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    <title>Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto con Carlos Bravo Regidor • The Ideas Letter Podcast: A project of the Open Society Foundations</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T23:54:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/1s4lZhoC8mA8mFYsp7L3ea</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mar-de-dudas-conversaciones-para-navegar/id1853979465?i=1000770650095 ]

"¿Qué le ocurre al liberalismo cuando el guion que lo orientó durante tres décadas deja de corresponder al mundo? El analista político e historiador mexicano Carlos Bravo Regidor empezó a hacerse esa pregunta la noche del triunfo electoral de Donald Trump en 2016 —que coincidió con su cumpleaños— y dedicó los siguientes años a perseguirla a través de una serie de entrevistas largas que originalmente le encargó la revista Gatopardo. El resultado es Mar de Dudas: Conversaciones para navegar el desconcierto (Grano de Sal / Gatopardo, 2025), una colección de catorce conversaciones extensas con algunos de los pensadores políticos más agudos de nuestro tiempo, entre ellos Francis Fukuyama, Branko Milanović, Nadia Urbinati, Daniel Innerarity, Federico Finchelstein, Pablo Stefanoni, Rafael Rojas, Margaret MacMillan, Ivan Krastev, Sofia Rosenfeld, Rebecca Solnit y Laura Gamboa.

En este episodio del podcast Ideas Letter de la Open Society Foundations, producido en colaboración con la New Books Network, el conductor Mario Arriagada conversa con Bravo Regidor sobre el itinerario intelectual que lo llevó de las certezas noventeras —el triunfalismo de la posguerra fría, las transiciones democráticas, el liberalismo de mercado, el Estado de derecho— a un ajuste de cuentas con las fallas estructurales de ese paradigma. Hablan del carácter parcial y conducido por élites de las democratizaciones latinoamericanas, con la transición mexicana como caso paradigmático de una negociación partidocrática de raíces sociales superficiales; de las preguntas legítimas que el populismo le plantea a la democracia liberal sobre representación, redistribución y la distancia entre la calle que protesta y el silencio de los mármoles del Parlamento; del giro hacia la posverdad y la crisis de intermediación en la esfera pública tras el declive de los viejos guardianes del sentido común; y de las lógicas específicas y autóctonas de las nuevas derechas en Argentina, Brasil y El Salvador, que la conversación insiste en no meter en una misma bolsa.

Lo que emerge no es tanto un recorrido guiado por catorce autores como una meditación sobre el ejercicio mismo de la duda —lo que Ortega y Gasset, a quien Bravo Regidor cita como fuente del título, llamó el salvavidas de la inteligencia— y sobre la entrevista larga como antídoto a la velocidad y la estridencia de la vida pública contemporánea. Mar de Dudas, y esta conversación sobre el libro, son una invitación a desacelerar."]]></description>
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    <title>Instrumentalisation is making everything a means to an end | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-24T18:02:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/instrumentalisation-is-making-everything-a-means-to-an-end</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From art to religion to sex, instrumentalisation has drained away intrinsic value. But life is about more than material benefits"

...

"Intrinsic human goods include all the things that make life worth living without need of any further justification. To ask of them ‘What’s the point?’ would be to miss the point. They are the point. We cannot give arguments for why they are valuable; we can only describe what makes them valuable and hope others recognise their worth. For example, we can say that a day spent in the forest should be appreciated first and foremost because it makes us recognise the wonder of being alive and marvel at the natural world. To play or watch a sport is to participate in or witness the struggle and delight of attempting to bring mind and body together more seamlessly than in the rest of life. Learning a foreign language is a gateway into another culture that allows you to communicate with members of it and access its literature and media. All these things enrich our lives and broaden our experience, which is valuable even if it doesn’t add a second to your lifespan or delay dementia by a day. If you see them as a means to boost your mental, emotional or physical strength for future times that may or may not be as meaningful, you are taking your focus away from what is valuable here and now. Life isn’t a training for the future. It’s a game that’s already started, and time is running out."

...

"The relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic value is complex, and one of the problems of instrumentalisation is that it seeks to flatten and simplify it. It encourages us to identify what is most useful, and then separate it from, and prioritise it above, what is of ultimate value. In doing so, it often diminishes or destroys the very benefits it promises to maximise.

Take social connection. I have just heard of a study that says that doing anything – even reading – is better for us when we do it with others than alone. This message is now widely broadcast and understood, so people know that conviviality is important for their mental and physical health. But one of the most valuable features of friendship and community is how they take us out of concern for ourselves and make us more aware of the needs of others. To get the most out of socialising we need to do it in the right spirit, choosing to be with other people because we care for them and they for us, because we find them stimulating, because we enjoy being part of a collective experience or endeavour. So if we choose to mingle only for reasons of our personal wellbeing, we are probably not going to get the benefits that socialising usually brings.

Instrumentalisation has the illusion of efficiency because it promotes the direct pursuit of practical things that we all want. But often this turns out to be counterproductive. More often than not, you will fail to get the claimed benefits of an activity if getting them becomes your primary motivation. What look like shortcuts turn out to be short circuits, undermining what they seek to achieve.

If instrumentalisation is such a profound mistake, why have we made it? After all, we do not deliberately set out to strip meaning from our most valued activities or treat friends as psychic enhancers. Instrumentalisation has its roots in several connected features of Western modernity.

The Enlightenment brought to fruition an idea of the primacy of the sovereign, autonomous individual, one that had deep roots in classical and Christian thought. Over the centuries, this idea has become a kind of common sense. Each person is supposed to be the master of their own destiny, the author of their own life story. Self-expression and self-determination are seen as essential for being an authentic self.

Enlightenment thinkers were correct to promote greater individual freedom in an age when power was wielded by the few over a subjugated majority. But human beings are also social animals and can never be entirely autonomous. Modernity’s mistake is to lose sight of this, placing all the emphasis on personal liberty and not enough on our interdependence. This has led to an exaggeration of the importance of autonomy that has pushed the prizing of individuality too far. The result is atomisation: a world in which our separateness from others has become excessive.

This atomised world has several features, all of which encourage instrumentalisation. First, it promotes an illusion of control. Encouraged to feel autonomous, we lose sight of the fact that there is much over which we have no power. The world unfolds, opening up opportunities and throwing spanners in the works in equally random measure. We are not even in full control of ourselves. We had no say in our fundamental constitutions: our dispositions, personalities, gifts and limitations. We have no direct access to the hidden springs of thought and volition and cannot just choose what we like or what we believe.

But primed to think of ourselves as free and autonomous, we imagine that we can manipulate the world to achieve whatever we want. Happiness, health and success are all ours for the taking, just as long as we make the right choices. And so the world becomes a series of levers to be pulled and buttons to be pushed, all to yield to our wills. In short, everything can and must be a means to whatever ends we choose, because that is what we think self-determination requires.

In the era of late capitalism, our autonomous agency has increasingly been expressed through our status as consumers. Freedom is above all the choice of how to spend our money, with the promise that everything we need can be obtained in exchange for cash. The consumer mindset has affected how we relate to everything, not just the things we buy. The result is that the world has become essentially transactional, meaning that everything is an instrument for getting something else. It is no coincidence that dating apps give the impression that we are shopping for partners because we approach even relationships with the consumer framing. Politics has also become a trade for votes in which the electorate and politicians believe that the winner takes all, like the highest bidder in an auction, and damn those who backed the losing side. Democracy should be a way of managing competing demands, not giving the winners everything they want. Voting should be about having your say, not getting your way. But in the new consumer mindset, votes buy power, they no longer mandate responsibility.

Another deep cultural source of instrumentalisation is the reductionism that has surreptitiously seeped into our culture from natural science. Reductionism is the idea that the way to understand how things work is to break them down into their constitutive parts. It’s an idea that served natural science well for centuries. But a clue as to its limitations comes in its relative failure in the social sciences. Economies, societies and psychologies cannot be explained by simple mechanistic processes. We have learned that, even in the natural sciences, you can explain only so much by taking things apart, and that it is equally – sometimes more – important to see how systems work as a whole.

Behind much instrumentalisation is a crude reductionism that ignores systems and focuses on elements within it. The richness of an experience, such as being in the outdoors, is reduced to a means to stimulate blood flow or release hormones. Art, which stirs a large variety of often conflicting emotions, is prized purely for its capacity to evoke certain good ones. Social bonds, which cause pain and heartache as well as joy, are reduced to sources of emotional support.

