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    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 240: How the Media's &quot;Burden,&quot; the &quot;Straining Resources&quot; Framing Manufactures the Expendable Other</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T06:24:11+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we discuss the ideological work done by our media's default frame of immigrants, poor seniors, homeless people, and those with disabilities as "burdens" and "strains" on our limited resources––namely those provided by the holy Taxpayer. Meanwhile, skyrocketing police and Pentagon budgets are just treated as unremarkable laws of nature.
 
With guest Beatrice Adler-Bolton of the Death Panel podcast."]]></description>
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    <title>We Already Have Everything We Need to Regulate AI</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T03:03:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/we-already-have-everything-we-need</link>
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    <title>Italy's Radical Solution to Extreme Inequality - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-05T05:51:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dQMZR64G_eM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Behind Italy’s beauty (and parmesan) is a radical tradition of cooperatives. In some areas, they make up nearly a fifth of the GDP. We went to Emilia-Romagna, one of the richest regions in the country, to investigate how Italy’s workers built a more democratic economy. 

Many thanks to the Bologna Film Commission and the City of Reggio Emilia for the support and for the assistance."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6iLf2h_fo-w">
    <title>We Uncovered The Master Plan That Peter Thiel Doesn't Want You To See - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-01T07:23:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6iLf2h_fo-w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peter Thiel is funding a plan to build privatized city-states everywhere from Gaza and Venezuela to small towns in California.

The goal is to replace governments with for-profit companies.

We investigated how Thiel's scheme is already reshaping democracy across the world."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/06/llms-as-the-worst-of-both-worlds-a-review-of-cory-doctorows-the-reverse-centaurs-guide-to-life-after-ai/">
    <title>LLMs as the Worst of Both Worlds: A Review of Cory Doctorow’s The Reverse Centaur’s Guide to Life After AI - Front Porch Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T08:35:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/06/llms-as-the-worst-of-both-worlds-a-review-of-cory-doctorows-the-reverse-centaurs-guide-to-life-after-ai/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Most current iterations and applications of AI in the form of LLMs actually turn humans into reverse centaurs."]]></description>
<dc:subject>corydoctorow joshuapauling 2026 ai artificialintelligence llms chatbots technology wendellberry neilpostman aihype aibubble economics automation garymarcus avs aihallucinations trucking labor work workers corporations corporatism government accountability eliza</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RafuYcUolY4">
    <title>How The Deep State Is Plotting To Protect Corporate Power - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T04:58:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RafuYcUolY4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You could end up on a watchlist for fighting back in the class war.

The feds now consider opposition to data centers, inequality, and Big Tech as potential domestic terrorism.

We uncovered how the FBI is colluding with corporate America to surveil ordinary Americans."]]></description>
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    <title>Let’s save the Enlightenment baby from its muddied bathwater | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T02:11:29+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Attacked by the Left and Right, the Enlightenment can only be saved through use of its greatest legacy: permanent critique"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/the-same-stream-twice/">
    <title>The Same Stream Twice | Online Only | n+1 | Rob Arcand</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T01:48:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/the-same-stream-twice/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cultural products are more than ever a class of financialized assets, whose owners are even further removed from artmaking"

...

"It can be difficult to see what purpose cultural criticism serves in a moment of such rapid change for the culture industries. If “derivative media” is the reigning spirit of our times, saturated with shoddy reboots and padded with robotic background music, is there still any reason to engage with these works as critics? We might follow the example of Horkheimer and Adorno, who simply rejected Hollywood, Tin Pan Alley, jazz, and other mass cultural products as mere instruments of capitalist domination; yet their mandarin Marxism feels retrograde in a time when the boundaries of high and low taste are far less sharply drawn. In their own ways, Pelly and deWaard both suggest paths forward for criticism, drawn from their engagements with political economy.

In Pelly’s account, streaming as a medium is inseparable from the economic forces that have made it ubiquitous in everyday life, and to be an effective critic today requires close engagement with these economic factors. A kind of vernacular historical materialism underlies her premise that the musical styles of Billie Eilish or Post Malone emanate from the financialized, algorithmically conditioned environment of streaming itself, as well as deWaard’s ruthlessly symptomatic readings of 30 Rock and Space Jam. From there, both turn to critique the funding structures and production process that form the connective tissue between these economic and aesthetic categories. The critic of derivative media must be no less fluent in the language of boardrooms and earnings calls than that of sitcom dialogue or rap lyrics.

The spirit of Fredric Jameson looms over such work. Knowingly or not, both Pelly and deWaard engage questions that the late Marxist critic put forward decades ago. In The Political Unconscious (1981), Jameson suggests that Marxist literary criticism needs modes of interpretation that are able to mediate between the formal features of artistic works and the economic conditions of their production, without reducing them to simplistic economic narratives or descriptions of aesthetic inspiration uncoupled from material conditions. This “allegorical” approach to critique propelled much of his subsequent work, including his 1991 masterpiece Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, with its famous readings of the Westin Bonaventure Hotel, Andy Warhol’s pop paintings, and nostalgia films like American Graffiti.

The irony of aesthetic life under capitalism, as Jameson also reminded us, has always been that even the most debased cultural products contain, albeit in ideologically distorted forms, the promise of a way of life liberated from the instrumentalizing, commodifying drives of capital. If the cultural logic of finance capital—with its degraded platforms, securitized song catalogs, and “derivative media”—is the terrain that the critic must inhabit, then it represents a shared site of struggle with workers from across the music, film, and television industries. It is in this contested landscape where the future of the culture industries will be decided."]]></description>
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    <title>Pluralistic: Refining humanity (05 Jun 2026) – Pluralistic: Daily links from Cory Doctorow</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-07T00:57:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pluralistic.net/2026/06/05/defining-humanity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One of the best ways to evaluate your own understanding of a subject is to attempt to explain it to someone else. Through explaining things, we discover how much of the "totally obvious" world is actually full of ambiguity, mystery and contradiction.

There's a great bit in Rowan Atkinson's historical sitcom Blackadder that illustrates this principle. In "Ink and Incapability" Blackadder and friends have accidentally burned the only copy of Samuel Johnson's original dictionary of the English language. To cover up their mistake, they decide that they will recreate the dictionary themselves. However, they founder on the first word they try to define, "A":

<blockquote>Blackadder: Let's start at the beginning, shall we? First: 'A.' How would you define 'A'?

    Prince George: Ohh…'A' (continues this in background). Oh, I love this! I love this! Quizzies! Erm, hang on, it’s coming. Ooh, crikey, erm, oh yes, I’ve got it!

    B: What?

    PG: Well, it doesn’t really mean anything, does it?

    B: Good. So we're well on the way, then. "'A'; impersonal pronoun; doesn't really mean anything."</blockquote>

I mean, what does "A" mean? The Oxford English Dictionary has more than a dozen definitions, and just the first one runs to more than 1,500 words:

https://archive.org/details/the-oxford-english-dictionary-all-volumes_202208/The%20Oxford%20English%20Dictionary%20Volume%201%20-%20A%20to%20B/page/n25/mode/2up

Now, normal life involves a lot of explaining things to other people. You have to explain your problems to customer service reps, who have to explain why they can't solve those problems to you. You need to explain to your loved ones why you want to leave your toothbrush in the shower, and they have to explain why they hate having your toothbrush in the shower. These explanation-exchanges teach you as much as they teach the person you're locked in dialog with. The reasons for leaving your toothbrush in the shower may seem totally obvious to you, and your partner's inability to understand this reveals the assumptions you've never even considered.

For the past four decades, an increasing proportion of the population have spent an increasing proportion of their lives explaining things to machines that have no assumptions or shared context: computers. What we call "programming a computer" is really "breaking down a thing that seems obvious to you into increasingly simple instructions that will be followed to the letter."

Computers are like the genies of legend, bloody-minded literalists who will do exactly what you say, in the way that is perversely furthest from what you mean. To get a computer to do anything, you must first understand it to a degree that far exceeds the understanding needed to explain something to any other human, even a small child.

To take just one example: yesterday, I was on a plane, and the seatback video started cycling through its video-on-demand offerings. All of the movie titles that began with "the" were rewritten to put "the" at the end of the title (for example, "The Sting" was written as "Sting, The"). It's obvious why the system's designer had done this: we expect to find movies whose titles begin with "The" alphabetized under their second word ("The Sting" should appear between "Star Wars" and "Story of a Love Affair"; not between "The Godfather" and "The Untouchables").

I remember when I learned this from my elementary school's teacher-librarian, when I was seven and my class got a tutorial on the school library's card catalog. The librarian explained this principle to us in a matter of minutes, as part of a longer set of instructions, and still, it stuck with me forever.

But here we are, 48 years later, and we still haven't standardized a way to get computers to grasp this foundational principle of alphabetization. Many different databases handle this, to be sure, but it's so inconsistent across so many platforms that someone at the head-end of the video distribution system that feeds American Airlines' VOD system decided, "Fuck it, I'm just gonna put the 'The' at the end of these titles."

Computers are stupid, in other words, which means that the people who program them have to have smarts enough for both of them. Unfortunately for our entire species and civilization, the software industry has historically valued skill at writing efficient and reliable software over writing software that adequately reflects reality. There is an entire genre of lists that illustrate the problem with this; the "falsehoods programmers believe" lists:

https://github.com/kdeldycke/awesome-falsehood

From "names of people" and "street addresses"; from "prices" to "time"; from "email addresses" to "phone numbers"; the "awesome falsehoods" lists are awesome because they reveal how much subtlety and complexity is lurking in these seemingly simple and intuitive concepts. This subtlety and complexity might never emerge through the process of trying to teach a person about them, but when you try to teach a computer about them, you have to confront them in all their awesome fuggliness.

That's because humans have context, agency and flexibility. Sure, the person who designs a form with a blank for "name" might never have met a Malagasy person whose first name is Randriamananjararadofabesata, but in the pre-digital world, when Madagascar Slim met a public official who had to transcribe his name onto a paper form, that official could simply draw an arrow in the margin next to the "name" blank, turn the form over, and write out all 28 characters on the reverse:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madagascar_Slim

Computers can't do this. If the programmer doesn't know about Malagasy first names, the computer doesn't know about them either, and the only person who can "teach" the computer about these names is a programmer with access to the code for the database, who has to manually alter the code, compile it, and distribute it to everyone who uses it.

This is partly why digitization has been accompanied by a rise in people asserting that they exist on spectrums rather than in binaries. There were always people whose names, genders, races, and other biographic "immutables" changed, or failed to fit within the blanks on the forms. When those people's realities ran up against failures in the system's abstractions, they could petition a bureaucrat to turn the paper over and write an explanatory note, or to write really small to fill in a blank:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/02/02/nonbinary-families/#red-envelopes

Getting a human official to turn the paper over and write something that didn't fit in the blank is a personal challenge. It requires that a subject convince the person who controls the form to make an exception. This isn't always easy, but officials on the front lines necessarily deal with reality, and they can't get their jobs done unless they're capable of interpreting the necessarily incomplete procedures they operate under to fit things as they really are.

But a computer doesn't have any agency or context or flexibility. If the computer says your name isn't valid, you can't argue the computer into accepting it. The only way to get a digital world to acknowledge your existence is to campaign for systemic change. A trans person might (with great difficulty, to be sure) convince the regional registrar to white-out an old X on one "gender" box and mark a new X in the other box. But the only way to make that change in a software system that has been programmed to treat the "gender" field as immutable is to change society itself.

In this way, computers are machines for teaching us what we don't know about ourselves. They require that we interrogate and faithfully recreate our personal tacit knowledge, and they require that our societies interrogate their tacit presumptions as well. When you are forced to turn your tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge, you're also forced to confront how many broken assumptions lurk inside your reasoning. At best, it's a clarifying process.

Computers don't just clarify what we know and how we organize our society: they also clarify what we are. There are lots of things that we have supposed that a computer would never do, because we believed that these things required something that only humans could do.

Take chess: there are more possible chess games than there are hydrogen atoms in the universe, so brute-forcing chess by running all possible games is a technological impossibility. The best human chess players do something we don't quite understand, mixing their recollections of previous games with rules-of-thumb about the best strategies, with "creativity" (whatever that is) that lets them spontaneously develop new strategies. We can easily get a computer to memorize all the known-good chess sequences and all the rules of thumb, but we don't know what "creativity" is, so we can't encode it as a series of instructions.

But thanks to breakthroughs in machine learning and its successor, "deep learning," we have created chess-playing software that can beat every human, partly by assaying gambits that we would term "creative" if they originated with a human player.

What we make of this new fact is controversial. For many people (myself included), this is a refinement: it tells me that behaviors that are indistinguishable from "creativity" can, at least some of the time, be created by mechanical processes, and the mere fact that a machine does something that appears "creative" doesn't mean that machines are human.

For others, the fact that a mechanical system can evince a behavior that we would call "creative" in a human doesn't mean that we defined "creativity" too broadly, it means that we defined "human" too narrowly, and now we have made a machine that is, at least partially, a person.

I think this is the wrong conclusion to draw, for reasons that Ted Chiang sets out with luminous brilliance in a recent Atlantic article entitled "No, Artificial Intelligence Is Not Conscious":

https://www.theatlantic.com/philosophy/2026/06/no-artificial-intelligence-is-not-conscious/687378/

(If you're hitting the paywall on that one and you're on Firefox, you can try my favorite trick: switch to "Reader Mode" and hit "reload" – your mileage may vary.)

For all the reasons Chiang articulates, I think that drawing the "personhood" line to include machines is a technical mistake, but it's worse than that. Admitting machines to the "personhood" club is a tactical mistake, on par with the mistake we made when we admitted corporations to the personhood club. We should absolutely consider expanding personhood to incorporate living things, including animals and ecosystems, but at the same time, we must purge these dead, artificial constructs from the club:

https://pluralistic.net/2026/04/15/artificial-lifeforms/#moral-consideration

There is a way in which the recognition of new capabilities in machines parallels the recognition of new capabilities in animals other than ourselves. When those animals manage to do things that we once thought were the exclusive province of humans, we (should) take that as an opportunity to refine our conception of humanity. We're not "the animals that use tools" or "the animals that make plans" or "the animals that recognize themselves in mirrors," because there are other animals that do those things. We are an "animal that uses tools"; not the animal that does so.

Likewise, if we thought that some activity was unique to humans, or to living beings, and we manage to get a machine to replicate that activity, we should revise our view of the activity – not our view of the machine. Creative breakthroughs in chess are not "a thing that requires a human mind," they're "things that can be done by human minds and by machines."

Edsger Dijkstra once famously asked "can a submarine swim?"

https://www.cs.utexas.edu/~EWD/transcriptions/EWD08xx/EWD898.html

Submarines and fish and humans and dolphins all propel themselves through water by different means. But when an animal swims, it does something that is different from what a submarine does. The submarine has no intention, while (complex multicellular) animals swim to pursue goals. Building machines that propel themselves through water is very useful, but it's not the same thing as creating life. In some ways, it's better than creating life: for one thing, we owe other living things moral consideration that is not due to machines. Harnessing a machine to accomplish our own goals is more morally clear than controlling living things to achieve those goals. By the same token, creating machines that can do some of the tasks that we ask of other humans can be the superior moral course. I'd rather have a machine remove mines from a minefield than getting humans to do it.

But beyond this moral relief, creating machines is a fantastic way to learn more about ourselves – making explicit our tacit knowledge, our implicit social assumptions, and the limitations of our conception of what sets us apart from the rest of the universe.

One way in which AI is exceptional is in how it undermines this principle. Conventional software techniques struggled to produce a program that could identify objects in photographs. It turns out that defining all the visual correlates of "cat" is even harder than defining the letter "A." Deep learning techniques solved this previous insoluble problem by relieving us of the job of making explicit all the implicit factors that we deploy when distinguishing an image of a "cat" from an image of a "dog" or a "tiger" (or a "tractor").

Instead of forcing humans to engage in introspection until we'd made a list of every factor we use to identify cat pictures, we simply identified pictures of cats and fed them to a program that tried to find the commonalities among them. The more pictures we fed to that program, the better it got at identifying cats. Today, we have programs that can reliably distinguish an image of a cat from an image of a tiger cub!

This represents a major breakthrough in the power of computers to perform useful work for us, but it's also a huge regression in computers' role in forcing us to make our tacit thought processes explicit through systematic introspection. That's probably fine: we didn't create computers to make us introspect, we created them to do useful work for us. All things considered, it might be better to have genies who grant our wishes according to the spirit of our words, not their letter.

AI may not force us to render our implicit thoughts as explicit instructions, but it absolutely forces us to reconsider and narrow the realm of the numinous. Our own creativity is still delightful and important, but the fact that this squishy, amazing process can (sometimes) be replicated by procedural machines changes the definition of living things. We're "a thing that can produce creative outcomes" but not "the things that can produce creative outcomes." The machines aren't being creative (any more than a submarine is swimming) but they're outputting things that we used to only achieve by means of creativity.

An AI that does something that used to require creativity is fulfilling my favorite of Brian Eno and Peter Schmidt's Oblique Strategies: "Be the first person to not do something that no one else has not done before":

https://stoney.sb.org/eno/oblique.html

Just as bosses fantasize about AI bringing about a worksite without workers, and Zuckerberg is trying to build social media without socializing, and politicians want a bureaucracy without bureaucrats, we can sometimes use AI to produce creative outcomes without creativity:

https://pluralistic.net/2026/05/27/unnecessariat/#rubbuts-stole-my-jerb

That isn't to say that AI art is any good. AI may produce things that are aesthetically interesting, but it can't produce things that mean anything:

https://pluralistic.net/2026/06/02/must-we-pretend/

But art isn't the only realm that we apply creativity to. There are plenty of outcomes that we've always believed we couldn't bring about without applying creativity. AI – like all software – is making us realize that an ingredient we once deemed uniquely essential turns out to have substitutes. AI can sometimes accomplish things without us explaining how we do them. That relieves us of a useful but difficult chore – but in so doing, it forces us (yet again!) to revisit what sorts of things are needed to do the things that matter to us, and therefore, what makes us special."]]></description>
<dc:subject>corydoctorow 2026 humanity rowanatkinson blackladder samueljohnson explanation computers computing literalism alphabetization databases civilization software digitization systems systemsthinking binaries spectrums agency context flexibility society societies chess creativity deeplearning ai artificialintelligence consciousness redchiang personhood corporations corporatism animals tools. submarines language morality introspection brianeno peterschmidt obliquestrategeies markzuckerberg social socializing socialization art generativeai genai</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces">
    <title>A Discussion on the New Novel 'Palaces of the Crow' (with Ray Nayler) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-23T05:19:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/a-discussion-on-the-new-novel-palaces</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” Ray Nayler examines human nature through the lens of caring and community amidst the often hidden horrors of World War II."

