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    <title>After OpenAI (Vandal Live at Wake Forest Humanities Institute)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-14T04:33:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theamericanvandal.substack.com/p/afteropenai?triedRedirect=true</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Apple Podcasts | Spotify

As part of the Spring Symposium at the Wake Forest Humanities Institute, Matt Seybold discusses the present and future of AI speculation, including an extended discussion with Wake Forest faculty, many who were part of WFHI’s Interdisciplinary Faculty Seminar on Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence.

Cast (in order of appearance): Jennifer Greiman, Matt Seybold, Derek Lee, Michaela Appeltova, Nisrine Rahal, Barry Trachtenberg, Jeff Bills-Solomon, Dean Franco, Amanda Gengler

Featured Guests

Jennifer Greiman is Professor of English at Wake Forest University and Director of The Humanities Institute there.

Matt Seybold is Associate Professor of American Literature & Mark Twain Studies at Elmira College, as well as resident scholar at the Center For Mark Twain Studies and executive producer of The American Vandal Podcast.

Episode Bibliography

Emily Bender & Alex Hanna, The AI Con (HarperCollins, 2025)

Emily Bender, Timnit Gebru, et al. “On The Dangers of Stochastic Parrots: Can Language Models Be Too Big?” FAccT 2021

Tressie McMillan Cottom, “The Tech Fantasy That Powers AI is Running on Fumes” The New York Times (April 29, 2025)

Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (U California Press, 1984)

Virginia Dignum, The AI Paradox: How To Make Sense of a Complex Future (Princeton UP, 2026)

Ronan Farrow & Andrew Marantz, “Moment of Truth” The New Yorker (April 13, 2026)

Karen Hao, Empire of AI: Dreams & Nigthmares in Sam Altman’s Open AI (Penguin Random House, 2026)

Andy Hines, Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism & The University (U Chicago Press, 2022)

E. D. Hirsch, Cultural Literacy (Houghton Mifflin, 1987)

Tyler Johnston, “The reporters at this new site are AI bots. OpenAI’s Super PAC appears to be funding it.” Model Republic (April 24, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Grok is an Epistemic Weapon” Tech Policy Press (January 13, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Texpocalypse Now: AI and The New Political Economy of Writing” PennAI (April 17, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum & Rita Raley, “AI & The University as a Service” PMLA (May 2024)

Christopher Newfield, Unmaking The Public University (Harvard UP, 2011)

Britt S. Paris, Radical Infrastructure: Imagining The Internet From The Ground Up (U. California, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, The Global Casino: How Wall Street Gambles with People & The Planet (Verso, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “The Next Crisis is Coming” Politics Joe (April 1, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “Is the next financial crisis only a matter of time?” De Balie (February 16, 2026)

Daniel Roher & Charlie Tyrell, The AI Doc, or How I Became An Apocaloptimist (2026)

Matt Seybold, “Against Technofeudal Education” The American Vandal (June 10, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “The Technofeudal Text” The American Vandal (August 25, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “Mamdani Win Could Be The First Step Towards Seizing The Means of Knowledge Production” The American Vandal (November 5, 2025)

Matt Seybold & Eric Hayot, “The ‘Crisis In The Humanities’ Is Over. That’s Not a Good Thing.” Chronicle Of Higher Education (December 29, 2025)

Matt Seybold & John Warner, “The Technology That’s Taking Your Freedom” Academic Freedom On The Line (February 3, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “The Secret History of Canvas LMS, Corporate Raiders, & The Chatbot Bubble” The American Vandal (March 24, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “HBCUs & The Philanthrocapitalist Swindle” The American Vandal (February 4, 2025)

Jacob Silverman, “The Death of an AI Whistleblower” The Nation (May 2026)

Nick Srnicek, Silicon Empires: The Fight For The Future of AI (Polity, 2026)

Ben Tarnoff, “Frankenstein’s Regret” The Nation (May 2026)

Wake Forest Humanities Institute, “Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence” (May 2026)

McKenzie Wark, Capital Is Dead: Is This Something Worse? (Verso, 2019)"]]></description>
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    <title>The Truth About Wokeness with Musa al-Gharbi | Ep 22 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:27:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KaSa61inr8g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when the guardians of cultural narratives and societal norms become inseparable from the very hierarchies they critique? Today, we explore the concept of "symbolic capitalists" with Musa al-Gharbi, author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and assistant professor at the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University.

In this conversation, Musa discusses the role of symbolic capitalists in perpetuating societal inequalities and how their influence extends to academia and media. His latest book, "We Have Never Been Woke," provides a radical yet introspective take on these themes. Drawing from his experiences at elite institutions like Columbia University, he highlights the paradoxes and internal contradictions of symbolic capitalism. Join us as Musa al-Gharbi articulates the complicity of the professional-managerial class in societal injustices and reflects on the role of identity and networks in shaping academic and professional paths.

In This Episode:
• Definition and impact of symbolic capitalists
• Collaboration between symbolic and traditional capitalists
• Moral and ethical implications of symbolic professions
• The interplay between academia and elite credentialing
• Disparities within symbolic professions
• Exploitation of adjunct professors in higher education
• Historical context of social justice movements among symbolic capitalists
• The symbolic performance of advocacy vs. direct action
• Revisiting the relationship between personal success and systemic inequality

About Musa:
Musa al-Gharbi, Ph.D., is the Daniel Bell Research Fellow at Heterodox Academy, and an assistant professor of journalism, communication and sociology at Stony Brook University. Musa is the Author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, published by Princeton University Press. He is a columnist for The Guardian and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, and The Atlantic, among other publications."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:18:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves."

[previously bookmarked here:
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:9d2d2e201910 ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8">
    <title>How elites co-opted wokeness - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T17:24:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does it mean to be “woke”? It's become a catch-all term to smear or dismiss anything that has any vague association with progressive politics. So anytime you venture into an argument about “wokeness,” it becomes hopelessly entangled in a broader cultural battle.

Today’s guest, journalist and professor Musa al-Gharbi, helps us untangle “wokeness” from its fraught political context. The author of the book, We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, al-Gharbi discusses what effects the movement is and isn’t having on our society.

This episode originally aired in November 2024.

Host: Sean Illing (@seanilling) 
Guest: Musa al-Gharbi (@Musa_alGharbi)

6:11 What is wokeness?
18:48 Why George Floyd only mattered to the public after his death
20:32 How elites navigate the tension between their status and their values
28:43 How culturally significant is “wokeness”?
32:21 Do social movements produce change?
42:22 Will our politics remain polarized?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi seanilling wokeness 2010 2024 politics language socialmovements polarization inequality georgefloyd capitalism progressive progressivism highered highereducation academia journalism change policy elitecapture elites georgefloyduprising politicaleconomy symbolism knowlegework ideology politicalcorrectness 1980s 1990s 2010s 2020s activism left right sanctimony 1930s 1920s 1960s eliteoverproduction jackgoldstone peterturchin popularimmiseration elitism culture gatekeeping sociology bertrandcooper professionalmanagerialclass media education pmc nytimes exclusion exclusivity symboliccapitalism class hierarchy hierarchies meritocracy socialclimbing status egalitarianism ambition classism socialposition superiority antiwoke recognition culturewars culturewar society ethnicity representation pierrebourdieu institutions credentials credentialism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:8fefad3e40db/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>AI is Destroying the University and Learning Itself</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-15T04:54:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/ai-is-destroying-the-university-and-learning-itself</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Students use AI to write papers, professors use AI to grade them, degrees become meaningless, and tech companies make fortunes. Welcome to the death of higher education."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://thecresset.org/2018/Easter/Noble_E18.html">
    <title>Dante in the Woods: The Potential of the Para-University</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-27T04:44:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://thecresset.org/2018/Easter/Noble_E18.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A para-university, then, is any university program that exists alongside its institution’s mission but outside its institution’s entrenched presuppositions. It serves as a check against the inevitable cultural inertias that plague all large organizations, against the tendency to collapse into a logic of mere precedent: “That’s how we do it, because that’s how we have always done it.” Para-universities are adaptive and experimental zones, but on a scale small enough to prevent major disruptions to the whole. Because of this scale, they will never be profit centers, but neither need they be financial sinkholes. They prove their worth in terms of their added value to a university’s overall educational product, in the intellectual capabilities, reshaped desires, spiritual flourishing, and, dare I say, customer satisfaction of the humans it graduates."]]></description>
<dc:subject>christophernoble para-university williamderesiewicz education highered highereducation colleges universities academia credentialism stephnyschlachter undercommons institutions 2018 christianity humanities carolynfinney richardarum josiparoksa disenchantment brianmassumi dante</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691232607/we-have-never-been-woke">
    <title>We Have Never Been Woke | Princeton University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-10T06:13:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691232607/we-have-never-been-woke</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How a new “woke” elite uses the language of social justice to gain more power and status—without helping the marginalized and disadvantaged"

...

