-chief Nathan J. Robinson."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/byers90/status/1071733541619318784">
    <title>Sam Byers on Twitter: &quot;Jack’s thread on Vipassana meditation is fascinating.&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-14T22:01:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/byers90/status/1071733541619318784</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[referenced thread:
https://twitter.com/jack/status/1071575088695140353 ]

"Jack’s thread on Vipassana meditation is fascinating.

It’s significant, I think, that he sees it as a practice that is of value primarily when he returns to work. He likes it because it enables him to refresh and then return to doing more of what he did before.

There is no suggestion, in his thread, that he regards his personal practice as being part of any wider, more selfless contribution to life and the world. It’s simply a method of personal betterment, a hack.

He’s also, it seems, unable to let go of metrics. He wore his Apple Watch and thingummyjig ring throughout and regards the data he gleans from those devices as objectively significant - more significant, in fact, than any inner insight he might have achieved.

Throughout, there’s a distinctly macho emphasis on discomfort. He emphasises the pain of sitting, the mosquito bites, the tough guy willpower and endurance he had to summon.

He’s at pains to labour the point that this is not easy, or gentle, or something anyone can do. It’s tough, it’s gritty, it’s for the hard core.

And then he returns unchanged, determined to do even more work and, one presumes, keep getting richer.

I find this intriguing because I think it’s indicative of a very specific cultural and economic moment in which very old and very traditional belief systems are effectively ransacked for anything they can contribute to the modern cult of productivity.

No emphasis here on empathy or compassion, for example.

This doesn’t tell us a great deal about Vipassana meditation, but it tells us a huge amount about the belief system that is Silicon Valley tech-bro capitalism.

It is closed, highly individual, inward-looking, metric-driven, proud of itself.

It’s easy to see how the practice of meditation, which seems so solitary, even solipsistic, when poorly framed and understood, might be appealing as an adjunct to this world view, but the way these ideologies and practices intersect merits a lot of unpicking, in my view.

I would also say that the replies are pretty fascinating too. People are extraordinarily proud of their cynicism, and their ability to communicate that cynicism with wild hostility, as if this in itself is part of some kind of holistic world view.

When in fact those replies are just the *same* solipsistic, cynical, and very western mindset redoubled and reflected back.

So the whole exchange becomes a kind of pissing contest to see who can be most sure of themselves.

We’re right at the toxic intersection, here, of co-opted “eastern spirituality” and vapidly unquestioning capitalistic self-certainty and the result is frankly wild - just a total shitshow of confusion and anger.

Nothing new of course. Post sixties hippie capitalism is by now so entrenched as to be the norm, but the whole thing is hugely illustrative on all sides and merits a great deal more thought than, ironically, Jack’s medium will allow.

It’s also important to remember that Vipassana meditation doesn’t “belong” to Jack - it’s an ancient and significant tradition. Using that as a means to ridicule him actually just winds up ridiculing a whole big chunk of culture as an unintended consequence.

Short version: it *might not* be possible to interrogate spiritual materialism using... non-spiritual materialism."

[full text of referenced thread:

"For my birthday this year, I did a 10-day silent vipassana meditation, this time in Pyin Oo Lwin, Myanmar 🇲🇲. We went into silence on the night of my birthday, the 19th. Here’s what I know 👇🏼

Vipassana is a technique and practice to “know thyself.” Understanding the inner nature as a way to understand…everything. It was rediscovered by Gautama the Buddha 2,500 years ago through rigorous scientific self-experimentation to answer the question: how do I stop suffering?

Vipassana’s singular objective is to hack the deepest layer of the mind and reprogram it: instead of unconsciously reacting to feelings of pain or pleasure, consciously observe that all pain and pleasure aren’t permanent, and will ultimately pass and dissolve away.

Most meditation methods end with a goal of strengthening concentration: focus on the breath. This was not Gautama’s goal. He wanted to end his attachment to craving (of pleasure) and aversion (of pain) by experiencing it directly. His theory was ending attachment ends his misery.

Imagine sitting on a concrete floor cross-legged for an hour without moving. Pain arises in the legs in about 30-45 minutes. One’s natural reaction is to change posture to avoid the pain. What if, instead of moving, one observed the pain and decided to remain still through it?

Vipassana would likely be good for those suffering chronic pain to help manage it. That’s not the goal of course, but definitely a simple practice to help. Being able to sit without moving at all for over an hour through pain definitely teaches you a lot about your potential.

Meditation is often thought of as calming, relaxing, and a detox of all the noise in the world. That’s not vipassana. It’s extremely painful and demanding physical and mental work. I wasn’t expecting any of that my first time last year. Even tougher this year as I went deeper.

I did my meditation at Dhamma Mahimã in Pyin Oo Lwin. This is my room. Basic. During the 10 days: no devices, reading, writing, physical excercise, music, intoxicants, meat, talking, or even eye contact with others. It’s free: everything is given to meditators by charity.

I woke up at 4 am every day, and we meditated until 9 pm. There were breaks for breakfast, lunch, and walking. No dinner. Here’s the sidewalk I walked for 45 minutes every day.

The 2nd day was my best. I was able to focus entirely on my breath, without thoughts, for over an hour. The most I could do before that was 5 minutes. Day 6 was my worst as I caught a nasty cold going around the center. Couldn’t sleep from then on but pushed through til the end.

On day 11, all I wanted to do was listen to music, and I again turned to my favorite poet, @kendricklamar and his album DAMN. The greatest effect coming out of silence is the clarity one has in listening. Every note stands alone.

Myanmar is an absolutely beautiful country. The people are full of joy and the food is amazing. I visited the cities of Yangon, Mandalay, and Bagan. We visited and meditated at many monasteries around the country.

The highlight of my trip was serving monks and nuns food, and donating sandals and umbrellas. This group of young nuns in Mandalay and their chanting was breathtaking and chilling.

We also meditated in a cave in Mandalay one evening. In the first 10 minutes I got bit 117 times by mosquitoes 🦟  They left me alone when the light blew a fuse, which you can see in my heart rate lowering.

I also wore my Apple Watch and Oura ring, both in airplane mode. My best meditations always had the least variation in heart rate. When I wasn’t focused, it would jump around a lot. Here’s a night of sleep on the 10th night (my resting heart rate was consistently below 40).

Vipassana is not for everyone, but if any of this resonates with you even in the slightest, I’d encourage you to give it a try. If in the US, this center in Texas is a great start: https://siri.dhamma.org/ 

And if you’re willing to travel a bit, go to Myanmar: https://www.dhamma.org/en/schedules/schmahimar …

Thanks for reading! Always happy to answer any questions about my experience. Will track responses to this thread. I’ll continue to do this every year, and hopefully do longer and longer each time. The time I take away to do this gives so much back to me and my work. 🇲🇲🙏🏼🧘🏻‍♂️

I’ve been meditating for 20 years, with the last 2 years focused on vipassana. After experiencing it in Texas last year, I wanted to go to the region that maintained the practice in its original form. That led me to Myanmar.

I took this time with a singular objective of working on myself. I shared my experience with the world with the singular objective of encouraging others to consider a similar practice. Simply because it’s the best thing I’ve found to help me every day.

I’m aware of the human rights atrocities and suffering in Myanmar. I don’t view visiting, practicing, or talking with the people, as endorsement. I didn’t intend to diminish by not raising the issue, but could have acknowledged that I don’t know enough and need to learn more.

This was a purely personal trip for me focused on only one dimension: meditation practice. That said, I know people are asking about what Twitter is doing around the situation, so I’ll share our current state.

Twitter is a way for people to share news and information about events in Myanmar as well as to bear witness to the plight of the Rohingya and other peoples and communities. We’re actively working to address emerging issues. This includes violent extremism and hateful conduct.

We know we can’t do this alone, and continue to welcome conversation with and help from civil society and NGOs within the region. I had no conversations with the government or NGOs during my trip. We’re always open to feedback on how to best improve.

Will keep following the conversation and sharing what I learn here. 🙏🏼"]]]></description>
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    <title>Gravis McElroy on Twitter: &quot;hey how about that the austin bomber was a deeply mediocre white man with the most basic-ass bone-stock conservative psuedopolitics with the reek of having been culled entirely from online comments who could have predicted&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2018-04-02T20:40:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/gravislizard/status/976482292196503552</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["hey how about that the austin bomber was a deeply mediocre white man with the most basic-ass bone-stock conservative psuedopolitics with the reek of having been culled entirely from online comments who could have predicted

weird. can't figure out where he got the idea to kill random people of color from. i mean he did parrot the drivel of people who i remember even in 2000 couldn't go ten minutes without saying we should kill someone for not being white. no idea where he got this idea

https://medium.com/mammon-machine-zeal/ultraviolent-flash-games-after-9-11-b416b836f28e … i was just reading this yesterday and reflecting on how teens talked online in this era

I can tell you that a tremendous number of people, a really ghastly number, spent the entirety of their teen years not going more than a few minutes without saying or hearing "kill" directed broadly at a group of people. I was in that group.

that is to say, i was in the set of people who constantly talked about killing people

that's how we talked about everything. it was the go-to. virtually any described offense was met with the response that we should kill an entire group of people. the homeless, POC, gay people, trans people, nothing garnered more than a second or two of thought

anyone, absolutely anyone the least bit different than us - mediocre white teens - needed to be killed. It's still how people talk on 4 c h a n, a time capsule permanently frozen in 2006 with all its members permanently frozen at age 20.

nothing ever changes there. nothing changes on forums in general. the world is fixed permanently in the year that people joined the forum, because everyone on the forum has spent every day since they joined the forum on the forum.