...

"“We tell the stories that perpetuate the narrative or the myth we want, and we erase the others,” Chris Hedges states in this interview with Ray Nayler about his new book, “Palaces of the Crow,” which centers around four teenagers from varying backgrounds who struggle to survive during World War II. The war, Nayler says, fundamentally reshaped the world geopolitically, technologically and socially in ways that have profoundly impacted the environment in which we live today. Critical lessons from that moment in time are being lost, with media and governments covering up the deep and long-lasting wounds inflicted upon tens of millions of people. Nayler says that “We can’t move away from that time period before understanding it.”

During World War II people were trapped in unimaginably horrible circumstances and were forced to make difficult, and at times self-sacrificial, decisions. The story of the “ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers” is rarely told, Nayler says.

In Nayler’s novel, crows play an essential role in the story. Like humans, crows are social animals. He describes the crows’ niche as the flock and the flock as a type of organism whose niche is the forest, much like the human’s niche is society and our society’s niche is the world. Contrary to their typical association with death and destruction, Nayler utilizes them as “a symbol of cooperation and group living and non-violence.” From this viewpoint, one sees that human connection, cooperation, nonviolence and mutual aid are fundamental to survival.

The theme of connection, “a primal sense of togetherness,” is central to the story of the four teenagers thrown together under hostile conditions. This connection allows people, and other animals, to find common ground and get along despite their different cultures. Civilization, which Nayler portrays as “being inside a painted box and trying to ignore what’s out there,” is an obstacle to connection that prevents us from recognizing reality. We erase the reality that humans are social, nonviolent, interconnected and caring beings at our own peril."

...

"Ray Nayler: Well, in a way, this book for me is a kind of response to a certain way of seeing human nature, right? I was very surprised when I found out that William Golding’s “Lord of the Flies” was based on a real event. That there really was a group of shipwrecked boys who survived for a long time on an island alone. They all went to a boarding school, right? And their teachers were not with them, so they were forced to form a society on this island and cooperate and find some way through. The difference between the book and reality is that in reality, nobody died. The boys divided the chores up between themselves, set up housekeeping, and lived very peacefully on that island together in a state of mutual aid and cooperation.

But that’s not the story that gets told in Lord of the Flies, of course. The story that gets told in Lord of the Flies is one of the strong against the weak, and this sort of perverted miniature version of the society that William Golding perceived us as living in in his day. Golding responds to that criticism in an interesting way and, at the contemporary moment when he wrote the Lord of the Flies, he says, “Well this is not a story about those boys. This is a story about British schoolboys and how they would form a society on an island.” And I take that point, but at the time, I think, there’s so many books that are written about people destroying one another in times of adversity. And one of the things that’s forgotten about World War II, for example, is that probably most of the people involved in World War II tried to protect both themselves and other people around them. And many, many people in World War II actually sacrificed their lives to protect other people, knowingly gave their lives up in order to shield other people from oppression. And that’s a story that we don’t talk about, I think, enough about the ways in which people came together to protect their neighbors, to protect family members, to protect friends, to protect strangers."

...

"Chris Hedges: I know from your wonderful book about the octopus that you probably didn’t make up anything about these crows. But set against this horror, and it is a horror that these four teenagers are attempting to hide from and survive through, is our relationship to the animal, to animals, in this particular case, crows. And one of the things I found interesting is that they kind of live in this underground shelter that had been previously occupied by a veteran of World War I and a hermit who had been very, very kind to the flocks of crows in the forest. And it raises that question of whether there was some kind of reciprocity. But I want you to talk about the use of crows that are a constant theme in the book. And at the end, I won’t spoil it, but I mean, there becomes a decision by one of them, I mean, to risk their life to save the crows that are trying to save her.

Ray Nayler: I think Corvids are fascinating. And crows, in particular, but other Corvids like ravens and rooks. One of the things that’s really interesting about them for me is that within the space that humans create, this very damaged space, urban spaces and suburban spaces and all of the spaces in which we’ve sort of invaded nature to some extent, many animals have been destroyed by that movement into nature by human beings. Crows, on the other hand, are one of the groups of animals whose numbers have increased along with humans and who seem very suited to taking advantage of our damaged liminal spaces.

I think we have a strong association with crows and negativity, right? We see their call as a sign sometimes of death, right? They’re associated with disease and war and all of these other things, but I think precisely because when humankind has gone into battle, historically crows have been there to take advantage of the food that we leave behind for them on the battlefield, right? And so, crows are creative and intelligent creatures themselves, of course. And these crows in this book are sort of an extension just of the tool use and intelligence that crows have. And crows are also an animal that has a direct weaving relationship with human beings. They’ve been with us as a symbol, probably throughout our entire history. We’ve, I think, learned a lot from them. And they learn from us. They watch us do things and imitate us. They exchange gifts with us. They remember our faces. They’ve clearly evolved alongside us for a long time.

I was on the beach with my daughter, and we were tide pooling and we were sort of standing there looking at some things. And I saw the crows come down off of the sea cliffs and start gleaning from the tide pools. And I asked the ranger what the crows were doing there because you don’t usually see crows right at the seashore. They’re usually driven away by gulls. And the ranger said, “Well, there was a student group here. There were children. It was a kindergarten group. And the crows know that when the children come through the tide pools, they’re not very careful about where they put their feet and they kill a lot of small animals and snails and things. And so, the crows watch from the forest above the beach, and they wait for children to come through the tide pools and then they go and they pick up what the children have left behind.” And I thought, that’s such a good summation of what much of the crow-human relationship has been historically. We make a mess. The crows take advantage.

But there’s also in the book, mutual care that emerges between the humans and the crows. And this is something that we see with human-animal relationships. And you see it with crows. People who treat injured birds, especially the more intelligent species like Corvids, will often find that they’ve gained a lifelong friend, right? And that bird will introduce them to other birds from their flock and soon they have a relationship with a whole group of birds. And so that thread of care that proceeds from the man who takes care of some crows and is kind to them, and then the children who come along and need help and the crows give it to them, and then later in the book, what the adults will do for the crows. All of that is for me a way of showing how care can move through species, through generations and build some kind of a system of care, right? Grow and grow, if it’s given that space to grow."

...

"Ray Nayler: You know, again, crows are an interesting species. They can be cruel. They can seem cruel to us. They certainly have these famous moments of having trials of other crows and for whatever reason deciding to kill one of their number and it’s completely unclear to us from the outside. No biologist can tell you why this happens, what has been done, because we don’t understand what their culture is and what the violation might have been. But crows show concern for one another, for the injured, for the weak, and they will protect a wounded crow. They will protect a fledgling fallen from the nest against predation. Crows will band together to drive off predators, even when those predators are not a direct threat to them. They will do it just for the sake of other crows, of other members of their group. And they risk their lives to do this. Driving a hawk off is a dangerous activity and it puts one at risk. And so, to do that as a crow, not for the sake of oneself, but for the sake of the flock, really shows the sort of mentality that exists. And I use that word in that exact sense of mentation and a sort of vision of the world or a picture of the world. In the crows’ picture of the world, it is worth risking one’s life for the other virtually at all times.

Chris Hedges: Well, in the book, they risk their lives for the children.

Ray Nayler: Yes. And I think that the implication is that in some way they’ve been able to extend this care out to the children because they have formed a relationship with one of them, Neriya, who has for many seasons been playing with them and interacting with them and building a kind of friendship with them. And so, on that foundation and on the foundation of the relationship that they had with this man before, they have a reason to extend that care to an interspecies level."

[Direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjZ35_Rin3U

"(0:00) Intro  
(2:25) Why WWII? 
(4:21) Clash of totalitarians 
(6:13) The four characters 
(10:19) The symbology of crows 
(15:58) Karma and resurrection 
(19:46) Kropotkin’s naturalism 
(25:04) The complexity of crows
(27:53) Transgenerational communication 
(30:59) Rootlessness and evil 
(33:03) Human-animal communication 
(38:55) The myth of childhood 
(44:05) The forgotten history of WWII
(51:21) Trauma of veterans 
(52:11) Outro"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hyperallergic.com/the-death-of-the-art-school/">
    <title>The Death of the Art School</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-06T02:25:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hyperallergic.com/the-death-of-the-art-school/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The rampant corporatization and “administrification” of American higher-education institutions has turned students into mere consumers."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us education highered highereducation arteducation art arts administrativebloat administration corporatism corporatization consumerism colleges universities hakantopal</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vxANpQiRoQk">
    <title>How Behavioural Science was Hijacked - with Nick Chater - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T07:02:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vxANpQiRoQk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I spoke to Professor Nick Chater to discuss his provocative new book It’s on You!  How the Rich and Powerful Have Convinced Us that We're to Blame for Society's Deepest Problems. As a behavoural economist, I initially went into the field because it offered an alternative to the moribund old theories of rationality and equilibrium. Yet I was gradually disappointed that behavioural approaches only tweaked the model, offering an account of how ‘biased’ individuals strayed from rationality, and how we could ‘correct’ their behaviour. The focus on individuals was retained and the thought was that solving economic and social problems only required minor tweaks to their choice environment, known as “nudging”, an approach which took off in governments and corporations across the world.

The field of behavioral economics has promised that we could solve society’s deepest problems—from the climate crisis to retirement security—by simply "nudging" individuals toward better choices. But Nick and his coauthor George Loewenstein argue that this focus on what they call the ‘individual-frame’ has been a massive distraction. In this interview, we explored how major corporations have used behavioral science as a clever sleight of hand to convince us that we are to blame for systemic failures, all while they quietly lobby against the regulations and taxes that would actually create change. We dove into why it’s time to move past the "nudge" and start rewriting the social and economic rulebook to prioritise the common good over individual responsibility, adopting what they call the ‘systems-frame’.

Nick has a lifetime of research behind him and went from, a nudge convert to a nudge heretic. I was really great to get his perspective on how that happened and how we can use behavioural science for good.

Originally recorded on Tuesday 17th March, 2026."]]></description>
<dc:subject>nickchater unlearningeconomics 2026 behavioralscience society rationality equilibrium behavior government corporations corporatism economics behavioraleconomics regulation deregulation taxes taxation individualism responsibility georgeloewenstein systems systemicfailure commongood cahalmoran</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/03/barnes-noble-popularity/686369/">
    <title>How America Learned to Love Barnes &amp; Noble Again - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T01:54:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/03/barnes-noble-popularity/686369/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Distinctions between chain and local have been superseded by the split between online and in-person shopping. Book-buying Americans, whose support for indie shops was one of the hallmarks of a progressive anti-chain movement that flourished in the 2000s, seem to be less discerning than they used to be. They’ll browse where they can. Consumer politics may have mattered less than good business decisions, however. Barnes & Noble found its form in part by learning from its eternal rival, the local bookstore. The corporate stores, with their forest-green signs and scratchboard illustrations of famous authors, used to be cookie-cutter copies of one another. Now they come in all sizes, and the books inside vary from place to place according to the tastes of each store manager. What’s more, they sit in a commercial landscape that, though thoroughly suffused with national brands, has been losing exactly the type of middle-class, something-for-everyone store that Barnes & Noble tries to be.”

[archived:
https://archive.is/Dt1JI 

via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/03/meatpackers-barnes-noble-and-wittgenstein/

"Henry Grabar reflects on why the chain bookstore is making a comeback"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-persons-of-interest">
    <title>Persons of Interest: Sean Vanatta on the Unchecked Rise of the Credit Industry | The Sun Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T07:25:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thesunmagazine.org/articles/603-persons-of-interest</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sean Vanatta on the Unchecked Rise of the Credit Industry"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qcf5syA1MlE">
    <title>The Left Doesn’t Hate Technology with Gita Jackson - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T05:21:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qcf5syA1MlE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Paris Marx is joined by Gita Jackson to discuss why the left’s hatred of AI is justified, why a different approach to technology is necessary, and how they’re reassessing their own relationships with digital tech.

Gita Jackson is a co-founder of Aftermath (https://aftermath.site ).

Also mentioned in this episode:
     
• Gita wrote about why the left doesn’t hate technology (https://aftermath.site/anthropic-claude-ai-leftist-technology/ ).

• Gita also wrote about downloading digital music (https://aftermath.site/digita-audio-player-snowsky-echo-mini-fiio-hyby/ ) onto a Snowksy Fiio Echo Mini.

• Chris Person wrote about the  Boox Palma eReader (https://aftermath.site/i-love-my-weird-little-phone-shaped-ereader/ )  as an alternative to Kindle.

• Learn more about Mike Pondsmith (https://blackgirlnerds.com/from-cyberpsychos-to-netrunners-here-is-the-story-of-mike-pondsmith-the-true-mastermind-behind-cyberpunk/ ) and his Cyberpunk TTRPG.

• Gita will one day get Paris to watch Frieren (https://www.crunchyroll.com/series/GG5H5XQX4/frieren-beyond-journeys-end ) ."

[references:

"The Left Doesn't Hate Technology, We Hate Being Exploited
Techno-cynics are all just wounded techno-optimists."
https://aftermath.site/anthropic-claude-ai-leftist-technology/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/what-people-want-from-our-schools">
    <title>What People Want From Our Schools Has Never Been Accomplished, Anywhere, Ever</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T05:14:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freddiedeboer.substack.com/p/what-people-want-from-our-schools</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["educating an entire society into prosperity is a radical modern fantasy, not "getting things back to normal""

...

"We Don’t Know If What We’re Trying is Possible

The United States has embarked on a project that is historically unprecedented: the attempt to make every student “college-ready” and to build a labor market that presumes universal higher education. The degree to which “college for all” is an explicit demand can be lawyered forever; if you’d like to say “No one actually wants college for all,” go ahead. The simple reality is that making all students college ready has long been a thinktank demand, a politician promise, and a goal of charter school networks; whether you want to call it a strawman or not, the idea that the entire labor market is going to flow through schooling, that we’re going to educate our citizenry into employability, is a central reality of modern American economics and politics. In The Cult of Smart I quoted (I believe) every president from Carter through Obama as endorsing education as the path to prosperity. And in the neoliberal era, where so much of the labor market for uneducated citizens has been dismantled, nobody has a very good idea of how people reach the good life without education. So we’re trying to educate everybody. Simple!

I need people to understand this: no society in history has ever achieved such a thing, not even the most aggressively meritocratic or education-obsessed ones. There are countries with better aggregate education data than ours (although there’s always caveats and context) and there’s countries with a higher percentage of adults with college degrees (although in some countries college-level work is similar to the high school-level work that American students do). There are no countries that have built an economy where every worker actually possesses the kind of skills that most are thinking of when they think of a college education, and there are no societies in history where education has been the dominant creator of jobs and financial opportunity in the way implied by the rhetoric we routinely hear from politicians. The idea that we can take a population of tens of millions of young people, with all the diversity of ability, interest, and circumstance that entails, and funnel them into a single academic track is a radical social experiment, and the fact that there’s still so much constant angst about education suggests that it’s not going well. Pretending that we’re just trying to get education “back to normal” is a way of laundering a wildly ambitious scheme into inevitability, as if the failure to achieve this impossible standard is a deviation rather than the natural outcome of the attempt.

To imagine that we are simply replicating the supposed good old days by demanding college readiness for all is to ignore the fact that no country’s default has ever looked like this. And the constant escalation of crisis rhetoric has consequences. By treating universal college readiness as the baseline, we set ourselves up for perpetual crisis, because the system cannot deliver what it promises. Students who do not thrive in academic environments are cast as failures, even though they may possess skills and talents that societies have historically valued in other ways. Employers, meanwhile, inflate credential requirements not because the work demands it, but because the education arms race has made degrees into proxies for discipline and compliance. The result is a labor market that is both exclusionary and brittle, built on the false premise that education can be the sole engine of economic life. To insist that this is “normal” is to deny history, and to guarantee disappointment.

If you want to go ahead and grind whatever your particular axe about education happens to be, knock yourself out. But please, stop saying things like “I just want us to get back to a world where kids were graduating high school with basic skills!” Because the world you’re referring to never existed."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R9fpm-lorIU">
    <title>Hyperreal Fascism | Plastic Pills - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-19T20:51:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R9fpm-lorIU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["check https://www.patreon.com/plasticpills or join the channel for my other theory/philosophy content, including an explanation of the "semiotic square".

See the ProPublica story:
https://www.propublica.org/article/kristi-noem-dhs-ad-campaign-strategy-group

Other refs:
Walter Benjamin "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction" https://amzn.to/4s5svwR
Algirdas Julien Greimas "Semiotics and Language" https://amzn.to/4tRF3cT
Jean Baudrillard "Simulacra and Simulation" https://amzn.to/4rWMzkC
Wilhelm Reich "The Mass Psychology of Fascism" https://amzn.to/4tAS3mS

00:00 - Fascism's New Face
11:03 - what's Hyperreal
18:35 - what's Fascism
32:01 - Kristi Noem ICE Barbie
38:52 - The Psychosexual Semiotics of Fascism"]]></description>
<dc:subject>fascism latefascistaesthetics fascistaesthetics 2026 plasticpills aesthetics walterbenjamin jeanbaudrillard wilhelmreich algirdasjuliengreimas semiotics trumpism donaldtrump us media socialmedia hyperrealism power threat violence kristinoem guns dhs ice police policing militarism baudrillard reality stephenmiller jdvance meaning messaging policy dickcheney tv television performance transparency theater pallywood marketing corruption canon carlschmitt advertising propaganda italy nazis nazigermany germany italia mussolini benitomussoilini luxurybrands hugboss politics rolex capitalism fendi chanel bimbocore louisvuitton christiandior balenciaga emergency strategygroup fascists aesthetization flags symbolism symbols ivylee hyperreality dior hypernormalization ussr conspiracy conspiracies publicreleations inequality elites fashion democracy ford ibm truenation purification rebirth nationalism scapegoating business 1920s 2020s standardoil profits profit corporations corporatism immigration elonmusk peterthiel ser</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.roborantreview.com/reviews/a-tale-of-two-first-thursdays">
    <title>A Tale Of Two First Thursdays — Roborant Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-16T04:08:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.roborantreview.com/reviews/a-tale-of-two-first-thursdays</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Perspectives: A series authored by art world professionals on the state of the arts."

...