"Society has never been more egalitarian—in theory. Prejudice is taboo, and diversity is strongly valued. At the same time, social and economic inequality have exploded. In We Have Never Been Woke, Musa al-Gharbi argues that these trends are closely related, each tied to the rise of a new elite—the symbolic capitalists. In education, media, nonprofits, and beyond, members of this elite work primarily with words, ideas, images, and data, and are very likely to identify as allies of antiracist, feminist, LGBTQ, and other progressive causes. Their dominant ideology is “wokeness” and, while their commitment to equality is sincere, they actively benefit from and perpetuate the inequalities they decry. Indeed, their egalitarian credentials help them gain more power and status, often at the expense of the marginalized and disadvantaged.

We Have Never Been Woke details how the language of social justice is increasingly used to justify this elite—and to portray the losers in the knowledge economy as deserving their lot because they think or say the “wrong” things about race, gender, and sexuality. Al-Gharbi’s point is not to accuse symbolic capitalists of hypocrisy or cynicism. Rather, he examines how their genuine beliefs prevent them from recognizing how they contribute to social problems—or how their actions regularly provoke backlash against the social justice causes they champion.

A powerful critique, We Have Never Been Woke reveals that only by challenging this elite’s self-serving narratives can we hope to address social and economic inequality effectively."

[See also:
https://press.princeton.edu/ideas/ideas-podcast-we-have-never-been-woke

via:

"A book on ‘wokeness’ Catholic evangelizers need to read" by Stephen G. Adubato
https://www.americamagazine.org/arts-culture/2025/05/09/review-we-have-never-been-woke-250608 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi wokeness elites 2024 culture society antiracism feminism racism race capitalism neoliberalism elitism economics inequality socialjustice nonprofit nonprofits ngos trends hypocrisy cynicism elitecapture dei prejudice justice wokeism pierrebourdieu credentials credentialism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2024/05/columbia-minouche-shafik-book-liberal-broken.html">
    <title>Columbia protests: I read the university president's old memoir-manifesto. Yikes.</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-10T03:34:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2024/05/columbia-minouche-shafik-book-liberal-broken.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Mess at Columbia Shows What’s Broken Among Liberal Elites

A 2021 book by the university’s president unintentionally lays it all out there."

...

"Columbia University president Minouche Shafik is, on paper, a very impressive person. She has been a vice president at the World Bank, a deputy managing director at the International Monetary Fund, deputy governor at the Bank of England, and director of the London School of Economics. She has served on the boards of the British Museum and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and was named a Peer of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second’s United Kingdom in 2015.

In 2021 Shafik published What We Owe Each Other: A New Social Contract for a Better Society. True to its hypercredentialed author, the book was celebrated by some of the biggest names in international economics and social policy: European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde, World Trade Organization Director General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf, and the American philosopher Michael Sandel, to name five—all of whom attested in some way or another that Shafik’s little book was indispensable for building a better world.

Few early readers of What We Owe Each Other could have imagined that its author would, within a few years, propel herself to the authoritarian vanguard of U.S. politics. Fewer still would have guessed that the vector for this metamorphosis would be a major American university. But Shafik’s disastrous tenure at Columbia has exposed undemocratic currents flowing through the elite milieu that once celebrated her. Read as the memoir-manifesto of a woman who turned riot police on unarmed students, What We Owe Each Other serves as an unwitting guide to the intellectual precarity of the reigning liberal order—a document revealing what can go wrong when liberals treat democratic legitimacy and public consent as merely incidental elements of the liberal political project.

The book would be less harrowing if it were simply devoid of insight. But beneath the Obama-era bank director clichés (Automation! Nudge! Secular stagnation!), Shafik conveys a handful of solid policy proposals, emphasizing that nice-guy humanitarian impulses often turn out to be good for economic growth and productivity. She wants higher taxes on capital and better benefits for labor; longer parental leave and more state support for parents; affordable education and quality health care for all. The world would be a better place if more peers of the realm were on board with the book’s agenda.

But Shafik bills What We Owe Each Other as a new social contract, invoking the tradition of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and John Rawls. Social contract theorists are interested in much more than policy wonkery. They try to define the bounds of legitimate government by asking how individuals in an ungoverned “state of nature” would agree to be governed. For Hobbes, the state of nature was so violent and chaotic that rational individuals would readily consent to the authority of an absolute monarch to establish law and order. For Locke, the state of nature’s material bounty meant that governments were required to respect the “natural rights” of individuals, including the right to own private property. Rousseau arrived at democracy by envisioning a state of nature populated by peaceful and compassionate noble savages, while Rawls declared that social inequality could be justified only if inequality improved the living standards of the worst-off. (It might, for example, be OK to pay doctors more than migrant workers because even society’s poor residents benefit, ostensibly, from a functioning medical system.)

Although these different thinkers reach very different political conclusions, they are all—even Hobbes—operating within a fundamentally democratic paradigm: Governments are justified by some kind of appeal to the consent of the governed; the state of nature is the key philosophical tool for establishing how people reason through their rights and obligations to each other.

It is striking, then, to see that Shafik’s social contract doesn’t involve a state of nature at all and isn’t actually a deal that individuals reach with other individuals.

“When I refer to the social contract, therefore, I mean the partnership between individuals, businesses, civil society and the state to contribute to a system in which there are collective benefits,” she writes.

In one blithe sentence, Shafik assumes into legitimacy the major institutions of liberal modernity and declares them partners in a cooperative project, without inquiring into whether or how these institutions might be democratically justified. What we owe each other ends up depending a lot on where we live, what institutions we are affiliated with, and how those institutions—say, for instance, Columbia University—are governed. How these institutions resolve internal disputes is at most a sideshow; how they might fit into a narrative about free individuals choosing their future together is not even contemplated.

Shafik is, to be clear, calling for institutional reforms. She rejects the state-vs.-market dichotomy. She wants to see institutions bearing more collective risks and individuals receiving more of society’s collective output. The successful businesses of the future, she argues, will operate with an eye toward social responsibilities beyond short-term shareholder profits, and ultimately find themselves better regulated and better off.

“Enlightened companies will increasingly see environmental sustainability, paying their fair share of taxes and commitment to their employees and communities as central to their strategies,” Shafik writes. “Investors, meanwhile, will increasingly factor such commitments into their valuations of firms’ share prices, and financial markets will reward firms that manage these risks intelligently.”

All of this sounds very nice and would no doubt be an improvement from the privateering corporate status quo. But which of these various public duties will the successful business prioritize? What should investors do if, say, labor and environmental interests conflict? How might other institutions—Columbia University, perhaps—sort out competing claims? What can different members of the university community reasonably expect from their school’s investment management? What rights do individuals outside the formal management hierarchy have when they want to change the way an institution operates? Where does change come from, and when is it legitimate?

These are not easy questions to answer, and Shafik doesn’t do so. Instead, she pivots from talking about “the social contract” to discussing “social contracts” of varying “generosity” that whole countries, rather than individuals, can “choose” from, depending on the balance of power between people and institutions that happens to prevail. It’s an extraordinary philosophical bait and switch in which Shafik substitutes a variant of neoliberal economics for the democratic considerations of social contract theory. Shafik clearly feels real sympathy for the downtrodden, but her narrative is not about self-government, consent, or consensus. What We Owe Each Other is essentially a lengthy meditation on the observation that greater economic productivity will enable “more generous social contracts.”

I like improved productivity as much as the next Excel dweeb, but this results in some really weird musings on politics. “In most countries today the evolution of social contracts depends on the structure of the political system,” Shafik writes. Democracies “tend to be better at delivering longer lives for their citizens and better economic outcomes,” but “selectorate” countries—Shafik cites China as an example—“can also deliver effective outcomes for their citizens.” After some hemming and hawing, she concludes, “Achieving a better social contract is ultimately about increasing the accountability of our political systems. How this happens will vary between countries.” OK!

Shafik mentions “free media” once, in her final chapter, as part of a description of real-world democracies, and includes the phrase “safeguards of freedoms of association and collective action” in a graphic on Page 178. Otherwise, there are no discussions of free speech or free press in the book. The word dissent does not appear.

