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    <title>We Uncovered The Master Plan That Peter Thiel Doesn't Want You To See - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-01T07:23:08+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Peter Thiel is funding a plan to build privatized city-states everywhere from Gaza and Venezuela to small towns in California.

The goal is to replace governments with for-profit companies.

We investigated how Thiel's scheme is already reshaping democracy across the world."]]></description>
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    <title>Citations Needed: News Brief: The ADL's Bogus Origin Story and Its Rise as Ideological Enforcer for Empire and Israel</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T08:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/news-brief-the-adls-bogus-origin-story-and-its-rise-as-ideological-enforcer-for-empire-and-israel</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this News Brief, we talk with Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, about how––despite posing a civil rights org––the ADL functions as defender of colonialism and enforcer for reactionary western ideologies."]]></description>
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    <title>Makdisi Street Reviews with Eyal Weizman - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-25T08:32:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U3T4VhvKcj4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In anticipation of the publication of Eyal Weizman's new book, Ungrounding: The Architecture of Genocide, which will be released in the US next month, the brothers will be hosting a livestream with Eyal to which our Patreon supporters will have access, including the opportunity to ask questions of Eyal either via the livestream chat (which we will moderate) or in advance via email to makdisistreeet@gmail.com.

This livestream recording for our Patreon supporters will be the first in a series of reviews and discussions with authors of books addressing any of the questions that the podcast regularly intervenes in.

You can pre-order Eyal's book here:
https://www.betterworldbooks.com/product/detail/ungrounding-the-architecture-of-genocide-9780593835029 "

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/41709610
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/makdisi-street-reviews-w-eyal-weizman ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>eyalweizman 2026 makdisistreet palestine gaza genocide ethniccleansing israel sareemakdisi ussamamakdisi karimmakdisi history nakba zionism colonialism colonization settlercolonialism westbank topography terrain soil settlements barriers violence conflict nature land humanrights icj</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://mondoweiss.net/2026/06/how-hillel-international-uses-antisemitism-training-and-campus-climate-concerns-to-attack-palestine-solidarity/">
    <title>How Hillel International uses antisemitism training and ‘campus climate’ concerns to attack Palestine solidarity – Mondoweiss</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-24T08:48:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mondoweiss.net/2026/06/how-hillel-international-uses-antisemitism-training-and-campus-climate-concerns-to-attack-palestine-solidarity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Hillel International’s antisemitism trainings and Campus Climate Initiative are wolves in sheep’s clothing, designed to ensure that Palestine-related speech, protest, and even thought are rendered forbidden on U.S. college and university campuses."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://illwill.com/antinationalism">
    <title>The Revolution Nationalists Cannot Join • Ill Will</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-23T09:17:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://illwill.com/antinationalism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this conversation, Ralf Ruckus talks to Nandita Sharma, author of Home Rule: National Sovereignty and the Separation of Natives and Migrants (2020), about the emergence of nation states, the construction of the “migrant,” the role of left-wing nationalism in the failure of anti-imperialist struggles, and whether the No Borders movement points toward a revolutionary strategy for overcoming working-class divisions."]]></description>
<dc:subject>nanditasharma ralfruckus nationalism abolition revolution borders 2026 leftnationalism migration border sovereignty migrants antiimperialism noborders workingclass labor workers politics left slavery capitalism decolonization colonialism colonization liberation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.noemamag.com/the-mars-delusion/">
    <title>The Mars Delusion</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-20T08:48:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.noemamag.com/the-mars-delusion/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Establishing a human colony on Mars is fraught with risk. Why are so many people obsessed with achieving it?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Sd3O-b-oPw">
    <title>EXPOSED: Israel's DARKEST TikTok SECRET - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-18T10:55:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Sd3O-b-oPw</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/who-benefits-from-distorting-american-studies/">
    <title>Who Benefits from Distorting American Studies? - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-18T01:35:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/who-benefits-from-distorting-american-studies/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Normativity, in the hands of the “non-distortionists,” smuggles into American studies assumptions that we’re told we must describe rather than prove. A key question the field has tackled, which Kahlenberg and Lin recognize, is what exactly is “American culture”? What is distinct from other cultures, in “its customs, norms, history, literature?” But what they should know—and we must remember—is that the actual error with the field is how the boundedness of the object of study (“America”) was an assumed truth, rather than a question.

Instead, the distinction of “America” was taken for granted, rather than something to uncover. During the collapse of empires (post–World War I) and the growing consolidation of US power (post–1898 to post–World War II) in the international arena, early American studies scholars were concerned with national identity (and perhaps anxious about its character); as such, they sought to understand and preserve some uniqueness. The authors insist the US is exceptional. In their eyes, “exceptionalism” is a truth to be described, just like “American culture.” The boundaries of these objects are taken for granted. What, who, when, and where they contain are but elements to find in the archive or the field. Like boxes to tick, or t’s to cross."]]></description>
<dc:subject>americanstudies us academica colleges universities americanexceptionalism usexceptionalism 2026 highered highereducation ivánchaarlópez erinmcelroy richardkahlenberg lieflin narrative donaldtrump history rightwing farright authoritarianism genewise florida texas education schools schooling exceptionalism propaganda scholarship imperialism empire ice race racism universityoftexas humanities distortions identity nationalism robinkelley robindgkelley amykaplan vinedeloriajr katherinemckittrick politics settlercolonialism colonialism colonization slavery blackstudies ethnicstudies capitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://socialtextjournal.org/periscope_article/in-the-shadows-of-genocide-the-us-palestine-movement-and-the-promise-of-the-2024-student-uprising/">
    <title>In the Shadows of Genocide: The US Palestine Movement and the Promise of the 2024 Student Uprising – Social Text</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-14T09:48:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://socialtextjournal.org/periscope_article/in-the-shadows-of-genocide-the-us-palestine-movement-and-the-promise-of-the-2024-student-uprising/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.koozarch.com/interviews/can-the-unseen-speak-maria-putri-and-ali-napier-on-plantation-ecologies-and-colonial-afterlives">
    <title>Can the Unseen Speak? Maria Putri and Ali Napier on plantation ecologies and colonial afterlives – KoozArch</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T21:54:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.koozarch.com/interviews/can-the-unseen-speak-maria-putri-and-ali-napier-on-plantation-ecologies-and-colonial-afterlives</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What traces do colonial infrastructures leave behind? In this conversation, architectural researcher and filmmaker Maria Putri joins architect, writer and editor Ali Napier to discuss Can the Unseen Speak? — a film that follows the intertwined histories of plantation economies, environmental violence and land conflict in Sumatra, while exploring how architecture, performance and storytelling might render visible their enduring aftermaths."]]></description>
<dc:subject>mariaputri alinapier sumatra architecture performance storytelling colonialism decolonization postcolonialism colonization landscape infrastructure film 2026 filmmaking seeing unseen indigeneity indigenous</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.equator.org/articles/to-dwell-in-possibility-vatican-AI">
    <title>To Dwell in Possibility • EQUATOR</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-12T09:21:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.equator.org/articles/to-dwell-in-possibility-vatican-AI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Antonio Spadaro
Interviewed by Gavin Jacobson 

09.06.2026 Conversation

A Vatican adviser explains how the Pope became the most formidable critic of the algorithmic age

In May 2026, Pope Leo XIV released his first encyclical, Magnifica Humanitas. The text has generally been described as a Vatican directive on Artificial Intelligence, but it addresses deeper questions about the threats posed to human dignity in an algorithmic age. To explore its true philosophical and geopolitical stakes, we spoke with Father Antonio Spadaro, a distinguished theologian and papal advisor who is known for his public writings – he has coauthored a book about cinema with Martin Scorsese. We discussed the Pope’s intellectual formation, his philosophical challenge to Silicon Valley transhumanism and his head-on confrontation with President Donald Trump."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/ownerist-society-ian-marcus-corbin-economics-polanyi">
    <title>The Ownerist Society | Commonweal Magazine</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Buying belonging in the modern world"]]></description>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Leo’s new encyclical is remarkably candid about the Church and slavery."]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2026-06-05T20:26:44+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/munch-rematriation-marywood-Ojibwe-franciscan-regina-church-native">
    <title>The Way You Let Go | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-03T19:47:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/munch-rematriation-marywood-Ojibwe-franciscan-regina-church-native</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>reginamunch landback 2026 catholicchurch catholicism policy politics indigeneity indigenous wisconsin property dispossession colonialism colonization decolonization decolonialism us canada britishcolumbia residentialschools rochardhenrypratt maryannettepember eileenmckenzie carlschurz paulprucha sueernster brittanykoteles araiabreedlove land water</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide">
    <title>SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide – Ayin Press</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-02T05:17:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Winner of the 2026 PEN/Jean Stein Award

An ambitious, world-envisioning work of Indigenous futurism.

Since 2015—through a proliferation of forms including sculpture, regalia, film, photography, poetry, painting, and installation—acclaimed multimedia artist Cannupa Hanska Luger has been weaving together strands of a new myth. Collectively referred to as Future Ancestral Technologies, this sprawling series of interrelated works seeks to reimagine Indigenous life and culture in a postcolonial world where space exploration has reduced and reconfigured the earth’s population.

Part graphic novel, part art book, SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide offers readers a view beneath, beyond, and between the lines of Luger’s ever-expanding artistic universe. In this ecstatically hybrid work, Luger transforms a 1970s military survival guide through poetic redaction, speculative fiction, and iterative line drawing—deftly surfacing and disrupting the colonial subconscious that haunts this vexed source text. An epic and timely meditation on planetary life in the midst of transformation, SURVIVA boldly presents an earth-based, demilitarized futuredream that foregrounds Indigenous knowledge as critical to humanity’s survival.

SURVIVA is the first title from Aora Books, a publishing imprint dedicated to exploring transformational thought and culture that transcends borders, disciplines, and traditions. Rooted in an ethos of polyvocality and planetary consciousness, Aora publishes works that forge bold connections across time, place, ideas, and beings often seen as separate.