"Before proceeding, I should interject that I have no intention of villainizing anyone at the TLCBD—since we opened our space they have been incredibly helpful and supportive of us every step of the way, and generally do a lot of important work in the neighborhood. Everyone I’ve met who works for them also, in their own way, genuinely cares for the Tenderloin and wants to see it thrive. I also understand that, especially in our current economic climate, organizations like the TLCBD need to take whatever funding they can get—public or private—and selectiveness is not a luxury everyone can always afford to exercise in the nonprofit sector. That being said, it has become apparent I have some major philosophical differences with them regarding what our neighborhood needs right now, and it’s my opinion that it isn’t a sleek makeover aimed at transforming it into a trendy and up-and-coming place to live. We’ve all seen what similar initiatives have done in neighborhoods like Bushwick in Brooklyn, and Boyle Heights in Los Angeles—and they almost exclusively result in erased cultures, higher rents, and ultimately displacement. 

All opinions aside, however, the move to bring that same money—and the same people behind DFT—into our neighborhood to manufacture this rebranding was something more than an ideological difference at this point—it was personal. If watching this cabal of billionaires and their money usurp the First Thursdays wasn’t hard enough, not being able to speak up or do anything about it for two years has given the umbrage I’ve carried plenty of time to ferment. This was, not to mention, compounded by the recognition of the greater motives at play—to further transform San Francisco into a playground for the ultra-wealthy along with their ensuing urban development and unchecked tech experimentation (e.g., Waymo). Offers to bolster and fold the First Thursday Art Walk into this “Larkin Street Revival” program struck me as a textbook example of Art Washing—because, of course, if efforts to “revive” and gentrify a commercial corridor are underway, what better place to start than with a monthly art walk?

Beginning on January 1st, 2026, the First Thursday Art Walk officially found itself without funding once again—and admittedly of my own volition this time. The TLCBD offered to try to find additional funding that did not come from Chris Larsen’s $5 million donation, but I decided that the affiliation, even if only by proxy, was too strong, and I was thus resolute in cutting my ties with them. I did, however, acknowledge that while I was the steward and the main organizer, I did not start nor own the Art Walk. It was a community event, and the community ought to decide what was best for it. If the community chose to take Chris Larsen’s money, I would not stand in their way—however, neither I nor my gallery would have any part in it. On January 27th, I called a meeting that brought together a congress of those of whom I considered the most active participants of the Art Walk—those who regularly organized events each month and had some level of investment in the growth of the First Thursdays. The objective was to educate everyone on the situation, share opinions, and discuss whether they as a whole wanted to accept this money, and if not, then what to do in the interim until alternative sources of funding were found. 

Among the dozen or so small business owners and representatives present, the consensus on whether to take the money was generally divided. A few people wholeheartedly stood behind my decision, while a few others were quite vocal in their beliefs that the money could benefit the community. Most, however, acknowledged both the pros and cons equally and expressed little more than indecision. One of the biggest arguments for accepting it was that the money was going to be allocated to the neighborhood anyway, and as the pre-existing small businesses here, we should be the ones to receive it and put it to use. An understandable perspective, but one that, for me at least, begins to break down in light of the increasingly exposed designs underway in the reshaping of our city to fit the wants and needs of a select few at the cost of many. And if we believe these billionaires are inherently unethical, along with their constant bypassing of democracy through “charity,” the question remains: how can we accept their contributions without incurring the moral and existential toll? 

While no conclusion was reached at the meeting, more or less everything was laid out on the table, and it was decided that the matter of accepting Chris Larsen’s money would be put to a vote in the coming weeks. This would give everyone time to do their own research and come to their own conclusions before making a final judgment. The Art Walk now sits in limbo, and the future of its governance rests in the hands of its most devoted participants. 

Go To Hell With Your Money, Bastards

Of all of my favorite pieces of dusty, twentieth-century art history lore, one of the perhaps most inspiring is the response of Danish artist and thinker Asger Jorn (co-founder of the COBRA group and Situationist International) to receiving the Guggenheim International Award in 1964. The esteemed award, which included a $2,500 prize, was promptly rejected by Jorn who, via telegram, immediately responded with “Go to hell with your money, bastard,” and a demand that public confirmation of his refused participation be made. In a day-and-age when selling out is not only increasingly acceptable, but the active goal of many artists and institutions, the sentiment of Jorn’s telegram rings for me now louder than ever. 

While the term “art washing” itself is relatively new, the practice has existed in many forms over the course of not just decades, but centuries. As early as the Renaissance, the aristocracy has used art to both launder any number of their own misdoings and as attempts to share credit for the achievements of greater minds than their own. Jorn most certainly saw past this veil, just as many now collectively recognize the sly employment of artists, muralists, galleries, and subcultures as tools for real estate speculation and development. Given such understanding, I would think the choice to not accept money from the likes of Chris Larsen, Daniel Lurie, or the Civic Joy Fund should be an easy one. 

The unfortunate reality, however, is that the reigning narrative of modern-day San Francisco just may no longer be one of conviction, compassion, and standing up to power that it has historically been touted for. That narrative has been replaced by one defined by mass surveillance, hostile anti-houseless architecture, and the full embodiment of our century’s tech-entrepreneurial response to Manifest Destiny. And the remaining pockets of genuine culture and community that exist here seem under constant threat themselves of either co-option, exploitation, or eventual displacement. For those of us who are still clutching onto some vision of the San Francisco we fell in love with however many years ago, the choice is now ours as to whom we align ourselves with. 

I know a lot of people view the Civic Joy Fund and their donors and affiliates as some sort of vital and even necessary force in the resuscitating of our city and in helping it to thrive. Others, like myself, see it as yet another arm of the technocratic billionaire class’s crushing stranglehold on the soul of San Francisco, but all the more nefarious in its masquerading as culture, equity, and inclusion. It is of my humble opinion that a city is not “thriving” when a small group of the ultra-wealthy are having to bankroll endless free street concerts and activations to try to make the city more fun for exactly the same class of people who helped decimate it in the first place—especially when those activations are co-opted and at the expense of pre-existing traditions like the Tenderloin & Lower Polk Art Walk. 

A city thrives when working-class families, individuals, and artists can afford to live in it and aren’t constantly suffocated by rent, rising costs of living, and the looming fear of eviction. A city thrives when workers, students, and small businesses are supported both by infrastructure and by demographics of people who not only inherit the city but are actively interested and engaged with it. San Francisco’s problem for too long has been pandering to an industry of people who are generally detached—and whose only incentives for living here lie in the close proximity to their tech jobs and the convenience of being able to order a near-infinite variety of meals from DoorDash while they isolate in the safety and comfort of their condos and can only be lured out with enormous (and free) block parties. 

As I write this, the corporate street fair known as DFT, about which I’ve hitherto been prohibited from speaking, continues to rage on at the start of each month, along with the endless other events and activations they’re trying to use to invigorate San Francisco and, in turn, preserve the investments of the city’s wealthiest shareholders. Meanwhile, the future of the First Thursday Art Walk—or at very least my involvement in it—is precarious. These recent events have led me to do some deep introspection about whether a gallery like ours, and a monthly art walk, can even exist at all in a neighborhood like the Tenderloin without, in some way—if even inadvertently—feeding the cycles of gentrification, no matter how intent we’ve become on resisting them. Looking back, I question whether my endeavors to work with the city at all have been the right idea, and whether my efforts would have matured better had they remained in spite of, rather than in collaboration with, these institutions shaped by conflicting incentives and entrenched in the power structures that govern San Francisco. 

Documenting this all has also prompted me to do some serious ruminating on not only my own complicity, but that of artists and galleries in general within these extractive economic systems we’re immersed in. Unless one keeps the creative work they do entirely divorced from commerce—and I praise the few that do—there is no practical way to vet every transaction that helps uphold our practices. As the adage goes, there is no ethical consumption under capitalism. This raises the question: when, and where do we then draw the line? For me, I’ve concluded it’s when my work risks being weaponized, either directly or indirectly, to perpetuate harm or promote the agendas of those I stand in moral opposition to. Witnessing what has happened in San Francisco over the past few years, I’ve grown to understand how challenging it can be for artists to evade such agendas, as they often arrive disguised as much-needed patronage and support, and prey on a financially vulnerable class of people. But that does not excuse us from having to ask ourselves these hard questions, and with what’s happening in our city, the time to be asking them is now.  

The closure of Moth Belly Gallery at this point may be all but imminent, but I’d much prefer that over having our legacy tainted by any affiliation to the rampant sterilization of this city and the billionaire money propelling it. Besides, five years is a long time to have run a space like ours, and it would be in line with the ephemeral nature of DIY, artist-run galleries to clock out around this time. If that means getting a regular job again, all the better—as I’m at a point where I’d rather do that than continue to be constantly beholden to the interests of others when it comes to the things that I cherish. And if that also entails the true end of my now 23-year tenure as a resident of San Francisco, I also accept that fate, and am thankful for having at least caught a short glimpse of the marvelous city San Francisco once was before being devoured by the mass corporatization of the twenty-first century."]]></description>
<dc:subject>johnvochatzer 2026 art arts sanfrancisco via:subtopes theater museums culture housing ellisact tenderloin galleries firstthursdays tenderloinartwalk lowerpolk sffirstthursday civicjoyfund intothestreets mannyyekutiel katybirnbaum mothbellygallery mothbelly sfmoma financialdistrict abraallan marketstreet artwalk chrislarsen tlcbd artwashing billionaires waymo gentrification urban urbandevelopment development asgerjorn situationist situationistinternational 1964 2020 daniellurie money power conviction compassion homelessness lowerpolkartwalk doordash corporations corporatism diy corporatization commerce capitalism creativity artmaking sros technology lowernobhill nobhill westernaddition property realestate raimondoforlin government governance streetart hobbies 2021 nepotism moralbankruptcy castro 2022 bayarea storefronts harveymilkdemocraticclub lowkeyskateshop tiltedbrim fleetwood rosebudgallery richmonddistrict vacanttovibrant oewd bobfisher mariekerothschild 2023 downtown 2024 2025 bushwick brooklyn losangel</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQsbaDevHzQ">
    <title>The Silicon Valley Money Machine Hijacking Democrats - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-12T18:50:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQsbaDevHzQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A new wave of “centrist Democrats” backed by Silicon Valley money is organizing to stop progressive momentum inside the party.

Groups like Next America Era — funded by Big Tech executives and pro-AI crypto billionaires — are pushing deregulation, corporate-friendly policies, and a return to status-quo politics just as voters demand bold reform.

David Sirota, founder and editor-in-chief of The Lever and Oscar-nominated writer of Don’t Look Up, joins the show to explain how corporate power is reshaping the Democratic Party — and why the base may be ready to fight back."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0">
    <title>The Billionaire Plan to Escape Democracy: Quinn Slobodian on 'Crack-Up Capitalism' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T21:15:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U1ombPdaRd0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Will tech billionaires get rid of democracy by getting rid of people?

In this episode of The Nerd Reich, Gil Duran sits down with renowned historian Quinn Slobodian (Globalists, Crack-Up Capitalism) to dissect the "ideology of exit." 

While the media focuses on failed "Freedom City" experiments like Prospera, Slobodian reveals a darker endgame: a shift toward automated, "post-human" infrastructure where voters are no longer part of the equation.

In this episode, we explore:

The Hong Kong Blueprint: How a colonial relic became the template for 21st-century capitalism.

Authoritarian Capitalism: Why Silicon Valley elites are obsessed with models of control.

The Post-Human Zone: Why the future of "sovereignty" belongs to Manhattan-sized data centers, not citizens.

The Octavia Butler Reality: What if future isn't about escaping the "company town," but fighting to get inside one?

Connect with Quinn Slobodian: https://bsky.app/profile/quinnslobodian.com

New Book: Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed (Releasing April 21, 2026): https://www.harpercollins.com/products/muskism-quinn-slobodianben-tarnoff?variant=43838135402530

Must Read: Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250753892/crackupcapitalism/ "

[transcript:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/you-dont-need-democracy-if-you-dont-have-people/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/29/what-technology-takes-from-us-and-how-to-take-it-back">
    <title>What technology takes from us – and how to take it back | AI (artificial intelligence) | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T07:56:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/29/what-technology-takes-from-us-and-how-to-take-it-back</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Decisions outsourced, chatbots for friends, the natural world an afterthought: Silicon Valley is giving us life void of connection. There is a way out – but it’s going to take collective effort]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 rebeccasolnit technology society externalities privacy attention communication ai artificialintelligence mentalhealth luddism neoluddism luddites neoluddites gathering connection disconnecting socialmedia internet web online efficiency productivity profits convenience friction slow democracy withdrawal discord human humanism karenhao love sherryturkle sociology psychology well-being wellbeing cluely meta google googleglass chatgpt openai edmondrostand cyranodebergerac relationships conviviality siliconvalley corporations corporatism tyranny embodiment social mollycrockett dalailama activism spirituality humans humanity capitalism togetherness carissavéliz ethics therapy maytaleyal loneliness consciousness deeptime scale nature dehumanization resistance eveyday</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f76dae03ff20/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA">
    <title>Charlie Kirk: The Man Who Broke Politics - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-05T22:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9etjAosHGzA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["BIBLIOGRAPHY & FOOTNOTES:
https://tinyurl.com/kirkvideosources

TIMESTAMPS:

INTRO: 00:00:00
PART 1: The American Question: 00:08:55
PART 2: Time for a Turning Point: 00:12:49
PART 3: Big Government Sucks: 00:34:23
PART 4: The Great American Horseshoe: 01:04:12
PART 5: Charlie's New Friends: 01:17:18
PART 6: The Noble Lie: 01:40:25
PART 7: Trump 2.0: 01:53:23
PART 8: Ouch, Charlie: 02:04:19
PART 9: The Demos 02:14:27
Credits: 02:46:57"]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexanderavila charliekirk politics us schoolshootings donaldtrump government democracy tpusa turningpointusa politcalviolence violence assassinations history conservatism fascism farright rightwing jdvance maga trumpism oligarchy christiannationalism nationalism constitution ronaldreagan joebiden kamalaharris whitesupremacy heritage teaparty libertarianism fredkoch nazis johnbirchsociety racism davidkoch charliekoch economics policy medicare socialsecurity governance trust vietnamwar watergate johnolin bradelybrothers kichbrothers richardscaife catoinstitute manhattaninstitute nonprofit nonprofits philanthropicindustrialcomplex charitableindustrialcomplex neoliberalism republicans darkmoney 2008 greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis barackobama capitalism welfare welfarestate wokeness socialjustice justice democrats 2016 2020 popularism anger freespeech freedomofspeech rhetoric liberalism liberals diversity equity inclusion inclusivity dei identity debate colleges universities elections harassment freemarkets</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM">
    <title>You are being misled about renewable energy technology. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-03T21:30:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtQ9nt2ZeGM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let's learn and grow. New things are cool!
Links 'n' stuff down below. Lots of links.

First, the "clean version." Please pass that around.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zgxb8I1nk2I

Jerry Rig Everything's video on battery recycling
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s2xrarUWVRQ

If you'd like a legal argument from an actual lawyer which highlights the uniquely strange and unchecked powers we have given DHS and ICE, this is worth a watch. I am not being hyperbolic in saying that this is a serious problem we need to face head on through abolishment, not reform.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zkgNnbTrsgw
 
Here are a couple of corn ethanol vs. solar land use studies. There are more if you'd like to look for them.
https://news.cornell.edu/stories/2025/04/trading-some-corn-ethanol-land-solar-offers-tremendous-opportunity
https://www.cleanwisconsin.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Corn-Ethanol-Vs.-Solar-Analysis-V3-9-compressed.pdf

I'm not gonna post links to my socials or my Patreon here.

Take care of each other.

00:00 Intro
07:35 Some opening notes
10:14 Cars and all the oil they use
15:38 Photovoltaics and electric cars
18:59 A cost and opportunity comparison
22:33 Solar farms
30:35 A discussion of land use
38:29 A diversion on wind power
41:17 The materials in solar panels
50:52 What about the batteries?
1:02:41 The reasons I made this video
1:10:16 The reason I am who I am
1:16:35 Who the liars are and what we need to do about them."]]></description>
<dc:subject>solar energy electricity lies 2026 2025 tyranny donaldtrump fascism constitution ice police policing militarism batteries republicans jimmycarter ronaldreagan joebiden democrats congress wind windpower corporations corporatism landuse photovoltaics evs cars oil fossilfuels petroleum solarpanels elections trumpism maga liars truth technologyconnctions technology jerryrigeverything voterfraud foxnews propaganda democracy us governance government tariffs trade policy journalism media maddmedia mainstreammedia reality accountability renewables minnesota minneapolics care solidarity mutualaid emissions immigration racism race nazis fascists borders border statueofliberty history ethanol cornathanol dhs law legal ethniccleansing fraud twitter socialmedia authoritarianism totalitarianism 9/11 homelandsecurity patriotact borderpatrol fourthamendment firstamendment freedomofspeech freespeech secondamendment alexpretti solarfarms powergrid fuel backupgenerators reneegood misinformation toxicity materials</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-what-the-ice-raids">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Why ICE Polices in Minnesota, and Not the Corporate Board Room</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-27T17:21:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-what-the-ice-raids</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Law enforcement budgets show we defunded those who police corporate America, while ramping up coercion on working people. Plus, Dana White tries to take over boxing & the FTC appealed its Meta loss."

[Also here:

"Why America Spends Billions Policing Immigrants — And Pennies Policing Corporations
From Minneapolis to Davos, the state shows who it polices — and who it protects."
https://www.levernews.com/why-america-spends-billions-policing-immigrants-and-pennies-policing-corporations/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain">
    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg">
    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XlNGpY-uL1Q">
    <title>Peter Thiel’s Dark Plan to Replace Democracy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-06T21:25:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XlNGpY-uL1Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peter Thiel and Silicon Valley’s te"ch oligarchs want a future without democracy replacing nation-states with billionaire-run “network states” powered by crypto, AI, and surveillance.

Journalists Gil Duran and Jacob Silverman join me to expose how tech billionaires are using Trump and MAGA to upend democracy and remake the world in their image"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jepS4jWX0II">
    <title>Revelados - Cecilia Vicuña - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-06T04:47:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jepS4jWX0II</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["En Revelados abrimos una conversación imperdible con Cecilia Vicuña, artista visual, poeta, cineasta y activista, considerada una de las voces más auténticas y polifacéticas de la poesía contemporánea.