One particularly striking aspect of the state-enforced repression sweeping America’s universities is that so much of it is being ordered by people who are supposed to be the good guys in standard liberal accounts of today’s political quagmire. University of Virginia President Jim Ryan was the author of a good book on segregation and education before he tear-gassed his students. Joe Biden has made some genuinely moving speeches on the highest ideals of the American political tradition, and he really has overseen the best U.S. economic performance in at least a generation. But when police started arresting pro-Palestinian students at dozens of campuses nationwide, Biden smeared the protesters and defended the crackdown by declaring that “dissent must never lead to disorder”—an axiom worthy of King George III. Liberal leaders seem to know what to do when democracy is threatened from without—nothing focuses the mind like a glowering autocrat. But throughout the campus crisis over Gaza, liberal leaders in the United States and Europe have repeatedly failed to maintain liberal values when they are challenged from within.

Over the course of the school year, Shafik steadily escalated student protests over Israel into an intractable institutional conflict. Today Columbia’s donors and its administration are essentially at war with the school’s faculty and student body. Students want Columbia and its endowment to divest from Israel, and they keep appealing to democratic processes and procedures to illustrate the legitimacy of their demand. In addition to establishing encampments, they’ve submitted a referendum on divestment to the Columbia College student body—the university’s undergraduate liberal arts school—and received a vote overwhelmingly in support. Shafik, meanwhile, has invoked her institutional authority to deny that demand, and called on the state to enforce her authority. To “win” her most recent battles, Shafik has basically had to shut down the school: This year’s graduation ceremony is canceled, and it’s hard to imagine Shafik enduring any event where students and faculty would congregate."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/scrolling-through-genocide/">
    <title>Scrolling Through Genocide - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-11T03:21:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/scrolling-through-genocide/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Not so long ago there was a common theory to which I subscribed:  that in an era of mass media and instant streaming the Zionist entity is unable to fully displace or wantonly slaughter Palestinians because of the scrutiny it would invite.  You can get away with a lot worse, the thinking goes, if nobody is watching. 

It’s a theory I’ve considered over the years while working in the fields of Native American and Indigenous Studies.  From the beginning of this work, over 25 years ago, interlocutors stressed the importance of differences in comparative analyses.  One crucial difference between Euro-American and Zionist colonization, everyone agreed, was the timeline.  While colonization is ongoing in North and South America, often in situations of great struggle or tension, settlement of the so-called New World precedes the conquest of modern Palestine by a few centuries. 

Those few centuries account for significant developments in jurisprudence, technology, communications, rhetoric, mobility, demographics, and diplomacy.  Certain of these developments abet Zionist colonization, but others create limitations that Euro-Americans didn’t need to worry over—global outrage or international law, for example. 

The other notable difference is one of scale.  Even limiting ourselves to the borders of the contiguous United States, the landmass subject to Euro-American settlement is much larger than historic Palestine (along with the surrounding areas that Zionists fantasize about).  Variations of geography force us to think about the impact of physical space on conquest, and, in North America, the intricacies of conquest involving hundreds of nations. 

The points of comparison nevertheless grow stronger with time. 

For instance, it has become clear during the past two months in the Gaza Strip that the Zionist entity is plenty capable of equaling the belligerence of the American frontier, an era of wholesale ethnic cleansing thought to be a feature of history.  (“It could never happen today,” people sometimes would foolishly declare.)  Colonial atrocities of the past—Wounded Knee, Sand Creek, the Trail of Tears—are now everywhere in evidence.  The Zionist entity is carrying out a kind of primitive violence with modern technology. 

This violence fills our computer and television screens.  People around the world get minute-by-minute accounts of massive destruction and widespread murder.  Certain images have become horrifyingly familiar:  throngs of refugees queuing for bread; ambulances dodging tank and machine gun fire; hospitals in disarray; once-dense neighborhoods transformed by aerial bombardment into kilometers of rubble.  We scroll through photos of men blindfolded and stripped to their underwear, lined up on the ground like antiquities in a museum courtyard.  The scrolling continues into pictures of white body bags in shallow trenches and then into videos of little girls and boys screaming trauma into the ruins of their childhood.  We are perhaps the first generation to witness genocide in real time.  History books about the horrors of the past are written every time somebody opens social media. 

The theory that bearing witness will curtail Israel’s ability to act on exterminationist fantasies no longer holds.  Information and knowledge, it turns out, aren’t reliable bulwarks against genocide.  Impunity isn’t beholden to disapproval. 

What does it tell us that the Zionist entity can conduct this genocide in high definition, with no credible deniability and amid condemnation from all corners of the world? 

It tells us that people serious about Palestinian liberation were right to despise the so-called radicals who laundered Zionism through celebrity activism, academic credentialism, NGO astroturf, and the Democratic Party.  An entire class of influencers arose from Bernie Sanders’ failed presidential campaigns.  They populate hundreds of podcasts and livestreams.  They wasted incalculable energy and resources promoting a man who would go on to repeatedly justify the bloody campaign in Gaza.  Now they deplore Sanders after having extracted all the clout appended to his name and having ostracized the outliers who accurately tagged him as a fraud from the get-go.  It was the most noteworthy example of a timeworn practice:  pursuing access to microphones and New Yorker profiles by subsuming Palestinian liberation to institutions constitutionally hostile to revolutionary politics. 

It tells us that international governing bodies and legal institutions are at best useless.  Despite some halfhearted hemming and hawing, the UN has been an accomplice to the Zionist entity’s genocide.  The ICC will never see an American, Israeli, or EU war criminal on its docket.  The Arab League pretends to care, but its performance is entirely unconvincing.  Such institutions have been captured by imperialism since their inception. 

It tells us that “dialogue” was always a pathway to submission.  The idea that Israelis and Palestinians should dialogue as a means to peace was always dubious if only because dialogue can’t work in situations of disparate power.  But now, with Israelis overwhelmingly in favor of the genocide, it should be clear that Palestinians never had anyone to dialogue with in the first place. 

It tells us that Western academe was completely unprepared for the material demands of decolonization despite its popularity as a professional brand.  Many among the intellectual class, including scholars of Fanon like Adam Shatz and Lewis Gordon, either disavow or diminish anticolonial resistance or ignore it altogether.  Academe is where resistance goes for processing and beautification after it has been completed.  It’s rarely a place for the organizing stage. 

It tells us that deterrence isn’t a game of strategy played by eggheads on the internet, but an onerous project conditional on guns and rockets.  Academics generally are too scared to say it, or, in an object lesson on arrogance, don’t actually believe it, but a cache of weapons will always be more important than a conference panel. 

It tells us that electoralism is a sham.  There is no meaningful ideological variance among U.S. politicians at the national level.  In practice, they range from center-right to fascist.  In the upcoming presidential election, for example, voters will get to decide between two scarcely-functional old farts with histories of sexual misconduct and a complete devotion to Zionist genocide.

It tells us that racism isn’t simply an attitude, for its origin is social violence and eventually it will become physically violent in order to perform its civic mandate.  In the framework of settler colonization, racism manifests as a yearning for cultural purification through displacement of the native. 

It tells us that capitalism makes death a valuable commodity.  The Zionist entity isn’t merely an imperialist beachhead; it is a major player in the international weapons trade.  It tests new munitions, chemicals, and surveillance technology on Palestinians.  It arms reactionary forces throughout the Global South.  It serves as a conduit and accomplice to U.S. policing.  Because of Zionist occupation, corporations enjoy the use of human subjects as raw material for development and innovation. 

It tells us that we wasted a whole lot of time trying to convince the oppressor that we are worthy of life when the oppressor cannot live without our extinction. 

More than anything, it tells us that in the benighted West there is no democracy, no free speech, no legislative remedy, no human rights, no right even to be human.  These are illusions people repeat in an effort to survive pervasive depravity, or myths they cynically invoke to gather the crumbs of deprivation.  There is a ruling class and various iterations of the dispossessed and the dispossessed exist only to serve ruling class gluttony. 

That’s why countless people can deplore a genocide zoomed into our personal devices without being able to stop it.  We are not simply ineffectual in the world of policymaking; policymakers are taunting us with their depravity. 

What can we do, then?  It’s important to start by recognizing that the entire political class, from presidents to online pundits, has no regard for us—detests us, in fact—and is therefore never a reliable source of empathy or relief.  Denizens of this class do not want our feedback; they want us to scroll through the debris of their malevolence. 