Combine an inflated belief in personal autonomy, a transactional consumer mentality and a reductionist attitude to how things work, and it is inevitable that we treat the world as a collection of resources we can plunder to promote our own wellbeing. The tragedy is that when we do so, we neglect rather than serve our deepest needs.

What would our culture look like if we were to reverse the instrumentalisation of everything? Of course, we would still do many things as means to ends. We would also be happy to agree that many of the good things in life bring us instrumental benefits too. But we would see these as welcome side-effects, not their purposes. A deinstrumentalised world would be one in which we would attend more to what is of value right here, right now.

Take friendship. The personal benefits we get from others are real, but they should not be the reason for being with them. Relationships are valuable because we value the people in them, not because spending time with them releases endorphins in our brains. David Hume corrected this error more than two centuries ago when he wrote: ‘I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.’ To reject instrumentalisation is to understand that feeling good often follows from living well, but it is not what living well consists in.

To appreciate things for their own value instead of what they might bring us is liberating. It frees us from the internal pressure always to make sure that what we are doing serves some further purpose, to justify our days in terms of the future credits that we accrue from them. Living life to the full means fully appreciating what life brings, not trying to extract bankable benefits from it. It leaves us able to recognise that the good life is something we can live every day, in small ways as well as big. Most importantly, it tells us that the things and people we love are enough in and of themselves and don’t need to serve any further function to justify devoting time and care on them. To be in this world realising that life is its own end is the key to attaining its fullness."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://wornandwound.com/the-revenge-of-analog-a-book-an-idea-and-a-phenomenon/">
    <title>The Revenge of Analog: a Book, an Idea, and a Phenomenon - Worn &amp; Wound</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-27T00:22:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://wornandwound.com/the-revenge-of-analog-a-book-an-idea-and-a-phenomenon/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Until about a year ago, whenever I’d start rambling about my love of watches to my closest friends, they would playfully accuse me of having become an analog worshiper, a Luddite, or even a hipster suffering a chronic case of nostalgia. Indeed, my friends like to give me a hard time, but behind the joking was some genuine confusion about how someone they admire and respect could be so daft as to actually prefer analog gadgets over digital ones.

Granted, I am an extreme case. I drive old cars, ride my father’s old bicycle, listen to vinyl records, play a lot of backgammon, and I own about 50 times more mechanical wristwatches than all of my friends do collectively. Calling me a Luddite hipster wasn’t a huge leap.

But something interesting has started happening recently: many of those digitally inclined friends are replacing digital tools with analog ones. I can see at least three reasons for this: they want to reduce screen time; they’re finding certain analog technologies more efficient than the digital counterparts; and nearly all of my friends now claim that analog stuff improves the quality of their lives, especially their relationships, both professional and personal.

Around 2012, almost everyone I knew was fawning over WunderList, a shared list-making app, but today these same folks keep paper lists laying around the kitchen. I saw one such list with “OrEOs” written in a seven-year-old’s script and a bold adult “NO!” next to it—an adorable keepsake. Recently at lunch a friend needed the time, but his phone’s battery had died; in less than three seconds I retrieved his answer from the GMT on my wrist, and—with as much swagger as a watch-nerd can muster—I added: “It’s 9:45pm in Iceland, in case you were wondering.” Another friend’s Kindle now lives in a drawer, and her coffee table again plays home to alluring stacks of glossy magazines and hardcover books. My partner’s mother has mostly bagged her GPS in favor of paper maps she bought at the hardware store.

Remind me: Who’s the Luddite hipster again?

The recent rise in the popularity of analog technology is masterfully summarized and detailed in David Sax’s book, The Revenge of Analog: Real Things & Why They Matter. Published in 2016, this is the only comprehensive look at the resurgence of analog technologies I’m aware of.


A journalist by trade, Sax traveled the world to meet those at the forefront of the analog movement. In Milan, Sax spoke with Maria Sebregondi, the fascinatingly savvy Italian founder of Moleskine, the company that has made simple paper notebooks ubiquitous to the tune of  €100,000,000 in annual sales. Sax met the mavericks behind Vienna’s Lomography, a company that defied all odds and turned analog film aberrations into an international phenomenon and considerable profits. Sax sat down with founders of thriving brick-and-mortar book stores in Manhattan, and he met with researchers in California who gathered data showing the failure of digital technologies to improve schooling. He visited his summer camp in Northern Canada where, today, connected electronics are forbidden, and he hung out in jam packed board game salons in Toronto. Most relevantly to us watch-heads, Sax met with senior staff at Shinola, the Detroit-based maker of wristwatches, turntables, leather goods, and more.

None of these businesses would be thriving if they weren’t meeting good old-fashioned consumer demand for products that improve our lives. Many analog technologies, it turns out, do that better than digital.

As Sax points out in The Revenge of Analog, the surge in analog products is not indicative of a wholesale abandonment of digital, or even a resistance to it. Rather, the upswing of analog indicates that people are finding that a mixture of analog and digital technologies works best. Sax is also careful to address the problems that accompany running businesses that make and sell analog products—from labor conditions and socioeconomic disparity to elitism and environmental impact. A thoroughbred journalist, Sax isn’t pushing an agenda; he’s reporting on an international phenomenon, warts and all.

Of all the companies Sax examines, Shinola seems to have the most warts. Started by Tom Kartsotis—the founder of Fossil, a mall-staple lifestyle brand worth over $3.5 billion, which left him squarely in the 1% when he departed in 2010—Shinola more or less claims to be reviving American manufacturing. The majority of Shinola’s sales are wristwatches, which Sax describes as “entry-level luxury watches—costing more than a $200 Fossil watch, but less than a $3,000 Rolex . . .” (Sax may need to update that second figure.) He goes on to say that, “. . . the key selling point for the brand isn’t so much its design, heritage, or price, but the story behind it” (p.168). This is where the warts start to show up.

Sax raises questions about how much of Shinola’s revitalization of American manufacturing is real and how much is hype. On the surface, Shinola is selling us its employees and their noble manual labor. Black and white photos of African-Americans sporting tin-cloth aprons next to steam-punky machinery inside an old industrial building encapsulate that message. I’ll confess that I enjoy looking at those images, but they also stir up what I hope is a healthy ruefulness on my part as a relatively conscious consumer who hasn’t done manual labor in over two decades. Something feels off to me on a gut level.

It turns out that I’m not alone. Shinola has come under scrutiny for glorifying a labor force that—when stripped of its stylized veneer—appears to be working under the same socioeconomic disparities that have always plagued the American labor class. And, so far, there’s no significant improvement of Detroit’s post-industrial despair, let alone the whole country’s. Of course, that’s far too tall an order for one company that sells analog watches in the era of the smartphone, but it hasn’t stopped Shinola from pushing the story that its small workforce is the tell-tale of a new Industrial Revolution.

Sax spoke with Shinola’s VP of leather goods, Jennifer Guarino, who was abundantly aware of just how delicate these topics can be. “We get criticized and people say ‘Well, you only give them $12 an hour,’ well, that’s a good wage, and a step on the ladder.” she told Sax (p.160). Her defense—if not her defensiveness—appears well rehearsed, and navigating criticism seems to have become de rigeur for Shinola’s management.

I conducted my own informal investigation at the Shinola store in a mall near me, asking the young store clerks what they thought of the criticism Shinola receives. The three of them shot each other glances that said, “you do it, not me,” and then one of them rattled off a pat reply about the watches being assembled in Detroit. “Did someone train you to say that,” I asked. Glances again shot among them, and then the young woman arranging watches in a display case chuckled and said, “Well, kind of.”

As a watch-head, I’m interested in whether watches physically embody the stories behind them, and Shinola’s timepieces offer an interesting example. Decidedly 20th Century American in appearance, all but a very few of Shinola’s watches are, nonetheless, powered by foreign-sourced quartz movements. These quartz watches might be the perfect metaphor for Shinola’s enterprise: an outer appearance of old-school authenticity belied by the truth of its inner workings. Where a micro-brand might tout the fact that it was able to source excellent Swiss or Japanese quartz movements, Shinola famously got busted by the United States Federal Trade Commission in 2016 for a slogan that led consumers to believe that their products were entirely American-made. Transparency, it seems, likes to travel in small packages.