About the Author

Cannupa Hanska Luger is a multidisciplinary artist who creates monumental installations, sculpture, and performance to communicate urgent stories of twenty-first-century Indigeneity. Born on the Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota, Luger is an enrolled member of the Three Affiliated Tribes of Fort Berthold and is Mandan, Hidatsa, Arikara, and Lakota. Luger’s bold visual storytelling presents new ways of seeing our collective humanity while foregrounding an Indigenous worldview. His work is in numerous permanent museum collections and has been exhibited around the world, including at the Sharjah Biennial 16, United Arab Emirates; the 81st Whitney Biennial, New York; the 14th Shanghai Biennale; and at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, DC; the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York; the Gardiner Museum in Toronto; and the National Center for Civil and Human Rights in Georgia. Luger has been awarded fellowships from the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, United States Artists, Creative Capital, the Smithsonian Institution, the Open Society Foundation, and the Joan Mitchell Foundation, among others. Luger currently lives and works in Glorieta, NM.

Praise for SURVIVA

“Cannupa Hanska Luger has created a wondrous book of survivance, a story to carry in pocket and study at every opportunity. At once a dystopia (earth is near destroyed) and a postcolonial fantasy (the colonizers abandon the planet for good), SURVIVA is a work of artistic brilliance that draws our attention to the simultaneity of ruins and futures. Rich with dreampower and evocation, these pages illustrate the mysteries of space-time, the dissolution of boundaries, and the relational universe described by Indigenous quantum mechanics. Read carefully, SURVIVA has the power to bend time itself, lifting us from past and present into futures innumerable.”
—Philip J. Deloria, Leverett Saltonstall Professor of History at Harvard University and author of Playing Indian

“SURVIVA offers Indigenous wisdom for a shared future built on ancestral knowledge in radical relation. This is a survival guide like none other.”
—Candice Hopkins, curator of the Forge Project

“SURVIVA is not just another riff on a sci-fi depiction of some imagined future. Luger’s poetic and visual interventions are clear directives for all of us to ready our minds, bodies, and spirits as we continue to move through the future together.”
—Jeffrey Gibson, artist and editor of An Indigenous Present

“Cannupa Hanska Luger’s SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide boldly reimagines our conceptions of time and history as it interweaves past, present, and future. This inventive work challenges our collective narratives, pushing us to rethink the art of survival through a lens of transformation.”
—Hank Willis Thomas, artist and cofounder of For Freedoms

“Cannupa Hanska Luger is a mad genius able to weave parables from tomorrow with lessons from yesterday into a stunningly prescient and wise field guide you should read right now. This is not a book. This is a time machine.”
—Jordan Klepper, The Daily Show, Comedy Central

“SURVIVA feels everlasting and also like it will self-destruct after you read it.”
—Sterlin Harjo, filmmaker, Reservation Dogs (Hulu/FX)

“A hybrid work from a plain 1970s field guide found in an army surplus store, Luger transforms the book through unexpected redacting, speculative fiction, and informative and artistic line drawing.”
—Sandra Hale Schulman, ICT News

“Interdisciplinary Native American artist Luger delivers a daring work of speculative fiction set in a future in which the wealthy and non-Indigenous have fled the Earth they ravaged.”
—Publishers Weekly

“*SURVIVA *****provides text with new and old Indigenous lessons intermingled, while time is wonky and permeable, and the world must be rebirthed, or re-membered in a postcolonial way. This is a message from both our future and past ancestors. The thread is one and the same.”
—Soph Myers-Kelley, Graphic Medicine

Book Details
160 pages | Paperback | 8.3 x 5.4 in. | ISBN: 9781961814264 | e-ISBN: 9781961814271
Publication date: September 2nd, 2025

Product Photography by Jackson Krule"

[via: 

"Red Power Hour - Learning what we already know - YouTube"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K9LiED_5Rj8

"RPH is back! Co-hosts Elena Ortiz and Melanie Yazzie discuss Cannupa Hanska Luger's Surviva: A Future Ancestral Field Guide (2025), a hybrid art piece/survival manual exploring indigenous futurism, decolonization, and relationality through redacted military text and Indigenous artwork." ]]]></description>
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[book link:
https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://sanasaeed.substack.com/p/they-need-you-illiterate">
    <title>They Need You Illiterate - by Sana Saeed - Views My Own</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T08:09:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sanasaeed.substack.com/p/they-need-you-illiterate</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If everything feels really dumb right now, that’s because it is. We are in the midst of a literacy crisis - and you can even see it on this platform, presumably created to combat illiteracy.

Literacy, in the fuller sense, has always threatened concentrated power. Historically, literacy movements were tied to labour organizing, abolition, anti-colonial struggle, feminist movements and political consciousness because genuine literacy allows people to interpret the world rather than merely consume it. Freedom Schools during the Civil Rights era were not simply about teaching people to read, but about teaching Black Americans how to understand and navigate the systems governing their lives. Slave codes criminalized literacy for a reason, colonial powers restricted education for a reason; Lenin himself, in What Is To Be Done, wrote that “without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement” - his argument being that a sudden consciousness would not be enough to bring about revolution, but that education had to be a guide.

A literate public is harder to oppress because it is cognizant of its oppression - it can name its material experiences, conditions and solutions. And to be literate does not mean having to go through institutionalized education either.

What we are witnessing now is not just declining reading comprehension, but the erosion of media literacy, political literacy and cultural literacy more broadly. Tech companies - which govern every facet of our lives now - are accelerating this dismantling by prioritizing immediacy, endless consumption and emotional reaction over depth or reflection - for the sake of profit, increasing shareholder value. We are flooded with information while losing the ability to contextualize and interpret it, to actually look at something and say “this is what this means and what it can lead to”. The forced ubiquity of AI is probably the clearest example of this: increasingly we are seeing the replacement of critical thinking with instant gratification that encourages outsourcing thinking rather than take the time to sit with something and develop our thoughts around it, contextualize our thoughts around other things we know.

For these companies we are both the product and the consumer. Our data, habits, desires and behaviours are constantly mined, sold and fed back to us through algorithms designed to shape everything from what we buy to who we date to how we understand politics and the world around us - Steve Bannon understood this better than most and he successfully leaned into it much to the chagrin of all of us. The result is a population that lives with impulse and algorithmic suggestion rather than …just taking a breath and giving it a thought.

This is all, of course, by design.

In the U.S., the greatest predictor of your life’s trajectory is your zip code, which determines access to education, healthcare, environmental safety and economic opportunity itself - it literally determines your life expectancy. Race and class, of course, have baked into that design.

And so any society organized so explicitly around such inequality will continue to reproduce that inequality and work towards worsening it - because that is what a design does, it reproduces what it was meant to reproduce.

And the danger in this is that while literacy, in the total breadth of that word, cannot abolish any system of oppression and violence, it absolutely gives us the tools necessary to navigate it and begin dismantling it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L2wk2M2mr0U">
    <title>Art vs. Tucker Carlson: Revolutionary Tools or &quot;Tools&quot;? (with Saul Williams) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T04:58:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L2wk2M2mr0U</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Poet, musician, actor, & writer Saul Williams joins Bad Faith podcast for the first time to talk about how art can help feed this revolutionary moment and expand our understanding of our potential as a global community. But also, Briahna is still hyper-fixated on the prominent role the Israel-critical right is playing in the anti-war space, and what the implications are for building a left, anti war, internationalist movement that can't be "America first" insofar as our way of life is dependent on the immiseration of the global south. We work through all of this in a deeply nuanced, compassionate, and musical 2 hour chat."

[referenced here by Jared Ball:

"Saul Williams, Briahna Joy Gray, and I Love Boosters (*No Spoilers, Just Precursor)"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbSbtilM5nQ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FRFMllT0r7w">
    <title>Episodio 5.2: &quot;Morir en la arena&quot;, de Leonardo Padura. Con Benjamín Torres Gotay. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-01T04:24:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FRFMllT0r7w</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Esta novela de Padura, publicada en el 2025, retrata, a más de un medio siglo de la Revolución, las vidas de esa generación que creyó en la utopía. La discutimos con nada más y nada menos que con el periodista puertorriqueño Benjamín Torres Gotay. Es un lujazo de conversación y un privilegio contar con él como invitado."
]]></description>
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    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://religiondispatches.org/2026/05/26/leo-xiv-links-ai-histories-enslavement-and-exploitation">
    <title>Leo XIV Links AI to Histories of Enslavement and Exploitation | Religion Dispatches</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-30T23:16:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://religiondispatches.org/2026/05/26/leo-xiv-links-ai-histories-enslavement-and-exploitation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Pope advocates for human dignity in an age of "artificial intelligence""]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/moral-panic-moral-imagination/">
    <title>Moral Panic, Moral Imagination</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-30T23:13:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/moral-panic-moral-imagination/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It's become quite commonplace to charge those of us who challenge technology – specifically children's use of technology -- with fomenting some sort of "moral panic." To do so invokes a long history of opposition to television and rock-n-roll and video games and comic books, and posits that any complaints about cell phones and social media and “AI” are simply the latest manifestation of this kind of outrage -- an outrage that is grounded in cultural conservativism and un-grounded from science.

New media always generate a frenzied concern from certain corners – concerns that range from quiet handwringing to loud outrage; and importantly, if these concerns are unchecked – or so the story goes – they will extend beyond consternation and pearl-clutching and aim for outright censorship. The charge of "moral panic," therefore is meant to elicit its own sort of highly charged response: the need to thwart those critics and to label them as standing in the way of progress, science, and/or simply "fun".

It's been some fifty years now since the sociologist Stanley Cohen first used the phrase “moral panic” to describe a "condition, episode, person or group of persons [that] emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests" -- in his work specifically, the youth cultures in post-war Britain (even more specifically, the conflict between the mods and the rockers). According to Cohen, moral panics arise when a group's beliefs and practices are marked as deviant, and when the threat – whether real or perceived, literal or symbolic – the group allegedly poses to the social order gets magnified by the mass media. "Moral entrepreneurs" – clergy, politicians, “socially-accredited experts,” and “right-thinking people” – step up to man the “moral barricades,” as Cohen puts it: to diagnose the deviance and to draw the lines of normativity, sometimes to propose solutions, but mostly to pontificate.

There are many ways in which we can see these barricades built and torn down in the decades since Cohen’s work first appeared, as what constitutes “deviance” has, in many instances, has changed radically (as perhaps too has society’s tolerance for “folk devils.”) And there has been major upheaval as well in the main conduit, in Cohen’s formulation at least, for spreading moral panics: the mass media.