Upon this recognition, the possibilities become clearer, albeit less convenient.  But in the spirit of urgency, we can keep it simple:  whether it happens in darkness or light, on screen or off, the Zionist entity needs to become an archive we browse as a cautionary tale, or else our future on this planet will be history."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhCYH95t768">
    <title>Ivan Illich/David Cayley Book Club #3 of 6 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-25T17:04:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhCYH95t768</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

"Four Illich Conversations, Part 1: Cayley/Hine"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nvbzuQdO19M

"Walking the Razor's Edge: Illich Conversation #2 with David Cayley and Sam Ewell"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IJOwHQXpMbQ

“One No, Many Yeses” – Sam Ewell & Dougald Hine in Illich Conversation #3"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Avh1AJ9sls

"Ave Maria/Sophia/Gaia: Katherine Bubel and Michelle Berry Lane on Illich and the Sacred Feminine" (Conversation #4)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=19q4pWKPlj0 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qGfuY9ivnW8">
    <title>Manish Jain: Modern Schooling and the Corporate Agenda - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-10-20T20:41:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qGfuY9ivnW8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Manish Jain is a leading critic of the “hidden curriculum” of modern compulsory education, and the founder of Shikshantar, The Peoples’ Institute for Rethinking Education and Development, based in Udaipur, India. This talk was given at ISEC’s Economics of Happiness conference, held in Berkeley, California, in March 2012. For more information about Shikshantar, go to www.swaraj.org/shikshantar. To learn more about ISEC’s work, go to www.theeconomicsofhappiness.org

Follow Local Futures:
https://www.facebook.com/LocalFutures.TheEconomicsofHappiness
https://www.instagram.com/localfutures_/
https://twitter.com/localfutures_/ “]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture">
    <title>Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture? ❧ Current Affairs</title>
    <dc:date>2021-08-07T01:19:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/2021/07/who-actually-gets-to-create-black-pop-culture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“A closer look at the economics of Black pop culture reveals that most Black creators (outside music) come from middle-to-upper middle class backgrounds, while the Black poor are written about but rarely get the chance to speak for themselves.”

[via: https://jomc.substack.com/p/casablance-happy-hacker-and-the-burgundy 

See also:
“Black Enough for TV?” (Bad Faith podcast)
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/black-enough-for-tv/id1531192509?i=1000531047800
https://www.patreon.com/posts/episode-95-black-54541034

“After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper’s viral Current Affairs article “Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?,” we invited Very Smart Brothers co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it’s a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of “the Black experience” is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter.”

"Is it Possible for Black Creatives to Exploit the Poor? w/ Damon Young & Bertrand Cooper"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qG8yj6rVaHw

"After he tweeted about Bertrand Cooper's viral Current Affairs article "Who Actually Gets to Create Black Pop Culture?," we invited Very Smart Brothas co-founder Damon Young to dialogue with Cooper about his piece. The two pop culture commentators debate whether it's a problem that so few poor Black Americans are able to create art about poor Black folk – even though that version of "the Black experience" is increasingly marketable as an avenue for White catharsis in the age of Black Lives Matter. As tragedies like George Floyd's death open the door for "Black content," how concerned should we be that creative opportunities flow to elite, often Ivy League Black folks rather than members of communities like the one George Floyd came from? Do affluent Black creators have an obligation to disclose the gap between their own life experiences and the cultural products they produce? Is it "right" for Dave Chapelle or Donald Glover allow their audiences to assume they're "from the streets", or is it appropriative for them to profit off of assumed "authenticity?" Must a creator share the class identity of the characters they produce? Is the Black middle class sufficiently precarious that it's "entitled" to tell all Black stories? We tackle these questions and more on this week's episode of Bad Faith."]

“You see, there were two Harlems. There were those who lived in Sugar Hill and there was the Hollow, where we lived. There was a great divide between the black people on the Hill and us. I was just a ragged, funky black shoeshine boy and was afraid of the people on the Hill, who, for their part, didn’t want to have anything to do with me.”
– James Baldwin interviewed by Julius Lester, the New York Times Book Review, May 27, 1984

“You got 1 percent of the population in America who owns 41 percent of the wealth… but within the black community, the top 1 percent of black folk have over 70 percent of the wealth. So that means you got a lot of precious Jamals and Letitias who are told to live vicariously through the lives of black celebrities so that it’s all about ‘representation’ rather than substantive transformation… ‘you gotta black president, all y’all must be free.’”
– Cornel West interviewed by Joe Rogan, July 24, 2019]]></description>
<dc:subject>bertrandcooper 2021 class middleclass education popculture culture race racism georgefloyd representation inequality damonyoung briahnajoygray publishing theatlantic cornelwest jamesbaldwin 2019 1984 gatekeeping privilege poverty income highered highereducation upperclass journalism hbo netflix michaelshur thefloridaproject harvardlampoon ivyleague conono’brien stephencolbert comedy film tv television elliekemper abbijacobson amypoehler tiktok youtube twitter instagram culturecreation nickkroll johnmulaney ilanaglazer julialouise-dreyfus sethmeyers chrisrock shondarhimes avaduvernay debbieallen issarae marabrockakil courtneykemp britbennet deeshaphilyaw jesmynward donaldglover atlantafx nerds roxanegay colsonwhitehead blackness us society serenawilliams ta-nehisicoates williamjuliuswilson jimcrow blackculture blackpoor henrylouisgatesjr rajchetty cassiedecosta keishablain vannnewkirkii seanbaker moonlight barryjenkins ibramkendi davechapelle nytimes joebiden democrats centrists moderates elite mainstre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-masters-trap-part-two-069">
    <title>The Master's Trap, Part Two - by Anne Helen Petersen - Culture Study</title>
    <dc:date>2021-07-25T21:16:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-masters-trap-part-two-069</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“1) The Prestige Grab  … let’s call these programs what they are: a form of pay-to-play, with all of the resulting inequalities that accompany any pay-to-play scenario.”

“2) The Only Visible Route … With grad school, you’re mortgaging the rest of your life to just get your foot in the door.”

“3) Career Collateral …  These programs often require significant amounts of debt that, even with the higher income, many students struggle to repay, and some graduates never find sustainable work in the field.”

[See also:

(Part 1) "The Master's Trap: What makes a graduate program predatory?"
https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-masters-trap

"But let’s be real: many (not all!) of these master’s programs are employing for-profit practices with prestige lighting. And it’s not just the profit-making component of these grad programs that bear resemblance to “Lower Ed.” Both are propagators and beneficiaries of the spread of what McMillan Cottom calls credentialism, e.g., the process through which students take ever-increasing financial risks and burdens in order to craft themselves into the sort of candidate who will succeed in a job market where employers 1) offload the cost of job “training” onto students themselves and 2) use the credentials as an easy way to winnow their applicant pools. In other words, the process through which the MA is becoming the new BA.

But there are also differences worth parsing. Many of these master’s programs have refined a mode of recruitment that caters to a deeply American sensibility. They’re meritocracy traps, engineered to attract students who’ve been inculcated with the idea that they’re smart enough, good enough, and most importantly, hard-working enough to beat the exceptional odds against their success, or even just earning a living wage, in their chosen field of study. If you try to shut down programs with poor debt-to-income ratios, it might de-escalate the crisis. But it won’t fix all of the problems that animate it.

At this point, it’s useful to divide these programs into larger categories to talk more about their mechanisms and magnetism, both also their quality and utility. Some are, indeed, “the second-biggest scams in higher education.” But most aren’t anywhere near as clear-cut. "

"Master’s Degrees Are the Second Biggest Scam in Higher Education: And elite universities deserve a huge share of the blame."
https://slate.com/business/2021/07/masters-degrees-debt-loans-worth-it.html

"‘Financially Hobbled for Life’: The Elite Master’s Degrees That Don’t Pay Off: Columbia and other top universities push master’s programs that fail to generate enough income for graduates to keep up with six-figure federal loans"
https://www.wsj.com/articles/financially-hobbled-for-life-the-elite-masters-degrees-that-dont-pay-off-11625752773

(Section 2 here) "Society’s focus on credentials is fueling student debt"
https://www.marketwatch.com/story/extra-credit-how-debt-can-mean-a-tax-advantage-for-some-and-jail-time-for-others-11626383631

"“the prestigious schools that were the focus of the WSJ piece are using some of the same tactics and benefiting from the same economic forces as for-profit colleges”"

(part 3) "The Master's Trap: Predatory Inclusion and What To Do Now"
https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-masters-trap-part-three

“student loans make undergraduate and graduate degrees accessible, but the loans themselves “reproduce inequality and insecurity for some while allowing already dominant social actors to derive significant profits.””