Sax eventually balances the abundant criticism of Shinola—not so much by offering hope that Shinola will one day deliver on its claims, but by contextualizing the brand within today’s globalized economy and rapidly expanding digital networks. Romanticizing America’s industrial past, as Shinola does, not only paints an inaccurate historical picture, it also misses entirely the nuances of how both businesses and individuals are weaving analog stuff into an increasingly automated digital world. That’s a complex topic, not the stuff of slogans, and certainly worthy of the thorough investigation found in The Revenge of Analog.

And this brings us back to the fact that my friends now mock me less for my analog proclivities than they used to. Our newfound common ground suggests that analog products are not merely the fixation of nostalgic Luddites and other contrarians, but that analog goods are meeting the demands of consumers who want simpler solutions than digital can offer: a pad and pen, a glossy magazine, an unconnected wristwatch, and so on. From the physicality that engages all five of our senses, to the face-to-face interactions and reduction of screen time, to the arm’s-reach convenience, choosing analog stuff often just makes simple common sense. And while common sense may not explain why I own dozens of watches, it does go some way toward explaining why I wear one every day. The Revenge of Analog"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e32-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/">
    <title>Podcast Insights E17 - The Aesthetic Revolution (Will Be Beautiful) - BEYOND THE DIAL</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-24T23:13:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e32-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What started as a cute aphorism has grown into a socio-economic theory. Allen works his way through the assumptions that make up this theory, drawing on personal memory, Marxist and Anarchist failures, Pan-Indigenous Environmentalism, and, of course, horological love. The goal? Nothing short of transforming Late Capitalism through our built-in human love of Beauty."

[Also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/insights-e17-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/id1472733566?i=1000474649630
https://open.spotify.com/episode/350bhPLlRJLgrDipWJzcVI ]]]></description>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d2ef62acc1fa/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk">
    <title>Steven Salaita's Reflections on the Downward Spiral of US Empire &amp; the Fate of the Western Academy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T00:20:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode Steven Salaita will return for a conversation about two of his recent lectures/essays which touch on US imperial decline, the western academy, and the genocidal war on the Palestinian people and children of Gaza. We will also discuss the challenges of behaving ethically in a society that rewards subservience to power, and that power is based on unmitigated violence against the oppressed and dispossessed. 

One piece The Meaning of Honesty in Academe was delivered as the 2025 James Baldwin Memorial Lecture at UMass Amherst on April 16th: 
transcript: https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/
video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y 

and the other "No Resurrection: The Life and Death of the Modern University" was delivered at Villanova on April 14th: https://stevesalaita.com/no-resurrection-the-life-and-death-of-the-modern-university/

This is our 5th conversation with Dr. Steven Salaita since Tufan Al-Aqsa. To check out the others, view our playlist:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBj8KHKHvws6Yh9i95yz4s-Alu4UltG7F "]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 makc stevensalaita jaredware us imperialism palestine gaza israel society power violence oppression dispossession genocide ethniccleansing academia highered highereducation colleges universities education war surveillance zionism antizionism repression donaldtrump civilrights civilliberties freespeech academicfreedom institutions liberation freedom aoc alexandriaocasio-cortez bds boycott diverstment sanctions democrats liberalism liberals resistance avoidance westbank occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization zionsim fear ideology haiti hawaii kashmir socialization discourse suppression criticalthinking ferguson protest protesting injustice race racism history edwardsiad fredhampton impunity capitalism inequality socialjustice corporations corporatism management administration celebrities politicians electorpolitics markruffalo kneecap self-preservation consequences careerism conformity complicity precarity solidarity individualism socialism pragmatism compliance rulingclass immiseration ant</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-anarchy-in-a-manner-of-speaking">
    <title>Anarchy — In a Manner of Speaking, by David Graeber (2020) | The Anarchist Library</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-18T19:08:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-anarchy-in-a-manner-of-speaking</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Conversations with Mehdi Belhaj Kacem, Nika Dubrovsky, and Assia Turquier-Zauberman"

...

"[Contents]

Foreword: A dialogue that doesn’t cover up its traces
Introduction to anarchy—all the things it is not
Reins on the imagination—the illusion of impossibility
Revolutions in common sense
Feminist ethics in anarchy—working with incommensurable perspectives
The three characteristics of statehood and their independence (two for us, one for the cosmos)
America 1—not a democracy, never meant to be
America 2—the indigenous critique & freedom works fine but it’s a terrible idea & Lewis Henry Morgan invents anthropology because he’s nostalgic & Americans are legal fanatics because of their broken relationship to the land, which they stole
With great responsibility comes precarious tongue-tied intellectuals
Anthropology as art
Anthropology and economics
Freedom 1—which finite resources?
Freedom 2—property and Kant’s chiasmic structure of freedom
Freedom 3—friendship, play and quantification
Freedom 4—critical realism, emergent levels of freedom
Freedom 5—negotiating the rules of the game
Play fascism
Leave, disobey, reshuffle
Great man theory and historical necessity
Theories of desire
Graeber reads MBK and proposes a three-way dialectic that ends in care
Art and atrocity
Vampires, cults, hippies
Utopia
Rules of engagement
Dual sovereignty
Against the politics of opinion
The world upside down (and the mind always upward)
God as transgression and anarchy as God"]]></description>
<dc:subject>davidgraeber mehdielhajkacem nikadubrivsky assiaturquier-zauberman anarchism anarchy 2020 freedom kant care caring hippies cults vampires sovereignty economics anthropology friendship play rules quantificationc us feminism utopia transparenct commonsense revolution critique lewishenrymorgan indigeneity indigenous property art fascism disobedience necessity history atrocity softbank masayoshison cheguevara marxism truth abuse immanuelkant</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/from-common-sense-to-bespoke-realities">
    <title>From Common Sense to Bespoke Realities - by L. M. Sacasas</title>
    <dc:date>2022-07-14T16:04:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/from-common-sense-to-bespoke-realities</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Since the analogies are rot
Our senses based belief upon,
We have no means of learning what
Is really going on.”

— W. H. Auden, “Friday’s Child”

Here’s one way to frame our situation with regards to information, knowledge, and the public sphere in three stages:

Pre-modern information environments were locally shared common worlds mediated chiefly by our embodied experience.

Modernity offered instead a de-situated public sphere built on a shared institutional and expert knowledge mediated by print and mass media.

What we are now living through is the collapse of the modern arrangement and the emergence of virtually shared common worlds mediated chiefly by digital media.

I grant those are pretty dense statements and also very broad generalizations. You can tell me whether or not they do some useful descriptive work. But first let me unpack them just a bit.

In the first claim, I have in mind Hannah Arendt’s discussion of common sense and a common world.1 “Only the experience of sharing a common human world with others who look at it from different perspectives,” she wrote in The Human Condition, “can enable us to see reality in the round and to develop a shared common sense.”

Arendt also insisted that to live an “entirely private life means above all to be deprived of things essential to a truly human life,” by which she meant that one is “deprived of the reality that comes from being seen and heard by others, to be deprived of an ‘objective’ relationship with them that comes from being related to and separated from them through the intermediary of a common world of things.”

Understood this way, “common sense” might better be called a “communal sense” to distinguish it from what usually comes to mind when most of us hear the phrase. Under these conditions, to know is to share a world. A world in this case is more than just the things out there. It is a community of interpretation.

What all of this presupposes is that our body (and its sensory apparatus) is the focal point of our experience. We perceive a common world and thus cultivate a common sense, or a sense of the world we have in common. The upshot here is not necessarily that I as an individual possess an infallibly true account of the world, but that I share an account of the world with my neighbors. Knowledge is not merely an accumulation of abstract bits of information, it is also, for the local community at least, a binding agent.

Thinking about this state of affairs, I’m also reminded of an observation offered by the Chinese-American geographer Yi-Fu Tuan in Space and Place: “In the past, news that reached me from afar was old news. Now, with instantaneous transmission, all news is contemporary. I live in the present, surrounded by present time, whereas not so long ago, the present where I am was an island surrounded by the pasts that deepened with distance.”

Or to put it another way, before the advent of electronic communication, the regulation of information was partly a function of our being bodies in place. Immediacy was structured by place rather than time.