But that’s hardly stopped the phrase from being used to police boundaries – cultural, social, technological, political alike. To call something a "moral panic" remains a fairly common rhetorical move, one that serves to dismiss and delegitimate people's concerns, particularly about the ways in which the world around them might be changing. The phrase posits these concerns as hysterical – a panic. It conflates having a moral or ethical stance with being (politically, culturally) reactionary. And it implies that complainants are un- or even anti-scientific.

Ironically perhaps, this dismissive attitude seems to demand its own sort of compliance and complacency. "Don't worry," it tries to reassure everyone, even though, when you look around, there's a lot to be concerned about.

With apologies to Douglas Adams, there are reasons we might panic.

I do wonder what the pundits and posters who always shout “moral panic!” in response to any criticism of technology make of the moral campaign of Pope Leo XIV, who expressly chose that name to pay down a challenge to digital technology and “AI” and, importantly, to directly link his papacy to that of Leo XIII who “stood up for the rights of factory workers during the Gilded Age, when industrial robber barons presided over rapid change and extreme inequality.”

I spent much of the week reading the Pope’s new, 40,000 word encyclical, Magnifica Humanitas (and assiduously avoiding any knee-jerk “takes” from those who can’t seem to handle the written word in any form longer than a tweet. This is why I am not on social media any more, incidentally. Reading and writing and thinking are too important – and life is too short – to waste words performing “intelligence” on the tech billionaires’ platforms. Do I sound panicky? I don't know...).

The history of the Catholic Church is long (and in plenty of ways, awful), but as Pope Leo narrates it, it’s a story of the institution ever moving towards a fuller recognition of social justice and human dignity – a move that he credits in part to the earlier Leo’s 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum, “a milestone in the development of the Church’s social teaching,” that

<blockquote>“places the dignity of work and of workers at the forefront of its reflection; affirms the right to a fair wage for oneself and one’s family; recognizes that persons have a fundamental value that takes precedence over capital and profit; defends private property along with its indispensable societal role; esteems workers’ associations; and proposes forms of cooperation between the different components of society as an alternative to the mentality of class struggle.”</blockquote>

Human dignity – the word “dignity” appears over one hundred times in this latest encyclical – is undermined by the ongoing exploitations of capitalism; and it is increasingly threatened by the acceleration of technologies, particularly “AI” which

<blockquote>“promises to boost productivity by taking over mundane tasks, [but] frequently forces workers to adapt to the speed and demands of machines, rather than machines being designed to support those who work. As a result, contrary to the advertised benefits of AI, current approaches to technology can paradoxically de-skill workers, subject them to automated surveillance and relegate them to rigid and repetitive tasks. The need to keep up with the pace of technology can erode workers’ sense of agency and stifle the innovative abilities they are expected to bring to their work.”</blockquote>

With a remarkable apology for the Church’s role in colonialism, the Pope links the violence of slavery and human trafficking in the past to the violence of slavery and human trafficking today and the threats of new forms of slavery in the future – “a decisive test for the ethical discernment of AI and digital transformation,” particularly as new technologies curb human freedoms, intellectually and bodily. “Without this ethical and humanizing reflection, the growing power of digital systems could lead us toward new atrocities that are no less shameful than those of the past that we now deplore, while we continue to present ourselves as ‘advanced’ and ‘civilized’ societies.”

To avoid this future – to avoid the reduction of everyone to objects, to eschew the tech industry’s valorization of efficiency and extraction, to end its demands to control all aspects of our lives – it is imperative that we build systems that are “centered on the human person and not solely on performance,” the Pope argues. He’s speaking here specifically of how we push back on automation and technology in the workplace, but I think this is absolutely relevant to education as well. Teachers’ working conditions are, as the union saying goes, students’ learning conditions; but I think we need to see students as doing work too – important intellectual work of their own, work that also matters for minds and souls and bodies and futures and freedom. Both teachers and students deserve dignity and care; both deserve systems that are human and humane; both deserve systems that are not mechanistic and exploitative as almost every single piece of education technology that’s flooded classrooms most certainly is.

And I’d add here too that students – children and adult students like – deserve systems that do not view them solely or even primarily as vulnerable and weaker beings in need of protection. When children are described as “precious treasure,” as the Magifica Humanitas does, it is too easy then to cast them as the objects of education and to deny their agency, their inquiry, their rights."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=173Xy8H3_j4">
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Associate editor Nora Barrows-Friedman has a conversation with Robin Andersen about her new book "The Complicit Lens: US Media Coverage of Israel's Genocide in Gaza." [https://orbooks.com/catalog/the-complicit-lens/ ]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://bayareacurrent.com/email/7316d30c-7a7b-41ff-b347-1884b072b18c/">
    <title>It doesn't have to be this way.</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-22T08:27:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://bayareacurrent.com/email/7316d30c-7a7b-41ff-b347-1884b072b18c/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The tech capitalists are frighteningly good at colonizing public space. There's all those tech billboards, of course. But I also recently learned of AI Alley, a stretch of Howard Street in downtown SF that Anthropic has rebranded after acquiring an office there. And apparently techies are calling Hayes Valley with all its hacker houses Cerebral Alley? It's bold to claim any thought is taking place there. But what really gets me is calling the South Bay "Silicon Valley." It makes tech capitalism seem so endemic to the Bay Area that it's literally part of the geography...

But it's not. The Bay is beautiful. As a New Yorker, I can confidently say San Francisco is the most charming city in our wild, wild nation. Where else do you have that many vistas?? And while the first major tech company might have been founded in Palo Alto in 1909, there is literally a 1,076-year-old redwood tree in El Palo Alto. That is what's been here, and that's what will stay here."]]></description>
<dc:subject>colonization names naming sanfrancisco history 2026 ai artificialintelligence wenyliu paloalto nature trees redwoods hayesvalley siliconvalley geography soma rebranding publicspace billboards technology bigtech anthropic</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JKVZvN4aW6M">
    <title>Debunking The Founding Myths of Israel | Palestine This Week with Mouin Rabbani - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-20T20:04:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JKVZvN4aW6M</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this week’s episode, we take on some of the most persistent myths used to justify Zionism, erase Palestinian dispossession and rewrite the history of the Nakba. We begin with the claim that Arab conquest expelled Jews over the centuries, before examining how this distorted reading of history is used to present Zionism as a “return of Jews to their ancestral homeland” rather than a colonial project.

We then turn to the Nakba, challenging claims that Israel was founded on legally purchased land, that the 1948 war was a war of annihilation against Israel and that Palestinians left because Arab leaders told them to evacuate. The episode also unpacks the accusation that Palestinians want to “push Jews into the sea”, before addressing post-Nakba myths about Jewish refugees from Arab states and the claim that mass displacement after the Second World War makes the Palestinian case unexceptional.

Get your copy of ‘Gaza Apocalypse’ by Mouin Rabbani: https://orbooks.com/catalog/gaza-apoc...
Chapters:
00:00 Introduction & Overview
02:05 Myth #1: “Arab conquest expelled Jews over the centuries”
16:17 Myth #2: “Zionism is not colonialism”
29:19 Myth #3: “Israel was founded on land purchased by early Zionists”
32:59 Myth #4: “The 1948 war was a war of annihilation against Israel”
44:45 Myth #5: “Palestinians fled because Arab leaders ordered them to evacuate”
51:11 Myth #6: “Palestinians want to push Jews into the sea”
56:42 Myth #7: “Jewish refugees from Arab states cancel out the Palestinian right of return”
57:02 Myth #8: “Population displacement was normal after WW2 — why single out Israel?”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 nakba history palestine mysths zionism mouinrabbani 1948 colonialism colonization settlercolonialism israel</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c0wKS7flwzw">
    <title>'If you go to china you'll never see the world the same way again' | Martin Jacques | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T01:45:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c0wKS7flwzw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""If you go to China, you'll never ever see the world in the same way again. Never."

In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC, Martin Jacques, author of the million-copy bestseller When China Rules the World, makes the case that China has already eclipsed the United States as the world's leading power, and that the West still fundamentally doesn't understand why.

This episode explores China's identity as a civilisation-state, the century of humiliation, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Xinjiang question, the decline of American hegemony, Trump's failing strategy against China, and why Jacques believes the future global order will be built around China and the Global South.

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim.

Chapters:
0:00 Intro
2:13 China is already No. 1
4:27 Economic dominance, explained
7:36 China's soft power lag
12:22 How Martin found China
19:05 Love and East Asia
26:00 What the West misunderstands
28:31 Civilisation, not a nation
35:31 The century of humiliation
44:34 The economic miracle
47:08 China's leadership model
52:04 Human rights in China
57:22 Belt and Road, explained
1:10:39 Xinjiang and the Uyghurs
1:38:17 Trump and US decline
1:54:10 Taiwan's fate"]]></description>
<dc:subject>martinjacques ashfaaqcarim china history economics society asia softpower power manufacturing dominance international globalsouth culture humanrights xinjiang uyghurs donaldtrump us uk west taiwan governance government pandemic covid-19 coronavirus hongkong singapore modernity 21stcentury eastasia colonialism colonization imperialism westernization globalization 1990s 2000s 2010s 2020s ezravogel collectivism individualism confucius confucianism humiliation postcolonialism japan empire gdp guangdong malaysia borders civilization education nationstate civilizationstates states opiumwars culturalrevolution maotsetung maozedong ccp 1949 dengxiaoping industrialization 1972 richardnixon law legal politics lawyers engineering technology innovation science howwthingswork communism xijinping leadership 1978 ai artificialintelligence beltandroad beltandroadinitiative maga middlekingdom regimechange productivity tarde africa latinamerica infrastructure ports highways leverage rail railways hsr highspeedrail softimperial</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5fec684549db/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ldCgfCaZrs">
    <title>The Long Transition to Socialism &amp; Unequal Exchange with Torkil Lauesen - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-08T05:09:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ldCgfCaZrs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, longtime revolutionary activist and author Torkil Lauesen returns to the show. Our conversation revolves around two of his recent works published by Iskra Books: The Long Transition to Socialism and the End of Capitalism and Unequal Exchange: Past, Present, and Future. Drawing on a lifetime of political engagement and his close relationship with theorist Arghiri Emmanuel, Lauesen discusses his motivation for writing these books as a means of passing down hard-won knowledge to a new generation of organizers.