“the tragedy of the Master’s Trap is its ability to animate the most hopeful, confident part of yourself, then leave it to devour itself in disillusionment and debt, desperate for any route out.”]]]></description>
<dc:subject>annehelenpetersen 2021 economics inequality debt gradschool education highered highereducation mastersprograms ivyleague universityofchicago harvard columbia credentials credentialism hiring labor work meritocracy tressiemcmillancottom</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf">
    <title>Imprisoned in the Global Classroom, by Ivan Illich and Etienneverne</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-14T23:01:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[https://debate.uvm.edu/asnider/Ivan_Illich/Ivan%20Illich_%20Imprisoned%20Global%20Classroom.pdf

via: “Illich called it [lifelong learning] “permanent education.” Imprisoned in the Global Classroom (1976) contains this gem: “The institutionalization of permanent education will transform society into an enormous planet-sized classroom watched over by a few satellites.””
https://twitter.com/jen_stoops/status/1305600828946833408

posted here: https://www.are.na/block/8694798 ]]]></description>
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    <title>Stefano Harney on Study (Interview July 2011, Part 5) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2017-12-19T18:19:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7wIoBdY72do</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[now here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uJzMi68Cfw0 ]

“we’re talking about getting together with others and determining what needs to be learned together and spending time with that material and spending time with each other without any objective, without any endpoint”

…

“[Study] almost always happens against the university. It almost always happens in the university, but under the university, in its undercommons, in those places that are not recognized, not legitimate…”

[See also Margaret Edson: https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:181e6f50825b ]]]></description>
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    <title>Christopher Emdin SXSWedu 2017 Keynote - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2017-03-10T03:08:54+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Merging theory and practice, connecting contemporary issues to historical ones, and providing a deep analysis on the current state of education, Dr. Emdin ushers in a new way of looking at improving schools and schooling. Drawing from themes in his New York Times Bestselling book, and the latest album from rap group A Tribe Called Quest, Emdin offers insight into the structures of contemporary schools, and highlights major issues like the absence of diversity among teachers, the ways educators of color are silenced in schools, the absence of student voice in designing teaching and learning, and a way forward in addressing these issues."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2012/04/why-the-landline-telephone-was-the-perfect-tool/255930/">
    <title>Why the Landline Telephone Was the Perfect Tool - Suzanne Fischer - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2014-07-15T06:50:35+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/G80Q7

see also:

"Only Telephones Are Good: In Iowa and everywhere else" by Robinson Meyer (2020)
https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2020/02/phones-are-best-technology/606082/
https://archive.ph/ktybo

"The Dumbest Phone Is Parenting Genius: Landlines encourage connection—without the downsides of smartphones." (2025)
https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2025/06/landline-kids-smartphone-alternative/683203/
https://archive.ph/5mzPt ]

"Illich's achievement was a reframing of human relationships to systems and society, in everyday, accessible language. He advocated for the reintegration of community decisionmaking and personal autonomy into all the systems that had become oppressive: school, work, law, religion, technology, medicine, economics. His ideas were influential for 1970s technologists and the appropriate technology movement -- can they be useful today?

In 1971, Illich published what is still his most famous book, Deschooling Society. He argued that the commodification and specialization of learning had created a harmful education system that had become an end in itself. In other words, "the right to learn is curtailed by the obligation to attend school." For Illich, language often pointed to how toxic ideas had poisoned the ways we relate to each other. "I want to learn," he said, had been transmuted by industrial capitalism into "I want to get an education," transforming a basic human need for learning into something transactional and coercive. He proposed a restructuring of schooling, replacing the manipulative system of qualifications with self-determined, community-supported, hands-on learning. One of his suggestions was for "learning webs," where a computer could help match up learners and those who had knowledge to share. This skillshare model was popular in many radical communities.

With Tools for Conviviality (1973), Illich extended his analysis of education to a broader critique of the technologies of Western capitalism. The major inflection point in the history of technology, he asserts, is when, in the life of each tool or system, the means overtake the ends. "Tools can rule men sooner than they expect; the plow makes man the lord of the garden but also the refugee from the dust bowl." Often this effect is accompanied by the rise in power of a managerial class of experts; Illich saw technocracy as a step toward fascism. Tools for Conviviality points out the ways in which a helpful tool can evolve into a destructive one, and offers suggestions for how communities can escape the trap.

So what makes a tool "convivial?" For Illich, "tools foster conviviality to the extent to which they can be easily used, by anybody, as often or as seldom as desired, for the accomplishment of a purpose chosen by the user." That is, convivial technologies are accessible, flexible, and noncoercive. Many tools are neutral, but some promote conviviality and some choke it off. Hand tools, for Illich, are neutral. Illich offers the telephone as an example of a tool that is "structurally convivial" (remember, this is in the days of the ubiquitous public pay phone): anyone who can afford a coin can use it to say whatever they want. "The telephone lets anybody say what he wants to the person of his choice; he can conduct business, express love, or pick a quarrel. It is impossible for bureaucrats to define what people say to each other on the phone, even though they can interfere with -- or protect -- the privacy of their exchange."

A "manipulatory" tool, on the other hand, blocks off other choices. The automobile and the highway system it spawned are, for Illich, prime examples of this process. Licensure systems that devalue people who have not received them, such as compulsory schooling, are another example. But these kinds of tools, that is, large-scale industrial production, would not be prohibited in a convivial society. "What is fundamental to a convivial society is not the total absence of manipulative institutions and addictive goods and services, but the balance between those tools which create the specific demands they are specialized to satisfy and those complementary, enabling tools which foster self-realization." 

To foster convivial tools, Illich proposes a program of research with "two major tasks: to provide guidelines for detecting the incipient stages of murderous logic in a tool; and to devise tools and tool systems that optimize the balance of life, thereby maximizing liberty for all." He also suggests that pioneers of a convivial society work through the legal and political systems and reclaim them for justice. Change is possible, Illich argues. There are decision points. We cannot abdicate our right to self-determination, and to decide how far is far enough. "The crisis I have described," says Illich, "confronts people with a choice between convivial tools and being crushed by machines."

Illich's ideas on technology, like his ideas on schooling, were influential among those who spent the 1970s thinking that we might be on the cusp of another world. Some of those utopians included early computer innovators, who saw the culture of sharing, self-determination, and DIY that they lived as something that should be baked into tools.

Computing pioneer Lee Felsenstein has spoken about the direct influence Tools for Conviviality on his work. For him, Illich's description of radio as a convivial tool in Central America was a model for computer development: "The technology itself was sufficiently inviting and accessible to them that it catalyzed their inherent tendencies to learn. In other words, if you tried to mess around with it, it didn't just burn out right away. The tube might overheat, but it would survive and give you some warning that you had done something wrong. The possible set of interactions, between the person who was trying to discover the secrets of the technology and the technology itself, was quite different from the standard industrial interactive model, which could be summed up as 'If you do the wrong thing, this will break, and God help you.' ... And this showed me the direction to go in. You could do the same thing with computers as far as I was concerned." Felsenstein described the first meeting of the legendary Homebrew Computer Club, where 30 or so people tried to understand the Altair together, as "the moment at which the personal computer became a convivial technology."

In 1978, Valentina Borremans of CIDOC prepared a Reference Guide to Convivial Tools. This guide to resources listed many of the new ideas in 1970s appropriate technology -- food self-sufficiency, earth-friendly home construction, new energy sources. But our contemporary convivial tools are mostly in the realm of communications. At their best, personal computers, the web, mobile technology, the open source movement, and the maker movement are contemporary convivial tools. What other convivial technologies do we use today? What tools do we need to make more convivial? Ivan Illich would exhort us to think carefully about the tools we use and what kind of world they are making."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.weeklystandard.com/print/articles/common-core-commotion_796394.html">
    <title>The Common Core Commotion</title>
    <dc:date>2014-07-12T05:48:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.weeklystandard.com/print/articles/common-core-commotion_796394.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We can assume that if Goals 2000 or NCLB or any of the other reform programs had been effective, the reformers could congratulate themselves for a job well done and go off to find another line of work. They haven’t, which brings us to the third reason that educational reform is an enterprise without end. 