Throughout the modern era, however, especially after the advent of electronic media, knowledge, place, and the public sphere begin to diverge. While local realities still loomed large epistemically and politically, there was a drift toward more abstract knowledge and more abstract communities (some might say “imagined communities”). The nation is a more abstract reality to inhabit than, say, the village or the county. The public sphere becomes a metaphor rather than a shared place. It named the multifarious ways that issues are taken up in the press and through mass media. Similarly, in a democratic context, the knowledge presumed of the informed citizen expands in scope and detail, and it is often wholly divorced from their everyday experience. These conditions generated a growing dependence on an expert class and knowledge institutions to certify the epistemic foundation for informed public discourse.

Mass society of the mid- to late-20th century is the apotheosis of the modern media environment. In the absence of a shared communal sense, it sustained the appearance of consensus. Interestingly, consensus is a mid-19th century term whose etymology suggests feeling or sensing together. We might say, then, that consensus mediated by knowledge institutions and experts supplants what Arendt called common sense. Although, perhaps supplants isn’t the best way of putting it. That suggests some kind of intentionality. The development is rather a function of the scale of human action enabled by modern technology. At every point the relationship is dialectical. Electronic media extend the individual’s perceptual capacity beyond the limits of their embodiment, inadvertently disrupting the bonds of common sense and later generating the appearance of consensus.

At this point in the story, we reach a certain homeostasis, but it is short lived. What often gets overlooked in discussions about the state of the public sphere is just how brief and tenuous the age of consensus really was. First through novel applications of traditional mass media (such as cable and satellite television) and then definitively with the emergence of digital media, we enter a splintering age. And we should not miss how one era prepared the ground for the other. The age of the mass media spectacle prepared us for the age of the participatory spectacle that was social media. The loneliness of mass society drove us to embrace the promise of ubiquitous connection. The valorization of information led us to indiscriminately embrace the disorienting conditions of information superabundance.

While, for better and for worse, the multiplicity and scale of digital media effectively brought the age of consensus to an end, it did not return us to an age of common sense. There is no imagined community to encompass the body politic, and our perceptual capacities are still untethered from our bodies. The worlds we now inhabit are digitized realms incapable by their nature and design of generating a broadly shared experience of reality. This can be lamented, if one is so inclined, but it cannot be undone.

Arendt argued that to live an “entirely private life means above all to be deprived of things essential to a truly human life.” Digital media has made it possible to live an even more intensely private life, inhabiting what Renee DiResta once called “bespoke realities.” And, as McLuhan warned us, “Once we have surrendered our senses and nervous systems to the private manipulation of those who would try to benefit from taking a lease on our eyes and ears and nerves, we don't really have any rights left.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-millennialgen-z-strategy">
    <title>the millennial/gen-z strategy - the collected ahp</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-17T23:10:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-millennialgen-z-strategy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Tell a subset of your population that they are entitled to economic security if they play by certain rules, provide them with four years of training in critical thinking and access to a world-class library — then deny them the opportunities they were promised, while affixing an anchor of debt around their necks — and you’ve got a recipe for a revolutionary vanguard.”

I’ve been thinking a lot about this article by Eric Levitz, published earlier this week, with the straightforward title “This One Chart Explains Why the Kids Back Bernie.” The chart (or rather, the stats that create the chart) are indeed explanatory:

<blockquote>(1) The unemployment rate among recent college graduates in the U.S. is now higher than our country’s overall unemployment rate for the first time in over two decades, (2) More than 40 percent of recent college graduates are working jobs that do not traditionally require a bachelor’s degree (while one in eight are stuck in posts that pay $25,000 or less), and (3) the median income among the bottom half of college graduates is roughly 10 percent lower than it was three decades ago.</blockquote>

This is the millennial (and Old Gen-Zer) reality: an “anchor of student debt,” as Levitz puts it, taken out in the hopes of achieving fabled economic security. But who convinced us that college was going to solve, well, everything? In the book I’m finally finished writing on millennial burnout (actual cover coming soon, I promise) I try to work through that question: how did we come to believe in “(the best) college at any cost”? (See also: grad school at any cost).

A lot of the answer can be traced to “the education gospel,” a term coined by an economist (W. Norton Grubb) and a sociologist (Marvin Laverson) to describe the nexus of ideologies (about the future of America and democracy; about how to beat the USSR, then Japan, then China; about how the economy could replace the manufacturing jobs displaced by globalization) that undergird “college at any cost.”

Grubb and Laverson chose the word “gospel” to evoke just how ideological integrated — how naturalized — the idea had become. Of course more education is better than less education; of course you should go to college by any means necessary — even when the costs of that college outweigh the benefits, despite increasing evidence that college is not “worth” its cost for those who drop-out, or for those who come from lower-class backgrounds. They point to a study from the National Commission on the High School Senior year, released in 2001: “In the agricultural age, post-secondary college was a pipe dream for most Americans,” it declared. “In the Industrial Age, it was the birthright of only a few. By the space age it became common for many. Today, it is just common sense for all.”

The roots of this “common sense” go back to the mid-20th century, when the government decided to create the grant and loan programs that made it much, much easier for people to go to college. In 1947, 4.2% of women and 6.2% of men had a college degree; in 2018, those numbers had risen to 35.3% and 34.6% — but that’s of the entire population. A more useful statistic is the percentage of high school graduates who immediately enroll in college: which, in 2016, was 69.7%.

And here’s where the stats become really telling. For the group of students who started college — any type of college — in 2011, only 56.9% had finished their degree by 2017. Around 70% of graduates have student debt of some sort; in 2016, the average debt load was $37,172. That’s a huge amount of debt, especially given the fact that it’s $20,000 more than it was in 2003.

But that’s the people who have degrees. If you reverse the completion stat above, you realize that 43.1% of students who started college in 2011 had not finished their degree in six years. These are students who believed that college could be a pathway towards success, of stability, or their dream job — but couldn’t make it work. There are so many reasons why people are forced (or choose) to drop out of school, and some do find success and stability because they quit school. But they often have nearly as much debt as those with a degree but none of the credentials to put on their resumes — which helps explain why they’re three times as likely to default on their loans.

The institution that pisses me off the most in this scenario are for-profit colleges, where only 23% of students graduate, and 48% of those who do leave with more than $40,000 in debt. A whopping 52% of student loan defaults come from graduates of for-profit colleges. If you don’t know about the general scamminess and ethical grossness of the for-profit college, I can’t recommend Tressie McMillan Cottom’s Lower Ed enough (you can buy it here, and read an excerpt here).

But if college is theoretically an “equality machine,” then for-profit colleges are inequality machine: they target first generation students, they disproportionately enroll (and fuck over) students of color, they charge massive amounts of money for degrees and education that could be obtained for far less at local community colleges, they jack up their price to the maximum allotted under loan guidelines, and they get away with it because 1) Betsy DeVos and 2) millennials have been so inculcated with the education gospel that, again, we believe that no matter how much it costs, how difficult it will be to complete a degree, how tight the market might be in the field we’re pursuing, the degree itself will be worth it.

To be clear: people with college degrees make more, statistically speaking, than people without college degrees. But the “equality” component of the machine is broken. There’s a massive gap between the promises that floated around that degree — and that includes graduate degrees — and the lived post-degree experience. We’re not talking about liberal arts graduates ski-bumming until they decide they’re ready for that six-figure job. We’re talking about those 40% of graduates working jobs that don’t even require a college degree, and the one in eight working jobs that pay $25,000 or less.

I’ve talked to and heard from hundreds of millennials in this position. If they have loans, they’re either on income-based repayment (and they’re convinced that they’ll be paying them off forever), in default (with reverberations and shame across the rest of their lives), or in deferment (amassing huge amounts of interest). They feel stupid and ashamed that they took out as much money as they did, or pissed that so many forces in their lives — parents, guidance counselors, professors, culture, peers — assured them that it would all work out, if they could just get that degree. It’s hard to convey just how difficult and devastating it is to pay down a broken dream every single month for the rest of your life.

I’ve written extensively about student loans, and the broken state of the student loan forgiveness program, here. That piece was the first thing I wrote after the original millennial burnout article, because it was the most tangible expression of the gap between what millennials were told their future would look like, if only they worked hard enough, and the lived, post-Recession reality. To understand millennial burnout, you can’t just understand the amount of student loans we’re carrying; you have to understand what they feel like. And if and when you understand that, it’s incredibly straightforward to see why so many support Sanders and Warren.