For working links visit: https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-long-transition-to-socialism-unequal-exchange-with-torkil-lauesen

We examine the “long transition” from capitalism to socialism, a process Lauesen frames through the lens of historical materialism. He also explains how the transfer of value from the periphery to the core through unequal exchange created a dynamic center, enabling capitalism to survive the 20th century. Now, with the decline of US economic hegemony and the rise of a multipolar world system centered on a resurgent China, Lauesen argues we are entering a new phase where the conditions for a genuine transition may finally be emerging.

We tackle the critical question of revolutionary method, discussing how to identify the principal contradiction to orient our practice and the difficult strategic choices this framework demands. From the revolutionary history of China to the current geopolitical landscape and the intensifying repression of anti-imperialist movements, Lauesen offers a sobering yet urgent call to organize for the decisive struggles ahead.

One quick note, there is a little conversation about Iran in this discussion. This interview was recorded on February 20th so a little before the current war took shape. While you get a little bit of Torkil Lauesen’s perspective on Iran and the question of anti-imperialism today, if you want more complete analysis on the topic, there are ten videos up on our youtube page where we’ve delved into the current war with guests like Adnan Husain, Abdaljawad Omar, Lara Sheehi, Nora Barrows-Friedman, Sina Rahmani, and Hiram Rivera among others. This week we have discussions coming with Bikrum Gill and Nina Farnia from the Anti-Imperialist Scholars Collective. So make sure you are subscribed and have turned on notifications on our youtube page if you want that current analysis amid this world historical struggle.

Make sure to head over to Iskra Books to buy copies of these texts we discussed with Torkil Lauesen, and even if you want to check out just remember there are always free PDF copies available on Iskrabooks.org.

Previously we interviewed Torkil Lauesen about his book Riding The Wave: Sweden’s Integration into the Imperialist World System https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-swedish-model-social-democracy-the-imperialist-world-system-with-torkil-lauesen "

[two clips:

"The Importance of the Principal Contradiction to Dialectical Materialism with Torkil Lauesen"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XkZlBgcLsow

"Torkil Lauesen explains the role of the principle contradiction to the dialectical materialist methodology and Mao Tse-Tung's development and use of it in the military struggles of the Chinese Communist Party"

"Could Socialism Defeat Capitalism in the 21st Century? with Torkil Lauesen"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XJEoaP8Dj_U ] ]]></description>
<dc:subject>makc haredware torkillauesen 2026 capitalism socialism sweden dialecticalmaterialism karlmarx friedrichengels maotsetung maozedong china history europe colonialism colonization arghiriemmanuel comomunism japan politics economics change imperialism millennialsarekillingcapitalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.counterpunch.org/2006/07/29/israel-s-foes-as-beasts-and-insects/">
    <title>Israel's Foes as Beasts and Insects - CounterPunch.org</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-05T18:12:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.counterpunch.org/2006/07/29/israel-s-foes-as-beasts-and-insects/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“But They’re Not Human Beings, They are Not People, They are Arabs!”"

---

"Israel’s ambassador in New Delhi, David Danieli, sees Hezbollah as something akin to a scorpion (Times of India, 28 July). His is not much of a new invention. Other Israelis in responsible positions have made similar statements before. A few days earlier, Dan Gillerman, Israeli representative at UN, regretted Kofi Annan’s failure to mention that the Hezbollah was a bunch of “ruthless, indiscriminate animals”. During its First Lebanon War in 1982 Israel’s chief of staff Rafael Eitan was gleeful that he had shoved the Palestinian ” drugged cockroaches” into a bottle. To Menahem Begin, chief author of the Deir Yassin massacre, who went on to become Israel’s prime minister and get a Nobel peace prize, the Palestinians were “two-legged beasts”. Immediately after the 1967 war Robin Maxwell-Hyslop, a British Conservative, recounted in the House of Commons a conversation he had with David Hacohen, one-time Israeli ambassador to Burma. As related by Maxwell-Hyslop, Hacohen “spoke with great intemperance and at great length about the Arabs. When he drew breath I was constrained to say: “Dr Hacohen, I am profoundly shocked that you should speak of other human beings in terms similar to those in which Julius Streicher [notorious Nazi propagandist] spoke of the Jews. Have you learned nothing?” I shall remember his reply to my dying day. He smote the table with both hands and said: “But they are not human beings, they are not people, they are Arabs”.” One of the many things Israeli spokesmen seem incapable of realizing is that abuse is no substitute for reason. Israel has amassed much military prowess but remains very poor in logic.

Facts cry out against Israel. The root cause of the present war in Lebanon is, according to the Israelis and Americans, in the capture of one Israeli soldier by Hamas and two by Hezbollah. Not true. It is in the original sin of the partition of Palestine by UN against all moral, historical, demographic, legal reasons. The General Assembly’s non-binding Resolution 181 envisaged an astonishingly intricate carving of Palestine into seven pieces to make 608,000 (half of them illegal immigrants) of a total population of 1,935,000 the majority in the biggest possible area. This was the warrant the Israelis needed to begin their relentless drive to restoration of their “historical frontiers” i.e., from the Mediterranean to the Jordan river through the instrumentality of calculated massacres and wars and incredible mendacity.

Had Israel stopped even at the pre-June 1967 lines there would have been no 1973 war, no Lebanon wars, no Hezbollah, no intifadas. Hezbollah was born of the need for an effective resistance to the Israeli juggernaut after the Arab armies had repeatedly failed. Hezbollah ran the Israelis off from Lebanon, excepting Shaaba Farms, a tiny patch Israel treats as a part of the Syrian Golan Heights it conquered and annexed. To the people in the Arab world Hezbollah is their David confronting the Israeli Goliath. Hezbollah’s standing firm and inflicting substantial losses on the world’s fourth mightiest force this time has heightened Arab expectations.

Mr Danieli’s many accusations against Hezbollah include “inventing” the Israeli enemy. The wrong end of the stick. Political invention is an Israeli art. Remember Golda Meir’s statement that there was no such thing as a Palestinian people ­ “they did not exist”? Hezbollah was reckoning with unceasing Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty Israel’s peace activists say they had watched with alarm the deliberateness behind the Israel’s latest war and soldiers admit they had rehearsed the offensives .

Mr Danieli stigmatizes Hezbollah as terrorists. How does he explain the proud confession of Yitzhak Shamir, one-time terrorist and twice prime minister of Israel: “Neither Jewish ethics nor Jewish tradition can disqualify terrorism as a means of combat”? Mr Danieli’s claim about his government’s “calculated restraint” sounds terribly ironic with the current proportion of eight Lebanese dying for each Israeli.

PUNYAPRIYA DASGUPTA is a journalist. Email: siliserh@yahoo.co.in"

[via:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_vy-VAexbks ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2006 punyapriyadasgupta israel palestine dehumanization zionism amalek lebanon dangillerman 1982 kofiannan un 1967 arabs hezbollah hizbullah yitzhakshamir goldameir golanheights syria occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization intifada davidhacohen deiryassin menahembegin daviddanieli juliusstreicher abuse antiarab</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:26ff2f8bfdf2/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://mondoweiss.net/2026/05/understanding-the-shared-ideology-behind-settler-colonialism-in-native-america-and-palestine/">
    <title>Understanding the shared ideology behind settler colonialism in Native America and Palestine – Mondoweiss</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-05T16:01:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://mondoweiss.net/2026/05/understanding-the-shared-ideology-behind-settler-colonialism-in-native-america-and-palestine/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Both the United States and Israel were founded and exist on land taken during ongoing genocides. Settler colonialism drives these genocides, and both nations share an ideology that justifies the theft and rationalizes the killing."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us israel ericcheyfitz 2026 history settlercolonialism palestine land genocide ethniccleansing theft patrickwolfe tutsis hutus rwanda nazis germany colonialism colonization labor indigeneity indigenous nativeamericans alaska hawaii zionism maifestdestiny expansion expantionism rashidkhalidi occupation gaza westbank exceptionalism shlomosand ze'evjabotinsky policy arabs supremacy balfourdeclaration 1948 nakba rationalization antiarab</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/the-urgency-of-indigenous-values/">
    <title>The Urgency of Indigenous Values - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-26T07:15:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/the-urgency-of-indigenous-values/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As global crises mount, religion scholar Philip P. Arnold argues the Haudenosaunee’s Great Law of Peace offers a way out of the West’s self-destructive path."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 philiparnold indigeneity indigenous greatlawofpeace haudenosaunee timbrinkhof edwardsaid knowledgeproduction collaboration subjugation extermination climatecrisis colonization colonialism decolonization grief peace values ethnography culture humanity society civilization</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-237-how-selective-patronizing-deradicalization-discourse-pathologizes-anti-colonial-struggle">
    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 237: How Selective, Patronizing 'Deradicalization' Discourse Pathologizes Anti-Colonial Struggle</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T23:25:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-237-how-selective-patronizing-deradicalization-discourse-pathologizes-anti-colonial-struggle</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we break down the long history of US media reducing recalcitrant populations' grievances to "terrorism," "hate," and "radicalism" in urgent need of re-education.
 
With guest Prem Thakker."]]></description>
<dc:subject>media nytimes wapo washingtonpost theatlantic israel palestine gaza reeducation occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization us donaldtrump hillaryclinton benjaminnetanyahu policy genocide ethniccleansing westbank jerusalem eastjerusalem iof idf language maintstreammedia citationsneeded premthakker radicalization apartheid 2026 2025 2024 2023 zionism antizionism anticolonialism anti-colonialism resistance stateterrorism openairprisons concentrationcamps liberation panopticon surveillance history liberalism liberalzionism patholigization palestinianstate palestinianauthority curriculum schools education schooling humanrights palantir demonization encampments colleges universities highered highereducation zionistmccarthyism academia foreignpolicy supremacy humanity coexistence greatmarchofreturn marchofreturn 2018 violence imperialism nimashirazi adamjohnson fascism deradicalization radicalism power suppresion activism textbooks 2014 2019 2009 2008 indigeneity indigenous</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/five-books-on-canadian-imperialism">
    <title>Five books on Canadian imperialism – Briarpatch Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T04:57:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/five-books-on-canadian-imperialism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Relative to the United States, Canada is often portrayed as polite and benevolent. In reality, Canada’s past and present are entrenched in colonial and imperialist conquest. Many understand Canada’s settler-colonial roots and its genocide of Indigenous Peoples, but its development as an imperialist power is sometimes less clear. It is crucial to understand the development of Canada’s state power through the lens of imperialism, not only because it explains Canada’s role in the world, but also because these are the conditions within which we must organize for a better future. Without understanding Canada’s imperialist role beyond its colonial borders – in Palestine, Somalia, or Haiti, for example – making a material change within these borders is impossible. 