No te pierdas esta conversación emocionante, llena de arte, junto a Sofía Tupper."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely">
    <title>Francesca Albanese and the Lonely Road of Defiance</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-31T08:36:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The U.N. special rapporteur is one of the most courageous crusaders against the genocide in Gaza. Because of this, she is blacklisted and treated as if she is a terrorist."

...

"NICE, France — It is a late November afternoon. I am driving to Genoa, Italy with Francesca Albanese, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. We are traveling to join striking dockworkers. The dockworkers call for a moratorium on weapons bound for Israel and a halt to the Italian government’s plans to increase military spending.

We speed past the inky waters of Baie des Anges on our right and the razor-backed French Alps on our left. Châteaus and clusters of houses with red-tiled roofs, shrouded in the fading light, are perched on the rolling hillsides. Palm trees line the seafront road.

Francesca — tall with flecks of gray in her hair and wearing large black-framed glasses and hoop earrings — is the bête noire of Israel and the United States. She was placed on the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) list of the U.S. Treasury Department — normally used to sanction those accused of money laundering or being involved with terrorist organizations — six days after the release of her report, “From economy of occupation to economy of genocide.”

The OFAC list — weaponized by the Trump administration to persecute Francesca and in clear violation of the diplomatic immunity granted to U.N. officials — prohibits any financial institution from having someone on the list as a client. A bank that permits someone on the OFAC list to engage in financial transactions is banned from operating in dollars, faces multimillion-dollar fines and is blocked from international payment systems.

In her report, Francesca lists 48 corporations and institutions, including Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Alphabet Inc., Amazon, International Business Machines Corporation (IBM), Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft Corporation and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), along with banks and financial firms such as BlackRock, insurers, real estate firms and charities, which in violation of international law, are making billions from the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians.

The report, which includes a database of over 1,000 corporate entities that collaborate with Israel, demands these firms and institutions sever ties with Israel or be held accountable for complicity in war crimes. It describes “Israel’s “forever-occupation” as “the ideal testing ground for arms manufacturers and big tech — providing boundless supply and demand, little oversight and zero accountability — while investors and private and public institutions profit freely.”

You can see my interview about the report with Francesca here.

Francesca, whose previous reports including “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” and “Genocide as colonial erasure” along with her empassioned denunciations of Israel’s mass slaughter in Gaza, have made her a lightning rod. She is excoriated every time she deviates from the approved script, including when pro-Palestine demonstrators stormed the headquarters of the Italian daily newspaper La Stampa while we were in Italy.

Francesca condemned the incursion and property destruction — protesters scattered newspapers and spray-painted slogans on the walls such as “Free Palestine” and “Newspapers complicit with Israel” — but added that it should serve as a “warning to the press” to do its job. That qualification expressed her frustration with the media’s discrediting of the reporting of Palestinian journalists — over 278 journalists and media workers have been killed by Israel since Oct. 7 along with over 700 of their family members — and uncritical amplification of Israeli propaganda. But it was seized upon by her critics, including Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, to lynch her.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio imposed sanctions on Francesca in July.

“The United States has repeatedly condemned and objected to the biased and malicious activities of Albanese that have long made her unfit for service as a Special Rapporteur,” the State Department’s press release read. “Albanese has spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West. That bias has been apparent across the span of her career, including recommending that the ICC, without a legitimate basis, issue arrest warrants targeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.”

“She has recently escalated this effort by writing threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies across finance, technology, defense, energy, and hospitality, making extreme and unfounded accusations and recommending the ICC [International Criminal Court ] pursue investigations and prosecutions of these companies and their executives,” it went on. “We will not tolerate these campaigns of political and economic warfare, which threaten our national interests and sovereignty.”

The sanctions followed those imposed in February and June on the court’s prosecutor Karim Khan along with two judges for issuing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.

Francesca is barred from entering the U.S. even to appear at the United Nations in New York City, to present one of her two annual reports. The other is delivered at the United Nations Office at Geneva.

Francesca’s assets in the U.S. have been frozen, including her bank account and her U.S. apartment. The sanctions cut her off from the international banking system, including blocking her use of credit cards. Her private medical insurance refuses to reimburse her medical expenses. Hotel rooms booked under her name have been cancelled. She can only operate using cash or by borrowing a bank card.

Institutions, including U.S. universities, human rights groups, professors and NGOs, that once cooperated with Francesca, have severed ties, fearful of penalties established for any U.S. citizen who collaborates with her. She and her family receive frequent death threats. Israel and the U.S. have mounted a campaign to get her removed from her U.N post.

Francesa is proof that when you stand steadfastly with the oppressed, you will be treated like the oppressed.

She is unsure if her book, “When the World Sleeps: Stories, Words, and Wounds of Palestine,” which has been translated into English and is expected to be released in April next year, will be distributed in the U.S.

“I’m a sanctioned person,” she says ruefully.

But she is not cowed. Her next salvo will be a report that documents the torture of Palestinians in Israeli prisons. While torture, she says, was “not widespread,” before Oct. 7, it has now become ubiquitous. She is collecting testimonies of those released from Israeli detention.

“It reminds me of the stories and testimonies I read from Argentina’s dictatorship,” Francesca tells me. “It’s that bad. It’s systemic torture against the same people. The same people are taken, raped and brought back, taken, raped and brought back.”

“Women?” I ask.

“Both,” she answers.

“To have women tell you they have been raped, multiple times. They’ve been asked to masturbate soldiers. This is incredible,” Francesca says. “For a woman to say that. Imagine what they have endured? There are people who have lost their words. They cannot talk. They cannot speak after what they’ve endured.”

Establishment media organizations, she says, not only dutifully parrot back Israeli lies, but routinely block reporting that reflects negatively on Israel.

“In April, I reported the first cases of sexual harassment and rape that had taken place in January and February 2024,” she says. “People didn’t want to listen. The New York Times interviewed me for two hours. Two hours. They didn’t write a line about it.”

“The Financial Times had — because of the relevance of the topic — an embargo’d version of ‘From economy of occupation to economy of genocide,’” she says. “They didn’t publish it. They didn’t even publish a review, an article, days after the press conference. But they did publish a critique of my report. I had a meeting with them. I said, ‘This is really depressing. Who are you? Are you paid for the work you do? Who are you loyal to, your readers?’ I pushed them. They said, ‘Well, we didn’t find that it was up to our standards.’”

This, I tell her, is how the New York Times would spike stories by reporters that editors deem too incendiary.

“They discredit your sources regardless of what your sources are,” I tell her. “That becomes the vehicle by which they don’t publish. This isn’t a good faith discussion. They’re not giving a fair analysis of what your sources are. They are categorically dismissing them. They’re not telling you the truth, which is, ‘We don’t want to deal with Israel and the Israel lobby.’ That’s the truth. They don’t say that. It is always, ‘It’s not up to our standards.’”

“There is no free media, no free press in Italy anymore,” Francesca laments. “There is, but it’s fringe or on the margins. It is an exception. The main newspapers are held by groups connected to big powers, financial and economic powers. The government controls — directly or indirectly — much of Italian TV.”

The drift towards fascism in Europe and the United States, Francesca says, is intimately tied to the genocide, as is the emerging resistance.

“There is a brewing anger and dissatisfaction with political leadership in Europe,” she says. “There is also a fear that lingers in many countries because of the rise of the right. We’ve been there. There are people who have living memories of fascism in Europe. The scars of Nazi-fascism are still there, even the trauma. People cannot process what has happened and why it’s happened. Palestine has shocked people. Italians in particular. Maybe because we are who we are in the sense that we cannot be silenced that easily, we cannot be scared as has happened to the Germans and the French. I was shocked in France. The fear and repression is incredible. It is not as bad as Germany, but it’s much worse than it was two years ago. The minister of education in France cancelled an academic conference on Palestine at the Collège de France — the highest institution in France. The minister of education! And he bragged about it.”

Francesca says our only hope now is civil disobedience, embodied in actions such as strikes that disrupt commerce and government or the attempts by the flotillas to reach Gaza.

“The flotillas created this sense of ‘Oh, something can be done,’” she says. “We are not powerless. We can make a difference even in shaking the ground, rocking the boat. Then the workers have come in. The students have already been mobilized. There has been a sense through the various protests that we can still change things. People have started to connect the dots.”

Francesca presented her 24-page report “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” to the U.N. General Assembly in October, a report that had to be delivered remotely from the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation in Cape Town, South Africa, because of the sanctions.

Danny Danon, the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, following her presentation, said, “Ms. Albanese, you are a witch and this report is another page in your spellbook.” He accused her of trying to “curse Israel with lies and hatred.”

“Every page of this report is an empty spell, every accusation, a charm that does not work, because you are a failed witch,” Danon continued.

“It triggered a moment of enlightenment.” Francesca says of the insults. “I connected it to the injustice that women have suffered through the centuries.”

“What is happening to the Palestinians and to those who are speaking out for the Palestinians, is the 2025 equivalent of burning witches in the public square,” she goes on. “It was done to scientists and theologians who didn’t align with the Catholic Church. It was done to women who held the power of herbs. It was done to religious minorities, to indigenous people, like the Sámi people.”

“Palestine,” Francesca says, “has opened a portal to history, to where we come from and to what we risk if we don’t pull the brakes.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | The Billionaires Have Gone Full Louis XV - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T04:15:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/14/opinion/billionaires-politics-money.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The first rule of dark money is to quit blabbing about it. Did they think people would thank them for it?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/P9kC2

via:

"Tech Billionaires Flirt With the Guillotine"
https://www.thenerdreich.com/tech-billionaires-flirt-with-the-guillotine/ ]

"Billionaires had a great thing going. The ruling in the 2010 Citizens United case, among others, invited the super rich to exert all the influence on policy and politics that their money could buy — and then enjoy all the wealth that influence secured for them in return. Thanks to ever-more-obliging tax policies, the billionaire class grew absurdly rich over the years that followed. In the last five years alone, the wealthiest 20 Americans increased their net worth from $1.3 trillion to $3 trillion, Forbes reported.

And they did it in many cases without the rest of us even having a clue. It took the investigative reporter Jane Mayer five years of relentless digging to figure out how the Koch brothers gained a chokehold on the Republican Party. The title of her 2016 book, “Dark Money,” became synonymous with a particularly effective form of influence that was all but untraceable. The billionaires could have kept on like that forever. All they had to do was keep their mouths closed.

Today, billionaires are still flooding politics with their money and still reaping the benefits, but they won’t stop yapping about it.

Elon Musk bragged about his support for President Trump, to whose campaign and allied groups he donated more than $250 million. He loudly attempted to buy votes in Pennsylvania. Then he leveraged it all into a cruel and chaotic effort to dismantle federal agencies. Marc Andreessen’s tech-heavy venture capital firm publicly pledged $100 million to target lawmakers who attempt to regulate artificial intelligence; Mr. Andreessen then mocked the pope for suggesting some ethical guardrails around the technology. Bill Ackman announced that he and his pals were prepared to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to defeat Zohran Mamdani, and urged Mr. Trump to call in the National Guard if that effort failed and Mr. Mamdani’s mayoralty met his worst expectations.

And all the while they’re out there lecturing us about their fitness routines, their weird personal philosophies, their conspicuous consumption and more. Jeff Bezos staged a three-day, celebrity-packed, $50 million wedding to Lauren Sánchez, the whole cringe affair optimized for global paparazzi interest. Mr. Ackman is advising young men to try the line, “May I meet you?”, a strategy that in his own experience, he says, “almost never got a no.” Owning the world isn’t enough for these people; they must also go in search of the cheap high of influencer culture.

But no amount of auramaxxing can hide the new reality. Just six years ago, 69 percent of respondents to a Cato Institute poll agreed that billionaires “earned their wealth by creating value for others.” An only slightly smaller majority agreed with the statement “we are all better off when people get rich.” Today, one poll after another shows that Americans want the rich to be taxed at higher, even much higher rates. Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have attracted an increasingly large national following with an anti-billionaire message that previously would have sounded extremist. And New York City, the richest metropolis in the nation, just elected a democratic socialist who thinks billionaires shouldn’t exist at all.

The billionaires have only themselves to blame.

It’s as if the sheer scale of this wealth, which beggars even the riches of the Gilded Age, has induced a kind of class sociopathy. Peter Thiel, the crucial funder of JD Vance’s ascent, talks extensively about his desire to escape democracy (and politics generally) in favor of some kind of bizarre techno-libertarian future. Balaji Srinivasan, the investor and former crypto exec, calls for tech elites to take control of cities and states — or build their own — and run them as quasi-private entities. Alex Karp, who along with Thiel founded the high-flying military intelligence company Palantir, shares his predictions about an apocalyptic clash of civilizations, pausing to brag, “I think I’m the highest-ranked tai chi practitioner in the business world.” In another era, this would all be laughable. But as the MAGA moment emboldens them to drop any pretense of civic virtue and just go full will-to-power, their nutty ideas are now borderline plausible. And terrifying.

These people are whip smart. Why can’t they see how badly they’re coming off? Perhaps it’s because the superrich have allowed themselves to become increasingly isolated. An ever-more-stratified scale of luxury allows the staggeringly rich to avoid coming into contact with even the merely wealthy, let alone the rest of the world, “to glide through a rarefied realm unencumbered by the inconveniences of ordinary life,” as The Wall Street Journal reported. Chuck Collins, who gave away his family fortune and who now investigates inequality, describes it this way: “Wealth is a disconnection drug that keeps people apart from one another and from building authentic real connections and communities.”

Billionaires control the cable channels, social media platforms, newspapers, movie studios and essentially everything else that we consume, but for their own information sources they are in some cases more likely to trust their own kind. Semafor documented one ultraexclusive group chat that included Mr. Andreessen and Mr. Srinivasan, among others, in which the self-reinforcing discourse is reported to have pushed many Silicon Valley tycoons toward right-wing politics. “If you weren’t in the business at all,” the writer Thomas Chatterton Williams said of a similar group chat he was a member of, “you’d think everyone was arriving at conclusions independently.”

Such disconnection goes a long way to explaining why billionaires can’t grasp how the real world is convulsing outside their well-secured gates.

And convulsing it is. According to the most recent edition of an annual Harris Poll, for the first time, a majority of Americans believe billionaires are a threat to democracy. A remarkable 71 percent believe there should be a wealth tax. A majority believe there should be a cap on how much wealth a person can accumulate.

A realignment may be underway. The recent push for the Epstein files, a previously unimaginable collaboration between conspiracy-addled MAGA true believers and anti-corporatist Democrats, was just the latest sign. At a moment when income inequality, the looming threat of A.I. and the rise of authoritarianism seem to be straining American societal cohesion, a revolt against self-dealing elites may be the only cause compelling enough to bring us together.

The favor of billionaires is already in some cases proving to be more of a liability than a blessing. In Seattle last month, a democratic socialist was elected mayor over a Democratic incumbent backed by wealthy interests. For the billionaires, Virginia Heffernan wrote, the problem is self-evident: “It’s their billions. Lately, once the money of the private-jet set enters a campaign, the stink of the oligarchy sticks to the campaign and the candidate can be attacked as a corporate tool.” Alex Bores, a candidate for Congress in New York City next year, even thanked Mr. Andreessen’s super PAC for targeting him; its scorn will most likely help him, and his efforts to regulate A.I., to stand out in a crowded field.

The historian Robert Darnton described an uncannily similar moment in “The Revolutionary Temper: Paris 1748-1789,” his brilliant 2023 account of the decades leading up to the French Revolution. The preconditions were all there: suffocating top-down control of the media, rapid technological change, let-them-eat-cake behavior among the courtier class, weaponized religious bigotry, mansions with hideously de trop ballrooms. OK, Marjorie Taylor Greene is not quite Voltaire. But there was a pedophilia scandal involving Louis XV: Public obsession with the king’s many mistresses helped give rise to so-called libelles, cheaply printed, semi-factual pamphlets that speculated on, among other matters, the king’s supposed never-ending supply of teenage girls. It would have fit right in on TikTok. Reverence turned to mockery; mockery begot contempt; and then …

That story did not end well. This one may not either."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/capitalism-as-the-emergent-attractor">
    <title>Capitalism as the Emergent Attractor of Market Societies: A Systems Science Perspective</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-08T19:20:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/capitalism-as-the-emergent-attractor</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What the vast majority call capitalism today is improperly defined and misunderstood, rejecting the fact that capitalism is the inevitable outcome of the pure system dynamics of market economics."

...

"Capitalism is not an accident of history, nor a pure invention of states or ideologues. It is the systemic attractor of generalized markets. Once property is alienable, labor is sold for wages, and exchange is organized through scarcity, the feedback loops of competition, accumulation, and concentration propel societies toward capitalism.

Institutions stabilize these dynamics but do not create them. Anthropological counterexamples refer to non-market societies, not market ones. And in the modern world, no trade-based society exists outside capitalism; differences are matters of degree, not kind.

Thus, the structural inevitability of capitalism lies not in ideology but in systems dynamics. The only true alternatives require transcending markets themselves, not merely regulating their outcomes.

To conclude, once we understand this reality, further investigation again reveals that it is the very dynamics of markets that are creating the environmental imbalance, power imbalance, and overall social inequity (as I explained in this podcast segment) we see in the world today.

And if we wish to end those problems, we must end market economics itself."]]></description>
<dc:subject>peterjoseph 2025 economics capitalism markets jasonhickel kateraworth georgemonbiot yanisvaroufakis noamchomsky chrishedges socialjustice equality environment sustainability states institutions propertyrights property systems systemsscience society scarcity exchange competition accumulation wealth institutionalization karlpolyani money credit corporations corporatism stabilization mashallsahlins affluence hunter-gatherers reciprocity mutualaid mesopotamia songdynasty china trade enclosure commodification finance wagelabot labor work vietnam cuba capitalflows socialism intervention suppression constraint collapse ideology inequality systemsdynamics feedbackloops wealthconcentration</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/i-work-for-an-evil-company-but-outside-work-im-actually-a-really-good-person">
    <title>I Work For an Evil Company, but Outside Work, I’m Actually a Really Good Person - McSweeney’s Internet Tendency</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T01:33:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/i-work-for-an-evil-company-but-outside-work-im-actually-a-really-good-person</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I love my job. I make a great salary, there’s a clear path to promotion, and a never-ending supply of cold brew in the office. And even though my job requires me to commit sociopathic acts of evil that directly contribute to making the world a measurably worse place from Monday through Friday, five days a week, from morning to night, outside work, I’m actually a really good person.