Back in the late ‘70s and early ‘80s, middle-class boomers and young Gen-Xers were faced with the reality that their parents’ broadly stable middle-class existence would not necessarily pass down to them. The so-called Golden Age of American Capitalism had lasted just long enough that those who grew up under it could believe that it might last forever. They responded to the decline in stable middle class jobs in a number of ways: many of them, too, went to college, but because public institution funding had yet to be gutted by tax cuts, it cost much, much, much less. (Cue: your boomer uncle who loves to tell you he worked his way through college and graduated without loans).

But as Barbara Ehrenreich persuasively argues in Fear of Falling, they responded by turning decisively inward: how can I do whatever is possible to help me and mine? You could work tirelessly at cutthroat, soulless jobs (investment banking!) no matter the cost (to yourself, to your family, to the environment, to society), adopting what Ehrenreich calls “the yuppie strategy.” Or you could vote for politicians who promised to lower your taxes, make your life better, regardless of the effects on those who didn’t act and spend and look like you. (See: the widespread embrace of Reaganism). As Levitz points out, in 1984, 61% of voters under 25 voted for Reagan. Conservativism — think Michael J. Fox as Alex Keaton from Family Ties — was, I dunno, cool? Not actually cool, but very much mainstream.

The strategy makes “sense,” in so far as it was motivated by self-preservation and fear. And a whole lot of millennials were raised by parents who lived through, if not fully embraced, the guiding ideologies of that period. But it’s fascinating to watch as millennials and Gen-Z — — faced not just with the fear of falling, but the widespread reality — embrace a profoundly different one."]]></description>
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    <title>Traditions of the future, by Astra Taylor (Le Monde diplomatique - English edition, May 2019)</title>
    <dc:date>2019-05-11T23:20:24+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If the dead do not exactly have power or rights, per se, they do still have a seat at the table—Thomas Jefferson among them. In ways obvious and subtle, constructive and destructive, the present is constrained and shaped by the decisions of past generations. A vivid example is the American Constitution, in which a small group of men ratified special kinds of promises intended to be perpetual. Sometimes I imagine the Electoral College, which was devised to increase the influence of the southern states in the new union, as the cold grip of plantation owners strangling the current day. Even Jefferson’s beloved Bill of Rights, intended as protections from government overreach, has had corrosive effects. The Second Amendment’s right to bear arms allows those who plundered native land and patrolled for runaway slaves, who saw themselves in the phrase “a well regulated Militia,” to haunt us. Yet plenty of our ancestors also bequeathed us remarkable gifts, the right to free speech, privacy, and public assembly among them.

Some theorists have framed the problematic sway of the deceased over the affairs of the living as an opposition between tradition and progress. The acerbic Christian critic G. K. Chesterton put it this way: “Tradition may be defined as an extension of the franchise. Tradition means giving votes to the most obscure of all classes, our ancestors. It is the democracy of the dead. Tradition refuses to submit to the small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about. All democrats object to men being disqualified by the accident of birth; tradition objects to their being disqualified by the accident of death.” Social progress, in Chesterton’s account, can thus be seen as a form of disenfranchisement, the deceased being stripped of their suffrage. Over half a century before Chesterton, Karl Marx expressed sublime horror at the persistent presence of political zombies: “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living.”

The most eloquent partisans in this trans-temporal power struggle said their piece at the end of the 18th century. Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine had a furious debate that articulated the dichotomy between past and future, dead and living, tradition and progress. A consummate conservative shaken by the post-revolutionary violence in France, Burke defended the inherited privilege and stability of aristocratic government that radical democrats sought to overthrow: “But one of the first and most leading principles on which the commonwealth and the laws are consecrated, is lest the temporary possessors and life-renters in it, unmindful of what they have received from their ancestors, or of what is due to their posterity, should act as if they were the entire masters; that they should not think it amongst their rights to cut off the entail, or commit waste on the inheritance, by destroying at their pleasure the whole original fabric of their society.” Any revolution, Burke warned, hazards leaving those who come after “a ruin instead of an habitation” in which men, disconnected from their forerunners, “would become little better than the flies of summer.”

The left-leaning Paine would have none of it. Better to be a buzzing fly than a feudal serf. “Whenever we are planning for posterity we ought to remember that virtue is not hereditary,” he quipped. His critique, forcefully expressed in Common Sense and The Rights of Man, was not just an attack on monarchy. Rather, it was addressed to revolutionaries who might exercise undue influence over time by establishing new systems of government. “There never did, there never will, and there never can, exist a Parliament, or any description of men, or any generation of men, in any country, possessed of the right or the power of binding and controlling posterity to the ‘end of time,’” he protested.

In his pithy style, Paine popularized a commitment both to revolution and to novelty. “A nation, though continually existing, is continually in the state of renewal and succession. It is never stationary. Every day produces new births, carries minors forward to maturity, and old persons from the stage. In this ever-running flood of generations there is no part superior in authority to another.” Given the onslaught of change, a constitution “must be a novelty, and that which is not a novelty must be defective.” Never one for moderation, Paine advocated a decisive break with tradition, rejecting lessons from the past, castigating those who scoured records of ancient Greece and Rome for models or insights. What could the dead teach the living that could possibly be worth knowing?

Every person, whether or not they have children, exists as both a successor and an ancestor. We are all born into a world we did not make, subject to customs and conditions established by prior generations, and then we leave a legacy for others to inherit. Nothing illustrates this duality more profoundly than the problem of climate change, which calls into question the very future of a habitable planet.

Today, I’d guess that most of us are more able to imagine an environmental apocalypse than a green utopia. Nuclear holocaust, cyber warfare, mass extinction, superbugs, fascism’s return, and artificial intelligence turned against its makers—these conclusions we can see, but our minds struggle to conjure an image of a desirable, credible alternative to such bleak finales, to envision habitation rather than ruin.

This incapacity to see the future takes a variety of forms: young people no longer believe their lives will be better than those of their parents and financial forecasts give credence to their gloomy view; political scientists warn that we are becoming squatters in the wreckage of the not-so-distant liberal-democratic past, coining terms such as dedemocratization and postdemocracy to describe the erosion of democratic institutions and norms alongside an ongoing concentration of economic power. Meanwhile, conservative leaders cheer on democratic regression under the cover of nostalgia—“Make America Great Again,” “Take Our Country Back”—and seek to rewind the clock to an imaginary and exclusive past that never really existed."

…

"Questions of labor and leisure—of free time—have been central to debates about self-government since peasant citizens flooded the Athenian Pnyx. Plato and Aristotle, unapologetic elitists, were aghast that smiths and shoemakers were permitted to rub shoulders with the Assembly’s wellborn. This offense to hierarchical sensibilities was possible only because commoners were compensated for their attendance. Payments sustained the participation of the poor—that’s what held them up—so they could miss a day’s work over hot flames or at the cobbler’s bench to exercise power on equal footing with would-be oligarchs.

For all their disdain, Plato’s and Aristotle’s conviction that leisure facilitates political participation isn’t wrong. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, radical workers agreed. They organized and fought their bosses for more free time, making substantial inroads until a range of factors, including the cult of consumption and a corporate counterattack, overpowered their efforts. A more sustainable, substantive democracy means resuscitating their campaign. Free time is not just a reprieve from the grindstone; it’s an expansion of freedom and a prerequisite of self-rule.

A reduction of work hours would have salutary ecological effects as well, as environmentalists have noted. A fundamental reevaluation of labor would mean assessing which work is superfluous and which essential; which processes can be automated and which should be done by hand; what activities contribute to our alienation and subjugation and which integrate and nourish us. “The kind of work that we’ll need more of in a climate-stable future is work that’s oriented toward sustaining and improving human life as well as the lives of other species who share our world,” environmental journalist and political theorist Alyssa Battistoni has written. “That means teaching, gardening, cooking, and nursing: work that makes people’s lives better without consuming vast amounts of resources, generating significant carbon emissions, or producing huge amounts of stuff.” The time to experiment with more ecologically conscious, personally fulfilling, and democracy-enhancing modes of valuing labor and leisure is upon us, at precisely the moment that time is running out.

With climate calamity on the near horizon, liberal democracies are in a bind. The dominant economic system constrains our relationship to the future, sacrificing humanity’s well-being and the planet’s resources on the altar of endless growth while enriching and empowering the global 1 percent. Meanwhile, in America, the Constitution exacerbates this dynamic, preserving and even intensifying a system of minority rule and lashing the country’s citizens to an aristocratic past.