By the way, people keep saying they remember the games in that ZEAL article. I don't, but the article still hit home because there were thousands of them. Thousands upon thousands. All indistinguishable. This is what we /did/ in that time.

there was a period in the early 2000s when the response to virtually any figure entering the media cycle was the immediate release of a complete multimedia spread including images, music and games, all depicting their death or suffering.

most of this was not in response to any kind of actual thought or emotion. there was a group-hate, where the existence of nearly anything was reason to hate it. the amount of hate in teenage boys was an immeasurable constant; we had an infinite supply of it.

why were my "peers" telling me to hate boy bands in 1999? i have no idea. nobody ever explained it, it was just assumed. this was the zeitgeist, a zeitgeist that was unexamined even by teenager standards.

but this shit was very much the root of a lot of what's going on right now. at age 12 i entered the greater growing web and was immediately inducted into a community of seething, pointless hatred directed at everything

I think I would have been a nicer person if I had been stopped from going to newgrounds. I think it made me a piece of shit and an asshole and I would have stayed that way and become a real mother fucker if not for friends specifically targeting my shittiness.

Gravis McElroy Retweeted the government man [https://twitter.com/me_irl/status/976490292948951041  ]

<blockquote>@me_irl
hey yeah what *was* this. i can see its roots start to emerge by like the 1970s in the form of compulsory derisive juvenile "parody" versions of absolutely everything</blockquote>

… I have no idea. I didn't go to school for this so I'm pretty sure someone at a university has a pretty good lock on why this happened, but yeah, it's kind of an incredibly scary part of our society that I've never seen addressed in any way.

Who told 11 year olds to start casually quipping about killing Barney? I know we weren't enjoying it. It wasn't funny or fun. We felt /compelled/, it was /expected/, and i suspect the motivations were circular with no patient zero to be found.

I can't harp on this enough: Nobody was having fun. Nothing going on on Newgrounds or anywhere else that was in this vein was fun. It wasn't entertaining. Even as dipshit kids, this whole thing was strained.

There was a formula. Nobody knew where it came from, but it seemed to have been there forever. The response to /all/ cultural phenomena was to create something deeply cynical and usually violent and we were doing it like we were punching a clock. The laughs were forced.

I can't prove this. The time has passed, and at the time I had few personal friends. But what my gut told me at the time was that nobody was having a good time, I just didn't know how to read it. Now I definitely know what those feelings meant.

Gravis McElroy Retweeted [ande dooting] [https://twitter.com/quicksilvre/status/976492376645603329 ]

<blockquote>@quicksilvre
Right? It felt like we grew up in an age where we weren't allowed to truly, unironically like things or people</blockquote>

This is exactly on point. We didn't like anything. Nobody liked anything. Nobody admitted to liking anything. Liking things wasn't cool.
 
And that's how we now have people in their mid thirties who are only just beginning to whisper, on social media where they're ostensibly surrounded by friends, that they /might/ like anime or fantasy novels or or or. Or anything that isn't cynical

Oh btw if you want an example of something that's very very cynical, have you considered: call of shooty

First person shooters were fuckin' *there* for us, ready to swoop in and offer the cynicism we'd been raised with. Kill everything. Blow everything up. Yawn. The nihilism we'd been taught primed the *pump* for that shit.

I always come back to this when I talk about this stuff: knowing what caused this is important because we have millions of people, no, read that again, millions of people who were injured by this and don't know it and are not getting any help culturally.

Every one of them is a problem we have to solve eventually and none of us have any idea how to do that and we have to figure it out. Because we can't just write off a whole generation, "anyone who was young and online in 2000," they are our problem to deal with now.

They are here, and they are permanently angry and hate sincerity, and we actually can't coexist with them. They are turning into nazis because they don't know how not to.

It's nice to think "oh we'll just kill the nazis" but there are more ticking-time-bomb fascists that came out of this than anyone realizes. They feel alone in the world, they don't connect with anyone or anything, they have no anchors at all. They never learned how to be happy.

The fuckface who was bombing black people in Texas probably came out of this shit. He was a little young for newgrounds specifically, but I can see the path to being "radicalized by the void," if you will. becoming a monster because you were taught that becoming a person is wrong

And you know what? The internet is the problem. The internet is a huge fucking problem and we all know it, we all know it's putting shit in front of young people that they aren't ready for. And we knew it then, our parents were right about it, just not right enough.

I don't know what can possibly be done about it. No program of censorship would be right or effective or anything but counterproductive but, fuck, we can't write this off.

In my view we have a tremendous number of dangerous broken men in this nation now specifically because of the unregulated nightmare that the web was in the early 2000s and I don't know what to do with that information but I'm not going to forget it.

that was me just a few years ago. i remember it vividly. the difference between me and Them is solely that someone managed to break through the shell and teach me that it was worth it to be a person, to not sleepwalk through life.

https://medium.com/mammon-machine-zeal/ultraviolent-flash-games-after-9-11-b416b836f28e … I'm linking this again because ZEAL deserves the credit for this thread; that article prompted a lot of thought about old memories. They post a lot of insightful stuff that benefits IMO from not being produced by a massive corporate publication."

…

[also: https://twitter.com/gravislizard/status/976499065461469184

Newgrounds and all those other edgy early 2000s hellholes are all Superfund sites. Sad, shitty things we look back on and say "okay, okay, we fucked up," but even as the words spill out of our mouths we are pouring soil for a new development over another toxic waste dump.

They are not places of honor, no esteemed deed is commemorated there, this thread is a message and part of a system of messages, et cetera. We need to not just skip over this. What is being created /right now/ that is equivalent to those?

https://twitter.com/gravislizard/status/976497457151451136 … also i'd like to clarify this, because I meant to, or felt like i should, or something

<blockquote>The fuckface who was bombing black people in Texas probably came out of this shit. He was a little young for newgrounds specifically, but I can see the path to being "radicalized by the void," if you will. becoming a monster because you were taught that becoming a person is wrong</blockquote>

by "radicalized by the void" I mean that there is a sort of person who does not want to be a person, who hates the idea of becoming a person and the responsibility associated with it. they want nothing more than to be left alone to be mediocre.

a lot of mediocre white men, from the person vomiting slurs on 4c han to the nazis in the street, feel that society is trying to force them to reflect on themselves and /that is what they want to stop/.

It's important to acknowledge that this is true, that their perceived struggle is real, and that our intent is to not let them live the lives they want to live because they are implicitly harmful. We do not have the luxury of apathy, it invariably results in harming the innocent.

The war being fought right now is over apathy. we all know the article by now: "I Don’t Know How To Explain To You That You Should Care About Other People." that is the fight here. And they know it.

what we were taught, implicitly, by our peers, when I was a kid, is that caring is bad, and thinking about yourself is bad, and yes there's an amount of "eww that's what gays and women do" tied up in there, but ultimately it's just an intense aversion to responsibility

they know it. they are aware of it. and when people say things like "i wasn't going to be a nazi but you forced my hand by demanding i be decent" we need to understand that that ISN'T gibberish no matter how wrong and shitty it is.

their intent, by and large, is to not be aware of the world. they don't want to know about anything. they don't want to hear about how their actions impact others because that sounds like a lot of shit they would be compelled to deal with.

"radicalized by the void": a person who has spent years comatose, barely aware of their existence, who is being woken from that sleep and is lashing out with all the energy they can muster in order to return to their oblivion

that was me just a few years ago. i remember it vividly. the difference between me and Them is solely that someone managed to break through the shell and teach me that it was worth it to be a person, to not sleepwalk through life.

https://medium.com/mammon-machine-zeal/ultraviolent-flash-games-after-9-11-b416b836f28e … I'm linking this again because ZEAL deserves the credit for this thread; that article prompted a lot of thought about old memories. They post a lot of insightful stuff that benefits IMO from not being produced by a massive corporate publication."

[also: https://twitter.com/jakewyattriot/status/976672499885793281 ]

"cosign. the casual, omnidirectional hate socially required of teenage boys from 199X-200X consumed and almost destroyed me as a person, and were it not for a near-magical confluence of good influences and people at the end of high school, i don't who what I would be.
 
<blockquote>@gravislizard
https://twitter.com/quicksilvre/status/976492376645603329 … This is exactly on point. We didn't like anything. Nobody liked anything. Nobody admitted to liking anything. Liking things wasn't cool.</blockquote>

which is not an excuse for anyone's shittiness or anyone's atrocities, just a nod to what we all know: evil is banal, happens without real intent or effort. evil is adopting a pose that makes you feel strong or edgy as young man, never dropping it, 'defending' it with violence.

evil is trying on casual sexism, racism, homophobia to fit in with your awful teen friends. liking the fit. becoming what you pretended. growing protective of it. doubling down anytime someone calls you on it. becoming proud of that. trying to punish anyone who challenges you."]]></description>
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    <title>Diogenes - Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2018-03-11T20:02:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diogenes</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Diogenes (/daɪˈɒdʒəˌniːz/; Greek: Διογένης, Diogenēs [di.oɡénɛ͜ɛs]), also known as Diogenes the Cynic (Ancient Greek: Διογένης ὁ Κυνικός, Diogenēs ho Kunikos), was a Greek philosopher and one of the founders of Cynic philosophy. He was born in Sinope, an Ionian colony on the Black Sea,[1] in 412 or 404 B.C. and died at Corinth in 323 B.C.[2]

Diogenes was a controversial figure. His father minted coins for a living, and Diogenes was banished from Sinope when he took to debasement of currency.[1] After being exiled, he moved to Athens and criticized many cultural conventions of the city. He modelled himself on the example of Heracles, and believed that virtue was better revealed in action than in theory. He used his simple life-style and behaviour to criticize the social values and institutions of what he saw as a corrupt, confused society. He had a reputation for sleeping and eating wherever he chose in a highly non-traditional fashion, and took to toughening himself against nature. He declared himself a cosmopolitan and a citizen of the world rather than claiming allegiance to just one place. There are many tales about his dogging Antisthenes' footsteps and becoming his "faithful hound".[3]