It has to do with the old rule that supply creates its own demand. Over the last two generations, as the problem became unignorable and as vast freshets of money poured from governments and nonprofit foundations, an army of experts emerged to fix America’s schools. From trade unions and think tanks they came, from graduate schools of education and nonprofit foundations, from state education departments and for-profit corporations, from legislative offices and university psych labs and model schools and experimental classrooms, trailing spreadsheets and PowerPoints and grant proposals; they found work as lobbyists, statisticians, developmental psychologists, neurological researchers, education theorists, entrepreneurs, administrators, marketers, think tank fellows, textbook writers—even teachers! So great a mass of specialists cannot be kept idle. If they find themselves with nothing to do, they will find something to do. 

And so, after 40 years of signal failure, the educationists have brought us the Common Core State Standards. It is a totemic example of policy-making in the age of the well-funded expert."

…

"The foundation’s generosity seems indiscriminate, reflecting the milky centrism of its founder. Evidently Bill Gates doesn’t have a political bone in his body. His intellectual loyalty lies instead with the ideology of expertise. His faith is technocratic and materialist: In the end he believes the ability of highly credentialed observers to identify and solve problems through the social sciences is theoretically limitless. “Studies” and “research” unlock the human secret. This is the animating faith of most educationists, too. All human interactions can be dispassionately observed and their separate parts identified, isolated, analyzed, and quantified according to some version of the scientific method. The resulting data will yield reliable information about how and why we behave as we do, and from this process can be derived formulas that will be universally applicable and repeatable. 

“One size fits all” may be a term of mockery used by people who disdain the top-down solutions of centralized power; in the technocratic vision, “one size fits all” describes the ideal.

A good illustration of the Gates technocratic approach to education reform is an initiative called “Measures of Effective Teaching” or MET. (DUH.) The effectiveness of a truly gifted teacher was once considered mysterious or ineffable, a personal transaction rooted in intuition, concern, intelligence, wisdom, knowledge, and professional ardor, combined in a way that defies precise description or replication. Such an old-fashioned notion is an affront to the technocratic mind, which assumes no human phenomenon can be, at bottom, mysterious; nothing is resistant to reduction and measurement. “Eff the Ineffable” is the technocrat’s motto."

…

"Exciting as it undoubtedly is for the educationist, MET research tells us nothing about how to improve the world that students and teachers inhabit. It is an exercise by educationists for educationists to ponder and argue over. Three hundred and thirty five million dollars can keep a lot of them busy."

…

"In the confusion between content and learning, the Standards often show the telltale verbal inflation that educationists use to make a simple idea complicated. The Standards for Reading offer a typical example. They come in groups of three—making a wonderful, if suspicious, symmetry. Unfortunately, many of the triplets are essentially identical. According to the rubric Key Ideas and Details, a student should “read closely to determine what the text says explicitly.” Where one standard says the student must be able to “analyze the development of central ideas,” the next standard says the student should be able to “analyze” “how ideas develop.” One “key detail” is to “learn details.” Under Craft and Structure, the student should be able to “analyze” how “portions of text” “relate to each other or the whole.” Another says he “should cite specific textual evidence” and still another that he should “summarize the key supporting details.” All of this collapses into a single unwritten standard: “Learn to read with care and to explain what you’ve read.” But no educationist would be so simple-minded.

There are standards only an educationist could love, or understand. It took me a while to realize that “scaffolding” is an ed-school term for “help.” Associate is another recurring term of art with a flexible meaning, from spell to match, as when third graders are expected to “associate the long and short sounds with the common spellings (graphemes) for the five major vowels.” This seems like students are being asked to spell vowels, but that can’t be right, can it? And when state and local teachers have to embody such confusing standards in classroom exercises, you’re likely to wind up with more confusion."

…

"THE RISE OF THE RIGHT

Most of the criticism of the Standards has come from the populist right, and the revolt of conservative parents against the pet project of a national educationist elite is genuine, spontaneous, and probably inevitable. But if you move beyond the clouds of jargon, and the compulsory gestures toward “critical thinking” and “metacognitive skills,” you will begin to spy something more interesting. There’s much in the Standards to reassure an educational traditionalist—a vein of subversion. At several points, Common Core is clearly intended as a stay against the runaway enthusiasms of educationist dogma. 

The Standards insist schools’ (unspecified) curriculums be “content-rich”—meaning that they should teach something rather than nothing. They even go so far as to require students to read Shakespeare, the Preamble and First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and works of Greek mythology. Phonics is the chief means of teaching reading in Common Core, rejecting the notorious “whole language” method first taken up in the 1970s and—research shows!—a likely culprit in the decline in reading scores. The Standards discourage the use of calculators, particularly in early grades where it has become a popular substitute for acquiring basic math. The Standards require memorization of multiplication tables as an important step in learning arithmetic, striking a blow against “fuzzy math.” Faddish notions like “visual literacy” are nowhere to be found. 

Perhaps most impressively, at least in language arts, the Standards require students to read and write ever larger amounts of nonfiction as they move toward their high school diploma. Anyone familiar with the soupy “young adult” novels fed to middle- and high-school students should be delighted. Writing assignments, in tandem with more rigorous reading, move away from mere self-expression—commonly the focus of writing all the way through high school—to the accumulation of evidence and detail in the service of arguments. The architect of the Language Arts Standards, an educationist called David Coleman, explained this shift in a speech in 2011. He lamented that the most common form of writing in high school these days is “personal writing.”

It is either the exposition of a personal opinion or it is the presentation of a personal matter. The only problem, forgive me for saying this so bluntly, the only problem with those two forms of writing is as you grow up in this world you realize people really don’t give a shit about what you feel or what you think.

Now, it is hard to imagine a more traditionalist sentiment than that. Yet conservative Common Core activists single out Coleman as a particularly sinister adversary, perhaps for his potty mouth. The populist campaign against the Standards has been scattershot: Sometimes they are criticized for being unrealistically demanding, at other times for being too soft. Even Common Core’s insistence on making the Constitution part of any sound curriculum has been attacked as insidious. Recall that students will be required to read only the Preamble and the First Amendment. That is, they will stop reading before they reach the Second Amendment and the guarantee of gun rights. 

Coincidence? Many activists think not. "

…

"Conservative hostility to the Common Core is also entangled with hostility to President Obama and his administration. Joy Pullman, an editor and writer who is perhaps the most eloquent and responsible public critic of Common Core, wrote recently in thefederalist.com: “I wager that 90 percent of the debate over Common Core would instantly dissipate if states adopted the top-rated standards from, say, Massachusetts or Indiana and dropped the Obama administration tests.” 

While the personal hostility to Obama might be overwrought, the administration’s campaign on behalf of the Standards has borne all the marks of the president’s other efforts at national persuasion."

…

"THUNDER ON THE LEFT

The administration’s bullying and dishonesty might be reason enough to reject the Standards. The campaign has even begun to worry its natural allies, who are losing trust in assurances that the Common Core is an advance for progressive education. Educationists on the leftward edge point to its insistence that teachers be judged on how much their students learn. This bears an unappealing resemblance to NCLB requirements, and they worry it will inject high-pressure competition into the collegial environment that most educationists prefer. Worse, it could be a Trojan horse for a reactionary agenda, a return to the long-ago era when students really had to, you know, learn stuff. 

“The purpose of education,” says Paul Horton, a Common Core critic at the University of Chicago Laboratory School, “is for a person .  .  . to discover who they are, to grow as an individual. .  .  . I think current policymakers unfortunately see the purpose of education as being training people to acquire the minimum level of skills that are required to work in a technical workplace.”"

…

"The delays and distancing suggest a cloudy future for the Common Core. Even its advocates say that the best possible outcome for now involves a great deal more unpleasantness: The tests will be given to many students beginning next spring, and the results will demonstrate the catastrophic state of learning in American schools. Of course, we knew that, but still. “Maybe this will be a reality check,” one booster told me the other day. “People will take a look at the results and say, ‘Aha! So this is what they’ve been talking about!’ It will send a very strong signal.”

It would indeed, but a signal to do what? Educationists don’t like unpleasantness; it’s not what they signed up for when they became reformers. We already know what happened when NCLB state tests exposed the reality of American public schools. It was time for a new reform.