The fossil fuel and finance industries, alongside the officials they’ve bought off, will fight to the death to maintain the status quo, but our economic arrangements and political agreements don’t have to function the way they do. Should democratic movements manage to mount a successful challenge to the existing order, indigenous precolonial treaty-making processes provide an example of the sort of wisdom a new, sustainable consensus might contain. The Gdoonaaganinaa, or “Dish with One Spoon” treaty, outlines a relationship between the Haudenosaunee Confederacy and Nishnaabeg people. The dish symbolizes the shared land on which both groups depend and to which all are responsible; in keeping with the Haudenosaunee Great Law of peace, the agreement aims to prevent war, so there is only a spoon and no knife, to ensure no blood will be shed. The dish “represented harmony and interconnection,” Leanne Betasamosake Simpson explains. “Neither party could abuse the resource.”

Nishnaabeg environmental ethics dictated that individuals could only take as much as they needed, that they must share everything following Nishnaabeg redistribution of wealth customs… . These ethics combined with their extensive knowledge of the natural environment, including its physical features, animal behavior, animal populations, weather, and ecological interactions ensured that there would be plenty of food to sustain both parties in the future. Decisions about use of resources were made for the long term. Nishnaabeg custom required decision makers to consider the impact of their decisions on all the plant and animal nations .

Both Nishnaabeg and Haudenosaunee law dictates that leaders must take the needs of the next seven generations of their respective communities into account.

What comes next is an open question. Capitalism is in doubt. The patriarchy is trembling. White supremacy is sputtering. Borders are going up where they once came down. Technology may tip the balance of power toward an elite that owns the robots and controls the algorithms. The natural environment is on the brink of chaos. To combat the apocalyptic apparitions, we need to conjure alternative worlds, leaping forward and looking back. As Hannah Arendt observes in Between Past and Future, tradition does not have to be a fetter chaining us to dead matter; it can also be a thread that helps guide us toward something better and still unseen.

What kind of ancestors do we want to be? With every action or inaction, we help decide how the future will unfold. What principles and commitments do we want to adopt for a democracy that doesn’t yet exist? How will we cast our votes for a society we won’t live to see?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>astrataylor ancesors climatechange history 2019 democracy capitalism patriarchy whitesupremacy borders power time future change hannaharendt ecology sustainability globalwarming interconnected interconnectedness indigeneity indigenous leannebetasamosakesimpson leisure plato aristotle philosophy participation participatory organizing labor work marxism karlmarx socialism freetime longnow bighere longhere bignow annpettifor economics growth degrowth latecapitalism neoliberalism debt tradition gkchesterson thomaspaine thomasjefferson us governance government edmundburke commonsense postdemocracy dedemocratization institutions artleisure leisurearts self-rule collectivism alyssanattistoni legacy emissions carbonemissions ethics inheritance technology technosolutionism canon srg peterthiel elonmusk liberalism feminism unions democraticsocialism pericles speed novelty consumerism consumption obsolescence capital inequality sevengenerations interconnectivity latestagecapitalism land-basededucation land-basedlearning</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://qz.com/625870/after-years-of-intensive-analysis-google-discovers-the-key-to-good-teamwork-is-being-nice/">
    <title>After years of intensive analysis, Google discovers the key to good teamwork is being nice — Quartz</title>
    <dc:date>2016-07-22T23:38:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://qz.com/625870/after-years-of-intensive-analysis-google-discovers-the-key-to-good-teamwork-is-being-nice/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://workfutures.io/message-ansel-on-overwork-jenkin-on-the-workplace-cortese-on-stocksy-mohdin-on-project-3cb6502c79a8 ]

"Google’s data-driven approach ended up highlighting what leaders in the business world have known for a while; the best teams respect one another’s emotions and are mindful that all members should contribute to the conversation equally. It has less to do with who is in a team, and more with how a team’s members interact with one another.

The findings echo Stephen Covey’s influential 1989 book The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People: Members of productive teams take the effort to understand each other, find a way to relate to each other, and then try to make themselves understood."]]></description>
<dc:subject>google work niceness kindness labor teams howwework commonsense understanding administration leadership management sfsh conversation productivity projectaristotle 2016</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/synapse/your-nostalgia-isn-t-helping-me-learn-141bd0939153">
    <title>Your Nostalgia Isn’t Helping Me Learn — The Synapse — Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-23T17:17:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/synapse/your-nostalgia-isn-t-helping-me-learn-141bd0939153</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also: https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:fe14a9668c31 ] 

"These stories keep popping up, recycling the same studies and confirming someone’s intuition that the “good old-fashioned way” is better.

But contrary to these claims, I would not have made it through my years of university courses without the technology I use every day. And I don’t mean specific “assistive technology” designed with “disabilities” in mind. I’m talking here about the notes I make on my phone when I’m chatting with someone, which serve as an extension of my brain — the course project documents, folders of articles, collected syllabi, images, screenshots, and more that are always available on my laptop or anywhere through my synchronized folders.

I rely on the over 170 notebooks in Evernote where I practically wrote my entire MA thesis and where I track all current projects, personal and academic. I worked a full time job for much of my undergraduate education and part of my MA and was able to do this because of the ability to search through all 70,000+ email messages from the last 15 years, the ability to search inside a journal article, search a PDF of a book and copy/paste the text. This technology is assistive for me as a student very simply because all technology is assistive technology.

…

“Research Shows”

Surely we can agree then that all technology is assistive. But what about in the classroom? What’s missing from these popular articles when they claim technology is a distraction in the classroom? How do they conclude assistive technology is getting in the way of learning when so many students like myself rely on it? And what are the consequences of banning technology in the classroom?

I’ll start by taking that article from Vox and looking at some of the claims. After that, I’ll look at what’s happening in classrooms where technology is banned.

I. The Vox article defines learning as remembering information. That’s funny, because learning is not memorizing, and I think all educators would agree on that.

At the same time that many educators will tell us testing misses the mark in evaluating students and that learning isn’t about facts and figures but about critical thinking skills, articles like this are shared widely with the opposite message: learning is your “ability to remember information.” But it isn’t, it’s your ability to synthesize information, think critically, and evaluate claims.

II. This article claims the problem with taking notes on laptops is that students “usually just mindlessly type everything a professor says.” But this isn’t actually a claim about taking notes on laptops vs. paper notebooks, this is an issue of note taking skills. I wouldn’t conflate the Vox article with the study it cites here, but on this point what Vox reports matches the abstract of the study quite well. I don’t agree, instead I’d suggest that if you have good note taking skills you can take good notes in any format.

If you are taught to discern what matters in a lecture or discussion or while reading, you can learn to take useful notes about anything in any format. This problem they bring up of students acting as stenographers is an issues of learning to learn, learning to think critically and yes these are skills that students need. The fact that they don’t have them certainly isn’t the fault of laptops, in fact we should be grateful that we can see they don’t have them by how they are (mis)using the laptops. As educators do we really like the idea that students can only decide what matters because “they can’t write fast enough to get everything down”?

III. The article says students who use laptops “have something unrelated to class” on the screen about 40% of the time. So…. they’re actually talking about a failure to “learn” among students who aren’t using the technology to engage in the class at all? These students are chatting with friends, shopping, doing whatever. So, what does this have to do with the technology or taking notes on a laptop? What does this have to do with using a laptop to learn? Nothing. But still, we get this summary “Research shows students who use laptops perform more poorly in classes.”

IV. Of course, the whole argument is all summed up as common sense, validated by science! What could go wrong with that and with popular reporting about it? If science AND common sense are clear on this — well, it must be true for all students, or maybe not? It certainly isn’t true for me or for other students I’ve seen and spoken with.

I’m picking on this Vox article because it is precisely this kind of article that is shared on Facebook and Twitter and through email lists, without being carefully read, without being critically analyzed. And it winds up standing in for well thought out technology policy and pedagogy in classrooms. I think it’s pretty ironic that the same people who get so excited about the article’s title (“Why you should take notes by hand — not on a laptop”) because it validates their pre-existing distrust of “technology” (i.e. everything invented after they were born), these same people then fail to think critically about the argument in the article. Hmmm…. Maybe they’re actually the ones who have trouble thinking critically when using a laptop?"