Diogenes made a virtue of poverty. He begged for a living and often slept in a large ceramic jar in the marketplace.[4] He became notorious for his philosophical stunts, such as carrying a lamp during the day, claiming to be looking for an honest man. He criticized Plato, disputed his interpretation of Socrates, and sabotaged his lectures, sometimes distracting attenders by bringing food and eating during the discussions. Diogenes was also noted for having publicly mocked Alexander the Great.[5][6][7]

Diogenes was captured by pirates and sold into slavery, eventually settling in Corinth. There he passed his philosophy of Cynicism to Crates, who taught it to Zeno of Citium, who fashioned it into the school of Stoicism, one of the most enduring schools of Greek philosophy. None of Diogenes' writings have survived, but there are some details of his life from anecdotes (chreia), especially from Diogenes Laërtius' book Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers and some other sources.[8]"

…

"Death

There are conflicting accounts of Diogenes' death. He is alleged variously to have held his breath; to have become ill from eating raw octopus;[36] or to have suffered an infected dog bite.[37] When asked how he wished to be buried, he left instructions to be thrown outside the city wall so wild animals could feast on his body. When asked if he minded this, he said, "Not at all, as long as you provide me with a stick to chase the creatures away!" When asked how he could use the stick since he would lack awareness, he replied "If I lack awareness, then why should I care what happens to me when I am dead?"[38] At the end, Diogenes made fun of people's excessive concern with the "proper" treatment of the dead. The Corinthians erected to his memory a pillar on which rested a dog of Parian marble.[39]"

…

"Cynicism

Along with Antisthenes and Crates of Thebes, Diogenes is considered one of the founders of Cynicism. The ideas of Diogenes, like those of most other Cynics, must be arrived at indirectly. No writings of Diogenes survive even though he is reported to have authored over ten books, a volume of letters and seven tragedies.[40] Cynic ideas are inseparable from Cynic practice; therefore what we know about Diogenes is contained in anecdotes concerning his life and sayings attributed to him in a number of scattered classical sources.

Diogenes maintained that all the artificial growths of society were incompatible with happiness and that morality implies a return to the simplicity of nature. So great was his austerity and simplicity that the Stoics would later claim him to be a wise man or "sophos". In his words, "Humans have complicated every simple gift of the gods."[41] Although Socrates had previously identified himself as belonging to the world, rather than a city,[42] Diogenes is credited with the first known use of the word "cosmopolitan". When he was asked from where he came, he replied, "I am a citizen of the world (cosmopolites)".[43] This was a radical claim in a world where a man's identity was intimately tied to his citizenship of a particular city-state. An exile and an outcast, a man with no social identity, Diogenes made a mark on his contemporaries.

Diogenes had nothing but disdain for Plato and his abstract philosophy.[44] Diogenes viewed Antisthenes as the true heir to Socrates, and shared his love of virtue and indifference to wealth,[45] together with a disdain for general opinion.[46] Diogenes shared Socrates's belief that he could function as doctor to men's souls and improve them morally, while at the same time holding contempt for their obtuseness. Plato once described Diogenes as "a Socrates gone mad."[47]

Obscenity

Diogenes taught by living example. He tried to demonstrate that wisdom and happiness belong to the man who is independent of society and that civilization is regressive. He scorned not only family and political social organization, but also property rights and reputation. He even rejected normal ideas about human decency. Diogenes is said to have eaten in the marketplace,[48] urinated on some people who insulted him,[49] defecated in the theatre,[50] and masturbated in public. When asked about his eating in public he said, "If taking breakfast is nothing out of place, then it is nothing out of place in the marketplace. But taking breakfast is nothing out of place, therefore it is nothing out of place to take breakfast in the marketplace." [51] On the indecency of his masturbating in public he would say, "If only it were as easy to banish hunger by rubbing my belly."[52][53]

Diogenes as dogged or dog-like

Many anecdotes of Diogenes refer to his dog-like behavior, and his praise of a dog's virtues. It is not known whether Diogenes was insulted with the epithet "doggish" and made a virtue of it, or whether he first took up the dog theme himself. When asked why he was called a dog he replied, "I fawn on those who give me anything, I yelp at those who refuse, and I set my teeth in rascals."[20] Diogenes believed human beings live artificially and hypocritically and would do well to study the dog. Besides performing natural body functions in public with ease, a dog will eat anything, and make no fuss about where to sleep. Dogs live in the present without anxiety, and have no use for the pretensions of abstract philosophy. In addition to these virtues, dogs are thought to know instinctively who is friend and who is foe.[54] Unlike human beings who either dupe others or are duped, dogs will give an honest bark at the truth. Diogenes stated that "other dogs bite their enemies, I bite my friends to save them."[55]

The term "cynic" itself derives from the Greek word κυνικός, kynikos, "dog-like" and that from κύων, kyôn, "dog" (genitive: kynos).[56] One explanation offered in ancient times for why the Cynics were called dogs was because Antisthenes taught in the Cynosarges gymnasium at Athens.[57] The word Cynosarges means the place of the white dog. Later Cynics also sought to turn the word to their advantage, as a later commentator explained:

<blockquote>There are four reasons why the Cynics are so named. First because of the indifference of their way of life, for they make a cult of indifference and, like dogs, eat and make love in public, go barefoot, and sleep in tubs and at crossroads. The second reason is that the dog is a shameless animal, and they make a cult of shamelessness, not as being beneath modesty, but as superior to it. The third reason is that the dog is a good guard, and they guard the tenets of their philosophy. The fourth reason is that the dog is a discriminating animal which can distinguish between its friends and enemies. So do they recognize as friends those who are suited to philosophy, and receive them kindly, while those unfitted they drive away, like dogs, by barking at them.[58]</blockquote>

As noted (see Death), Diogenes' association with dogs was memorialized by the Corinthians, who erected to his memory a pillar on which rested a dog of Parian marble.[39]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://45minuteradiohour.libsyn.com/67-carl-abrahamsson-mitch-horowitz-in-occulture-meta-anton-lavey-spiritual-migration-re-enchanting-the-mind-0">
    <title>OCCULTURE: 67. Carl Abrahamsson &amp; Mitch Horowitz in “Occulture (Meta)” // Anton LaVey, Real Magic &amp; the Nature of the Mind</title>
    <dc:date>2018-02-25T19:40:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://45minuteradiohour.libsyn.com/67-carl-abrahamsson-mitch-horowitz-in-occulture-meta-anton-lavey-spiritual-migration-re-enchanting-the-mind-0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Look, I’m not gonna lie to you - we have a pretty badass show this time around. Carl Abrahamsson and Mitch Horowitz are in the house.

Carl Abrahamsson is a Swedish freelance writer, lecturer, filmmaker and photographer specializing in material about the arts & entertainment, esoteric history and occulture. Carl is the author of several books, including a forthcoming title from Inner Traditions called Occulture: The Unseen Forces That Drive Culture Forward.

Mitch Horowitz is the author of One Simple Idea: How Positive Thinking Reshaped Modern Life; Occult America, which received the 2010 PEN Oakland/Josephine Miles Award for literary excellence; and Mind As Builder: The Positive-Mind Metaphysics of Edgar Cayce. Mitch has written for The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, Salon, Time.com, and Politico. Mitch is currently in the midst of publishing a series of articles on Medium called "Real Magic".

And it is that series paired with Carl’s book that lays the foundation for our conversation here."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/AnaMardoll/status/934472831789826048">
    <title>Ana Mardoll on Twitter: &quot;The thing about every &quot;I did [ableist thing] and everyone was happy with me&quot; article is that it relies heavily on human confirmation bias.… https://t.co/2wRZLAj4yF&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2017-11-25T18:48:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/AnaMardoll/status/934472831789826048</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The thing about every "I did [ableist thing] and everyone was happy with me" article is that it relies heavily on human confirmation bias. https://twitter.com/nrsmithccny/status/934032393572356096 …

Most humans are poised to believe that our decisions will have good outcomes. That's why we MAKE the decisions, after all. We pick what seems like the best decision and we hope it turns out well.

Recognizing that the decision was a BAD one in retrospect is REALLY HARD, and becomes even harder when we have to grapple with the fact that we hurt people in the process.

So when teachers ban laptops or fidget spinners or whatever, or when employers force everyone to wear fitbits and take the stairs, they're STARTING with the belief that this will have a good outcome.

Then we look at the words Nicholas has used there: "Low cost" to ban electronics. Well, for him it surely was!

For the students who had to scramble to buy paper and pens and bags to carry them in when they'd been EXPECTING to use the laptop they already owned... a bit more cost.

"Minimal Resistance". That isn't really surprising when we understand that disabled students aren't the majority--which is why they're so easy to stomp all over.

Also not surprising when we understand the high COST of "resisting". Easier to drop the class.

"Learning improved dramatically" but based on what? Knowing that this is a situation heavily prone to bias, how do we measure that? 

This isn't pedantry. We're talking about a school. Research methods are important.

We also need to understand how fucked up it is when the goal is to maximize the experience for the geniuses in the class and if the bottom 10% drop out because it's too hard, that's considered a GOOD thing.

If banning electronics causes a "sharpening" of the grade curve--fewer "middle" students, but the higher ones get higher and the lower ones go lower--that means embracing the destruction of the weak in order to elevate your preferred students.

The American school system is competitive in really messed up ways, and electronics bans play into that. If you can't "cut it" with paper notes, you're left behind. Teaching as social Darwinism.

I am going to add, and folks aren't going to like this, that professors are some of the most ableist people on the planet. In my experience.

They've risen to the top of a heavily ableist system that is DEEPLY invested in pretending that it's merit-based. 

In the midst of that merit-based pretense, they're also urged to believe that they're biologically better, smarter, cleverer, deeper thinkers.

So you have people who believe they are biologically better than disabled people but also think they know how to accommodate us. Red flags right there.

They're also steeped in a competitive atmosphere where learning takes a backseat to rankings and numbers games and competition. 

So very quickly any accommodation seems like "cheating".

You need an extra hour to take the test? How is that FAIR to the OTHER students? 