In that case, Common Core would survive, but only as NCLB survives—as a velleity, a whiff of a hint of a memory of a gesture toward an aspiration for excellence. And the educationists will grow restless. Someone somewhere will come up with a new reform program, a whole new approach—one with teeth, and high-stakes consequences for stakeholders. Bill Gates will get wind of it. He will be intrigued. His researchers will design experiments to make sure the program is scientifically sound. Data will be released at seminars, and union leadership will lend tentative support. The president will declare a crisis and make reform a national priority. She will want to be called an education president too."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.homefreeamerica.us/lets-face-americans-suck-bureaucracy/">
    <title>Let's face it. Americans suck at Bureaucracy. | HomeFree AmericaHomeFree America</title>
    <dc:date>2014-05-19T04:46:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.homefreeamerica.us/lets-face-americans-suck-bureaucracy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We Americans don’t like the idea of making rules to solve every possible problem.   If there are too many rules, it chafes our spirit.

We’d rather use our own judgement to make our own decisions and allow others to do the same. Rules in that context are minimal safeguards against egregious behavior, instead of a way to protect against every possible bad decision people may make.

We simply don’t want all of our decisions handed to us, because in most cases, we can do a better job than the bureaucrat or politician that made them. We do this also because we know that when rules replace individual decision making, people end up without the judgement necessary to make good decisions on their own. They become malformed adults, unable to act unless someone tells them what to do or authorizes them to do it.

We don’t like using rules to solve all of our problems because they lock in the present, when we are focused on the future. We don’t like rules because they stop change when we are on a path of constant improvement. We don’t like rules because they assume a pessimism about the future we don’t share.

Of course, attitudes regarding rules are different in other places.  There are lots of other countries that actually excel at rulemaking and bureaucracy. The Germans, for example, make rules for their rules. The Chinese invented the bureaucracy that makes and enforces rules. In fact, these countries are so good at making and enforcing rules, they routinely use it to gain economic advantage in the global marketplace.

So, if that’s the case, why are we running most of our economy based on the false assumption that we actually like bureaucratic rules? Why are we investing so much of our time and effort building and paying for the HUGE government and corporate bureaucracies we suck at?

Inertia. Most of the bureaucracy we see today in America is a legacy of the wars of the 20th Century. Bureaucracies got big during the 20th Century because they are so amazingly good at mobilizing a country’s economy for massive destruction of total war they destroyed all of their competition.  As a result of this efficacy in waging total war, our bureaucracy grew almost non-stop across the entire 20th century.

However, with the end of the cold war, the need for bureaucracy as a means of waging war faded too. In fact, in today’s world fewer people dying from war than across all of history. We simply aren’t required, out of a need for self-preservation, to have a big bureaucracy in standby mode for the destruction of the world.   

This means that bureaucracy is once again, an economic choice: does it help a country become more prosperous or not?

In the case of the United States, that answer should be pretty clear.  We aren’t better off with an overarching focus on bureaucracy and the excessive rule-making that goes with it.  We aren’t better off with 20 million people in college chasing a credential instead of an education. We aren’t better off with entire segments of the economy, as is the case with healthcare and education, protected from improvement by bureaucratic rules that lock in what we have today.

We should just admit that we suck at bureaucracy and the rules that go with it and try something better.

How? We need an economic focus that plays to what Americans are better at doing than everyone else: creating the future.

Sincerely,
John Robb

PS:  The extreme carnage of WW1 came as a complete surprise to the Europeans because their new bureaucracies were so unexpectedly good at waging total war."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/05/college-promise-economy-does-no-201451411124734124.html">
    <title>College is a promise the economy does not keep - Opinion - Al Jazeera English</title>
    <dc:date>2014-05-16T18:06:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/05/college-promise-economy-does-no-201451411124734124.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Purchasing credentials

College does not guarantee a job. It is debatable whether college - in a time of defunded and eliminated programmes, rampant grade inflation, and limited student-professor interaction - offers much of an education, at least one for which it is worth taking on significant debt. So why go?

People go to college because not going to college carries a penalty. College is a purchased loyalty oath to an imagined employer. College shows you are serious enough about your life to risk ruining it early on. College is a promise the economy does not keep - but not going to college promises you will struggle to survive.

In an entrenched meritocracy, those who cannot purchase credentials are not only ineligible for most middle-class jobs, but are informed that their plight is the result of poor "choices". This ignores that the "choice" of college usually requires walking the road of financial ruin to get the reward - a reward of employment that, in this economy, is illusory.

Credentalism is economic discrimination disguised as opportunity. Over the past 40 years, professions that never required a college degree began demanding it.

"The United States has become the most rigidly credentialised society in the world," write James Engell and Anthony Dangerfield in their 2005 book Saving Higher Education in the Age of Money. "A BA is required for jobs that by no stretch of imagination need two years of full-time training, let alone four."

The promotion of college as a requirement for a middle-class life in an era of shrinking middle-class jobs has resulted in an increase in workers whose jobs do not require the degree - 15 percent of taxi cab drivers, 18 percent of firefighters. More perniciously, it has resulted in the exclusion of the non-college educated from professions of public influence. In 1971, 58 percent of journalists had a college degree. Today 92 percent do, and at many publications, a graduate degree in journalism is required - despite the fact that most renowned journalists have never formally studied journalism.

Journalism is one of many fields of public influence - including politics - in which credentials function as de facto permission to speak, rendering those who lack them less likely to be employed and less able to afford to stay in their field. Ability is discounted without credentials, but the ability to purchase credentials rests, more often than not, on family wealth."]]></description>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:debt"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/12/expensive-cities-are-killing-creativity-2013121065856922461.html">
    <title>Expensive cities are killing creativity - Opinion - Al Jazeera English</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-24T00:16:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/12/expensive-cities-are-killing-creativity-2013121065856922461.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Today, creative industries are structured to minimise the diversity of their participants - economically, racially and ideologically. Credentialism, not creativity, is the passport to entry.

Over the past decade, as digital media made it possible for anyone, anywhere, to share their ideas and works, barriers to professional entry tightened and geographical proximity became valued. Fields where advanced degrees were once a rarity - art, creative writing - now view them as a requirement. Unpaid internships and unpaid labour are rampant, blocking off industry access for those who cannot work without pay in the world's most expensive cities.

Yet to discuss it, as artist Molly Crabapple notes in her brilliant essay "Filthy Lucre", is verboten. Recalling her years as a struggling artist, she remembers being told by a fellow artist - a successful man living off his inherited money - that a "real artist" must live in poverty.

"What the artist was pretending he didn't know is that money is the passport to success," she writes. "We may be free beings, but we are constrained by an economic system rigged against us. What ladders we have, are being yanked away. Some of us will succeed. The possibility of success is used to call the majority of people failures."

Failure, in an economy of extreme inequalities, is a source of fear. To fail in an expensive city is not to fall but to plummet. In expensive cities, the career ladder comes with a drop-off to hell, where the fiscal punishment for risk gone wrong is more than the average person can endure. As a result, innovation is stifled, conformity encouraged. The creative class becomes the leisure class - or they work to serve their needs, or they abandon their fields entirely."

…

"Creativity is sometimes described as thinking outside the box. Today the box is a gilded cage. In a climate of careerist conformity, cheap cities with bad reputations - where, as art critic James McAnalley notes, "no one knows whether it is possible for one to pursue a career" - may have their own advantage. "In the absence of hype, ideas gather, connections build, jagged at first, inarticulate," McAnalley writes of St Louis. "Then, all of a sudden, worlds emerge."

Perhaps it is time to reject the "gated citadels" - the cities powered by the exploitation of ambition, the cities where so much rides on so little opportunity. Reject their prescribed and purchased paths, as Smith implored, for cheaper and more fertile terrain. Reject the places where you cannot speak out, and create, and think, and fail. Open your eyes to where you are, and see where you can go."]]></description>
<dc:subject>arts art creativity cities housing london nyc paris failure success inequality 2013 sarahkendzior credentialism economics risk risktaking meritocracy inheritance conformity careers ambition opportunity us costofliving</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:e4e24a93b489/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://speedchange.blogspot.com/2013/11/the-wilful-ignorance-of-richard.html">
    <title>SpeEdChange: The Wilful Ignorance of Richard Allington</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-10T21:47:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://speedchange.blogspot.com/2013/11/the-wilful-ignorance-of-richard.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Now, since "Doctor" Allington has called me a "cheater" and "illiterate" - let me list my credentials - and I will argue that these are contemporary - post-Gutenberg - credentials. Sure "Doctor," I struggle mightily with decoding alphabetical text, and sure, unless I am drawing my letters, copying them in fact, my writing is just about useless, and - well, to go further, I've never learned to "keyboard" with more than one finger. So yes, "Doctor," by your standards I can neither read nor write. And to get around that I do indeed "cheat." I use digital text-to-speech tools, from WYNN to WordTalk to Balabolka to Click-Speak and I use audiobooks all the time, whether from Project Gutenberg or LibriVox or Audible. Yes, I "cheat" by writing with Windows Speech Recognition and Android Speech Recognition and the SpeakIt Chrome extension.