Let me give you an example. Last quarter, I led a team of engineers on an initiative to grow my company’s artificial intelligence data centers, which use millions of gallons of water per day. My work with AI is exponentially accelerating the destruction of the planet, but once a month, I go camping to reconnect with my own humanity through nature. I also bike to and from the office, which definitely offsets all the other environmental destruction I work tirelessly to enact from sunup to sundown for an exorbitant salary. Check out this social media post of me biking up a mountain. See? This is who I really am.

Does the leadership at my company promote a xenophobic agenda and use the wealth I help them acquire to donate directly to bigoted causes and politicians I find despicable? Yeah, sure. Did I celebrate my last birthday at Drag Brunch? Also yes. I even tipped with five-dollar bills. I contain multitudes, and would appreciate it if you focused on the brunch one.

Mathematically, it might seem like I spend a disproportionate amount of my time making the world a significantly less safe and less empathetic place, but are you counting all the hours I spend sleeping? You should. And when you do, you’ll find that my ratio of evil hours to not evil hours is much more even, numerically.

I just don’t think working at an evil company should define me. I’ve only worked here for seven years. What about the twenty-five years before, when I didn’t work here? In fact, I wasn’t working at all for the first eighteen years of my life. And for some of those early years, I didn’t even have object permanence, which is oddly similar to the sociopathic detachment with which I now think about other humans.

And besides, I don’t plan to stay at this job forever, just for my prime working years, until I can install a new state-of-the-art infinity pool in my country home. The problem is that whenever I think I’m going to leave, there’s always the potential for a promotion, and also a new upgrade for the pool, like underwater disco lights. Time really flies when you’re not thinking about the effect you have on others.

But I absolutely intend to leave at some point. And when I do, you should define me by whatever I do next, unless it’s also evil, in which case, define me by how I ultimately spend my retirement.

Because here’s the thing: It’s not me committing these acts of evil. I’m just following orders (until I get promoted; then I’ll get to give them). But until then, I do whatever my supervisor tells me to do, and that’s just how work works. Sure, I chose to be here, and yes, I could almost certainly find a job elsewhere, but redoing my résumé would take time. Also, I don’t feel like it. Besides, once a year, my company mandates all employees to help clean up a local beach, and I almost always go.

Speaking of the good we do at work, sometimes I wear a cool Hawaiian shirt on Fridays, and it’s commonly accepted that bad people don’t wear shirts with flowers on them. That’s just a fact. There’s something so silly about discussing opportunities to increase profits for international arms dealers while wearing a purple button-down covered in bright hibiscus blossoms.

And when it comes to making things even, I put my money where my mouth is. I might make more than 99 percent of all Americans, but I also make sure to donate almost 1 percent of my salary to nonprofits. This way, I can wear their company tote bag to my local food coop. Did I mention I shop at a local food coop? It’s quite literally the least I could do.

Of course, I don’t love everything the company does, but true love means loving something because of its flaws, not despite them. And more importantly, I’ve completely detached myself from reality and real suffering and intend to continue to do so as long as I work here and after I leave."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thedial.world/articles/news/ireland-us-tech-meta-google-apple">
    <title>What US Tech Did to Ireland — The Dial</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T00:26:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thedial.world/articles/news/ireland-us-tech-meta-google-apple</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The country is alarmingly reliant on Meta, Google and Apple."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/12/04/how-the-web-was-lost-internet-this-is-for-everyone/">
    <title>How the Web Was Lost | James Gleick | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-20T19:48:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2025/12/04/how-the-web-was-lost-internet-this-is-for-everyone/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Internet was not meant to suck."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/ETmEP ]

"Walsh is one of those users—part of a generation that could say (as she did in a previous book, Girl Online), “All the good things in my life have come to me through screens.” She, too, celebrates an egalitarian ideal. We built Internet culture; it’s ours. “I don’t like books that use ‘we,’ that extend the particular to the general, erasing the subtleties of individual lives,” she writes, but that we is essential to her project. She speaks for a presumed cohort of like-minded people, of the right age and class to have a shared experience of the Internet, from then to now. “Online, what we make, and make of ourselves, is experienced not only by whoever’s in front of us, but by anyone we allow to see (and some we don’t),” she says. This is a nice observation. She adds, “Online isn’t an unfamiliar experience any more; it’s where we live.” She means the people who are sometimes called consumers but who, for Internet culture, are also the creators. Her amateurs were liable to use the word aesthetic with particular pleasure and self-consciousness. She celebrates the aesthetic they created, and mourns it, and celebrates it again.

She barely mentions Berners-Lee, but he anticipated her aesthetic of the creative amateur. He, too, liked chaos—“anarchic jumble.” He deplored the apparent rationality evidenced by urban planners like Le Corbusier: “‘rational’ cities, which segmented neighborhoods by function and stripped buildings of detail and ornamentation.” His design for the web was an antidesign, refusing to impose particular structures, leaving space for unanticipated uses and possibilities: “I explicitly conceived of the web to be fractal, thumbing my nose at this kind of false ‘rationality.’” It would evolve, making connections, opening portals, and encouraging creativity. Doctorow remembers it as “a wild and woolly internet, a space where people with disfavored views could find one another, offer mutual aid, and organize.”

Berners-Lee’s memoir serves as a genial potted history of the Internet. He seems to have been everywhere and met everyone. Making an early appearance is a college student at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign named Marc Andreessen. In 1993 he was an undergraduate learning to program—he earned $6.85 an hour writing Unix code at the National Center for Supercomputing Applications, on the Illinois campus. With another NCSA programmer, Eric Bina, he wrote a web browser they called Mosaic, intended to be simple and user-friendly, with versions for Windows and Macintosh PCs.

That was exactly what the world needed in this moment, when hundreds of thousands of PC owners discovered all at once, modems squealing, that they could “dial in” to “Internet service providers.” The NCSA, with funding from Al Gore’s program, backed the Mosaic browser with press promotion, and for a while it was so popular that people talked about being “on Mosaic” rather than on the Internet or the web. “Think of it as a map to the buried treasures of the Information Age,” The New York Times gushed. Hardly anyone remembers Mosaic now, the history of the Internet being a history of things that were incredibly hot for an incredibly short time.

Berners-Lee, who recalls a tense meeting with a truculent Andreessen in a campus basement, saw his free-for-all vision being co-opted. In short order, Andreessen graduated, decamped to Silicon Valley, and took the web browser private with his own Mosaic Communications Corporation. He settled an intellectual property lawsuit from the University of Illinois, changed the browser’s name to Netscape, and became one of the first Internet billionaires. He appeared on the cover of Time magazine in 1996 with bare feet and a lupine grin. Thirty years later, Andreessen is one of Silicon Valley’s most powerful venture capitalists, an enthusiastic backer of the current wave of AI and cryptocurrency. He is the quintessential technocrat, a proud captain of what he calls “the techno-capital machine.”

To its users, the web browser was a lovely tool. To its owners, it was a platform—a means of control, a system that locked users in and monitored their behavior. Microsoft, late to the Internet, caught up and countered Netscape with a browser of its own, Internet Explorer. This period was known as the browser war. The browser acquired more and more features—for playing games, watching videos, signing forms, and most of all buying stuff, ideally with a single click. There was money to be extracted, data to be harvested.

In the most profound way, Andreessen was Berners-Lee’s nemesis, but it’s not Berners-Lee’s style to get mad. That’s more Cory Doctorow’s thing:

<blockquote>The internet is getting worse, fast. The services we rely on, that we once loved? They’re all turning into piles of shit, all at once. Worse, the digital is merging with the physical, which means that the same forces that are wrecking our platforms are also wrecking our homes and our cars, the places where we work and shop. The world is increasingly made up of computers we put our bodies into, and computers we put into our bodies. And these computers suck.</blockquote>

What Doctorow means is that the bright, shiny objects of the Internet have become spy tools, surreptitiously collecting information about us—our habits, our desires, our health, our political inclinations—and using it to manipulate our behavior. The platforms that appear to serve users hungry for information—and did serve them, at first—now go to extreme lengths to seize attention. Algorithms designed to maximize “engagement” amplify anger and sensationalism at the expense of truth.

Novel platforms emerged and swelled in overlapping sequence: the browser, the search engine (Google), the social network (Facebook, Twitter), the megastore (Amazon). Before all of these, before any dream of the Internet, the proto-platform was the Bell System—the American telephone network, a monopoly operated by the world’s most powerful corporation. The Bell System left nothing to chance and nothing to the user. It owned the wires and the telephones. Customers were captive, and so were the ostensible regulators, for most of a century.

After the breakup of the telephone monopoly, the new platforms could not lock in users so absolutely. They had to resort to cunning. Case number one: Facebook, which Doctorow calls “a service that Mark Zuckerberg started in his dorm room so that he and his creepy pals could nonconsensually rate the fuckability of their fellow Harvard undergrads.”

He’s not wrong. But users loved it. They exchanged personal news and relationship statuses and music preferences and pictures. Zuckerberg’s was not the first social media service; oldsters may vaguely recall Friendster and then MySpace, which by 2006 had been snapped up by Rupert Murdoch. As Facebook put it in a marketing pitch:

<blockquote>Has it occurred to you that MySpace is owned by an evil, crapulent, senescent Australian billionaire named Rupert Murdoch, and he spies on you with every hour that God sends?

Come to Facebook, where we will never spy on you.</blockquote>

Now, of course, spying on users is the essence of Zuckerberg’s business model. This is what the Harvard business professor Shoshana Zuboff has called surveillance capitalism, a project of behavior control, commodifying individuals’ personal experience and private information to target them with advertising and propaganda.

In Walsh’s terms, creativity has been replaced by extraction. “Creators are back in the age of the patron,” she writes. Customers become unwitting captives: they have friends and followers, but only by sufferance of the platform; if they want to switch to a different service, they can’t take their network with them.

The ironies are abundant, and chief among them is that the early Internet thrived on cutting out the middleman. If people complained about the markup charged by their brick-and-mortar bookstore, the upstart Amazon promised to eliminate the overhead of shelf space, store rents, and clerk salaries and deliver the merchandise straight to their front door. Or straight to the eyeballs—cut out the printers and paper mills, too. The buzzword was disintermediation. Another master of disintermediation was eBay, connecting buyers and sellers directly, cutting out the antique dealers and flea markets. Napster did the same for music lovers, cutting out the record stores; it began enabling song downloads in 1999, operated for a year and a half, claimed 80 million users, and devastated the recording industry.

And now? The platforms are middlemen par excellence. They squeeze buyers and sellers alike. Music streaming services like Spotify and Apple Music say they aim to connect artists with their fans, helping music lovers find the music they love and helping creators find a livelihood; instead they use their centralized control to pay artists less than ever. Google and Facebook, dominating the global advertising market, have colluded to raise prices for advertisers while minimizing the revenue to websites that publish the ads."

...

"Enshittification represents the fulfillment of a vision laid out by Andreessen in a famous 2011 Wall Street Journal essay, still featured on his company website. “Software is eating the world,” he declared proudly. By then he was a major investor in Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, Skype, and many others. What he meant by “eating the world” was that Amazon had destroyed Borders, Netflix had destroyed Blockbuster, music-streaming giants were destroying record labels, and Google was “using software to eat the retail marketing industry.” He considered this to be good news.

But software doesn’t eat anything. Tech companies do, when they gain the power to use the levers of the information economy to consolidate and dominate."

...

"Reality has surely disappointed Doctorow yet again. Trump replaced Khan with a commissioner who is reversing her agenda. The antitrust case against Google ended in September with a whimper: the Biden administration had asked for a forced separation of the company’s browser business from its search business, but Judge Amit P. Mehta, having already declared Google a monopolist, backed down. “Here the court is asked to gaze into a crystal ball and look to the future,” he wrote. “Not exactly a judge’s forte.” And Trump has made his own kind of peace with the tech oligarchs: demanding personal obeisance and dispensing favors. Musk and Andreessen became full-throated and deep-pocketed supporters; Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos donated to his inaugural festivities; Google and Apple executives have come to the White House as supplicants, bearing flattery and gifts. Amazon, Apple, Google, Microsoft, and Meta all joined the list of donors to Trump’s vanity ballroom project in the now-demolished East Wing of the White House.

We amateurs are going to need a work-around."]]></description>
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    <title>The Ad Campaign for Capitalism - The American Prospect</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-18T03:34:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prospect.org/2025/10/13/lewis-powell-memo-nader-chamber-commerce-master-plan/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the 1970s, corporate America struck back at the forces attempting to rein it in. One of their tactics was a public service announcement."

[See also:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F2KOJe2p1NY ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 davidsirota jaredjacangmaher 1971 lewispowell ralphnader ads advertising capitalism powellmemo scotus corporations corporatism marketing pr 1974 genesydnor bartoncummings williambaroody generalmotors cbs amway buiness economics propaganda charlesschulz mobil procter&amp;gamble deloresgould 1970s jaredball freemarkets media publicopinion freemarketfundamentalism business williamkunstler counterinsurgency politics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/trumps-pro-hunger-agenda-and-the-cruel-logic-of-capitalism/">
    <title>Trump’s Pro-Hunger Agenda and the Cruel Logic of Capitalism | The MIT Press Reader</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T18:45:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/trumps-pro-hunger-agenda-and-the-cruel-logic-of-capitalism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Don’t forget that food insecurity has long been a feature of Republican politics, not a bug."

...

"Andrew Fisher is the author of “Big Hunger: The Unholy Alliance Between Corporate America and Anti-Hunger Groups.”"

[See also:

"Big Hunger: The Unholy Alliance between Corporate America and Anti-Hunger Groups, by Andrew Fisher (2018)"
https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262535168/big-hunger/

"How to focus anti-hunger efforts not on charity but on the root causes of food insecurity, improving public health, and reducing income inequality.

Food banks and food pantries have proliferated in response to an economic emergency. The loss of manufacturing jobs combined with the recession of the early 1980s and Reagan administration cutbacks in federal programs led to an explosion in the growth of food charity. This was meant to be a stopgap measure, but the jobs never came back, and the “emergency food system” became an industry. In Big Hunger, Andrew Fisher takes a critical look at the business of hunger and offers a new vision for the anti-hunger movement.

From one perspective, anti-hunger leaders have been extraordinarily effective. Food charity is embedded in American civil society, and federal food programs have remained intact while other anti-poverty programs have been eliminated or slashed. But anti-hunger advocates are missing an essential element of the problem: economic inequality driven by low wages. Reliant on corporate donations of food and money, anti-hunger organizations have failed to hold business accountable for offshoring jobs, cutting benefits, exploiting workers and rural communities, and resisting wage increases. They have become part of a “hunger industrial complex” that seems as self-perpetuating as the more famous military-industrial complex.

Fisher lays out a vision that encompasses a broader definition of hunger characterized by a focus on public health, economic justice, and economic democracy. He points to the work of numerous grassroots organizations that are leading the way in these fields as models for the rest of the anti-hunger sector. It is only through approaches like these that we can hope to end hunger, not just manage it."]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/the-progress-paradox/">
    <title>The Progress Paradox</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T19:43:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/the-progress-paradox/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neoliberals long preached that markets and technology reinforce each other, enabling both to progress. In reality, when one develops, the other tends to stagnate."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/fuck-waymo-long-live-kitkat/">
    <title>Fuck Waymo, Long Live KitKat</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T21:49:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/fuck-waymo-long-live-kitkat/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A self-driving car killed a beloved SF cat. It’s part of a long history of tech companies using the Bay as a testing ground at our expense. People have had enough."

[See also:

"KitKat, liquor store mascot and ‘16th St. ambassador,’ killed — allegedly by Waymo
Neighbors blame autonomous vehicle for Mission District bodega cat’s death in only-in-San-Francisco tragedy"
https://missionlocal.org/2025/10/kitkat-mission-liquor-store-mascot-and-16th-st-ambassador-killed-on-monday/

"Death of beloved neighborhood cat sparks outrage against robotaxis in San Francisco
KitKat, affectionately known as ‘mayor of 16th Street’, was struck and killed by a Waymo in the city’s Mission District"
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/nov/05/san-francisco-waymo-kitkat-cat-death

"Waymo confirms its car killed KitKat, the Mission bodega cat"
https://missionlocal.org/2025/10/waymo-confirms-its-car-killed-kitkat-mission-bodega-cat/

"KitKat killing drives experts to say Waymo must come clean
Supervisor Fielder, Teamsters call for county-by-county voting on robotaxis"
https://missionlocal.org/2025/11/kitkat-killing-drives-experts-to-say-waymo-must-come-clean/

"How a cat named KitKat became San Francisco’s latest symbol of anti-tech rage"
https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/waymo-killed-cat-21138679.php

"A Robotaxi Killed a Beloved Bodega Cat in San Francisco. People Are Pissed
KitKat, known as the “Mayor of 16th Street,” was killed by a Waymo cab last week, sparking calls for more regulation of driverless cars"
https://www.rollingstone.com/culture/culture-features/waymo-cat-san-francisco-driverless-taxi-1235459761/

"San Francisco’s KitKat: Killed by Waymo, commercialized by crypto
The cat, the myth, the meme coin."
https://sfstandard.com/2025/11/08/san-francisco-kitkat-waymo-meme-coin/ ]

[and Adam Lashinsky can fuck off:

"Never let a dead cat go to waste
A San Francisco supervisor is using the death of a kitty at the wheels of a Way"
https://sfstandard.com/opinion/2025/11/04/never-let-dead-cat-go-waste/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>sanfrancisco alexhanna waymo robotaxis gentrification bayarea safety bigtech technology transportation transit cars 2025 missiondistrict themission kitkat displacement urban urbanism google apple facebook genentech googlebuses publictransit oakland sunyvale menlopark mountainview cupertino 2014 2013 sfmta muni traffic siliconvalley abigaildekosnik kristinmiller cruiuse zoox tesla uber accountability elaineherzberg 2018 avs arizona tempe phoenix madeleineclareelish california safestreetrebel ice chinatown dispossession jackiefielder teamsters corporations corporatism adamlashinsky</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4odSW2lSUyI">
    <title>As China wins AI race, OpenAI begs US gov't for bailout when bubble pops - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T00:32:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4odSW2lSUyI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang fears China will win the AI race, as OpenAI asks the US government for "federal guarantees" and a "backstop". The unsustainability of the enormous AI bubble is becoming clear to everyone, and Silicon Valley Big Tech executives want to be guaranteed a bailout. Ben Norton explains.

Check out our related video on the AI bubble:

"Warning: Largest bubble ever seen threatens US economy"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rXCVrLPTUHQ

"The US economy depends more and more on enormous bubbles in the stock market and AI. The richest 10% of Americans drive half of all spending, while the real economy in many states is in recession. When the bubble pops, it could cause a severe crisis. Political economist Ben Norton explains."