We wouldn't ask these questions if we weren't obsessively ranking and grading and comparing students to each other in an attempt to sift out the "best".

Why do we do that? Well, part of it is a dance for capitalism; the employers want a shiny GPA number so they know who will be the better employee. 

But a lot of professors don't really think about that. They just live for the competition itself, and they view us as disruptive.

They also view us, fundamentally, as lesser. No matter how much we learn, we'll never be peak students because we're disabled. 

That means we're disposable if we threaten the actual "peak" students and their progress.

That's why laptop ban conversations ALWAYS devolve into "but if you allow laptops for disabled kids, the able-bodied students will use them and be distracted!" 

The worry is that the abled-kids who COULD be "peak" students won't be.

If the options are: 

(1) Disabled kid, 3.5 GPA. Abled kid, 3.5 GPA. 

(2) Disabled kid, 2.0 GPA, Abled kid, 4.0 GPA. 

They'll pick #2 every time. They don't want everyone to do moderately well; they want a Star.

Professors want STARS, because a STAR means they're doing well. They're the best coach in the competitive sports they call "school". 

Throwing a disabled student under the bus to make sure the able-bodied Star isn't distracted? No brainer. 9 out of 10 professors will do it.

I had very few professors--over 7 years and 2 schools--who recognized the ranking system was garbage.

One of them told us on the first day of class that we would all get As, no matter what we did. Told us that we didn't even need to show up, but that he HOPED we would because he believed we could learn from him.

I learned more from that class than maybe any other I took that year. The erasure of all my fear, anxiety, competition, and need to "win" left me able to focus SO much better. 

It's INTERESTING that we don't talk about banning GRADES and instead we ban laptops.

We could improve learning dramatically if we banned grades. But we don't. Why not?

- Capitalism. We want employers to pick our students.

- Ableism. We LIKE ranking humans from better to worse.

- Cynicism. We don't believe students WANT to learn, we think we need to force them.

So in an effort to forced Abled Allen to be the best in a competition for capitalism, we ban laptops. 

If Disabled Debbie does poorly after the laptop ban, it's no great tragedy; she was never going to be a 4.0 student anyway. Not like Abled Allen, the winner.

Anyway. Laptop bans are ableist. So is a moratorium on any notes whatsoever. Let students learn the way they feel comfortable learning.

And asking students to "trust" teachers will put disabled students first is naive in the extreme. 

I don't "trust" a team coach to prioritize the needs of a third-string quarterback. Maybe some will, but most won't.

(Final note that there ARE good teachers out there and even good DISABLED teachers. I'm talking about systemic problems, not saying that all professors are evil. The problem is the system, not necessarily the people.)

(Although some of the people ARE trash. But only some.)

The original tweet is gone and please don't harass the teacher in question. Here's a screenshot for context, otherwise my thread makes little sense.

I want to add something that I touched on in another thread: Teachers are PROFOUNDLY out of touch when it comes to note-taking.

I guaran-fucking-tee these college teachers who "insist" their students note-take by hand aren't hand-writing to this extent.

For example, the quoted tweet has a professor saying "you just type whatever I say without thinking". That is so ridiculous.Ana My mobile still could load it. 

Hardly anyone I know types fast enough to transcribe human speech. 

When I take typed notes, I'm choosing what to include and what to leave out. Those choices are interacting with the material.

I'm not recording like a robot.

These professors have been out of the "student seat" for so long that they don't know what studenting is like. 

They think we're transcriptionists when we're not. They think pen-and-paper students are paying perfect attention when they're not.

They think writing notes for 4-5 classes a day for 4-7 years is easy on the hands, when it's not. 

They just don't KNOW, but (scarily!) they think they do."]]></description>
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    <title>Don’t Buy This Jacket | New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2016-06-29T16:31:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/article/123561/dont-buy-this-jacket</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As ad campaigns go, the anti-shopping, pro-wholesomeness approach on the surface more appealing than, say, that other thing companies seem to be doing these days, where they go think-piece viral through a now-predictable pattern of offending and apologizing. Oh look, Bloomingdales thinks date-rape is OK! Oh wait, no it doesn’t! And then the next thing you know—whether this was the store’s explicit plan or not—you’re on their website drool-scrolling this season’s denim. But this is in its way even more nefarious, because it’s about telling certain consumers that their consumption somehow doesn’t count. It’s about encouraging virtue-signaling of the most pointless, and expensive, kind.

The genius is in convincing high-end shoppers that they’re better people than the rest of us. My all-time favorite example in this area remains the time when a bunch of fashion types wore their clothes inside out because garment workers, or something. I mean, the point was to reveal the labels of their clothes, to show that they cared where their clothes came from, in the traceability sense. A noble goal, in theory, but also an opportunity to show off… designer labels. The kicker was designer Stella McCartney earnestly posing in an inside-out Stella McCartney top.  

The outdoorsy version takes things one step further, though, bringing into play not just garment-industry ethics but the eternal Stuff versus Experiences non-debate, wherein people who prefer a dangerous mountain hike to a dangerous-in-its-own-way trip to Sephora get to feel smug. Never mind that experiences (certainly the Instagram-worthy ones) have a way of costing at least as much as stuff, thanks to travel costs, not to mention the cost of all that REI gear. Preferring a dangerous mountain hike to a dangerous-in-its-own-way trip to Sephora doesn’t make you superior. Spending time in nature doesn’t necessarily coincide with preservation. But it’s coded-male, coded-upper-class to choose hiking over, say, scouring lower Manhattan for cheap handbags, so clearly the former activity is just better.

By planting itself firmly on Team Experiences, REI has managed to symbolically reclassify the stuff it sells as not-stuff. Patagonia’s fleeces are part-recycled? REI’s are made out of antimatter. You are not-shopping by shopping there.

REI’s protest of Black Friday has gotten a tremendous amount of sympathetic coverage, from The Today Show to The Onion. And it’s somewhat understandable: They’re giving their workers a paid day off at a time of year when that’s likely to be particularly appreciated. As sancti-marketing goes, a day off certainly beats vegan Canadian handbag company Matt & Nat’s recent, now-removed job ad for an unpaid copywriter, an unfortunate choice for a company that puts “ethics” front and center.

The move is also about highlighting the fact that REI is a cooperative, which is less straightforwardly positive. It involves asking customers to pay $20 to become members, which, like the hashtag campaign, fits neatly into the message that paying retail is a noble act. The REI shopper has $20 to spare, $20 to invest in a future filled with adventure vacations, thus giving the brand a certain exclusivity.

In a column otherwise praising the new minimalism, contemplative-phase David Brooks briefly returned to the stronger, more cynical themes of his earlier work: “One of the troublesome things about today’s simplicity movements is that they are often just alternate forms of consumption,” adding, “There’s a whiff of the haute bourgeoisie ethos here—that simplification is not really spiritual or antimaterialism; just a more refined, organic, locally grown and morally status-building form of materialism.” Precisely. I’d add that there’s something worse about the materialism that poses as the opposite. I’d take sponsored content over the sponsored content posing as a good deed.

To be clear, the problem with sancti-marketing isn’t that specific companies’ ecological or labor claims are untrue. It’s great if companies behave ethically, and fair that they’d want to use this to their advantage. I’d just like it if we could admit that shopping is shopping, stuff is stuff. New hiking boots purchased to look out over a vista aren’t somehow less yay-new-shoes than new patent leather ballet flats worn to explore a city, which is also, let it be known, a form of Outside. "]]></description>
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    <title>[Easy Chair] | The Habits of Highly Cynical People, by Rebecca Solnit | Harper's Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2016-05-01T22:58:47+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In April 24, 1916 — Easter Monday — Irish republicans in Dublin and a handful of other places staged an armed rebellion against British occupation. At the time, the British Empire was the strongest power on earth; Ireland was its first and nearest colony. That the puny colony might oust the giant seemed far-fetched, and by most measures the endeavor was a failure. The leaders were executed; the British occupation continued. But not for long: the Easter Uprising is now generally understood as a crucial step in a process that led, in 1937, to full independence for most of the island. A hundred years on, some view 1916 as the beginning of the end of the British Empire.

This year also marks the fifth anniversary of the Arab Spring. It seems to be taken for granted that these uprisings, too, were a failure, since many of the affected countries are now just different kinds of dire than they were before. But the public display of a passionate desire for participatory government, the demonstration of the strength of popular power and the weakness of despotic regimes, and the sheer (if short-lived) exhilaration that took place five years ago may have sown seeds that have not yet germinated.

I am not arguing for overlooking the violence and instability that are now plaguing North Africa and the Middle East. Nor am I optimistic about the near future of the region. I do not know what the long-term consequences of the Arab Spring will be — but neither does anyone else. We live in a time when the news media and other purveyors of conventional wisdom like to report on the future more than the past. They draw on polls and false analogies to announce what is going to happen next, and their frequent errors — about the unelectability of Barack Obama, say, or the inevitability of the Keystone XL pipeline — don’t seem to impede their habit of prophecy or our willingness to abide them. “We don’t actually know” is their least favorite thing to report.

Non-pundits, too, use bad data and worse analysis to pronounce with great certainty on future inevitabilities, present impossibilities, and past failures. The mind-set behind these statements is what I call naïve cynicism. It bleeds the sense of possibility and maybe the sense of responsibility out of people.

Cynicism is first of all a style of presenting oneself, and it takes pride more than anything in not being fooled and not being foolish. But in the forms in which I encounter it, cynicism is frequently both these things. That the attitude that prides itself on world-weary experience is often so naïve says much about the triumph of style over substance, attitude over analysis.

Maybe it also says something about the tendency to oversimplify. If simplification means reducing things to their essentials, oversimplification tosses aside the essential as well. It is a relentless pursuit of certainty and clarity in a world that generally offers neither, a desire to shove nuances and complexities into clear-cut binaries. Naïve cynicism concerns me because it flattens out the past and the future, and because it reduces the motivation to participate in public life, public discourse, and even intelligent conversation that distinguishes shades of gray, ambiguities and ambivalences, uncertainties, unknowns, and opportunities. Instead, we conduct our conversations like wars, and the heavy artillery of grim confidence is the weapon many reach for.