…

"Classrooms on the Anti-Tech Bandwagon

I’m now seeing Professors jumping on this bandwagon and proudly banning technology in the classroom. And even those who don’t are giving students lectures in class about how we should ban e-books at the university library, and telling students who use laptops in class they should really be writing in a notebook, that is, if they really want to learn… Faculty are even adding notes to their syllabi …"

…

"The pressure to use “real books” and write in a notebook (preferably a moleskine, right?) has emerged as part of a growing anti-technology fetish among academics, and popular culture broadly. I get the appeal and I love books! I would love it if I could do that, I want all paper books, a room full of them, with ferns and armchairs and whisky and whatever — but it just isn’t how I learn. And it’s expensive, and you have to move them around. And you can’t search in them in the same way. The more precarious academic lives become the more a book collection is a luxury many can’t afford in terms of cost and other factors.

For students like me, technology use in the classroom comes down to a question of how we learn. I need to be able to search a book, copy and paste passages. I’m a scholar because I have technology that allows me to organize, sort, and synthesize information that I wouldn’t otherwise be able to work with. I didn’t learn to be a scholar with paper and pen, or with a typewriter. And I wouldn’t have been able to make it through my degree programs, and excel at my studies, write a thesis, publish papers — without being able to use this technology. I, and many students out there like me, rely on laptops, tablets, phones, and online software in the classroom because it is all assistive technology."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BejbAwuEBGs">
    <title>Um Encontro Inesquecível entre Paulo Freire e Seymour Papert - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2014-09-22T01:13:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BejbAwuEBGs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/audreywatters/status/513856066757459968 ]
[also available here: https://vimeo.com/20497106 ]

[transcript: http://www.papert.org/articles/freire/freirePart1.html
http://www.papert.org/articles/freire/freirePart2.html
http://www.papert.org/articles/freire/freirePart3.html
http://www.papert.org/articles/freire/freirePart4.html ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://hope.journ.wwu.edu/tpilgrim/j190/postmantechnopoly.html">
    <title>Being a loving resistance fighter from Neil Postman's &quot;Technopoly&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2013-10-12T21:32:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://hope.journ.wwu.edu/tpilgrim/j190/postmantechnopoly.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[(from Technopoly: The surrender of culture to technology)

""You must try to be a loving resistance fighter. ... By 'loving' I mean that, in spite of the confusion, errors, and stupidities you see around you, you must always keep close to your heart the narratives and symbols that once made the United States the hope of the world and that may yet have enough vitality to do so again. ...

... Which brings me to the 'resistance fighter' part of my principle.

Those who resist the American Technopoly are people

who pay no attention to a poll unless they know what questions were asked, and why;
who refuse to accept efficiency as the pre-eminent goal of human relations;

who have freed themselves from the belief in the magical powers of numbers, do not regard calculation as an adequate substitute for judgment, or precision as a synonym for truth;

who refuse to allow psychology or any 'social science' to pre-empt the language and thought of common sense;

who are, at least, suspicious of the idea of progress, and who do not confuse information with understanding;

who do not regard the aged as irrelevant;

who take seriously the meaning of family loyalty and honor, and who, when they 'reach out and touch someone,' expect that person to be in the same room;

who take the great narratives of religion seriously and who do not believe that science is the only system of thought capable of producing truth;

who know the difference between the sacred and the profane, and who do not wink at tradition for modernity's sake;

who admire technological ingenuity but do not think it represents the highest possible form of human achievement.

A resistance fighter understands that technology must never be accepted as part of the natural order of things, that every technology--from an IQ test to an automobile to a television set to a computer--is a product of a particular economic and political context and carries with it a program, an agenda, and a philosophy that may or may not be life-enhancing and that therefore require scrutiny, criticism, and control.

In short, a technological resistance fighter maintains a epistemological and psychic distance from any technology, so that it always appears somewhat strange, never inevitable, never natural.""

[via: https://twitter.com/mattthomas/status/389098983752101888 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.thebaffler.com/past/practical_utopians_guide">
    <title>A Practical Utopian’s Guide to the Coming Collapse | David Graeber | The Baffler</title>
    <dc:date>2013-05-11T00:09:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.thebaffler.com/past/practical_utopians_guide</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Now here: http://www.thebaffler.com/salvos/a-practical-utopians-guide-to-the-coming-collapse ]

"What is a revolution? We used to think we knew. Revolutions were seizures of power by popular forces aiming to transform the very nature of the political, social, and economic system in the country in which the revolution took place, usually according to some visionary dream of a just society. Nowadays, we live in an age when, if rebel armies do come sweeping into a city, or mass uprisings overthrow a dictator, it’s unlikely to have any such implications; when profound social transformation does occur—as with, say, the rise of feminism—it’s likely to take an entirely different form. It’s not that revolutionary dreams aren’t out there. But contemporary revolutionaries rarely think they can bring them into being by some modern-day equivalent of storming the Bastille."

…

"Revolutions are thus planetary phenomena. But there is more. What they really do is transform basic assumptions about what politics is ultimately about. In the wake of a revolution, ideas that had been considered veritably lunatic fringe quickly become the accepted currency of debate. Before the French Revolution, the ideas that change is good, that government policy is the proper way to manage it, and that governments derive their authority from an entity called “the people” were considered the sorts of things one might hear from crackpots and demagogues, or at best a handful of freethinking intellectuals who spend their time debating in cafés. A generation later, even the stuffiest magistrates, priests, and headmasters had to at least pay lip service to these ideas. Before long, we had reached the situation we are in today: that it’s necessary to lay out the terms for anyone to even notice they are there. They’ve become common sense, the very grounds of political discussion.

Until 1968, most world revolutions really just introduced practical refinements: an expanded franchise, universal primary education, the welfare state. The world revolution of 1968, in contrast—whether it took the form it did in China, of a revolt by students and young cadres supporting Mao’s call for a Cultural Revolution; or in Berkeley and New York, where it marked an alliance of students, dropouts, and cultural rebels; or even in Paris, where it was an alliance of students and workers—was a rebellion against bureaucracy, conformity, or anything that fettered the human imagination, a project for the revolutionizing of not just political or economic life, but every aspect of human existence. As a result, in most cases, the rebels didn’t even try to take over the apparatus of state; they saw that apparatus as itself the problem."

…

"In retrospect, though, I think that later historians will conclude that the legacy of the sixties revolution was deeper than we now imagine, and that the triumph of capitalist markets and their various planetary administrators and enforcers—which seemed so epochal and permanent in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991—was, in fact, far shallower."

…

"In fact, most of the economic innovations of the last thirty years make more sense politically than economically. Eliminating guaranteed life employment for precarious contracts doesn’t really create a more effective workforce, but it is extraordinarily effective in destroying unions and otherwise depoliticizing labor. The same can be said of endlessly increasing working hours. No one has much time for political activity if they’re working sixty-hour weeks.

It does often seem that, whenever there is a choice between one option that makes capitalism seem the only possible economic system, and another that would actually make capitalism a more viable economic system, neoliberalism means always choosing the former. The combined result is a relentless campaign against the human imagination. Or, to be more precise: imagination, desire, individual creativity, all those things that were to be liberated in the last great world revolution, were to be contained strictly in the domain of consumerism, or perhaps in the virtual realities of the Internet. In all other realms they were to be strictly banished. We are talking about the murdering of dreams, the imposition of an apparatus of hopelessness, designed to squelch any sense of an alternative future. Yet as a result of putting virtually all their efforts in one political basket, we are left in the bizarre situation of watching the capitalist system crumbling before our very eyes, at just the moment everyone had finally concluded no other system would be possible.

Work It Out, Slow It Down

Normally, when you challenge the conventional wisdom—that the current economic and political system is the only possible one—the first reaction you are likely to get is a demand for a detailed architectural blueprint of how an alternative system would work, down to the nature of its financial instruments, energy supplies, and policies of sewer maintenance. Next, you are likely to be asked for a detailed program of how this system will be brought into existence. Historically, this is ridiculous. When has social change ever happened according to someone’s blueprint? It’s not as if a small circle of visionaries in Renaissance Florence conceived of something they called “capitalism,” figured out the details of how the stock exchange and factories would someday work, and then put in place a program to bring their visions into reality. In fact, the idea is so absurd we might well ask ourselves how it ever occurred to us to imagine this is how change happens to begin.