Here are five books to help you understand Canada’s imperialist past and present."]]></description>
<dc:subject>taraal-alami canada imperialism colonialism colonization history palestine somalia haiti indigeneity indigenous capitalism vladimirlenin lenin tylershipley jeffreywebber toddgordon latinamerica extraction extractionism honduras bombradier westbank davidthomas nikolasbarry-shaw druojajay ngos nonprofit nonprofits nonprofitindustrialcomplex charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex philanthropy charity military power</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hixK06EykM">
    <title>Meet the Jewish ‘Troublemakers’ Who Zionists Hated - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T00:21:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hixK06EykM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In her new book Here Where We Live Is Our Country, Molly Crabapple does something both radical and disarmingly simple: she tells a story that was never supposed to be remembered.

Through years of research and her signature visual storytelling, Molly resurrects the world of the Bund – a once mass movement of Jewish socialist revolutionaries who were unabashedly anti-nationalist and insisted that liberation could only come through struggle and solidarity, wherever Jews already lived. In this new episode of ‘Beyond Israelism’, Molly Crabapple and Simone Zimmerman revive the Bund’s lost history and political tradition.

Bundists organized workers, built schools and summer camps, created art and literature, and fought against the competing forces of European fascism and the Zionist movement who were both urging Jews to flee Europe.

While most Bundists were murdered in the Nazi gas chambers and Soviet gulags, some, like Marek Edelman – a leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising – carried that commitment forward long after the Holocaust, insisting that Jewish identity demanded standing with the oppressed, including with Palestinians. It is for this reason — the Bund’s principled anti-Zionism — that they have been mostly excluded from history.

‘Beyond Israelism with Simone Zimmerman’ is a provocative new video podcast series from Tikkun Olam Productions, the team behind the viral and award-winning 2023 film Israelism. In this series, Simone will host bold and inspiring conversations that face, head on, the growing global reckoning with Zionism, the debates over Jewish identity, and the urgent struggle for Palestinian freedom. The episodes will unpack the myths of Zionism; dive deep into the meaning of Palestinian liberation, and through raw and fearless discussions examine the Jewish relationship with Israel.

Chapters:

0:00 Intro
01:05 The Bund
03:08 Molly Crabapple
09:00 History
16:47 Polish Gov’t
23:30 Research
33:00 Warsaw Ghetto
39:00 Gaza
49:50 Bundists vs. Zionism
55:50 Genocide
59:35 New York City"]]></description>
<dc:subject>mollycrabapple 2026 simonezimmerman zionism bund history judaism labor socialism warsawghettouprising fascism resistance israel gaza holocaust genocide ethniccleansing antizionism nyc poland yitzhakrabin settlercolonialism colonialism colonization palestine marekedelman europe solidarity struggle liberation revolution revolutionaries henrykehrlich theodorherzl imperialism davidben-gurion ze'evjabotinsky us warsawghetto russia</dc:subject>
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    <title>‘Space is weird…’: contemplative-drifting with student archives as place-based-pedagogy: Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance: Vol 30 , No 4 - Get Access</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T04:54:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13569783.2025.2576474</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Homecoming(s) Project explores a university campus and archives through the application of a hybrid walking-methodology. Having previously applied Nicolás Núñez's contemplative tools alongside solo dérive-inspired practices, the author invites a team of undergraduate researchers to explore the practices’ potential pedagogical applications. Student reflections attest to a re-grounding of experience, learning and research in a dynamic ethic of reciprocity. With these reflections in mind, the article discusses the opportunities for contemplative-critical walking to generatively disrupt the logics of the western archive and one's assumptions of relationship to place. The improvisatory approach of the project provides an embodied and reflective framework which reveals the potential incommensurability between Eurocentric walking-methodologies which foreground reciprocity and their application as tools towards redressing ones’ colonial inheritances."]]></description>
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    <title>The Landscapes Inside Us | Robert Macfarlane | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-11T05:39:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2021/07/01/wayfinding-landscapes-inside-us/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Our navigational ability as a species is closely connected to our ability to tell stories about ourselves that unfold both backward and forward in time."

[archived: https://archive.ph/RIvgM ]

"Reviewed:

Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World, by M.R. O’Connor
St. Martin’s, 354 pp., $29.99

From Here to There: The Art and Science of Finding and Losing Our Way, by Michael Bond
Belknap Press/ Harvard University Press, 288 pp., $29.95; $17.95 (paper; to be published in August)

Nature Shock: Getting Lost in America, by Jon T. Coleman
Yale University Press, 329 pp., $30.00

It is a little-known fact that limpets are brilliant navigators. Renowned for their ability to hold fast, they are surprisingly mobile. When submerged by the incoming tide, limpets set out on a slow journey across the intertidal boulders of their habitat. They move using a single muscular foot, rather as snails do, and deploy a rough tongue-like organ, known as a radula, to scrape the algae and young seaweed they consume off the rock surface. Once they have finished a foraging journey, each of these eyeless monopods then navigates back across the boulder to its “home,” a site on the boulder’s surface where it has rotated its shell back and forth repeatedly, such that it has incised an outline of itself into the rock. There it securely settles into its groove, ready to endure another cycle of hammering waves and pecking gulls.

Animal navigation is rich with such miracles and puzzles. “The greatest migration on earth belongs to the Arctic tern,” M.R. O’Connor writes in Wayfinding, “a four-ounce argonaut that travels each year from Greenland to Antarctica and back again, a distance of some forty-four thousand miles.” Meanwhile, every twenty-four hours, billions of tons of biomass in the form of plankton undertake what O’Connor calls “an intentional vertical migration, rising to the surface of the ocean at twilight and descending at sunrise.” Bees, O’Connor notes, will meander out on long nectar-hunting trips, moving haphazardly from bloom to bloom, but when their work is done they will fly the shortest route possible back to the hive: the “beeline.” This remarkable spatial calculation is achieved despite bees being almost blind by human standards and having brains that weigh less than a milligram and contain fewer than a million neurons. Back at the hive they engage in what is known as the “waggle dance,” which appears to be a choreographic means of communicating complex wayfinding information to fellow bees.

The science of creaturely navigation is a contested research area, but as O’Connor reports, it is widely thought that many animals have what is called a “bio-compass” that allows them to use the Earth’s magnetic field to find their way. Magnetite has been found in the brains of mole rats, the upper beaks of homing pigeons, and the olfactory cells of rainbow trout. Live carp floating in tubs at fish markets tend to align themselves along a north–south axis. Red foxes mostly pounce on mice in a northeasterly direction. Dog owners, take note: your dog may well swing round to face north–south when it crouches to relieve itself.

Humans don’t possess inbuilt bio-compasses, but we do have something arguably more powerful: storytelling. Our remarkable navigational ability as a species is closely connected to our ability to tell stories about ourselves that unfold both backward and forward in time. For some evolutionary psychologists, this capacity for “autonoeisis”—what O’Connor describes as “the capacity to be aware of one’s own existence as an entity in time”—is what made us such good hunters. Faced with the tracks left by a prey animal, early humans were able to imagine beyond the immediately visible, reading those signs for what they might foretell as well as what they recorded: *This deer’s prints show it to be wounded…We are driving this herd of bison into a box canyon, where they will be trapped…*We excelled at tracking because we could generate what Michael Bond, in From Here to There: The Art and Science of Finding and Losing Our Way, calls “mental representations of the outside world that we can use to get around and orientate ourselves.”

“If we opened people up, we would find landscapes,” Agnès Varda observes in The Beaches of Agnès (2008), the autobiographical film she made when she was about to turn eighty, which tells a version of her life through the places she loved, among them the River Seine and the Belgian coastline. As metaphor, this is a gothic proposition: that we internalize certain terrains so fully they become part of us, visible to others only when the surgeon’s scalpel or the pathologist’s bone-saw begins its excavatory work. As physiology, it seems nonsense. Over the past half-century, however, neuroscientists have made a series of remarkable discoveries about the ways human brains perceive, process, and store our passage through space.

In 1971, Bond writes, John O’Keefe and Jonathan Dostrovsky isolated a new type of nerve cell in the brains of rats. These “place cells”—found in and around the hippocampus, the seahorse-shaped structure that sits deep in the temporal lobe of the vertebrate brain—seemed to be sensitive to where a rat was in its environment, and to be activated in certain locations or when facing in a particular direction. Further research identified different types of place cells, each with a specialty. There are “head-direction cells” that detect which way you’re facing, for instance, and “boundary cells” that spark up when you are a certain distance from a wall or an edge, like the warning sensors that beep when you’re about to reverse your car into a fire hydrant.

It is now thought that the human hippocampus—which also contains place cells—not only responds in real time to external cues, such as landmarks or thresholds, but also creates and stores cognitive maps of places and routes between them, thereby enabling navigation as well as orientation. Memory is deeply and mysteriously involved in this work; these cognitive maps are able to retain feelings of recognition and association, and are retrievable even when one is not in the place where they were originally made. This is what prevents us from having to renavigate familiar places, guessing our way from kitchen to lounge each time we make that brief journey in our own homes. This is what allows me, during sleepless nights, to mind-walk my way along a chain of remembered paths from the foothills to the fell-top of a given mountain in the Lake District.

Both Bond and O’Connor trace the art of navigation back to the first human wayfinders, those groups of hunter-gatherer Homo sapiens who migrated out of Africa perhaps as long as 270,000 years ago, gradually spreading to live on every continent on the planet—as well as at sea and in space—adapting to new environments as they went, and over millennia developing sophisticated means of wayfinding in such disorienting environments as tundra, desert, ice cap, and ocean. “For the majority of our species’ existence,” notes O’Connor, “we traversed the earth using the landscape itself as a guide.” “We are explorers to the bone,” writes Bond, “and our spatial abilities—which, believe it or not, we still possess, despite our modern dependency on GPS—are fundamental to what makes us human.”