Naïve cynics shoot down possibilities, including the possibility of exploring the full complexity of any situation. They take aim at the less cynical, so that cynicism becomes a defensive posture and an avoidance of dissent. They recruit through brutality. If you set purity and perfection as your goals, you have an almost foolproof system according to which everything will necessarily fall short. But expecting perfection is naïve; failing to perceive value by using an impossible standard of measure is even more so. Cynics are often disappointed idealists and upholders of unrealistic standards. They are uncomfortable with victories, because victories are almost always temporary, incomplete, and compromised — but also because the openness of hope is dangerous, and in war, self-defense comes first. Naïve cynicism is absolutist; its practitioners assume that anything you don’t deplore you wholeheartedly endorse. But denouncing anything less than perfection as morally compromising means pursuing aggrandizement of the self, not engagement with a place or system or community, as the highest priority.

Different factions have different versions of naïve cynicism. There is, for example, the way the mainstream discounts political action that proceeds outside the usual corridors of power. When Occupy Wall Street began five years ago, the movement was mocked, dismissed, and willfully misunderstood before it was hastily pronounced dead. Its obituary has been written dozens of times over the years by people who’d prefer that the rabble who blur the lines between the homeless and the merely furious not have a political role to play.

But the fruits of OWS are too many to count. People who were involved with local encampments tell me that their thriving offshoots are still making a difference. California alone was said to have more than 100 Occupy groups; what each of them did is impossible to measure. There were results as direct as homeless advocacy, as indirect as a shift in the national debate about housing, medical and student debt, economic injustice, and inequality. There has also been effective concrete action — from debt strikes to state legislation — on these issues. Occupy helped to bring politicians such as Bernie Sanders, Bill de Blasio, and Elizabeth Warren into the mainstream.

The inability to assess what OWS accomplished comes in part from the assumption that historical events either produce straightforward, quantifiable, immediate results, or they fail to matter. It’s as though we’re talking about bowling: either that ball knocked over those pins in that lane or it didn’t. But historical forces are not bowling balls. If bowling had to be the metaphor, it would be some kind of metaphysical game shrouded in mists and unfolding over decades. The ball might knock over a pin and then another one in fifteen years and possibly have a strike in some other lane that most of us had forgotten even existed. That’s sort of what the Easter Rising did, and what Occupy and Black Lives Matter are doing now.

Then there is the naïve cynicism of those outside the mainstream who similarly doubt their own capacity to help bring about change, a view that conveniently spares them the hard work such change requires.

I recently posted on Facebook a passage from the February issue of Nature Climate Change in which a group of scientists outlined the impact of climate change over the next 10,000 years. Their portrait is terrifying, but it is not despairing: “This long-term view shows that the next few decades offer a brief window of opportunity to minimize large-scale and potentially catastrophic climate change that will extend longer than the entire history of human civilization thus far.” That’s a sentence about catastrophe but also about opportunity. Yet when I posted the article, the first comment I got was, “There’s nothing that’s going to stop the consequences of what we have already done/not done.” This was another way of saying, I’m pitting my own casual assessment over peer-reviewed science; I’m not reading carefully; I’m making a thwacking sound with my false omniscience.

Such comments represent a reflex response that can be used to meet wildly different stimuli. Naïve cynicism remains obdurate in the face of varied events, some of which are positive, some negative, some mixed, and quite a lot of them unfinished.

The climate movement has grown powerful and diverse. On this continent it is shutting down coal plants and preventing new ones from being built. It has blocked fracking, oil and gas leases on public land, drilling in the Arctic, pipelines, and oil trains that carry the stuff that would otherwise run through the thwarted pipelines. Cities, states, and regions are making stunning commitments — San Diego has committed to going 100 percent renewable by 2035.

Remarkable legislation has been introduced even on the national level, such as bills in both the House and the Senate to bar new fossil-fuel extraction on public lands. Those bills will almost certainly not pass in the present Congress, but they introduce to the mainstream a position that was inconceivable a few years ago. This is how epochal change often begins, with efforts that fail in their direct aims but succeed in shifting the conversation and opening space for further action.

These campaigns and achievements are far from enough; they need to scale up, and scaling up means drawing in people who recognize that there are indeed opportunities worth seizing.

Late last year, some key federal decisions to curtail drilling for oil in the Arctic and to prevent the construction of a tar-sands pipeline were announced. The naïvely cynical dismissed them as purely a consequence of the plummeting price of oil. Activism had nothing to do with it, I was repeatedly told. But had there been no activism, the Arctic would have been drilled, and the pipelines to get the dirty crude cheaply out of Alberta built, before the price drop. It wasn’t either-or; it was both.

David Roberts, a climate journalist for Vox, notes that the disparagement of the campaign to stop the Keystone XL pipeline assumed that the activists’ only goal was to prevent this one pipeline from being built, and that since this one pipeline’s cancellation wouldn’t save the world, the effort was futile. Roberts named these armchair quarterbacks of climate action the Doing It Wrong Brigade. He compared their critique to “criticizing the Montgomery bus boycott because it only affected a relative handful of blacks. The point of civil-rights campaigns was not to free blacks from discriminatory systems one at a time. It was to change the culture.”

The Keystone fight was a transnational education in tar-sands and pipeline politics, as well as in the larger dimensions of climate issues. It was a successful part of a campaign to wake people up and make them engage with the terrifying stakes in this conflict. It changed the culture.

Similarly, the decision by Congress in December to allow crude oil to be exported was widely excoriated, and it was indeed a bad thing. But many commenters ignored the fact that it was part of a quid pro quo that extended tax credits for solar and wind power. Those who have studied the matter closely, such as Michael Levi and Varun Sivaram at the Council on Foreign Relations, believe that this extension “will do far more to reduce carbon dioxide emissions over the next five years than lifting the export ban will do to increase them.”

Accommodating change and uncertainty requires a looser sense of self, an ability to respond in various ways. This is perhaps why qualified success unsettles those who are locked into fixed positions. The shift back to failure is a defensive measure. It is, in the end, a technique for turning away from the always imperfect, often important victories that life on earth provides — and for lumping things together regardless of scale. If corruption is evenly distributed and ubiquitous, then there is no adequate response — or, rather, no response is required. This is so common an attitude that Bill McKibben launched a preemptive strike against it when he first wrote about the revelations last fall that Exxon knew about climate change as early as the 1970s:

A few observers, especially on the professionally jaded left, have treated the story as old news — as something that even if we didn’t know, we knew. “Of course they lied,” someone told me. That cynicism, however, serves as the most effective kind of cover for Exxon.

Even so, in response to the Exxon news, I heard many say airily, “Oh, all corporations lie.” But the revelations were indeed news. The scale is different from any corrupt and dishonest thing a corporation has ever done, and it’s important to appreciate the difference. The dismissive “it’s all corrupt” line of reasoning pretends to excoriate what it ultimately excuses.

When a corporation writes something off, it accepts the cost. When we write off corporations as inherently corrupt, we accept the cost, too. Doing so paves the way for passivity and defeat. The superb and uncynical journalists at the Los Angeles Times and Inside Climate News who investigated Exxon, along with the activists who pushed on the issue, prompted the attorneys general of New York and California to launch investigations. And the revelations offer us opportunities to respond — in David Roberts’s terms, to change the culture more. Like the much-disparaged fossil-fuel-divestment movement, the attacks on Exxon have delegitimized a major power in ways that can have far-reaching consequences.

What is the alternative to naïve cynicism? An active response to what arises, a recognition that we often don’t know what is going to happen ahead of time, and an acceptance that whatever takes place will usually be a mixture of blessings and curses. Such an attitude is bolstered by historical memory, by accounts of indirect consequences, unanticipated cataclysms and victories, cumulative effects, and long timelines. Naïve cynicism loves itself more than the world; it defends itself in lieu of the world. I’m interested in the people who love the world more, and in what they have to tell us, which varies from day to day, subject to subject. Because what we do begins with what we believe we can do. It begins with being open to the possibilities and interested in the complexities."]]></description>
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    <title>Myles Horton - Radical Hillbilly - A Wisdom Teacher for Activism and Civic Engagement - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2016-04-30T18:21:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qSwW0zc-QBQ</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://github.com/greyscalepress/manifestos/blob/master/content/manifestos/1985-GNU-manifesto.md">
    <title>manifestos/1985-GNU-manifesto.md at master · greyscalepress/manifestos</title>
    <dc:date>2016-03-27T04:15:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://github.com/greyscalepress/manifestos/blob/master/content/manifestos/1985-GNU-manifesto.md</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why I Must Write GNU

I consider that the Golden Rule requires that if I like a program I must share it with other people who like it. Software sellers want to divide the users and conquer them, making each user agree not to share with others. I refuse to break solidarity with other users in this way. I cannot in good conscience sign a nondisclosure agreement or a software license agreement. For years I worked within the Artificial Intelligence Lab to resist such tendencies and other inhospitalities, but eventually they had gone too far: I could not remain in an institution where such things are done for me against my will.

So that I can continue to use computers without dishonor, I have decided to put together a sufficient body of free software so that I will be able to get along without any software that is not free. I have resigned from the AI Lab to deny MIT any legal excuse to prevent me from giving GNU away.(2)"

…

"Why Many Other Programmers Want to Help

I have found many other programmers who are excited about GNU and want to help.

Many programmers are unhappy about the commercialization of system software. It may enable them to make more money, but it requires them to feel in conflict with other programmers in general rather than feel as comrades. The fundamental act of friendship among programmers is the sharing of programs; marketing arrangements now typically used essentially forbid programmers to treat others as friends. The purchaser of software must choose between friendship and obeying the law. Naturally, many decide that friendship is more important. But those who believe in law often do not feel at ease with either choice. They become cynical and think that programming is just a way of making money.