Topics
0:00 (CLIPS) OpenAI wants US gov't "backstop"
0:31 US-China AI race
1:13 Nvidia sells shovels in AI gold rush
3:05 China restricts Nvidia chips
3:47 Nvidia CEO: China is winning AI race
5:50 AI bubble
7:21 OpenAI CFO asks for federal "backstop"
8:11 (CLIP) OpenAI CFO on US gov't support
8:51 OpenAI CEO Sam Altman
9:22 (CLIP) US gov't as "insurer of last resort"
9:49 Too Big to Fail 2.0
10:53 Sam Altman backtracks
11:58 OpenAI letter asks US gov't for support
14:32 Banning Chinese AI competitors
15:31 Trump supports OpenAI & Sam Altman
16:19 (CLIP) Sam Altman at White House
16:36 Sam Altman donates to Trump
17:03 Chinese open-source AI models
17:56 US corporations want monopolies
18:58 Peter Thiel & Sam Altman
19:34 (CLIP) "Competition is for losers"
20:10 OpenAI's circular financing scheme
22:32 OpenAI owes $1.4 trillion
23:24 OpenAI is losing money
24:42 Silicon Valley's business model: monopoly
26:15 China's AI advantage: electricity
27:08 The "electron gap"
28:24 Electricity generation: China vs USA
29:30 AI data centers drive up electricity bills
29:52 Electricity price in USA
30:36 Electricity prices: China vs USA
31:49 BlackRock buys up US power grid
33:02 Trump closes solar power projects
33:48 Trump cancels wind power projects
34:39 US fossil fuel corporations
35:12 Summary
36:34 Outro"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/the-ideology-behind-the-lurie-administration">
    <title>The Ideology Behind the Lurie Administration - The Phoenix Project</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:48:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/phoenix-review/blog/the-ideology-behind-the-lurie-administration</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When Salesforce’s chief executive Marc Benioff publicly called for the National Guard to be deployed in San Francisco, many residents expressed disbelief that a billionaire who claims the city as home would invite military force against it. Yet such incredulity only reveals our distance from reality. Their instinct toward control is not new, nor apolitical. What we are witnessing is the natural convergence of ideology and power — the moment when San Francisco’s billionaires complete their decades-long transformation from technocrats to theocrats of a new American order.

If there is a gospel of this new order, it begins on Sand Hill Road, headquarters for the venture capital firms that bankroll Silicon Valley startups. Marc Andreessen, from his Menlo Park headquarters, published the Techno-Optimist Manifesto, declaring technology “a violent assault” through which “we are conquerors.” His firm Andreessen Horowitz (a16z) has raised $37 billion, pouring that money into companies that promise to privatize public life: Policing, education, housing and even medicine. On the manifesto’s enemies list — “sustainability,” “ESG,” “trust and safety,” “tech ethics” — he names not policies but values. What must be eliminated, in his words, is constraint.

Andreessen cites as his “patron saints” figures like Filippo Marinetti, who wrote the Futurist Manifesto (later plagiarized by Mussolini), and Nick Land, whose “Dark Enlightenment” spawned the neo-reactionary movement. These are not ironic citations. They are his canon. And his admirers — Elon Musk in the city’s south industrial corridor, Ben Horowitz in his own Marin estate, Michael Moritz from his San Francisco townhouse — echo it in every interview that treats democracy as a bottleneck and the billionaire as humanity’s proper steward.

At Stanford, the Valley’s intellectual core, Andreessen Horowitz partner Balaji Srinivasan developed The Network State, a treatise that proposes replacing nations with private, “founder-led” digital states connected by cryptocurrency and ideological purity. Srinivasan is not a fringe theorist. He was the former chief technology officer of Coinbase, and a frequent presence at Stanford’s Hoover Institution — where libertarian economics and authoritarian “efficiency” have been married for half a century. His book’s premise is simple: Secede from democracy, build homogeneity, measure loyalty through mass surveillance data. 

The most explicit of their lineage, Curtis Yarvin, still lives in San Francisco. Under his pseudonym Mencius Moldbug he proposed “neocameralism” — a state run as a corporation, citizens as shareholders, headed by a single sovereign, the chief executive officer. His early blog was hosted here, read by the same engineers who now populate a16z’s portfolio companies and the tech salons of Peter Thiel’s Founders Fund, a wealth fund with a staggering $17 billion in holdings. Yarvin has since lectured to Thiel Fellow gatherings in the bay and appeared on podcasts recorded blocks from City Hall. His followers treat him as a prophet, his slogan — “the Cathedral must be burned” — expressed as holy doctrine, and represented in practice as the expulsion of all compassion from governance.

All three men live or work within a fifty-mile radius of each other. All three are funded, read, or admired by the same pool of San Francisco money. Andreessen supplies the theology of hierarchy, Srinivasan, the administrative model, Yarvin, the theory of rule. Together they articulate the worldview that animates the region’s elite: Democracy as inefficiency, equality as weakness and domination as progress. Trumpism is not their opposite — it is their reflection. One wears the flag; the other wears a Patagonia vest. Both are, in essence, differing denominations of the same American fascist faith.

Ideology never stays theory for long in San Francisco. Here, it builds itself into processes and calls the result reform. The same faith in hierarchy that Andreessen, Srinivasan, and Yarvin articulate in their manifestos has been rewritten in the civic tongue and folded neatly into the programs of Blueprint for a Better San Francisco, Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, and the Lurie administration. These are not local adaptations of a distant creed. They are its chosen vessels.

Blueprint’s own language betrays its origin: A call to run the city like a startup, to favor “outcomes over ideology.” Every one of those phrases carries the same genetic code as the Techno-Optimist Manifesto: Democracy as drag, deliberation and difference as disease and hierarchy as salvation. Its white papers on “governance modernization” repeat, nearly verbatim, Andreessen’s insistence that “regulation kills life.” 

The money animating it — Moritz’s $5 billion Sequoia fortune, Sacks’s Thiel-era capital, estimated at  as much as $2 billion, Benioff’s philanthropy of image — circulates through these nonprofits to perform what Srinivasan promised in The Network State: An exit from democracy without leaving the nation. They have not seceded from San Francisco; they have privatized its functions instead. Boards with significant power over our lives that once held open meetings to the public are replaced with “advisory partners,” corrupted metrics replace real votes, and the moral vocabulary of government is rewritten wholly in the name of the investor. When Blueprint argues that the city must be “unshackled” from process to achieve “velocity,” it is echoing Srinivasan’s plea for “founder governance” — the state as personal enterprise, citizens as users.

Lurie, whose family fortune is about $4.7 billion, did not invent this theology; he simply administers its firm implementation. His office speaks constantly of “modernization,” “efficiency” and “results,” but beneath this purposefully sanitized jargon is the same conviction Yarvin preached from his San Francisco apartment blogs: That democracy is too slow, too compromised and too sentimental to survive. Every policy decision — budget reallocations toward police and “operations,” consolidation of contracting power, the quiet sidelining of commissions — serves that conviction. The mayor has become the city’s CEO not by title but by design. His speeches about “fixing dysfunction” are indistinguishable from Andreessen’s sermons about “builders conquering entropy.” Where the manifesto celebrates “violent creation,” Lurie’s San Francisco brings it into being bureaucratically: the destruction of public process as proof of progress.

The same theology governs Blueprint’s campaigns. Its consultants talk of “rebuilding trust through execution,” of “discipline,” of “realignment.” They do not mean moral discipline; they mean obedience to the managerial order. Their politics is not reactionary by accident—it is the literal civic implementation of the Bay Area’s fascist metaphysics: A hierarchical world purified of its complexity. Every “streamlining” measure, every “efficiency task force,” every claim that compassion must yield to purported competence is an act of worship toward that god. 

What unites the billionaires of Sand Hill Road with the mayor of San Francisco is not merely class interest but theology — the belief that creation grants dominion, that those who build must rule, and that the governed exist to be optimized. The authoritarianism of the Bay is seemingly polite by nature; it is more procedural, written in contracts and charter amendments, but it is authoritarianism nonetheless: A religion of order whose rituals are targeted audits and budgets, whose priests are venture partners, and whose altar is the city itself."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html">
    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BKymL2qByWc">
    <title>The TRILLIONAIRE Technocrats Are REELING — with GIL DURAN - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T02:17:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BKymL2qByWc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["They thought they could automate democracy.
They believed their wealth could buy a new reality.
But now — the trillionaire technocrats are starting to panic.

With Gil Duran, we look at how Silicon Valley’s new monarchs — the trillion-dollar titans of data, AI, and media — are losing control of the narrative they built.

The same algorithms that made them gods are now devouring their empires.

This is the moment when the myth of infinite progress begins to collapse — and humanity starts asking who’s really in charge."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://defector.com/higher-eds-rush-to-adopt-ai-is-about-so-much-more-than-ai">
    <title>Higher Ed’s Rush To Adopt AI Is About So Much More Than AI | Defector</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-07T17:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://defector.com/higher-eds-rush-to-adopt-ai-is-about-so-much-more-than-ai</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/the-ketchup/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>ai learning education highereducation artificialintelligence 2025 justinraden highered academia colleges universities alphaschool marydaly kevinroose mackenzieprice faculty pedagogy policy samaltman anniemcclanahan louisemccune donaldtrump williamsonneborn nathanhensley reedhastings duke csu calstate universityofchicago universityofcalifornia universityofmaryland chatbots georgetown teaching howweteach lms corporatism mattseybold austerity ohiostateuniversity unc microsoft aiinstitute uc californiastateuniversity california uncchapelhill</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/trumps-greatest-ally-is-the-democratic">
    <title>Trump’s Greatest Ally is The Democratic Party</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T22:43:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/trumps-greatest-ally-is-the-democratic</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Democratic Party and its liberal allies refuse to call for mass mobilization and strikes — the only tools that can thwart Trump’s emergent authoritarianism — fearing they too will be swept aside."]]></description>
<dc:subject>donaldtrump 2025 democrats liberalism liberals massmobilization generalstrike strikes striking populism politics resistance authoritarianism massmovements universities colleges highereducation highered academia unions berniesanders zohranmamdani kamalaharris mikiesherrill capitalism democracy socialmovements society organizing power samuelhuntington 1960s 1970s neoliberalism blackpanthers blackpantherparty younglords americanindianmovement aim governance government noamchomsky ralphnader powellmemo nafta billclinton 1980s welfare 1996 corporations corporatism oligarchy barackobama affordablecareact georgewbush bigpharma obamacare pharmaceuticals healthcare medicareforall inequality fritzstern genocide israel gaza palestine wallstreet finance culture despair richardrorty 1999 us policy economics rebellion radicalism civildisobedience fascism nazism maga magaism trumpism banks banking medicaid medicare fourthamendment surveillance socialservices socialsafetynet debt billionaires ice politicians socialism fossil</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.robinsloan.com/lab/commitments/">
    <title>Companies without commitments</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T21:46:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.robinsloan.com/lab/commitments/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The OpenAI recapitalization is so gross (although we can pause to appreciate the sleek euphemism). Any/all arguments that the new structure maximizes the benefit for the non-profit, or indeed for humanity, simmer neatly down to: “but … we wanted the money!”

The company’s agreement with the state of California does contain useful provisions, and, honestly, I understand why the attorney general’s office was inclined to do this deal. But it’s still gross, and it is evidence, again, that the companies at the commanding heights of tech simply cannot — will not–make and keep commitments.

What do I mean by that? Simply that these companies don’t care about anything in particular, other than growth — the colonization and consolidation of human attention. Meta is exemplary in this regard, as its apps morph and blur, casting off modes, whole forms of media, like a snake shedding skins. They put a TikTok in your Instagram! They’ll do it again, whatever comes next. AI-synthesized videos, whole insane dreamworlds, coming soon to a nav button near you.

How strange, to imagine that what you are—what kind of company–and what you make—what kind of products — might feel so optional, so temporary; that your only guide — your single inviolate principle — might be what you want, which is always: more.

Among tech companies, Apple might be the exception, because I believe it does have longstanding commitments — to privacy, to accessibility — which it maintains even when they are inconvenient. This shouldn’t really be cause for commendation — making and keeping commitments is the baseline for moral life, not some great achievement — but in this scene, Apple stands out."

[See also, referring to the post above:
https://www.robinsloan.com/lab/dramatis-personae/ 

"Following my previous post, here is my assessment of the current AI dramatis personae:

• OpenAI: clearly, hilariously, the bad one

• Anthropic: the good one

• Google: the one that’s going to win

However, I think there’s a fair chance that hardware and software both change such that highly-capable language models are computer programs that run on phones, in browser tabs, rather than in far-off data centers. This is obviously a healthier scenario, so I am rooting for none of the above. Instead, my interest is fixed on a character waiting in the wings: the tight, light, multimodal “cognitive core” [https://x.com/karpathy/status/1938626382248149433 ]."]

[That last link (Andrej Karpathy):
https://x.com/karpathy/status/1938626382248149433

"The race for LLM "cognitive core" - a few billion param model that maximally sacrifices encyclopedic knowledge for capability. It lives always-on and by default on every computer as the kernel of LLM personal computing.
Its features are slowly crystalizing:

- Natively multimodal text/vision/audio at both input and output.
- Matryoshka-style architecture allowing a dial of capability up and down at test time.
- Reasoning, also with a dial. (system 2)
- Aggressively tool-using.
- On-device finetuning LoRA slots for test-time training, personalization and customization.
- Delegates and double checks just the right parts with the oracles in the cloud if internet is available.

It doesn't know that William the Conqueror's reign ended in September 9 1087, but it vaguely recognizes the name and can look up the date. It can't recite the SHA-256 of empty string as e3b0c442..., but it can calculate it quickly should you really want it.

What LLM personal computing lacks in broad world knowledge and top tier problem-solving capability it will make up in super low interaction latency (especially as multimodal matures), direct / private access to data and state, offline continuity, sovereignty ("not your weights not your brain"). i.e. many of the same reasons we like, use and buy personal computers instead of having thin clients access a cloud via remote desktop or so."]]></description>
<dc:subject>robinsloan ai artificialintelligence 2025 openai chatgpt apple california humanity capitalism society nonprofit nonprofits profit profits corporations corporatism technology siliconvalley privacy access accessibility anthropic google andrejkarpathy llms problemsolving computers computing</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f07ba19497f6/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers">
    <title>Nick Fuentes, Neo Nazis and Groypers Have Taken Over the GOP</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T23:25:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neo-nazi Nick Fuentes has emerged as one of the most influential young conservative voices in America, and his white nationalist politics are the present and future of the GOP."

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bxggd1EJGMk ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>wajahatali jaredyatessexton 2025 nazis nazism nickfuentes tuckercarlosn insurrectionact marshalllaw stephenmiller pambondi venezuela fascism billclinton ronaldreagan tescreal jdvance peterthiel republicans maga gop heritagefoundation menciusmoldbug carlschmitt charliekirk reactionaries neoreactionaries nationalguard petehegseth greatdepression economics bubbles ai artificialintelligence military marjorietaylorgreene elonmusk billionaires stevebannon oligarchy neonazis bigtech surveillance eugenics adl antidefamationleague jonathangreenblatt benshapiro weimarrepublic israel cryptonazis betrayal loneliness josephgoebbels us politics authoritarianism totalitarianism judaism islam islamophobia muslims transgender taxes taxation latinos institutions governance government corporations corporatism universities colleges warcrimes neurenbergtrials highered highereducation establishment corporatemedia mainstreammedia resistance democracy democrats genocide ethniccleansing palestine gaza americafirst whitesupremacy chuc</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
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    <title>A Conversation with Lina Khan - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T04:28:22+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>linakhan law legal history us monopolies trusts economics regulation joebiden ronaldreagan neoliberalism donaldtrump robertbork deregulation universityofchicago miltonfriedman consolidation markets prices profits profitmargins profit labor workers wages inequality innovation competition fragility covid-19 pandemic supplychains risk coronavirus 2022 2020 2024 heathercoxrichardson politics policy johndeere bigpharma healthcare amazon facebook marketplaces noncompete corporations corporatism abuse noncompetes toobigtofail corporateabuse ftc 2021 2023 income pay salaries wagesuppression antitrust injustice railroads power coercion shermanact claytonact newdeal constitution checksandbalances commerce control fdr franklinedelanoroosevelt wealth reaganism teddyroosevelt congress enforcement mergers acquisitions 1980s telecomindustry georgehwbush billclinton society entrepreneurship ideology kroger albertsons groceries supermarkets corruption paytoplay franklindelanoroosevelt theodoreroosevelt</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate">
    <title>Addiction Markets: Abolish Corporate-Run Gambling</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-31T21:17:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/addiction-markets-abolish-corporate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Corporate gambling is economic coercion, a way to shift tax burdens away from the wealthy to the poor. It's been here since the 1970s, and now it's corrupting sports and young men. Abolish it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Obamacare Is Cooked. What's Next?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-27T18:52:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-obamacare-is-cooked</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But it’s not actually hard, conceptually, to get at the problem. The basics of how to fix health care are simple. Make all prices in health care standardized and transparent, and try and get rid of the power of all middlemen who don’t deliver care or directly produce medicine. Most mergers in health care happen to gain an advantage on pricing; if you just standardize pricing, the incentive to consolidate disappears. But to turn this dynamic into a political argument, Democrats are going to have to drop the pretenses that spending more is good, and that the problem is access to insurance. And Republicans are going to have to drop the pretense that there’s a private sector in health care. Whoever is able to turn health care into industrial policy will win this debate. Neither party is close.

That said, we know eliminating corporate bloat works; in July, I did a story about what happened when Ohio eliminated CVS Caremark and UnitedHealth, from running its drug benefit system for Medicaid. It turns out, the state saved $140 million over two years, even as dispensing fees to pharmacies increased by 1200% on average, and the program got better, with patients able to access 99% of pharmacies. Corporate waste is the main problem in health care.

Other states have also done something like this, with similar success. Abroad, the Japanese run a high quality cheap system. They do not have Medicare for all, there are lots of health insurers. But their government has a list of all treatments with a price next to each treatment. That’s the price. There’s no billing department to fight with other billing departments, there are no quality surveys to give bonus payments to hospitals, no random arbitration firms over price. The price is the price. It’s not like the U.S., where the same procedure or drug could have thousands of different permutations, depending on the insurer, hospital system, physician, and so forth. We could do what Japan does - Medicare has a price list. Just do Medicare prices for all, as Phil Longman keeps suggesting.