And "Doctor," I not only use them, I encourage students all over the United States, all around the world in fact, to cheat with these tools as well. I've even helped develop a free suite of tools for American students to support that "cheating."

But beyond that, I'll match my scholarship with "Doctor" Allington's anytime, including my "deeply read" knowledge of the history of American education, and my "actual" - Grounded Theory Research - with real children in real schools in real - non-laboratory, non-abusive-control-group - situations.

And beyond that, I tend to think I'm as "well read" as any non-literature major around. So if the "Doctor" wants to debate James Joyce or Seamus Heaney or current Booker Prize shortlist fiction, or argue over why American schools often teach literature and the real part of reading, the understanding - so badly, I think I'll be able to hold my own."]]></description>
<dc:subject>irasocol 2013 richardallington literacy multiliteracies credentialism assistivetechnology learning education accommodations testing speechrecognition gutenbergparenthesis audiobooks cheating specialeducation commoncore universaldesign</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://submittedforyourperusal.com/2013/12/03/badges/">
    <title>Badges | Submitted For Your Perusal</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-04T06:03:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://submittedforyourperusal.com/2013/12/03/badges/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“America is thus a nation rapidly drifting towards a state of things in which no man
of science or letters will be accounted respectable unless some kind of badge or
diploma is stamped upon him”

—William James, “The PhD Octopus” (1903)

[from: http://www.uky.edu/~eushe2/Pajares/octopus.html ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>badges williamjames mattthomas 1903 credentials credentialism diplomas via:lukeneff</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:via:lukeneff"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://chroniclevitae.com/news/196-professional-identity-a-luxury-few-can-afford">
    <title>Professional Identity: A Luxury Few Can Afford | Vitae</title>
    <dc:date>2013-12-03T23:11:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chroniclevitae.com/news/196-professional-identity-a-luxury-few-can-afford</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a post-employment economy ridden with arbitrary credentialism, a résumé is often not a reflection of achievement but a document sanctioning its erasure. One is not judged on what one has accomplished, but on one’s ability to walk a path untouched by the incongruities of market forces. The service job you worked to feed your family? Embarrassing. The months you struggled to find any work at all? Laziness. The degree you began a decade ago for a field that has since lost half its positions? Failure of clairvoyance. Which is to say: failure.

Scholars leaving academia in the hopes of other lines of work agonize over how to sell themselves in a market that finds them somehow both overqualified and undervalued. Media outlets proclaim that the national employment crisis is caused not by a lack of jobs, but lack of candidates with the skills to fill them. According to NBC, “employers are complaining about job candidates' inability to speak and to write clearly.” According to Time, employers cannot find candidates who are “problem solvers and can plan, organize, and prioritize their work.”

If that is truly the cause of the unemployment crisis, one would think that Ph.D.’s would be in a position to solve it. After all, clear communication, independent problem-solving, and strong organizational skills are necessary to finish the degree. Yet Ph.D.’s are frequently cautioned to leave their doctoral degree off their résumé. The struggle with the transition to nonacademic work is so fraught with anxiety that there are multiple consulting groups dedicated to helping scholars through it.

According to journalist Simon Kuper, this anxiety is not particular to academia but part of a broader anguish over identity in an era of unemployment: “With the economic crisis and technological change, ever fewer of us have satisfying jobs or stay in the same profession for life. People are ceasing to be their jobs. That is forcing them to find new identities.”

The market advantage then falls to those born immune from market forces: the independently wealthy, representative of what Kuper calls “a class divide [that] separates people who choose their job from people who don’t.”

People who “choose their job” are people who can afford, quite literally, to choose programs and positions that give them an unwavering, consistent ”professional identity.” Privilege is recast as perseverance: It is no coincidence that 80 percent of companies bemoaning the surfeit of “unqualified” candidates prefer them to them to have completed at least one internship. But the consistent professional identity that companies and universities value is one that most of us cannot afford if it means a series of unpaid internships and low-paid positions."

…

"This is not new—résumé manipulation is as old as résumés. But there is something far more damaging going on in this era when both contingent employment and “skills gaps” are suddenly on the rise, when technological “disruption” is divine but career disruption is a sin. Being ashamed of who we are has become the ticket to who we are allowed to become. That is true both in academia and outside it.

It is almost impossible to reconcile the cruelty of a system that punishes you for self-preservation with the material need to survive within it. But the least we can do is not internalize its failures as our own. You are not your job. Do not let your job—or lack thereof—convince you otherwise."]]></description>
<dc:subject>economics employement resumes 2013 sarahkendzior labor identity work privilege simonkuper alexandrakimbell erasure crendentials credentialism academia internships qualifications self-preservation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://bettyann.tumblr.com/post/67361540694">
    <title>&quot;Life is going to present to you a series of... - Noteworthy and Not</title>
    <dc:date>2013-11-18T23:20:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://bettyann.tumblr.com/post/67361540694</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Life is going to present to you a series of transformations. And the point of education should be to transform you. To teach you how to be transformed so you can ride the waves as they come. But today, the point of education is not education. It’s accreditation. The more accreditation you have, the more money you make. That’s the instrumental logic of neoliberalism. And this instrumental logic comes wrapped in an envelope of fear. And my Ivy League, my MIT students are the same. All I feel coming off of my students is fear. That if you slip up in school, if you get one bad grade, if you make one fucking mistake, the great train of wealth will leave you behind. And that’s the logic of accreditation. If you’re at Yale, you’re in the smartest 1% in the world. […] And the brightest students in the world are learning in fear. I feel it rolling off of you in waves. But you can’t learn when you’re afraid. You cannot be transformed when you are afraid."

—Junot Díaz, speaking at Yale]]></description>
<dc:subject>junotdíaz education accreditation credentials credentialism 2013 neoliberalism efar risktaking risk learning transformation unschooling deschooling schooliness</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1985/12/the-case-against-credentialism/308286/?single_page=true">
    <title>The Case Against Credentialism - James Fallows - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-11-03T19:45:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1985/12/the-case-against-credentialism/308286/?single_page=true</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By persuading people on the bottom of the heap that they probably can't succeed, then, the educational meritocracy destroys talent on which we might otherwise draw. By teaching people that they are struck where they deserve to be, it promotes the resentment that it so destructive to economic and democratic life. Within the past decade, as American businesses have looked with anxiety at Japan and with envious curiosity at successful domestic firms, the conventional business wisdom has emphasized the danger of creating a rigid class structure within a firm. From the Delta executives who handle baggage at Christmastime to the GM Saturn workers whose pay will depend on the plant's profitability, the anecdotes on which the new folk wisdom is based have had a Frank Capra-like democratic theme. Everyone has to feel important, has to think that his efforts are needed and will be rewarded. These days the “us-against-them” mentality of recalcitrant unions and thickheaded managers is widely denounced, but the caste system created by educational credentials has a similarly divisive effect."]]></description>
<dc:subject>credential credentialism qualifications business jamesfallow 1985 us culture meritocracy risk professions classmobility upwardmobility</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/02/mark-twain-and-grants-memoirs/253343/">
    <title>Mark Twain And Grant's Memoirs - Ta-Nehisi Coates - National - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-21T01:26:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/02/mark-twain-and-grants-memoirs/253343/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["…beautiful thing about writing is it has no real respect for credentialism. You can get various degrees in writing. (…my initial plan was to get MFA.) But a degree can't make you a writer in the way that JD can make you a lawyer.

Great writing comes from all classes people…all kinds of experience. Edith Wharton was raised rich. EL Doctorow was not. 

When I visit schools around country I consistently repeat this—not because I think school is worthless, but b/c, very often, there are kids in audience who are lost, just as I once was. I don't come there to contravene their education…to tell them to drop out. On the contrary, I try to reinforce the ethic of hard work. But they need to know that a grade in a class, is not who they are—and I would say that whether the grade is an A or F. I failed English in HS…then failed British Literature in college. For whatever reason, it simply wasn't my time. But had I taken those grades as an eternal mark, I doubt I would be talking to you now."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ulyssessgrant frederickdouglass civilwar abrahamlincoln eldoctorow marktwain learning readiness grading grades deschooling unschooling education credentialism credentialing credentials writing ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
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