By working on and using GNU rather than proprietary programs, we can be hospitable to everyone and obey the law. In addition, GNU serves as an example to inspire and a banner to rally others to join us in sharing. This can give us a feeling of harmony which is impossible if we use software that is not free. For about half the programmers I talk to, this is an important happiness that money cannot replace."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gnu richardstallman friendship solidarity opensource law legal cynicism via:caseygollan</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.uctv.tv/shows/UCSD-Guestbook-Kim-Stanley-Robinson-5001">
    <title>UCSD Guestbook: Kim Stanley Robinson - UCTV - University of California Television</title>
    <dc:date>2016-02-29T06:29:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.uctv.tv/shows/UCSD-Guestbook-Kim-Stanley-Robinson-5001</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[direct link to video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PAu5PD4OS-w ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2000 interviews scifi sciencefiction optimism utopia environment sustainability idealismpolitics policy change progressive hgwells dystopia climatechange cynicism quietism collaborativism california socal consumerism orangecounty sandiego camppendleton kimstanleyrobinson</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MNVKoX40ZAo">
    <title>An American Utopia: Fredric Jameson in Conversation with Stanley Aronowitz - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2016-01-14T05:53:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MNVKoX40ZAo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Eminent literary and political theorist Fredric Jameson, of Duke University, gives a new address, followed by a conversation with noted cultural critic Stanely Aronowitz, of the Graduate Center. Jameson, author of Postmodernism: The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism and The Political Unconscious, will consider the practicality of the Utopian tradition and its broader implications for cultural production and political institutions. Co-sponsored by the Writers' Institute and the Ph.D. Program in Comparative Literature."

[via: "@timmaughan saw a semi-serious proposal talk from Frederic Jameson a few years ago about just that; the army as social utopia."
https://twitter.com/sevensixfive/status/687321982157860864

"@timmaughan this looks to be a version of it here, in fact: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MNVKoX40ZAo …"
https://twitter.com/sevensixfive/status/687323080088285184 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://hapgood.us/2015/10/24/the-banal-uselessness-of-the-utopian-binary-critique/">
    <title>The Banal Uselessness of the Utopian Binary Critique | Hapgood</title>
    <dc:date>2015-12-12T20:05:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://hapgood.us/2015/10/24/the-banal-uselessness-of-the-utopian-binary-critique/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I was watching Jesse Stommel at NWeLearn this past week give an excellent presentation on grading. In it he suggested a number of alternatives to traditional grading, and outlined some of the ways that traditional grading is baked into the system.

And the end of the talk, the inevitable hand: “Your presentation seems so BINARY,” says the questioner, “Why is it so either/or? Why can’t it be both/and?”

Sigh.

I outlined my vision of a different approach to networked learning last week to a number of people at dLRN, and the response was overwhelmingly positive. But the negatives were very negative.

“I think it’s utopian,” they said, “You’re not going to eliminate all online nastiness with a different software format.”

I looked over my presentation to try to find the spot where we reached the Age of Aquarius via some Node server installs. I saw a lot of places where I said we could be doing much better, but couldn’t find the places where we cured all ills.

I was watching someone give a presentation on the struggles of the non-traditional student. After the presentation people were talking. I’m worried about the binaries here, they said. Why do we talk about non-traditional vs. traditional? Why can’t we just talk about STUDENTS?

I got some great feedback at dLRN. And I love cynical feedback more than anything. My favorite comment was from Justin Reich who said “So you show how this different, older, way could preserve complexity. But maybe we abandoned it because we hate complexity, right?”

That’s a great comment. I actually can’t get it out of my head it’s so good.

You know what’s not a great comment?

• “How does this solve world hunger, sexism, and inequality once and for all?”
• “Why is this so either/or?”
• “Why is this so utopian?”
• “We need to get past these binaries.”

These aren’t really useful questions, and I’ve come to realize they aren’t meant to be. The issue with Jesse’s call to action and mine is the same — we’re both arguing for things which are so far out of the mainstream of practice you have to squint to see them.

Saying “Why is this so binary?” when presented with an alternate, minority vision is simply a way of supporting the status quo, by not engaging with the reality that the dominant paradigm is NOT “both/and” but rather “almost entirely this”. The world of the person making the “utopian binary” critique is one where they get to ignore the existing disparities the binary calls to light — a trick most recently seen in the ridiculous #alllivesmatter hash tag: “But why single out *black* lives?”

The “utopian” critique is very similar —

<blockquote>Them: “If this cannot solve all problems, then how can we be excited about it?”

Me: “But I didn’t say it solved all problems!”

Them: “Aha! So you admit it doesn’t solve anything!”

Me: “Um, which one of us is utopian again?”</blockquote>

This approach suffers the same affliction, assuming that we must compare a proposed solution against the standard of an imagined perfect world rather than a screwed up current state.

I’ve come to realize that, no matter how many caveats you add to your writing, people for whom the status quo works will always reply that your ideas are interesting, but why are they so binary, so utopian? I used to take these critiques seriously, but I don’t anymore. It’s simply a rhetorical move to avoid comparing your solution with a status quo that is difficult for them to defend.

It’s like replying to a presentation on solar-powered cars with “But why can’t we have both solar powered cars AND gasoline cars?” Or with “But there will still be pollution from BUILDING the cars so you haven’t solved anything!”

It’s like replying to a presentation on scaling down the American military in favor of increasing foreign relief aid with “But why can’t we have both the American military AND foreign relief aid?” Or with “But foreign relief aid STILL doesn’t always reach the most vulnerable, so you haven’t solved anything!”

It’s like replying to a presentation on Global Warming with “But why can’t find a balance between controlling global warming and protecting business interest?” Or “But global warming is going to happen anyway, so you haven’t solved anything!”

There’s as little chance that the world is going to go overboard on Jesse’s Peter Elbow inspired grading models as there is that we’re going to veer too much toward addressing global warming or decreasing U. S. Military funding (appx. $2,000 per capita) relative to our foreign aid (about $70 per capita). There’s as little chance that our “Pull to Refresh” obsessed culture is going to go overboard with wiki as there is that solar-powered vehicles will result in a war against gas-powered cars.

People who make such objections are not serious people, or in any not case serious thinkers in that moment. The reason we make binaries in our comparisons is to show how unbalanced the status quo is. The “binary” of pitting military spending against foreign aid is to show how out of balance out priorities are, just as the “binary” of Jesse’s holistic grading against more rigid models is to show how little time we spend on the whole student. And the reason we posit the binary of the “nontraditional student” against the “traditional student” is that 90% of policy and conversation right now is directed at the latter, and separating these details can show this.

The Garden approach I outlined at dLRN might not work, and holistic grading might fail at the scale people need to use it at. That solar car may run up against physical and environmental realities that make it unfeasible. Our policies to help the nontraditional student may solve the wrong issues, or assume a political climate we don’t have right now. Foreign aid may be better directed at world hunger or medical research, or perhaps there are good reasons for spending $800 billion on a military. Perhaps, far from making things better,  a set of proposals would make things worse in ways the historically literate can predict. All these are interesting points, and great follow-ups to presentations outlining potential courses of action.

Additionally, some binaries are ill-formed, and give a distorted picture of reality. That’s an interesting point as well. Is androgogy/pedagogy a more helpful lens on a particular issue than first-generation/nth-generation? Does the research support a division like “Digital Natives/Digital Immigrants”? (hint: it doesn’t).

These are great questions too.

“Why so utopian?” and  “Why so binary?” Not so much.

Here’s my pitch to you, and it is always the same.  I think we can do substantially better than we do now, in a way that benefits most people. I think it requires rethinking some assumptions about how we teach and how we tech. I think the positive impact is likely relative to how deep we’re willing to go in questioning current assumptions.

So, if you like the status quo, or think it’s better than what is proposed, then defend it! If you think my ideas will not be adopted or will make things worse, then show me why!

But to the Utopian Binary comment crowd: Stop pretending people like Jesse and I are making utopian, either/or arguments.  It’s a lazy rhetorical move, I’m tired of it, and you’re taking time from people with real questions."

[via https://twitter.com/holden/status/658310638662356992
via https://twitter.com/rmoejo/status/658314942123085824
via http://rolinmoe.org/2015/12/09/hourofteach-or-will-the-last-philanthrocapitalist-turn-out-the-lights/
via https://tinyletter.com/audreywatters/letters/hack-education-weekly-newsletter-no-140 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.walkerart.org/magazine/2015/an-xiao-mina-activism-affirmation-internet">
    <title>An Activism of Affirmation — Magazine — Walker Art Center</title>
    <dc:date>2015-07-02T00:22:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.walkerart.org/magazine/2015/an-xiao-mina-activism-affirmation-internet</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Art can raise important questions about society, art can challenge our philosophical beliefs, art can divide, art can heal. When it comes to social movements, I often think of the latter. Emotions and aesthetics are so often overlooked in today’s conversation around networked movements, but many artistic actions can help us feel better and help us feel less alone in the face of injustice. Artist-activists have a key role to play in affirming the fear, frustration, and hope that inevitably accompany difficult and sustained movements. These micro forms of liberation online can be passing and fleeting, but they are not meaningless, especially if felt in aggregate.

We must be careful of narratives claiming that building voice will automatically lead to the change we advocate for. No amount of creative selfies can by themselves put a stop to homophobia, systemic racism, or the erosion of democratic rights, and in many contexts, reinforcing feelings can lead to an inflated sense of self worth or a hardened set of views against already marginalized communities. As well, in a surveillance context, the act of creative expression can be dangerous in and of itself. These tools and practices are neither neutral nor deterministic; how we as individuals and we as a broader society leverage the web’s unique affordances can help foster justice or increase suffering in the world.