This is not to say there’s anything wrong with utopian visions. Or even blueprints. They just need to be kept in their place. The theorist Michael Albert has worked out a detailed plan for how a modern economy could run without money on a democratic, participatory basis. I think this is an important achievement—not because I think that exact model could ever be instituted, in exactly the form in which he describes it, but because it makes it impossible to say that such a thing is inconceivable. Still, such models can be only thought experiments. We cannot really conceive of the problems that will arise when we start trying to build a free society. What now seem likely to be the thorniest problems might not be problems at all; others that never even occurred to us might prove devilishly difficult. There are innumerable X-factors.

The most obvious is technology. This is the reason it’s so absurd to imagine activists in Renaissance Italy coming up with a model for a stock exchange and factories—what happened was based on all sorts of technologies that they couldn’t have anticipated, but which in part only emerged because society began to move in the direction that it did. This might explain, for instance, why so many of the more compelling visions of an anarchist society have been produced by science fiction writers (Ursula K. Le Guin, Starhawk, Kim Stanley Robinson). In fiction, you are at least admitting the technological aspect is guesswork.

Myself, I am less interested in deciding what sort of economic system we should have in a free society than in creating the means by which people can make such decisions for themselves. What might a revolution in common sense actually look like? I don’t know, but I can think of any number of pieces of conventional wisdom that surely need challenging if we are to create any sort of viable free society. I’ve already explored one—the nature of money and debt—in some detail in a recent book. I even suggested a debt jubilee, a general cancellation, in part just to bring home that money is really just a human product, a set of promises, that by its nature can always be renegotiated."]]></description>
<dc:subject>debt economics politics revolution work labor davidgraeber power society revolutions 2013 grassroots punk global conformity bureaucracy feminism 1789 frenchrevolution 1848 1968 communism independence freedom 1917 thestate commonsense fringe ideas memes socialmovements war collateraldamage civilrights gayrights neoliberalism freemarkets libertarianism debtcancellation fear insecurity consumerism occupy occupywallstreet ows sustainability growth well-being utopianism productivity environment humanism ideology class classstruggle abbiehoffman slow supervision control management taylorism virtue artleisure discipline leisurearts globalization wellbeing</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:libertarianism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:debtcancellation"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:insecurity"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:occupywallstreet"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:sustainability"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:utopianism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:productivity"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:classstruggle"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:abbiehoffman"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:slow"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:taylorism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:virtue"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:artleisure"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:discipline"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:leisurearts"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:globalization"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.guardian.co.uk/theobserver/2006/sep/10/observermagazine">
    <title>Gaby Wood meets David Remnick, the New Yorker's big-brained editor | From the Observer | The Observer</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-11T17:33:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.guardian.co.uk/theobserver/2006/sep/10/observermagazine</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You might say that what looks at first like common sense is David Remnick’s most winning eccentricity."

[via: http://tumble77.com/post/4526059297/you-might-say-that-what-looks-at-first-like-common ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>journalism media magazines davidremnick standingout risk eccentricity risktaking cv notforeveryone commonsense 2011 boldness tcsnmy lcproject unschooling deschooling howwework thenewyorker</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.thethirdteacher.com/blog/june-21-2010-%E2%80%93-comments-third-teacher-david-greenspan-architect">
    <title>June 21, 2010 – Comments on The Third Teacher from David Greenspan, Architect | The 3rd Teacher</title>
    <dc:date>2010-06-24T08:08:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.thethirdteacher.com/blog/june-21-2010-%E2%80%93-comments-third-teacher-david-greenspan-architect</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You get an order from the school board that says, 'We have a great idea. We should not put windows in the school, because the children need wall space for their paintings, and also windows can distract from the teacher.' Now, what teacher deserves that much attention? I'd like to know. Because after all, the bird outside, the person scurrying for shelter in the rain, the leaves falling from the tree, the clouds passing by, the sun penetrating: these are all great things. They are lessons in themselves. Windows are essential to the school. You are made from light, and therefore you must live with the sense that light is important. Such a direction from the school board telling you what life is all about must be resisted. Without light there is no architecture."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>louiskahn schools schooldesign commonsense windows schooling unschooling deschooling teaching light observation experience thirdteacher reggioemilia tcsnmy</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:550b91afed70/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:schooldesign"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.ted.com/talks/sir_ken_robinson_bring_on_the_revolution.html">
    <title>Sir Ken Robinson: Bring on the learning revolution! | Video on TED.com</title>
    <dc:date>2010-05-24T21:11:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.ted.com/talks/sir_ken_robinson_bring_on_the_revolution.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this poignant, funny follow-up to his fabled 2006 talk, Sir Ken Robinson makes the case for a radical shift from standardized schools to personalized learning -- creating conditions where kids' natural talents can flourish."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>kenrobinson children 2010 learning revolution education creativity ted future teaching schools standardization personalization unschooling deschooling lcproject tcsnmy gamechanging human experience life wisdom gettingon sufferingthrough waitingfortheweekend reform startingover evolution evolutionarychange revolutionarychange change innovation transformation commonsense tyrannyofcommonsense</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:fe681bb542a4/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.downes.ca/cgi-bin/page.cgi?post=50420">
    <title>Dress codes for avatars? ~ Stephen's Web ~ by Stephen Downes</title>
    <dc:date>2009-10-26T00:55:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.downes.ca/cgi-bin/page.cgi?post=50420</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["OK, I can see the point about not wanting to have the company represented by scantily clad avatars. But is something to be address with a code, or with common sense? (Yes, those are the only two choices.)"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>management leadership administration tcsnmy commonsense dress dresscodes avatars</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:70af6fa19826/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:management"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:administration"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:tcsnmy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:commonsense"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:dress"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:dresscodes"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:avatars"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.ted.com/talks/barry_schwartz_on_our_loss_of_wisdom.html">
    <title>Barry Schwartz on our loss of wisdom | Video on TED.com</title>
    <dc:date>2009-02-19T05:56:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.ted.com/talks/barry_schwartz_on_our_loss_of_wisdom.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Barry Schwartz makes a passionate call for “practical wisdom” as an antidote to a society gone mad with bureaucracy. He argues powerfully that rules often fail us, incentives often backfire, and practical, everyday wisdom will help rebuild our world."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>baryschwartz psychology education wisdom morality bureaucracy economics change leadership administration management character motivation incentives ethics philosophy process behavior morals failure decisionmaking exceptions human flexibility inflexibility commonsense procedure simplicity moreofthesame rules rulemaking tcsnmy learning teaching mediocrity banking crisis 2009 improvisation</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:cab41cfd70a2/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:baryschwartz"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:psychology"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:education"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:bureaucracy"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:change"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:leadership"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:management"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:motivation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:incentives"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ethics"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:process"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:behavior"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:morals"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:failure"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:exceptions"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:human"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:flexibility"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:procedure"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:simplicity"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:tcsnmy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:learning"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:teaching"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:mediocrity"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:banking"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:crisis"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2009"/>
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</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/biblio?isbn=0871401622">
    <title>Powell's Books - The Conquest of Happiness by Bertrand Russell</title>
    <dc:date>2008-03-27T03:05:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/biblio?isbn=0871401622</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Conquest of Happiness, a primer of self-regeneration, is a most excellent book. This manual of systematized common sense, sane and forthright, should be read by every parent, teacher, minister, and Congressman in the land." Atlantic Monthly"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>bertrandrussell books toread happiness life philosophy commonsense parenting teaching</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b4fe584b4acc/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:bertrandrussell"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:toread"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:happiness"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:parenting"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:teaching"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.ted.com/talks/view/id/187">
    <title>TED | Talks | Larry Lessig: How creativity is being strangled by the law (video)</title>
    <dc:date>2007-11-07T21:40:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.ted.com/talks/view/id/187</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["brings together John Philip Sousa, celestial copyrights, and the “ASCAP cartel” to build a case for creative freedom...pins down key shortcomings of our dusty, pre-digital intellectual property laws...reveals how bad laws beget bad code"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>larrylessig readwriteweb children capitalism cc commons copyright creativity culture democracy freedom learning law legal property ip rights technology society piracy opensource music media ted activism meaning mashup remix content communication digital commonsense writing film video computers economics politics marketing</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:75fb0ddc472f/</dc:identifier>
<taxo:topics><rdf:Bag>	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:larrylessig"/>
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