We might pause here on the grounds that any overarching proposition about “what it means to be human” is likely to be problematic. We will also want to know exactly what is meant by “wayfinding.” O’Connor characterizes it as a “science,” Bond calls it an “art,” and both of them celebrate it as the use, as O’Connor puts it, of “experience, habit, exploration, paper maps, signage, word of mouth, and trial and error to find [one’s] way around.” Wayfinding, she writes, is “an activity capable of engaging with and attending to places and nourishing relationships and attachments to them,” and among its benefits are enhanced sociality and good hippocampal health. It is definitely not—in the opinion of these writers—the deputation of navigational intelligence to a handheld device, such that one stumbles the streets in a zombied stupor, head inclined in compliance with the blue dot and a sotto martinet voice, causing Jane Jacobs’s famous “sidewalk ballet” to morph into something more like “sidewalk dodgems”: the collisions and confusions of urban walkers whose attention is, as O’Connor puts it, “seduced downward to our devices and inward to individualness.”

One of the many strengths of O’Connor’s book is its respectful attention to traditional methods of wayfinding. In the course of her research, she traveled to the Arctic, Australia, and the Pacific islands: three regions where traditional wayfaring and navigational skills are still practiced or are being reinvigorated as part of a broader cultural decolonization process. Colonial cartography—which reached its nineteenth-century apex in the British Raj’s “Grand Trigonometrical Survey” of India—tries “to chart and map unknown territory,” in O’Connor’s phrase, annexing new domains into a preexisting gridwork and assigning new place-names in a drive for standardization, like the Anglicization of Irish place-names by nineteenth-century Ordnance Survey officers, so memorably dramatized in Brian Friel’s play Translations (1980).

Indigenous navigators, by contrast, tend to develop terrain-specific techniques that are highly attuned to local indicators, and that use multiple modes and media (storytelling, written or drawn maps, weather signs) to create sophisticated compound systems for moving safely and well between places, often in harsh and hazardous environments. Over centuries, for instance, as O’Connor records, the Caroline Islanders of Micronesia developed the ability to read wave swells to determine the direction of land over the horizon. They combined this with detailed knowledge of “animals, reefs, wind, the sun, and, most important, stars” to create “vast mental maps of all the islands’ spatial relationships to one another” in their widely scattered archipelago. Navigators would memorize star “courses”—the “points on the horizon where sequences of stars rise or set over an island”—and use these to make routes between particular places, according to a system called etak. The most accomplished navigators can commit to memory star courses for over a hundred islands, totaling routes spanning several thousand miles.

For Bond and O’Connor it was the first decade of the 2000s, when GPS-enabled phones and vehicles became common, that we began seriously to degrade our abilities as wayfinders. In Nature Shock: Getting Lost in America, Jon T. Coleman locates that degradation much earlier, between 1860 and 1887, when he claims “the ground shifted under Americans’ spatial cognition.” During these decades, a vast logistical and communication matrix—including the 15,000 miles of telegraph line built by the US Military Telegraph Corps during the Civil War—knitted the country together from coast to coast, creating a network of fixed points nationwide, with reference to which a growing number of individuals could be located. From then on, Coleman writes, North Americans no longer inhabited “relational space, where people navigated by their relationships to one another,” but rather “individual space, where people understood their position on earth by the coordinates provided by mass media, transportation grids, and commercial networks.” He suggests that “the best vantage point to see this transition and thereby to understand its consequences is on the edge of those spaces where people sometimes got terribly lost.”

The fascinating early chapters of Nature Shock focus on the first century and a half of settler colonialism in America, when contrasting practices of wayfinding played out within overlapping terrains of knowledge and ignorance. “While the Christians aspired to rise above the earth,” Coleman notes drily of the New England colonists in the 1630s, “they required Indian help to navigate the woods.” The later chapters of the book reprise a familiar argument, whereby in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries the rise of industrial capitalism created a perception of “the modern wilderness” as “a romantic space where individuals might heal themselves and lose themselves.”

As Coleman tells it, from the early twentieth century on, national and state parks became designated areas where affluent urbanites, mostly white, might play at both wayfinding and disorientation. “Wild” nature was first conceptualized and then monetized as a site of “individual freedom, escape, and disconnection.” Lostness became repurposed as therapeutic, even exhilarating—but only when one could quickly find a way back to civilization. Thoreau, naturally, had a bon mot on this long before it became fashionable: “It is a surprising and memorable, as well as a valuable experience,” he wrote in Walden, “to be lost in the woods at any time.” John Billington, a young English colonist, would not have agreed: in 1621, out in the countryside around the Plymouth Colony, he “lost him selfe in the woods and wandered up and downe some five days, living on berries and whatever he could find,” before being discovered by a native Nauset group, who traded him back for knives, beads, and the promise of better conduct on the part of the settlers.

The art of getting lost is increasingly hard to master. Between 2010 and 2014, the number of GPS devices in existence more than doubled, from 500 million to 1.1 billion. Some market predictions foresee 7 billion GPS devices by 2022, as smartphone use further accelerates in India, China, and South America. If unsure of your location in a new environment, you can now locate yourself in seconds by consulting a GPS-enabled device, which consults with multiple satellites and ground stations to pinpoint itself to within a few feet on the Earth’s surface, indicating your position with that pulsing blue dot. Cartographically speaking, the blue dot is a perfect example of solipsism: I am here, and the given world will reorganize itself around me as I move. If you wish to travel anywhere, “turn-by-turn” navigation will then relieve you of the need to route-find with deductive reference to your surroundings, as you proceed in obedience to the instructions of a synthesized voice: In one hundred yards, turn left…

“Travel today is a condition of advanced capitalism,” declares Tim Ingold, an anthropologist interviewed by O’Connor. All three books argue that wayfinding is resistant to capitalism’s greedy colonization of every aspect of human experience. Ingold goes on to say, as O’Connor describes it, that today’s “technology-drenched” modes of travel are driven by a “relentless goal of greater efficiency and convenience,” and part of the “further commodification of our lives.” A walk in the woods is wasted time because it isn’t productive, unless of course you instrumentalize it as a mindful means of enhancing your productivity when you return to the desk. A run along the river must now be tracked, logged, and biometrically analyzed, then Instagrammed. A train or plane journey can’t be spent daydreaming, conversing, or even (whisper it) being bored, for this is time that could be spent on the laptop, catching up or getting ahead. The cultural theorist Sianne Ngai has named this impulse always to perform productivity, even when one is supposedly at rest or play, “zaniness.”

 For Bond and O’Connor, good wayfinding is anti-zany.

Does it matter that a powerful navigation device has been added to our cyborg lives, already vastly extended in time and space by countless technological prostheses, from pacemakers to desktop computers? Being lost is a deeply unpleasant experience, as you’d know if it’s ever happened to you. The word “panic” comes from the ancient Greek panikos, in reference to the goat-god Pan, whose presence caused sudden, irrational fear in those who entered his disorienting woods and forests. “Bewilderment” is an eighteenth-century coinage, meaning “thorough lostness”; to “wilder” is to go astray, to lose one’s path.

In his history of “getting lost in America” Coleman uses the phrase “nature shock” to register the severity of anxiety produced by being lost, and records scores of examples of hunters, walkers, and even Native scouts who have testified to its incapacitating effects. Bond concurs: “People who are truly lost…lose their minds as well as their bearings,” suffering “visceral thought-distorting fear.” While O’Connor acknowledges the countless ways in which GPS has saved and enhanced lives, from a global reduction in shipwrecks and the rescue of refugees on small boats to the joy in the freedom it makes possible during recreational travel, all three writers have grave concerns about the effects of GPS-enabled smartphones.

Coleman argues that “smartphones are making us dumber, atrophying our hippocampi”; their rise has inaugurated a “monstrous transformation,” “melt[ing] space and minds,” leaving us staggering in the shallows of a reduced attention span and infantilizing dependence on tech. Bond worries about GPS’s consequences for “cognitive health,” and approvingly quotes an Italian dementia researcher, Veronique Bohbot, who refuses to use satellite-navigation devices to tell her where to go. Bohbot encourages people, Bond says, to “exercise their spatial faculties” because they’ll appreciate the benefits “a few decades down the line.” O’Connor also cites Bohbot, and ventures that “the scientific literature so far indicates a possibility that a total reliance on GPS technology could over time put us at higher risk for neurodegenerative disease.”

Bond describes a famous experiment from 2000, in which Eleanor Maguire, a neuroscientist at University College London, measured the sizes of the hippocampi of trainee taxi drivers in London preparing for the formidable test known as “the Knowledge.” In order to become a licensed London cabbie, you must memorize the relative positions of, and optimal routes between, the tens of thousands of streets and landmarks that lie within a six-mile radius of Trafalgar Square. Drivers are rigorously tested on their mastery of the Knowledge before being issued a license. It usually takes a student four years to go from start to success, and the requirement remains part of the licensing procedure today; cabbies and their teachers proudly point out that in comparative tests, a human with the Knowledge regularly beats a GPS-plotted route for speed and efficiency. Maguire found that during the period of intense navigational and mnemonic effort involved in studying for the Knowledge, the hippocampi of the trainee drivers grew. A follow-up experiment determined that in retired cabbies, who no longer daily used their wayfinding powers, the hippocampus had returned to a “normal” size.

It is a wonderful thought: that we might physiologically enhance our capacity as navigators by thinking harder about navigation, much as athletes train to improve their aerobic capacity or twitch muscles. But some troubling questions arise. If the hippocampus develops in response to intense exercise of its navigational and orientational functions, will it therefore atrophy if chronically underused? What would happen if, say, after tens of thousands of years spent regularly exercising the hippocampus in the course of everyday life, a species were suddenly to delegate the majority of its navigational tasks to an external device?

Fears of the “monstrous transformations” performed by tech upon the human are staples of the history of science from Prometheus to Frankenstein, so it’s worth being skeptical of these unproven claims about GPS’s mind-melting consequences. But the history of human navigation is so long, and that of mass personal GPS use so short, it does seem important to assess what might be lost when we cease being able to be lost. O’Connor puts it well:

<blockquote>None of us is exempt from the ramifications of the device paradigm. We all seem to find it extraordinarily difficult to step outside the onslaught, to create the distance and perspective between us and our devices that might allow us to question what cultural or cognitive price is being paid in return for convenience.</blockquote>

In July 1841 the poet John Clare escaped from High Beach Asylum in Epping Forest, on the outskirts of London, and set out to walk to his home in Northborough, about eighty miles away. At the time, Clare was in his late forties and mentally unwell. He had been in High Beach for four years. Although his wife, Patty, was alive, he believed himself to be searching for an imaginary second wife, a version of his childhood sweetheart, Mary Joyce, who had died three years earlier. He suffered auditory hallucinations on the road. He ate grass for sustenance, finding it to “taste something like bread.” Footsore and confused, he continued on until he reached Northborough. The walk took him four days.