But we must be equally as careful not to fall into the trap of cynically arguing that free expression around issues of human rights and dignity has no meaning without long term change. Binary thinking about what constitutes positive change misses the fact that social movements require multiple factors to succeed, and change more often happens in increments rather than in wholesale, monumental shifts. We see so much art in movements today because art, creative expression, and emotional microaffirmations are necessary components of justice. They help us create, imagine, and live a better world in tiny bits, made powerful in their accumulation and broadcast to broader and more extensive networks than was previously possible.

The Internet helps us organize and inform, but art and creative expression in particular can help transform the Internet into a space for affirmation, self-worth, and emotional healing as well. And that, too, is a powerful form of activism."]]></description>
<dc:subject>xiaomina 2015 activism hongkong protest occupywallstreet ows affirmation cynicism change socialchange art creativity microaffirmations microaggressions socialjustice echochambers</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://ioadicaeu.wordpress.com/2014/07/31/i-no-longer-have-patience/">
    <title>I no longer have patience | Ioadicaeu's Blog</title>
    <dc:date>2014-09-05T18:11:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://ioadicaeu.wordpress.com/2014/07/31/i-no-longer-have-patience/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“I no longer have patience for certain things, not because I’ve become arrogant, but simply because I reached a point in my life where I do not want to waste more time with what displeases me or hurts me. I have no patience for cynicism, excessive criticism and demands of any nature. I lost the will to please those who do not like me, to love those who do not love me and to smile at those who do not want to smile at me. I no longer spend a single minute on those who lie or want to manipulate. I decided not to coexist anymore with pretense, hypocrisy, dishonesty and cheap praise. I do not tolerate selective erudition nor academic arrogance. I do not adjust either to popular gossiping. I hate conflict and comparisons. I believe in a world of opposites and that’s why I avoid people with rigid and inflexible personalities. In friendship I dislike the lack of loyalty and betrayal. I do not get along with those who do not know how to give a compliment or a word of encouragement. Exaggerations bore me and I have difficulty accepting those who do not like animals. And on top of everything I have no patience for anyone who does not deserve my patience.” —Meryl Streep]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:litherland marylstreep patience cynicism criticism demands hypocrisy dishonesty praise comparisons comparison conflict loyalty betrayal exaggeration arrogance pretense lies manipulation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/05/10/young-minds-in-critical-condition/">
    <title>Young Minds in Critical Condition - NYTimes.com</title>
    <dc:date>2014-05-13T17:46:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/05/10/young-minds-in-critical-condition/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It happens every semester. A student triumphantly points out that Jean-Jacques Rousseau is undermining himself when he claims “the man who reflects is a depraved animal,” or that Ralph Waldo Emerson’s call for self-reliance is in effect a call for reliance on Emerson himself. Trying not to sound too weary, I ask the student to imagine that the authors had already considered these issues.

Instead of trying to find mistakes in the texts, I suggest we take the point of view that our authors created these apparent “contradictions” in order to get readers like us to ponder more interesting questions. How do we think about inequality and learning, for example, or how can we stand on our own feet while being open to inspiration from the world around us? Yes, there’s a certain satisfaction in being critical of our authors, but isn’t it more interesting to put ourselves in a frame of mind to find inspiration in them?

Our best college students are very good at being critical. In fact being smart, for many, means being critical. Having strong critical skills shows that you will not be easily fooled. It is a sign of sophistication, especially when coupled with an acknowledgment of one’s own “privilege.”

The combination of resistance to influence and deflection of responsibility by confessing to one’s advantages is a sure sign of one’s ability to negotiate the politics of learning on campus. But this ability will not take you very far beyond the university. Taking things apart, or taking people down, can provide the satisfactions of cynicism. But this is thin gruel.

The skill at unmasking error, or simple intellectual one-upmanship, is not totally without value, but we should be wary of creating a class of self-satisfied debunkers — or, to use a currently fashionable word on campus, people who like to “trouble” ideas. In overdeveloping the capacity to show how texts, institutions or people fail to accomplish what they set out to do, we may be depriving students of the chance to learn as much as possible from what they study.

In campus cultures where being smart means being a critical unmasker, students may become too good at showing how things can’t possibly make sense. They may close themselves off from their potential to find or create meaning and direction from the books, music and experiments they encounter in the classroom.

Once outside the university, these students may try to score points by displaying the critical prowess for which they were rewarded in school, but those points often come at their own expense. As debunkers, they contribute to a cultural climate that has little tolerance for finding or making meaning — a culture whose intellectuals and cultural commentators get “liked” by showing that somebody else just can’t be believed. But this cynicism is no achievement.

Liberal education in America has long been characterized by the intertwining of two traditions: of critical inquiry in pursuit of truth and exuberant performance in pursuit of excellence. In the last half-century, though, emphasis on inquiry has become dominant, and it has often been reduced to the ability to expose error and undermine belief. The inquirer has taken the guise of the sophisticated (often ironic) spectator, rather than the messy participant in continuing experiments or even the reverent beholder of great cultural achievements.

Of course critical reflection is fundamental to teaching and scholarship, but fetishizing disbelief as a sign of intelligence has contributed to depleting our cultural resources. Creative work, in whatever field, depends upon commitment, the energy of participation and the ability to become absorbed in works of literature, art and science. That type of absorption is becoming an endangered species of cultural life, as our nonstop, increasingly fractured technological existence wears down our receptive capacities.

In my film and philosophy class, for example, I have to insist that students put their devices away while watching movies that don’t immediately engage their senses with explosions, sex or gag lines. At first they see this as some old guy’s failure to grasp their skill at multitasking, but eventually most relearn how to give themselves to an emotional and intellectual experience, one that is deeply engaging partly because it does not pander to their most superficial habits of attention. I usually watch the movies with them (though I’ve seen them more than a dozen times), and together we share an experience that becomes the subject of reflection, interpretation and analysis. We even forget our phones and tablets when we encounter these unexpected sources of inspiration.

Liberal learning depends on absorption in compelling work. It is a way to open ourselves to the various forms of life in which we might actively participate. When we learn to read or look or listen intensively, we are, at least temporarily, overcoming our own blindness by trying to understand an experience from another’s point of view. We are not just developing techniques of problem solving; we are learning to activate potential, and often to instigate new possibilities.

Yes, hard-nosed critical thinking is a useful tool, but it also may become a defense against the risky insight that absorption can offer. As students and as teachers we sometimes crave that protection; without it we risk changing who we are. We risk seeing a different way of living not as something alien, but as a possibility we might be able to explore, and even embrace.

Liberal education must not limit itself to critical thinking and problem solving; it must also foster openness, participation and opportunity. It should be designed to take us beyond the campus to a life of ongoing, pragmatic learning that finds inspiration in unexpected sources, and increases our capacity to understand and contribute to the world — and reshape it, and ourselves, in the "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://blog.postarchitectural.com/18-Webstock-2014-Talk-Notes-and-References">
    <title>18. Webstock 2014 Talk Notes and References - postarchitectural</title>
    <dc:date>2014-04-24T04:19:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://blog.postarchitectural.com/18-Webstock-2014-Talk-Notes-and-References</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Direct link to video: https://vimeo.com/91957759 ]
[See also: http://www.webstock.org.nz/talks/the-future-happens-so-much/ ]

"I was honored to be invited to Webstock 2014 to speak, and decided to use it as an opportunity to talk about startups and growth in general. 

I prepared for this talk by collecting links, notes, and references in a flat text file, like I did for Eyeo and Visualized. These references are vaguely sorted into the structure of the talk. Roughly, I tried to talk about the future happening all around us, the startup ecosystem and the pressures for growth that got us there, and the dangerous sides of it both at an individual and a corporate level. I ended by talking about ways for us as a community to intervene in these systems of growth. 

The framework of finding places to intervene comes from Leverage Points by Donella Meadows, and I was trying to apply the idea of 'monstrous thoughts' from Just Asking by David Foster Wallace. And though what I was trying to get across is much better said and felt through books like Seeing like a State, Debt, or Arctic Dreams, here's what was in my head."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/weird-future/de88dbc1f17c">
    <title>Marc Andreessen’s Crude and Nuanced Tech Cynicism — Weird Future — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2014-03-23T19:37:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/weird-future/de88dbc1f17c</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On Saturday night, serial-tweet-lover Marc Andreessen started a list.

1/Degrees of tech cynicism from crude to nuanced?
https://twitter.com/pmarca/status/447604341591908352

Andreessen ought to know tech cynicism — he’s been around for awhile. Indeed as co-author of Mosaic, the first widely used web browser, his career more or less spans the life of the web as we know it.

2/That can’t possibly work.
https://twitter.com/pmarca/status/447604381764960256

Today, Andreessen is a venture capitalist. He’s half of the name of Andreessen Horowitz, a firm whose holdings represent a range of successful tech start-ups. They put money into Skype, Facebook, Twitter, AirBnB, and Instagram. They also put money into Groupon and Zynga, but you can win ‘em all (actually, since both companies IPO’d, their stocks falling to 1/3 of peak valuation doesn’t really matter to Andreessen Horowitz — the exit is the win).

In short, Andreessen has seen some shit.

Embedded tweets take up too much space, so I’m gonna go ahead and paste in the rest of his list by hand.

3/Normal people will use it, but it’s trivial. 4/It will never replace [legacy]. 5/It will replace [legacy], which is why the world is going to hell. 6/Yes, fine, but just wait until [big company] does it. 7/Yes, fine, but just wait until [hypothetical better version that doesn’t actually exist] does it. 8/I can’t believe how much money those kids made from that. 9/It’s a clear and obvious bubble. 10/Whatever, innovation is dead.

That’s it. That’s the list.

Marc Andreessen thinks “Whatever, innovation is dead” is the most nuanced form of tech cynicism available.

You know, it happens. Andreessen is a busy man, what with all the innovation and disruption he’s got to fund and then exit from. When your days are that packed, it can be easy to lose sight of the bigger picture. If you have to spend all your time immersed in the promise of tech, your cynic muscles can atrophy and even the crudest cynicism might seem nuanced.