Getting rid of corporate power in medicine works. It took forty years to build the system we’re in, and most of our policy thinkers are captured by the complexity of the system and the unbelievably stupid obsession with middlemen. But popular rage is now at a boiling point. And saying things like “health care is a human right” or “everyone should have access to health care” isn’t going to cut it. Most Americans have health insurance. It’s just expensive and bad. It’s time to wake up to that."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/25/opinion/big-tech-platforms-reform.html">
    <title>Opinion | Big Tech’s Predatory Platform Model Doesn’t Have to Be Our Future - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-26T03:59:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/25/opinion/big-tech-platforms-reform.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There was a time, back in the early 2000s, when everyone seemed to think that the internet would make everybody rich.

The vision was compelling, if a little naïve. The internet, optimists argued, would allow individuals and small sellers to reach a global market of customers at low cost and without the need for big retailers. Increased connectivity would also make it easier for people to find work, invest money and learn new skills. Thanks to platforms like eBay, the future belonged to the Davids, not the Goliaths. “Small is the new big” was a popular slogan during those heady years.

The prediction turned out to be wrong. Yes, platforms like Amazon and Google have generated immense wealth and transformed society. But the money and power have not been broadly distributed. Instead, the platforms have captured the lion’s share for themselves, leading to concentrations of wealth that hark back to the Gilded Age. The Davids of the world ended up working hard to make a new set of Goliaths rich.

But we can still recover that early optimism and promise of opportunity. While we can’t start over from scratch, we can — with the right laws and policies — begin to reclaim the potential of the internet-based economy, shifting its center of gravity to encourage and reward the activities and innovations of the many instead of the few. This is a prescription for an economy that is fairer — and more dynamic, too.

No one can deny that the big tech platforms have become essential, the default infrastructure of much economic activity. But being essential should not entail an unfettered power to extract wealth from everyone else.

This is hardly a new lesson. To operate smoothly, economies have long depended on essential platforms, be they city markets, Main Streets or infrastructure like railroads and bridges. In the early 19th century, the Charles River Bridge, a private toll bridge in Boston, was so critical to local commerce that it was among the most profitable businesses in the United States. In a similar fashion, American farmers later became completely dependent on the railroads.

Historically, the government has imposed limits on how much money the platforms could take from the people and businesses that relied on them — and on how readily they could leverage their indispensability to their advantage. These limits were imposed not to constrain economic growth but to foster it: They protected the incentives for other economic actors to invest and build on the platforms. Such policies also ended up distributing wealth more equitably across social classes and geographic regions.

If left unchecked, a platform’s “take” impedes growth, as we are seeing today. Last year, Amazon charged private sellers, on average, between 50 and 60 percent of their sales in fees, according to the research firm Marketplace Pulse. You don’t need a degree in economics to see how that can discourage investment and innovation. Nearly every business in nearly every sector of the economy must now confront how much of its returns it will have to share with one platform or another. It’s effectively a system of private taxation.

Congress, despite endless hearings and plenty of big talk, has failed to enact even basic protections for small and medium-size businesses in their dealings with the internet platforms. Such protections, which have ample precedent in the law, should include requiring neutrality (so that platforms can’t favor certain sellers), forbidding special treatment for one’s own products (so that Amazon can’t prioritize its line of bath towels or HDMI cables when you search for those items) and allowing for certain forms of collective bargaining (so that news organizations, for example, can band together to pressure Google to pay more for news content).

Would these kinds of laws stifle economic growth or hurt the internet economy? According to industry lobbyists, libertarian think tanks and even some progressives concerned about the left’s penchant for overregulation, the answer is yes. They argue that regulation necessarily diminishes incentives to build. But that argument overlooks a key point: Limiting the platforms’ take also creates incentives to build and can effectively subsidize innovation.

History supports this conclusion. The golden ages of American building — the canal age, the railroad age, the electricity age — all featured flourishing economies that ran on neutral network infrastructure. No one in midcentury America denied the usefulness of electricity or the need to invest in electrification. But the assumption was not that an electric utility like ConEd should therefore be able to charge whatever it liked, in exchange for our trust that it would invent the future. Instead, electric utilities were regulated and innovation was left to the countless smaller inventors that used electricity in their products — such as the creators of the microwave oven, the laser and the personal computer.

It is simply too risky to count on just a few platforms to invent our future. Yet that is the bet we are making by sitting back and letting Google, Amazon and Facebook dominate.

Making matters worse, the platform-extraction model is now spreading from tech to other economic sectors. In health care, private equity firms have sought to reorganize the industry into what they openly call a platform model. What that means in practice is squeezing more work from doctors and nurses while raising prices. Likewise, rental housing has suffered from the rise of a corporate-housing platform: the centralizing of rental homeownership along with steady increases in rents.

The result is not just bad policy but also a cultural blindness: An entire generation has grown up thinking that extraction, as opposed to building, is the path to riches. That is a prospect at once uninspiring and, for most people, almost by definition, out of reach. To recover the sense of optimism and opportunity that once characterized American commerce, Americans need to be confident that — even if they don’t work for a platform — they can reap what they sow.

Restoring market balance is the key: an economy with many centers of power, not just a few. We need to return to an older and truer vision of prosperity, one in which many companies in many industries and in many regions are important sources of wealth. That would give us a fairer and more dynamic economy — and give a new generation some hope."]]></description>
<dc:subject>timwu platforms bigtech extraction extractivism rent economics us finance healthcare doctors nurses google amazon facebook coned utilities monopolies growth gildedage internet web online privateequity corporations corporatism housing</dc:subject>
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    <title>NYX’s “diversity” campaign hiding L’Oréal’s scandals? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-24T20:11:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ziro0ecvWYY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["NYX is showcasing Dutch influencers of colour in a new “diversity” campaign. But behind the inclusive branding lies L’Oréal’s troubling record: fascist roots, investors tied to mass infant deaths, and business links to Israel’s occupation. Should companies with this history profit from stories of racism and exclusion?"]]></description>
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    <title>Drs. Wolff &amp; Ware DESTROY Gavin Newsom on AIPAC/Housing/Economy (with Richard Wolff &amp; Butch Ware) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-23T23:14:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRmsacWQn-g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Marxist economist Richard Wolff returns to Bad Faith along with historian, professor, and Green Party candidate for the governor of California Butch Ware, to forensically break down California governor Gavin Newsom's recent viral appearance on Higher Learning with Van Lathan & Rachel Lindsay. Wolff & Ware weigh in on Newsom evasions in response to questions about the inherent contradictions of capitalism, California's failure to implement Medicare for All, & the "interesting" AIPAC moment, but the Higher Learning interview serves as a jumping off point for a broader and deeper conversation about the future of left politics, Zohran Mamdani, and the limits of the Democratic Party. (It's spooky season, and there's something magical happening with this guest pairing.)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iC79UnT6-kA">
    <title>The Irish Love Palestine – But Does Their Government? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-14T18:54:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iC79UnT6-kA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Is Ireland as pro-Palestine as you think? 

Despite its global reputation, Ireland is actually one of Israel’s biggest trading partners. And many Irish people are accusing their government of silent complicity in Israel’s occupation and genocide. Dena Takruri travels there to look into Ireland’s surprising ties to Israel and to meet the people fighting to end them.  

00:00 Intro 
2:17 Why are Irish people so pro-Palestine? 
3:25 Dena witnesses a boycott action 
4:52 Inside Ireland’s move to sanction trade with Israel’s illegal settlements  
5:52 Dena speaks with Independent Senator Frances Black 
6:49 The surprising truth about Ireland's trade with Israel 
7:56 How Ireland assists the U.S. military 
8:57 Dena meets Palestine Action Éire activists facing possible prison time
11:46 What Ireland has to do with Israeli “war bonds” 
13:10 Dena meets recent Gaza refugee Abubaker Abed 
15:25 Conclusion"]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri ireland palestine israel protest protests 2025 bds boycott sanctions trade settlements occupation armssales warbonds abubakerabed zoelawlor francesblack genocide ethniccleansing colonialism colonization starvation marymanning apartheid government governance sudocrem zionism antizionism southafrica westbank gaza 2018 ukraine crimea airbnb intel multinationals corporations corporatism taxes taxation us geopolitics politics military waronterror afhganistan iraq demilitarization activism activists palestineactionéire weapons shannonairport uk palestineaction terrorism imperialism belfast dublin resistance</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5ecb98f09d6d/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://jacobin.com/2025/10/bankification-financialization-debt-interest-credit/">
    <title>Everything Is Becoming a Bank</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-08T02:52:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jacobin.com/2025/10/bankification-financialization-debt-interest-credit/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Most major corporations — from airlines to social media platforms — now aspire to become unregulated banks. Bankification today accounts for the highest profit margins in the US economy, crippling productive capacity and setting the stage for the next crash."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us banks banking bankification finance financialization economics money business 2025 extraction productivity lukegoldstein regulation debt commerce financing creditcards credit profits profit capitalism latecapitalism financialservices monopolies apgiannini transamerica johnpierpontmorgan jaygould corporations corporatism deregulation 1980s neoliberalism wallstreet privateequit manufacturing society bradlipton fdic risk joebiden generalmotors generalelectric loopholes law legal doff-frankact andreessemhorowitz fintech siliconvalley ai crypto cryptocurrencies artificialintelligence insurance data datacollection google amazon meta facebook openai payment applepay paypal venmo cashapp digitalwallets markets consumers amandafischer bettermarkets sec rohitchopra costco disney netflix nascar chase capitalone americanexpress airlines delta starbucks dunkin healthcare exploitation elirushbanks dollarfor medicaid predation uber lyft ridesharing debitcards affirm klarna afterpay twitter square jackdorsey juno synapse</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:c713815fb8b6/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>CITY LIGHTS LIVE! Chris Carlsson celebrate the 2nd Edition of &quot;Hidden San Francisco&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:42:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCjaX0NlQNw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["City Lights and Shaping San Francisco celebrate the 2nd Edition of

Hidden San Francisco: A Guide to Lost Landscapes, Unsung Heroes, and Radical Histories
by Chris Carlsson
published by Pluto Press

Purchase the book at this link:
https://citylights.com/hidden-san-francisco-gt-lost-landscape

Hidden San Francisco is a guidebook like no other. Structured around the four major themes of ecology, labour, transit and dissent, Chris Carlsson peels back the layers of the city’s history to reveal a storied past: behind old walls and gleaming glass facades lurk former industries, secret music and poetry venues, forgotten terrorist bombings, and much more. Carlsson also delves into the Bay Area’s long prehistory, examining the region’s geography and the lives of its indigenous inhabitants before the 1849 Gold Rush changed everything.

This second edition includes new tours on the wild and natural parts of San Francisco that most tourists never visit, from Glen Canyon to Sutro Forest, as well as a new themed walk on the Summer of Love. There is also a new introduction examining the devastating impact of the pandemic, as well as a mini-history of tech in the city, from the Gold Rush to AI.

Chris Carlsson is a San Francisco historian and award-winning tour guide. He directs ‘Shaping San Francisco’ – an impressive archive of local history, and co-founded the urban cycling movement Critical Mass in 1992. He is the author of four books, including novels and histories about the city. He has lived in San Francisco since 1978. To learn more about Chris’ work visit his website: https://nowtopians.com/

This event was originally broadcast on Thursday, July 24, 2025.

Made possible by support from the City Lights Foundation."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2025/10/06/tim-berners-lee-invented-the-world-wide-web-now-he-wants-to-save-it">
    <title>Tim Berners-Lee Invented the World Wide Web. Now He Wants to Save It | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-30T22:38:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2025/10/06/tim-berners-lee-invented-the-world-wide-web-now-he-wants-to-save-it</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In 1989, Sir Tim revolutionized the online world. Today, in the era of misinformation, addictive algorithms, and extractive monopolies, he thinks he can do it again."

...

"In a forthcoming book, The Age of Extraction, Tim Wu, a Columbia law professor who coined the term “net neutrality,” identifies 2012 and 2013 as the years when “platform power” took hold. Since the nineties, it had been assumed that the web would democratize society, empowering bloggers to compete with media conglomerates, and small manufacturers to bypass big retailers. Some of that happened. But the web’s Davids had only traded one Goliath for another — corporate platforms that stood between them and their markets. As Wu writes, “Paeans to small-is-beautiful and the transformation of the human existence” soon gave way to “a strategy that extracted from dependent businesses and harvested the time and data of the masses.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/its-time-to-fight-back-against-trumps">
    <title>It's Time to Fight Back Against Trump's Fascist Regime (w/ Ralph Nader) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-30T17:19:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/its-time-to-fight-back-against-trumps</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As the Trump administration's repression increases by the day, Ralph Nader reminds us that we are not "nobodies," and that together, with collective power, we can invoke serious change."

...

"There is no functioning opposition party that can halt America’s rapid descent into an authoritarian state. The Democratic Party, which in the last presidential election saw the party hierarchy anoint a candidate who ran a vapid, issueless, celebrity-driven campaign, was soundly rejected by the voters for the grifter and demagogue Donald Trump.

The party, which is a minority in the House and the Senate, stands for nothing and fights for nothing. Indeed, it does not even function as a political party, with the concerns of its voting base routinely ignored. Democratic Party voters, sixty-two percent of whom say the party leadership should be replaced, seventy-five percent of whom oppose sending more military aid to Israel and sixty-six percent favor socialism, are little more than props trotted out as extras at the highly choreographed convention.

The sinking poll numbers — the Party has a twenty-four percent positive rating and a fifty-six percent negative rating — have done nothing to jolt the party back to reality. Hakeem Jeffries, the House Minority leader, and Chuck Schumer, the Senate minority leader, each of whom are from New York state, have refused to endorse the party’s official candidate for mayor in New York, Zohran Mamdani, despite his energized grassroots campaign and high polling numbers.

It has ignored Bernie Sanders “Fighting Oligarchy” tour which drew large crowds across the country and did all it could to sabotage Sander’s campaign to be the party’s presidential nominee. The party continues to cravenly serve the interests of its corporate and oligarchic donors, including the Israel lobby, at the expense of its own viability.

It refuses to mount little more than a symbolic challenge as the Trump administration dismantles democratic institutions and eviscerates civil liberties. With government funding set to expire tomorrow, the party could deliver a significant blow to the Trump administration by orchestrating a partial government shutdown.

This tactic was rejected earlier this year by Schumer when he supported a continuing resolution, but the widespread outrage over the abject failure by the party to throw up roadblocks to Trump’s authoritarianism may finally see the Democrats reluctantly react.

Joining me to discuss the crisis in the American political system, what it means if the Democratic Party continues to capitulate and the Trump administration’s war on democratic norms and lawful dissent is consumer advocate and former presidential candidate Ralph Nader.

I want to begin, Ralph, by looking at the Democratic Party. I think you have long blamed the party for this rightward drift and even the election of Trump."

[direct link to YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TLEmyUJNsDQ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/the-rise-and-fall-of-urbit/">
    <title>The Rise and Fall of Urbit | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-24T17:35:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/the-rise-and-fall-of-urbit/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As Urbit collapsed, I came to realize that the fantasy of individual sovereignty on which it was built is essentially anti-political. It regards political and social ties—the fabric of cooperation—as mere bondage. It assumes that pure self-reliance is both desirable and feasible; in my experience, it is neither. Our dependence on others does not make us less human. On the contrary, it defines us as social beings. 

Urbit’s anxious disavowal of dependency appealed to rugged “power-users” eager to exit MEGACORP for the freedom of the digital frontier. By offering users ownership of “galaxies,” “stars,” and “planets,” it promised a virtual liftoff from earth and into outer space. But the same fantasy that attracted users contributed to Urbit’s dysfunctional governanc. It obscured the role played by concrete human relationships in the real world in operating and maintaining this (and any) technology. As a result, Urbit has come to resemble Web 2.0: an enshittified infrastructure controlled by a small handful of actors immune to democratic accountability. If Yarvin’s political vision proved to be an unsound model for governance for a company, one can only imagine how it would play out on the scale of a country. 

Urbit missed its opportunity to become a novel platform for internet governance. But it isn’t quite dead yet. Perhaps from its remnants, a “more beautiful computer” may yet emerge. Even in the realm of hyperstition, no prophecy is self-fulfilling, no monarchy eternal. If a technology has emancipatory potential, it is not the would-be feudal lords who will realize it: It is the community of power-users, the weirdos and dreamers—working together—who will bring it to fruition."]]></description>
<dc:subject>urbit tlon technofeudalism libertarianism politics curtisyarvin darkenlightenment 2025 adinaglickstein web3 crypto cryptocurrencies blockchain computing computers internet web online platforms decentralization networks rominamalta centralization hierarchy hierarchies vitalikbuterin johnperrybarlow cyberspace networkeffects galenwolfe-pauly ethereum peterthiel feudalism christopheralexander honorlevy speculation monetization ponzischemes 2020 2013 1996 2010s tescreal 2016 2021 2019 2022 reactionaries joshlehmann self-publishing nickland hypersition technology corydoctorow bigtech enshittification megacorp privacy security 2023 christophercolby conservatism delusion urbitfoundation transparency governance francistseng philosophy monarchism corporatism data sovereignty social nerdreich singularity singularitarianism extropianism rationalism cosmism longtermism transhumanism extroprianism effectivealtruism menciusmoldbug capitalism fascism technofascism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf">
    <title>Debunking the Abundance Agenda, by the Revolving Door Project [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-24T16:26:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://therevolvingdoorproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/2025-08-26DebunkingtheAbundanceAgenda.pdf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Wealth disparities in the United States have reached extraordinary levels, with significant gaps in wages contributing to unequal opportunities for wealth accumulation. Today, wage growth is still uneven across income levels, with lower-paying positions seeing the lowest increases, and the federal minimum wage still at an abysmal $7.25/hour, while executive compensation has grown exponentially. These disparities make it increasingly difficult for working families to save money, invest in assets, or build the financial foundation necessary for long-term wealth creation, and at the same time, contribute to a cycle where economic benefits compound for those who are already wealthy.