In “Journey Out of Essex”—a minor epic of English travel writing—Clare described how he slept by the edge of the road each night, taking care to lie with his head pointing north, so that he would know which way to walk when he woke. That image has stayed with me since I first read Clare’s account twenty years or so ago: a man lost in mind, nevertheless seized by a homing instinct, and with his body a quivering compass needle that settled on north each night. Five months after reaching Northborough, Clare was certified insane on the grounds of being “addicted to poetical prosings.” He was committed to Northampton General Lunatic Asylum, where he stayed until his death in 1864. His last words were “I want to go home.”

Mental illness can result in a loss of bearings so drastic that one’s footing in the given world slips and the moorings of the mind loosen. Yet within such bewilderment lucidities persist. Clare could remember his route home, though he did not recognize his wife when he met her on the outskirts of Northborough. My grandfather, lost in the mists of dementia in the final years of his life, found it hard to recall what he had had for breakfast but could reliably give the names, heights, and ranges of mountains he had climbed in his youth, and walk in memory back up Himalayan valleys he had not entered for half a century.

In the opening pages of From Here to There Bond describes how his grandmother, who also suffered from dementia, in the final weeks of her life “repeatedly used the phrase ‘Am I here?’” His book is both scientific and personal. Much of it is spent patiently explaining the neuroscience of wayfinding and spatial awareness for laypeople, with the calm tone of a seasoned science writer. But gradually, between and within the explanatory sections, Bond quietly and movingly discloses what I take to be his real preoccupation, which is Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia. His book is an attempt to answer his grandmother’s question, which is also everyone’s question.

Alzheimer’s is a voracious type of dementia that consumes the place cells of the hippocampus. Once this begins, Bond writes, “patients have trouble creating cognitive maps of new places and recalling maps of familiar ones.” The disease’s ability to disrupt the brain’s navigation and orientation system is so acute that researchers are exploring whether spatial tests might be used to diagnose it earlier than any other forms of assessment. “The tragedy for Alzheimer’s patients,” as Bond puts it, “is that the compass they have always had is now fading, and their map is shrinking. Disorientation becomes their default state, leaving them lost in places they have always known.” This contributes to the distress—variously expressed as frustration, anxiety, anger, and violence—that sufferers feel: “They are incapable of finding their way anywhere and can be lost even in their own homes.”

Covid-19 has administered a global “nature shock,” leaving billions of us disoriented even in familiar surroundings. During full lockdown, we wandered our homes like the narrator in Xavier de Maistre’s mock-epic Voyage Around My Room (1794), who for forty-two days finds himself confined to his chamber, where he would “traverse the room up and down and across, without rule or plan.” Meanwhile, many countries—including China—have used the pandemic to ramp up their means of tracking and tracing citizens, making it even harder to get lost should one ever wish to. Invoking feichang shiqi, “extraordinary times,” the Chinese Communist Party is now using facial recognition technologies, “health coding,” and smartphone tracking to increase surveillance of its citizens: state security camera networks can segment facial-recognition data into dozens of sensitive subcategories, including eyebrow size, skin color, and ethnicity.

In Nature Shock, Coleman writes:

<blockquote>Thoreau urged his audience…to reconsider the settled spaces they inhabited…. “Not till we are lost, in other words, not till we have lost the world, do we begin to find ourselves, and realize where we are and the infinite extent of our relations.”</blockquote>

Thoreau loved paradox, sometimes too much. It helps him find his mark here, though: one might expect our current lostness to test our self-reliance and glorify the individual, but in fact it proves our entanglement and reveals our codependence. When lost, we most of all need help.

Underlying all three of these books is a deep belief in the importance of collaboration and cooperation between humans and their environments, as well as between humans and other humans. Having read them, I’ve come to think that we might best imagine wayfinding not as a skill or art but as an ethic. The abilities that are cultivated in wayfinding—imagining things from different viewpoints, moving the mind backward and forward in time, seeing situations from other perspectives, weighing alternatives subtly against one another before making the best decisions, seeking information from others and giving it freely in return—might be the same abilities that contribute to a resilient, equitable community or polity. If this is wayfinding, then we need it now more than ever."]]></description>
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    <title>Leanne Betasamosake Simpson - Wayfinding With Beavers: Generating Theory Together - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-10T01:30:10+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Leanne Betasamosake Simpson is a renowned Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg scholar, writer and artist, who has been widely recognized as one of the most compelling Indigenous voices of her generation. Her work breaks open the intersections between politics,  story and song—bringing audiences into a rich and layered world of sound, light, and sovereign creativity. Working for two decades as an independent scholar using Nishnaabeg intellectual practices, Leanne has lectured and taught extensively at universities across Canada and the United States and has twenty years experience with Indigenous land based education. She holds a PhD from the University of Manitoba, and teaches at the Dechinta Centre for Research & Learning in Denendeh.

Leanne is the author of seven books, including her new novel Noopiming (US release from UMP February 2021), which was named a best book of the year by the Globe and Mail. This Accident of Being Lost,  won the MacEwan University Book of the Year; was a finalist for the Rogers Writers’ Trust Fiction Prize and the Trillium Book Award; was long listed for CBC Canada Reads; and was named a best book of the year by the Globe and Mail, the National Post, and Quill & Quire.  As We Have Always Done:  Indigenous Freedom Through Radical Resistance was awarded Best Subsequent Book by the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association.  A Short History of the Blockade: Giant Beavers, Diplomacy and Regeneration in Nishnaabewin was published by University of Alberta Press in February 2021, and her new project a collaboration with Robyn Maynard, Rehearsals for Living is forthcoming from Knopf Canada in 2022. Leanne’s new critically acclaimed and Polaris Prized short-listed album, Theory of Ice was released by You’ve Changed Records in March 2021.

In this presentation, award-winning writer Leanne Betasamosake Simpson uses Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg stories, storytelling aesthetics, and practices to explore the generative nature of Indigenous blockades through our relative, the beaver—or in Nishnaabemowin, Amik. Moving through genres, shifting through time, amikwag stories become a lens for the life-giving possibilities of dams and the world-building possibilities of blockades, deepening our understanding of Indigenous resistance as both a negation and an affirmation."]]></description>
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    <title>M.R. O'Connor - Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-09T23:39:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=brrGT5kIhqY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["M.R. O’Connor is a graduate of Columbia University’s Graduate School of Journalism who writes about the politics and ethics of science, technology and conservation. She is the author of two acclaimed books about the cutting edges of contemporary scientific research, with a third on the way. Her first book, Resurrection Science: Conservation, De-Extinction and the Precarious Future of Wild Things (St. Martin’s Press, 2015) and was one of Library Journal and Amazon’s Best Books of The Year. Her second book, Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World (St. Martin’s Press, 2019) is an exploration of navigation traditions, neuroscience and the diversity of human relationships to space, time and memory. Its writing was supported by the Alfred P. Sloan’s Program for the Public Understanding of Science, Technology & Economics. About the book, Kirkus Reviews writes that “O'Connor talked to just the right people in just the right places, and her narrative is a marvel of storytelling”; Nature explains that “[O’Connor walks the labyrinth of the brain’s time-and-space-mapping hippocampus. And, on the road, she meets astrophysicists, anthropologists and traditional wayfinders — such as Bill Yidumduma Harney of Australia’s Wardaman culture, who steers by thousands of memorized stars”; and Science notes that “O’Connor’s coverage of the cognitive map theory… is deep and broad.” She is currently writing a book called Ignition (Bold Type Books) on fire ecology and prescribed burning, for which she became certified as a wildland firefighter.

Her work has appeared online in The Atavist, Slate, Foreign Policy, The New Yorker, Nautilus, UnDark and Harper’s. A pair of recent essays for The New Yorker include “A Day in the Life of a Tree” and “Dirt Road America,” a feature piece about Sam Correro, who has spent decades stitching together maps of continuous pathways of dirt roads across the United States. In 2008/2009, O’Connor served as a reporter for The Sunday Times, an English-language newspaper in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Her investigative reporting on topics like disappearances in Sri Lanka’s civil war, global agriculture trade in Haiti, and American development enterprises in Afghanistan have been funded by institutions such as the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, The Phillips Foundation and The Nation Institute’s Investigative Fund. For a long time, she made her bread and butter as a stringer covering crime, courts and breaking news in New York City for publications such as The Wall Street Journal and New York Post, and covered the criminal justice beat for the online investigative site The New York World. She is. She lives in Brooklyn, NY with her partner, the screenwriter Bryan Parker, and their two sons.

Sponsored by the College of Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics, the Department of Psychology, the School of Communication and the Honors Program."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/netanyahu-rejects-gospel-christ-doctrine-genghis-khan">
    <title>Netanyahu rejects the gospel of Christ for the doctrine of Genghis Khan | Middle East Eye</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-03T15:56:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/netanyahu-rejects-gospel-christ-doctrine-genghis-khan</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Israeli leader elevates power over principle, but unlike the Mongol emperor, his ability to unleash terror is entirely dependent on US support"

[video here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7E9hQ7qAXl0 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>soumayaghannoushi 2026 benjaminnetanyahu genghiskhan christianity islam jesus jesuschrist christ newtestament mongols merv nishapur samarkand bukhara destrruction gaza palestine colonization colonialism ata-malikjuvayni hungary poland persia moho legnica europe history abbasidcaliphate baghdad baytal-hikma ze'evjabotinsky zionism al-aqsamosque alaqsamosque irgun lehi haganah iof idf nakba 1948 likud herut purim jerusalem civilization democracy iraq us hulegukhan tehran isfahan mashdad donaldtrump annihilation power</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d07b415ca8a0/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQaUF5Q4KWQ">
    <title>Israeli Developer Sparks Outrage In Kenya - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-02T21:28:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQaUF5Q4KWQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An Israeli real estate developer is building vacation homes and luxury amenities on land in Kenya, which he hopes will draw both Kenyans and Israelis. But many Kenyans are outraged. Dena Takruri explains why."]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri israel kenya golanheights colonialism colonization settlercolonialism 2026 settlers land history somaliland palestine property</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7a173944abc3/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Td23chkYKzM">
    <title>Not just Iran, ' Israel would kill millions of people' | Rabbi Elhanan Beck | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-30T07:00:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Td23chkYKzM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC, Rabbi Elhanan Beck delivers one of the most striking critiques of Zionism and the current Israeli-US wars in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, you'll hear. 