But we can do better. Here are a some additions.

11/ Normal people will use it, and then they’ll stop because it is a fad.

12/ It is as vulnerable to the logic of disruption as [legacy].

13/ It will prioritize speed of implementation over security, offering users’ personal data to hackers, advertisers, and spies on a silver platter.

14/ It will succeed long enough for a successful exit, then crash and burn, enriching VCs but doing little to improve the world as a whole.

15/ Although it preaches revolution, it will end up reproducing and empowering the structures of injustice that dominate today.

16/ It will intensify the growing concentration of wealth and power that appears to be endemic to economies which take advantage of network effects.

17/ Because it is being implemented in a country where food and healthcare are treated as luxuries rather than basic human rights, its success will multiply the misery in the world as it lays waste to [legacy].

18/ It is being created and sold to a tiny cadre of wealthy inter-connected players who are so convinced of their own intelligence that it doesn’t occur to them to ask around and find out the needs of other people.

19/ It will be powered by ads.

20/ It will do nothing to slow the headlong rush of global civilization into any number of catastrophes which would in turn render it irrelevant.

21/ It preys on and amplifies human weakness.

22/ It will have unintended consequences.

23/ It will do nothing to mitigate the chaos it leaves in its wake."

[Also 

24/ It will re-enable scams that regulation had previously tamped down in [legacy].
https://twitter.com/doingitwrong/status/447812538638794752

25/ Its successful ubiquity will force users to contort their selves so they can slot into an ill-considered early design decision.
https://twitter.com/doingitwrong/status/447813472580300800 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>timmaly technology marcandreessen cynicism technosolutionism criticism 2014 internet web civilization inequality power advertising money vc venturecapital legacy unintendedconsequences fads wealth economics innovation disruption</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.bratton.info/projects/talks/we-need-to-talk-about-ted/">
    <title>BRATTON.INFO - talks - &quot;we need to talk about ted&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-16T08:36:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.bratton.info/projects/talks/we-need-to-talk-about-ted/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So what is TED exactly?
 
Perhaps it's the proposition that if we talk about world-changing ideas enough then the world will change.  But this is not true, and that's the second problem.
 
TED of course stands for Technology, Entertainment, Design, and I’ll talk a bit about all three. I Think TED actually stands for: middlebrow megachurch infotainment. 

The key rhetorical device for TED talks is a combination of epiphany and personal testimony (an “epiphimony” if you like ) through which the speaker shares a personal journey of insight and realization, its triumphs and tribulations.
 
What is it that the TED audience hopes to get from this? A vicarious insight, a fleeting moment of wonder, an inkling that maybe it’s all going to work out after all? A spiritual buzz?
 
I'm sorry but this fails to meet the challenges that we are supposedly here to confront. These are very complicated are not given to tidy just-so solutions. They don’t care about anyone’s experience of optimism. Given the stakes, making our best and brightest waste their time –and the audience’s time— dancing like infomercial hosts is too high a price. It is cynical.
 
Also, it just doesn’t work.
  
Recently there was a bit of a dust up when TED Global sent out a note to TEDx organizers to not book speakers whose work spans the paranormal, the conspiratorial, New Age,  quantum neuroenergy, etc: what is called Woo. Instead of these placebos, TEDx should instead curate talks that are imaginative but grounded in reality.  In fairness, they took some heat, so their gesture should be acknowledged. A lot of people take TED very seriously, and might lend credence to specious ideas if stamped with TED credentials. "No" to placebo science and medicine.
 
But the corollaries of placebo science and placebo medicine are placebo politics and placebo innovation. On this point, TED has a long ways to go.
 
Perhaps the pinnacle of placebo politics and innovation was featured at TEDx San Diego in 2011. You’re familiar I assume with Kony2012, the social media campaign to stop war crimes in central Africa? What happened here? Evangelical Christian surfer Bro goes to help kids in Africa. He makes a campy video explaining genocide to the cast of Glee. The world finds his public epiphany to be shallow to the point of self-delusion. The complex geopolitics of Central Africa are left undisturbed. Kony’s still there. The end.

You see, when inspiration becomes manipulation, inspiration becomes obfuscation. If you are not cynical you should be skeptical. You should be as skeptical of placebo politics as you are placebo medicine."

…

"E and Economics

A better 'E' in TED would stand for Economics, and the need for, yes imagining and designing, different systems of valuation, exchange, accounting of transaction externalites, financing of coordinated planning, etc. Because States plus Markets, States versus Markets, these are insufficient models, and our conversation is still stuck in Cold War gear. 

Worse is when economics is debated like metaphysics, as if the reality of a system is merely a bad example of the ideal.
 
Communism in theory is an egalitarian utopia
 
Actually existing Communism meant  ecological devastation, government spying, crappy cars and gulags
 
Capitalism in theory is rocket ships, nanomedicine, and Bono saving Africa.
 
Actually existing Capitalism means Walmart jobs, people living in sewers under Las Vegas, McMansions, Ryan Seacrest…plus —ecological devastation, government spying, crappy public transportation and for-profit prisons.
 
Our options for change range from basically what we have plus a little more Hayek, to what we have plus a little more Keynes. Why?
 
The most  recent centuries have seen  extraordinary accomplishments in improving quality of life. But the paradox is that the system we have now --whatever you want to call it-- is in the short term what makes the amazing new technologies possible, but in the long run it is also what suppresses their full flowering.  Another economic architecture is prerequisite."

…

"As for one simple take away... I don't have one simple take away, one magic idea. That’s kind of the point. I will say that when and if the key problems facing our species were to be solved, then perhaps many of us in this room would be out of work (and perhaps in jail).
 
But it’s not as though there is a shortage of topics for serious discussion. We need a deeper conversation about the difference between digital cosmopolitanism and Cloud Feudalism (toward that, a queer history of computer science and Alan Turing’s birthday as holiday!)
 
I would like new maps of the world, ones not based on settler colonialism, legacy genomics and bronze age myths, but instead on something more… scalable.
 
TED today is not that.

Problems are not “puzzles” to be solved. That metaphor assumes that all the necessary pieces are already on the table, they just need to be re-arranged and re-programmed. It’s not true.
 
“Innovation” that moves the pieces around and adds more processing power is not some Big Idea that will disrupt a broken status quo: that precisely is the broken status quo.

One TED speaker said recently, “If you remove this boundary, ...the only boundary left is our imagination.” Wrong.
 
If we really want transformation we have to slog through the hard stuff (history, economics, philosophy, art, ambiguities, contradictions).  Bracketing it off to the side to focus just on technology, or just on innovation, actually prevents transformation.
 
Instead of dumbing down the future we need to raise the level of general understanding to the level of complexity of the systems in which we are embedded and which are embedded in us. This is not about “personal stories of inspiration," it's about the difficult and uncertain work of de-mystification and re-conceptualization: the hard stuff that really changes how we think. More Copernicus, less Tony Robbins

At a societal level, the bottom line is if we invest things that make us feel good but which don’t work, and don’t invest things that don’t make us feel good but which may solve problems, then our fate is that it will just get harder and harder to feel good about not solving any problems.

In this case the placebo is worse than ineffective, it's harmful. It's diverts your interest, enthusiasm and outrage until it's absorbed into this black hole of affectation
 
Keep calm and carry on "innovating"... is that the real message of TED? To me that’s not inspirational, it’s cynical.
 
In the U.S. the right-wing has certain media channels that allow it to bracket reality... other constituencies have TED."

[Now posted at the Guardian: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/dec/30/we-need-to-talk-about-ted ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjaminbratton ted tedxsandiego 2013 politics technology sandiego lajolla communism capitalism kony2012 geopolitics drones nsa surveillance innovation ambiguity contradiction demystification cynicism skepticism cloudfeudalism digitalcosmopolitanism via:javierarbona</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://gawker.com/on-smarm-1476594977">
    <title>On Smarm</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-05T22:03:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://gawker.com/on-smarm-1476594977</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is also no accident that David Eggers is full of shit."

"Smarm should be understood as a type of bullshit, then. It is a kind of moral and ethical misdirection."

"The old systems of prestige are rickety and insecure. Everyone has a publishing platform and no one has a career."

"What carries contemporary American political campaigns along is a thick flow of opaque smarm."

"Romney clambered up to a new higher ground, deploring the divisiveness of dwelling on his divisiveness."

"Through smarm, the "centrists" have cut themselves off from the language of actual dispute. In smarm is power."

"A civilization that speaks in smarm is a civilization that has lost its ability to talk about purposes at all."

"Joe Lieberman! If you would know smarm, look to Joe Lieberman."

"The plutocrats are haunted, as all smarmers are haunted, by a lack of respect. On Twitter, the only answer to "Do you know who I am?" is "One more person with 140 characters to use.""

"To actually say a plain and direct word like "corrupt" is more outlandish, in smarm's outlook, than even swearing."

"Anger is upsetting to smarm. But so is humor and confidence."

"Immense fortunes have bloomed in Silicon Valley on the most ephemeral and stupid windborne seeds of concepts. What's wrong with you, that you didn't get a piece of it?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>criticism culture smarm snark daveeggers malcolmgladwell 2013 tomscocca buzzfeed heidijulavits isaacfitzgerald daviddenby bambi arifleischer lannydavis leesiegel cynicism negativity tone politics writing critique mittromney barackobama michaelbloomberg ianfrazier centrists power redistribution rebeccablank civilization dialog conversation purpose jedediahpurdy irony joelieberman marshallsella billclinton mainstream georgewbush maureendowd rudeness meanness plutocrats wealth publishing media respect niallferguson alexpareene mariabartiromo gawker choiresicha anger confidence humor spikelee upworthy adammordecai juliachild success successfulness niceness tompeters bullshit morality ethics misdirection insecurity prestige audience dialogue jedediahbritton-purdy</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:78916c894270/</dc:identifier>
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