Meanwhile, housing prices have risen far faster than wages in most metropolitan areas, with median home prices increasing by over 40% in many markets where wages have grown much more slowly. 1 This affordability crisis is exacerbated by the growing capture of the housing market by large private equity firms who purchase single-family homes as rental properties, thereby reducing homeownership opportunities and driving up both house prices and rents.2

Given these trends, it’s no wonder the economy ranked as the most important issue to voters in the 2024 election.3 While the Biden administration’s policies attempted to connect ambitious industrial policymaking with pocketbook issues, the timeline for seeing results was several years out. In this vacuum, liberal pundits Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson published their book Abundance, which sought to identify hindrances to the economy while offering solutions. The book issues a rallying cry for “a liberalism that 2 OPEN MARKETS INSTITUTE + THE REVOLVING DOOR PROJECT | DEBUNKING THE ABUNDANCE AGENDA builds,” which the writers hope will become the trademark economic and political platform of the Democratic Party. Yet, behind the catchy phrase lies a policy agenda that discourages the public sector from regulating the private sector for the sake of encouraging growth. This analysis has found favor in some policy circles, including right-leaning ones, but the Abundance agenda’s success poses a danger to all of us who truly believe in addressing corporate power in the fight for a democratic and egalitarian society.

This report delves into the Abundance agenda and focuses on some key components:

- How Abundance-aligned principles and policies accelerate the growth of corporate power. With more power, corporations have both the incentives and the means to warp the political and regulatory system to their own ends, keeping out competitors, inflating costs, and creating the kind of bottlenecks Abundance advocates say they are trying to avoid.

- How the Abundance movement’s support for land use reform while abandoning tenant protections and regulations is inadequate to meeting its own goal of increasing supply, while antithetical to housing justice. Land use reform belongs in a housing agenda as one, targeted component of a broader program of public investments, tenant protections, and rent stabilization. Wholesale land use deregulation by itself fails to solve the supply problem while creating new problems including suburban sprawl.

- How the Abundance faction’s attacks on bedrock environmental law benefit the fossil fuel and AI industries.

This report also touches on what an agenda promoting real abundance would look like, one built on the democratic legacy of the New Deal that puts working people, renters, and our communities before developers and corporations. The hope is that this will ignite a deeper conversation about how we fight for abundance for all, not just some."

[also here:
https://www.are.na/block/39806062 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>abundance abundancenetwork 2025 abundancemovement ezraklein derekthompson economics trickledowneconomics regulation deregulation neoliberalism housing policy democrats liberals liberalism wealth inequality joebiden wages income 2024 elections corporations corporatism power democracy trickledown abundanceagenda</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:feac145ee93c/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.squarecylinder.com/2025/09/die-techie-scum/">
    <title>Die Techie Scum!: The Battle for the Soul of the SF Art Scene - Squarecylinder.com – Art Reviews | Art Museums | Art Gallery Listings Northern California</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T18:20:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.squarecylinder.com/2025/09/die-techie-scum/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:
https://www.coyotemedia.org/email/93009c98-9462-4d00-97e8-ab8092244c30/

"Art critic Max Blue on the end of the San Francisco Art Institute, which was once a hotbed of anti-corporate activism. Now, under the aegis of billionaire Laurene Powell Jobs, its former building will host artist residencies. Blue is skeptical: "When did the art community start begging for what few scraps the oligarchy is willing to toss down to us?""]]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-09-21T04:30:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg</link>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek">
    <title>Against the New McCarthyism: Organizing Resistance in Higher Education - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-16T04:37:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Trump regime took advantage of the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement under the Biden administration to launch a full-scale assault on higher education. He has unleashed ICE on student activists, branded any dissent against Israel’s genocidal war “antisemitic,” bullied universities into cancelling programs on race and gender, and defunded entire institutions. Join us for this Spectre Live panel of activist educators to discuss how to resist Trump’s New McCarthyism.


--------------------------------------------------------------

Speakers:

Isaac Kamola is a professor of political science at Trinity College, Hartford, CT. He is author of Free Speech and Koch Money: Manufacturing a Campus Culture War (2021) and Making the World Global: US Universities and the Production of the Global Imaginary (2019). He currently directs the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom at the American Association of University Professors (AAUP).

Heba Gowayed is a writer and associate professor sociology at CUNY Hunter college and a current Carnegie Fellow. She is the author of Refuge: How the State Shapes Human Potential (2022).

Vineeta Singh is a fellow at AAUP’s Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom, an associate editor of Ethnic Studies Review, and a non-tenure track college teacher. She studies the history of US higher education as a site of racial contestation, so we can put contemporary confrontations about “diversity, equity, and inclusion” in the context of the four hundred years of racial capitalism. Her work for the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom is currently available as a limited run series on the podcast “AAUP Presents.”

Zoé Samudzi is a Postdoctoral Scholar in the Department of African-American and Africana Studies at The Ohio State University. She is also a Global Blackness Fellow with the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Studies at the University of Johannesburg, and a fellow with African Museums and Heritage Restitution (AFRIMUHERE)."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEaFAmIDz1s">
    <title>Unredacted Tonight: The Dems' &quot;Abundance Movement&quot; is a Psy-Op! - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-07T19:29:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEaFAmIDz1s</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["[Episode 24]  The Dems' "Abundance Movement" is a Psy-Op!

Is the “Abundance Movement” the future of the Democratic Party—or just a new label for the corporate destruction of the world? 

In this fast, punchy episode of Unredacted Tonight, Lee Camp breaks down the Abundance Movement, which is taking the Democrats by storm. From housing and energy to regulations and labor, we dig into what “build more” really means, who benefits, and how public frustration gets redirected away from corporate power."]]></description>
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    <title>The death of the corporate job. - by Alex - Still Wandering</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-05T17:33:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thestillwandering.substack.com/p/the-death-of-the-corporate-job</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Last week, I had coffee with someone who works at a big consulting firm. She spent twenty minutes explaining her role to me. Not because it was complex, but because she was trying to convince herself it existed. "I facilitate stakeholder alignment across cross-functional workstreams," she said. Then laughed. "I genuinely don't know what that means anymore."

She's not alone. I keep meeting people who describe their jobs using words they'd never use in normal conversation. They attend meetings about meetings. They create PowerPoints that no one reads, which get shared in emails no one opens, which generate tasks that don't need doing.

The strangest part: everyone knows. When you get people alone, after work, maybe after they've had time to decompress, they'll admit it. Their job is basically elaborate performance art. They're professional email forwards. They're human middleware between systems that could probably talk directly to each other.

This isn't leading where you'd expect.

The Great Pretending

Walk through the City or Canary Wharf at 8am and you'll see thousands of people who look purposeful. Sharp suits, coffee in hand, calls already starting. The whole thing looks impressively important.

But talk to those same people individually, and a different story emerges. They're in back-to-back meetings where nothing gets decided. They're managing projects that exist primarily to justify the existence of project managers. They're creating strategies for strategies, optimising things that didn't need optimising, disrupting things that were working fine.

A friend at a major bank recently told me about his typical day. He arrives at 8am, leaves at 8pm, and when I asked what he actually did in those twelve hours, he couldn't point to a single tangible thing. "I enable decision-making," he said, then caught himself. "Whatever that means."

The pandemic pulled back the curtain for a moment. When everyone worked from home, it became obvious who was actually doing things and who was just... there. Some people's entire roles evaporated when they couldn't physically attend meetings. Others discovered they could do their "full-time" job in about three hours a day.

Now we're back in offices, and everyone's pretending again. But something's shifted. The pretence feels different. More conscious. More exhausting.

The hidden economy of nonsense

The economist David Graeber called these "bullshit jobs"—roles that even the people doing them suspect are pointless. But I think it's evolved beyond that. We've built entire ecosystems of mutual nonsense.

Consider the average corporate decision. It starts with someone identifying a "opportunity" (usually a non-problem). This triggers a cascade: analysts analyse, consultants consult, middle managers manage the consultation of the analysis. Workshops are held. Stakeholders are engaged. Decks are created.

Months later, something might happen. Usually, it's a minor adjustment that could have been made in an afternoon by anyone with common sense.

Everyone involved knows this. The analyst knows their model is largely guesswork. The consultant knows their framework is just common sense in a matrix. The manager knows the workshop is theatre. But they all need each other to maintain the illusion.

It's like a corporate version of the emperor's new clothes, except everyone can see the emperor is naked, everyone knows everyone can see it, but we've all agreed to keep complimenting his outfit because our mortgages depend on it.

The parallel system

What's emerging isn't the collapse of corporate work—it's something more interesting. People are building parallel systems of actual value while maintaining their corporate personas.

I know developers who do their "official" job in the morning and build their own products in the afternoon. Marketers who run their agencies from their corporate desks. Consultants who've automated their actual deliverables and spend most of their time on side projects.

They're not quitting. They're using the corporate infrastructure—the steady salary, the laptop, the stability—as a platform for building something real. The corporate role hasn't died; it's become a funding mechanism for actual work.

One person I spoke to called it "corporate entrepreneurship"—not in the LinkedIn way where you're an "intrapreneur" innovating within your company, but in the sense that you're using your corporate presence to subsidise your real work.

The Young and the Restless

This is particularly acute for people in their twenties. We entered the workforce just as the illusion was becoming impossible to maintain. We never had that period where we could believe our corporate roles were meaningful.

My friends from university are scattered across London's glass towers, and virtually none of them believe their job title describes anything real. They're "Growth Hackers" who've never hacked anything, "Digital Transformation Leads" transforming nothing, "Innovation Managers" managing the absence of innovation.

But instead of the existential crisis you'd expect, there's something else emerging. A kind of pragmatic acceptance coupled with creative subversion. They're showing up, playing the game, but building escape routes.

Nobody believes in the corporate role anymore, even while performing it perfectly. The belief is gone but the performance continues.

The commute as costume change

Watch Liverpool Street station at rush hour. It's not just people travelling to work—it's a mass transformation ritual. The person who boards at 7:15am isn't the same person who'll present in that 10am meeting.

I watched someone on my train recently. Hoodie and headphones at the start. By Clapham, he was in a shirt. By Bank, full suit. His posture changed with each addition. His face rearranged itself into something I can only describe as "professional neutral."

The reverse happens every evening. The gradual shedding of corporate identity as the train moves further from the centre. By the time people reach their actual homes, they're human again.

What actually dies

The corporate role isn't dying in some dramatic collapse. It's dying like religion died for many people—slowly, through diminishing belief rather than disappearing churches.

The structures remain. The offices still gleam. The meetings still happen. The emails still flow. But the faith that this activity means something, that it's building towards something worthwhile, that it justifies the life hours it consumes—that faith is evaporating.

What replaces it isn't clear yet. Maybe it's this parallel economy of people using corporate jobs as platforms. Maybe it's something we haven't seen yet. But the transition period—where we all pretend to believe in something we know is hollow—is unsustainable.

The most honest person I've met recently was a VP at a tech company who told me: "I manage a team of twelve people who create documents for other teams who create documents for senior leadership who don't read documents. I make £150k a year. It's completely absurd, and I'm riding it as long as I can while building something real on the side."
The opportunity in the emptiness

If you're reading this from inside one of these roles, feeling like you're going slightly mad from the cognitive dissonance, you're not alone. The madness isn't in you—it's in the system that asks you to pretend that forwarding emails is a career.

The moment you stop believing in the corporate fiction is the moment you can start using it. Once you see it as infrastructure rather than identity, as a resource rather than a calling, everything shifts.

Your corporate role doesn't need to be meaningful. It needs to be useful. Useful for building skills, for funding your real projects, for buying time while you figure out what matters to you.

The death of the corporate role isn't a crisis. It's freedom from having to pretend your spreadsheet about spreadsheets is your life's work.
Permission to stop pretending

So here's your permission slip, if you need one: you can stop pretending your corporate role is real. You can show up, do the tasks, attend the meetings, but you don't have to believe in it. You don't have to tie your identity to your email signature.

The people around you probably don't believe in it either. They're just waiting for someone else to admit it first.

The corporate role is dead. Long live whatever comes next."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z2W3tmCBEnE">
    <title>Gil Duran on Trump, Tech, and “The Nerd Reich” - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-25T02:16:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z2W3tmCBEnE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join journalist Gil Duran as he explores the rise of a new ideology—what he dubs “tech fascism” or the “Nerd Reich”—that’s influenced significant figures in tech and politics, including Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, and more, through a non-partisan forum hosted by the Commonwealth Club.

In this compelling talk, Gil Duran reveals:

How Silicon Valley elites adopted extremist political ideas from controversial thinkers like Curtis Yarvin, advocating for CEO-led governance

🎯 Why This Talk Matters
Timely insight into the moral & ideological impact of Silicon Valley’s “tech fascists”

Learn about Curtis Yarvin’s influence, the concept of “Network States,” and the fusion of private empire with public power

Gain media literacy—understand how narratives crafted by elites translate to civic consequences"

[See also:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/democrats-urged-to-bow-down-to-tech-fascism/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thetechbubble.substack.com/p/ride-sharing-apps-are-bad-actually">
    <title>Ride-sharing apps are bad, actually - by Edward Ongweso Jr</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-09T21:12:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thetechbubble.substack.com/p/ride-sharing-apps-are-bad-actually</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I want to emphasize only one prong of what is wrong with Uber but it is a large part of it. If I could sum up everything we’ve covered and a few other key points for you, it would go as follows:

• Uber is an enterprise that regularly uses accounting tricks to obscure its failure to realize profits through innovation. It has taken advantage of superficial coverage in the business press and crafted an aggressively deceptive PR campaign built on older taxi deregulation lobbying playbooks as well as company-sponsored academic research.

• Uber has realized stupendous growth by using capital as a weapon (investor subsidies), breaking the law then rewriting it (regulatory arbitrage), embracing anti-competitive business practices, and deploying incredibly successful political operations in the United States and worldwide that have codified its arbitrage efforts.

• Uber has realized profits largely through predatory behavior such as algorithmic wage discrimination and perpetual fare hikes. Expansions into other lines of business have benefited from its years of experimentation here (namely food delivery).

• Uber has offered a roadmap for other firms interested in immiserating their workers, growing via the misallocation of public subsidies. The metastasis of the so-called “gig economy” will continue unabated as Uber’s bastards proliferate.

• It is bad when a firm uses investor subsidies to distort markets such that it can realize profits through predatory behavior, even worse when it does so with public subsidies, and even worse when this allows the firm to rewrite laws to realize profits locked behind activities made illegal because they are against the public interest, and creates a model for other firms to do so. That Yglesias cannot understand this suggests he is an idiot or operating in a different moral universe.

It’s not clear why Yglesias looks at all of this and sees innovation. The previous system was not great, and we did not end up with a better system. Arguably it is worse, in part because it attracts commentators eager to defend it from criticism for no reason other than its use of technology. Is this what passes for “economic analysis?”

If you are so focused on innovation, how can you confuse it with plain old predation given a new digital skin? If you claim to be concerned with good outcomes, how can you overlook a business model that prizes its ability to sacrifice its workers, distort markets, break laws, and undermine democracy?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>edwardongwesojr 2025 uber mattyglesias transportation business economics markets subsidies labor workers profits regulation us law legal policy politics accounting venturecapital lobbying corporations corporatism taxis andreessenhorowitz coinbase ripple fintech hilaryallen capitalism siliconvalley society innovation marcandreessen brianarmstrong democracy huberthoran 2017 economy exploitation publicinterest wages lensherman finance prices pricediscrimination ridehailing algorithms veenadubal wagediscrimination compensation vc a16z edwardongweso</dc:subject>
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    <dc:date>2025-08-09T20:16:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/aug/02/self-termination-history-and-future-of-societal-collapse</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An epic analysis of 5,000 years of civilisation argues that a global collapse is coming unless inequality is vanquished"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/activism/globalization-trade-climate-progressivism/">
    <title>Jerry Mander Was the Groundbreaking Activism-Adman | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-28T08:09:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/activism/globalization-trade-climate-progressivism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jerry Mander died recently in Hawaii after a long illness, according to his wife, the filmmaker Koohan Paik-Mander.

Jerry was a groundbreaking activist-adman, a key figure in the anti-globalization movement, a trenchant critic of technology and capitalism, and a valued contributor to this magazine.

In 1966, the San Francisco advertising executive Howard Gossage invited Jerry to join his firm. The two of them created an ad that helped stop the US government from building two giant dams that would flood the Grand Canyon. The Bureau of Reclamation had claimed that the public favored the plan because small boats would then be able to float high up in the canyon, allowing visitors to touch its beautiful walls. The headline of Jerry’s full-page ad asked: “Should We Also Flood the Sistine Chapel, so Tourists Can Get Nearer to the Ceiling?” 

Jerry’s cheekiness resonated with Nation editor Victor Navasky, who enlisted him as a frequent contributor on Indigenous justice, media reform, militarization, and overweening corporate power.

After Howard Gossage’s death in 1969, Jerry opened his own agency, dedicated to advocacy advertising in the public interest. His clients included Earth Island Institute, Planned Parenthood, Greenpeace, and others. The Wall Street Journal called him “the Ralph Nader of advertising.” It was during this period that Jerry teamed up with Stewart Brand and others to create the iconic Whole Earth Catalog, During the 1970s Jerry became a frequent contributor to The Nation, on a host of issues, including corporate power run amok.

Jerry wrote several books, including Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television (Morrow) and In the Absence of the Sacred (Sierra Club Books). His conviction that “technology will not save us” made him a dissident voice during the meteoric rise of the Bay Area tech industry. His 1996 cover story for The Nation, “The Dark Side of Globalization: What the Media Are Missing,” criticized the new global economic order and its implications.

Jerry and friends called themselves the “International Forum on Globalization,” or IFG. Writing in The Nation, Naomi Klein called the IFG “the brain trust of the [anti-globalization] movement.”

All of the IFG’s warnings have come to pass. US jobs and manufacturing have disappeared (with the exception of the multitrillion-dollar arms industry) as corporations have outsourced to Asia and elsewhere. Environmental, labor, and safety standards have dwindled, even as the world faces unprecedented catastrophes of climate change, economic inequity, pandemics, and the Sixth Extinction. Authoritarianism has emerged in backlash, ratcheted up by new technologies.

Jerry would not have despaired. According to John Cavanagh and Maude Barlow, “Jerry’s charge to us: Don’t give up because you lost the first round. Educate movements and the public to fight back. He challenged us to stage teach-ins that would lead into massive protests on the streets in the cities where the World Bank, IMF, and WTO were gathering and corporate leaders. None of the 40–50 of us who became the core of the International Forum on Globalization thought this would work. But Jerry convinced us to try, and he marshaled the resources to make a dozen of them happen.”  

Of Jerry’s time on this planet, the author Stephanie Mills said it best: “The dear Earth could ask no more of anyone. It was a noble life’s work.”"

[See also:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jerry_Mander ]]]></description>
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