He argues that, according to the Torah, the state of Israel has no right to exist, and goes further—describing Benjamin Netanyahu as “Amalek,” a force that pulls people away from God.

The Rabbi also claims that if necessary, Israel would use nuclear weapons and that “no price is too high,” even suggesting they would kill millions to secure their goals.

We explore the theology behind these views, including the Messiah, the Temple, and the idea of Greater Israel - alongside his belief in Jewish-Muslim coexistence.

Chapters

0:00 Opening Highlights
2:21 Zionism and Judaism
9:00 Torah And Israel
16:13 Zionism And Amalek
25:40 The Idea Of Greater Israel
32:30 Red Cow And Temple
40:00 What Is The Messiah
47:40 Judaism And Violence
52:00 Jews And Muslims Coexist
58:00 Anti-Semitism Debate
1:00:30 Final Reflections"]]></description>
<dc:subject>elhananbeck israel palestine gaza lebanon iran amalek benjaminnetanyahu us zionism ethniccleansing genocide greaterisrael jordan syria iraq antisemitism torah judaism violence muslims ashfaaqcarim settlers pogroms westbank settlercolonialism colonialism colonization</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:8c5a871be00c/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://tariqacknickulous.substack.com/p/addressing-common-rebuttals-rezionism">
    <title>Addressing Common Rebuttals re:Zionism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T18:41:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://tariqacknickulous.substack.com/p/addressing-common-rebuttals-rezionism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Place to address some of the more common rebuttals and comments I've received or seen regarding my posts and other frequent arguments used by people"]]></description>
<dc:subject>zionism antizionism jewishsupremacy israel 2026 tariqacknickulous race ethnicity ethnonationalism religion judaism itamarben-gvir us evangelicals violence hatecrimes christianity palestine hamas gaza genocide ethniccleansing colonialism colonization settlercolonialism supremacy bds boycott divestment sanctions thawabit birthright whitesupremacy nazis nazism antisemistism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b85176ad1ec4/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ethnicity"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:ethnonationalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:religion"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:judaism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:itamarben-gvir"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:us"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:sanctions"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:thawabit"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:birthright"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:whitesupremacy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:nazis"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:nazism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:antisemistism"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/iran-and-gaza-are-only-the-beginning">
    <title>'Iran and Gaza are Only the Beginning' (Chris Hedges at Princeton)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T00:47:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/iran-and-gaza-are-only-the-beginning</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TV9dkU2E8j0 ]

"The genocide in Gaza is the beginning. Welcome to the new world order. The age of technologically-advanced barbarism. There are no rules for the strong, only for the weak. Oppose the strong, refuse to bow to its capricious demands and you are showered with missiles and bombs. We watch this madness daily with the war on Iran, the saturation bombing of southern Lebanon and the suffering in Gaza.

International bodies such as the United Nations have been neutered, transformed into useless appendages of another age. The sanctity of individual rights, open borders and international law have vanished. The most psychopathic rulers of human history, those who reduced cities to ashes, herded captive populations to execution sites and littered lands they occupied with mass graves and corpses, have returned with a vengeance, opening up a vast moral abyss.

The law, despite a few valiant efforts by a handful of judges — who will soon be purged — domestically and in international bodies such as The International Court of Justice is contemptuously violated. Savagery abroad. Savagery at home.

The BBC’s Lucy Williamson reports that Israel is destroying south Lebanon “using Gaza as a model – a blueprint for destruction used again as a path to peace”.

Over 1 million people have already been displaced in Lebanon -- one-fifth of the entire population of a country that already hosts the world’s highest number of refugees per capita -- in just a few weeks. Add to this 2 million displaced in Gaza and 3 million displaced in Iran. 6 million people rendered homeless.

For four decades Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been lobbying for the U.S. to go to war with Iran. Previous administrations, Republican and Democrat, have refused, in no small part because of fierce opposition within the Pentagon, which did not view Iran as an existential threat and did not project a positive outcome for the U.S. or its regional allies.

But Donald Trump, encouraged by his inept negotiating team of his son-in-law Jared Kushner and fellow real estate developer and golfing partner Steve Witkoff, each fervent Zionists, took Israel’s bait. Britain’s national security adviser, Jonathan Powell, who attended the final talks between the U.S. and Iran, dismissed Kushner and Witkoff as “Israeli assets.”

Joseph Kent, who resigned from his position as director of the National Counterterrorism Center to protest the war, wrote in his resignation letter that “Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby.”

The public rationale for the war on Iran since it began on February 28 has been protean. Is it to shut down Iran’s nuclear program? Is it to thwart Iran’s ballistic missile program? Is it because the U.S. carried out pre-emptive attacks on Iran, as Marco Rubio said, to ensure the safety of U.S. assets once Israel decided to strike? Is it because the Iranian government carried out lethal repression, killing hundreds of anti-government protestors during massive street protests? Is it regime change? Is it an attempt to shut down Iran’s so-called state sponsored terrorism? Or are these subterfuges for something else?

Certainly, Israel and the U.S. seek regime change. But here it appears the U.S. and Israel diverge. Israel also apparently seeks, as in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Lebanon, the physical disintegration of Iran, the breaking apart of the country into warring ethnic and religious enclaves, the transformation of Iran into a failed state.

Persians in Iran constitute roughly 61 percent of the population with various minority groups, who often suffer state repression, making up the remaining 39 percent. These ethnic groups include Azerbaijanis, Kurds, Lurs, Balochs, Arabs and Turkmens, along with religious minorities such as Sunnis, Christians, Baha’i, Zoroastrians, and Jews. The shattering of Iran into antagonistic ethnic and religious enclaves would leave Israel as the dominant power in the region, giving it the ability to, if not occupy its neighbors directly, control and subjugate them through proxies, part of a long-held desire for a Greater Israel. It would also make it possible for foreign states to control Iranian gas reserves, the second largest in the world, and its oil reserves, 12 percent of the global total.

Israel’s crusade against the Palestinians, the Lebanese and now the Iranians is justified by the extermination of 6 million Jews during the Holocaust. But it is not lost on the Global South, especially Palestinians, that nearly all Holocaust scholars have refused to condemn the genocide in Gaza. Not one of the institutions dedicated to researching and commemorating the Holocaust have drawn the obvious historical parallels or decried the mass slaughter.

Holocaust scholars, with a handful of exceptions, have exposed their true purpose, which is not to examine the dark side of human nature and the frightening propensity we all have to commit evil, but to sanctify Jews as eternal victims and absolve the ethnonationalist state of Israel of its crimes of settler colonialism, apartheid and genocide.

The hijacking of the Holocaust, the failure to defend Palestinian victims because they are Palestinian, has imploded the moral authority of Holocaust studies and Holocaust memorials. They have been exposed as vehicles not to prevent genocide but to perpetrate it, not to explore the past, but manipulate the present.

Any tepid recognition that the Holocaust may not be the exclusive property of Israel and its Zionist supporters is swiftly shut down. The Holocaust Museum in Los Angeles deleted an Instagram post that read: “NEVER AGAIN CAN’T ONLY MEAN NEVER AGAIN FOR JEWS” after a backlash. In the hands of Zionists, “never again” means precisely that, never again, only for Jews.

Aimé Césaire, in Discourse on Colonialism, writes that Hitler seemed exceptionally cruel only because he presided over “the humiliation of the white man,” applying to Europe the “colonialist procedures which until then had been reserved exclusively for the Arabs of Algeria, the ‘coolies’ of India, and the nègres d’Afrique.”

The near-annihilation of Tasmania’s Aboriginal population, the German slaughter of the Herero and Namaqua, the Armenian genocide, the Bengal famine of 1943 — then British prime minister Winston Churchill referred to Hindus as “a beastly people with a beastly religion” — along with the dropping of nuclear bombs on civilian targets in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, illustrates something fundamental about “Western civilization.”

Genocide is not an anomaly, it is coded in the DNA of Western “civilization.”

“In America,” the poet Langston Hughes said, “Negroes do not have to be told what fascism is in action. We know. Its theories of Nordic supremacy and economic suppression have long been realities to us.”

The Nazis, when they formulated the Nuremberg laws, modelled them on laws designed to disenfranchise Blacks. America’s refusal to grant citizenship to Native Americans and Filipinos — although they lived in the U.S. and U.S. territories — was emulated by the German fascists who stripped citizenship from Jews. American anti-miscegenation laws, which criminalized interracial marriage, were the impetus to outlaw marriages between German Jews and Aryans. American jurisprudence classified anyone with one percent of Black ancestry — the so-called “one drop rule” — as Black. The Nazis, ironically showing more flexibility, classified anyone with three or more Jewish grandparents as Jewish.

The millions of indigenous victims of colonial projects in countries such as Mexico, China, India, Australia, the Congo and Vietnam, for this reason, are deaf to the fatuous claims by Jews that their victimhood is unique. They too suffered holocausts, but these holocausts remain minimized or unacknowledged by their Western perpetrators.

Israel embodies the ethnonationalist state our Christian fascists and the far-right dream of creating for themselves, one that rejects political and cultural pluralism, as well as legal, diplomatic and ethical norms. Israel is admired by the far right because it has turned its back on humanitarian law and uses indiscriminate lethal force to “cleanse” its society of those condemned as human contaminants.

It was this distortion of the Holocaust as unique that troubled Primo Levi, who was imprisoned in Auschwitz from 1944 to 1945 and who wrote Survival in Auschwitz. Levi was a fierce critic of the apartheid state of Israel and its treatment of Palestinians. He saw the Shoah as “an inexhaustible source of evil” that “is perpetuated as hatred in the survivors, and springs up in a thousand ways, against the very will of all, as a thirst for revenge, as moral breakdown, as negation, as weariness, as resignation.”

Levi deplored the Manichaeanism of those who “shun nuance and complexity.” He condemned those who “reduce the river of human events to conflicts, and conflicts to duels, us and them.” He warned that the “network of human relationships inside the concentration camps was not simple: It could not be reduced to two blocs, victims and persecutors.” The enemy, he knew, “was outside but also inside.”

Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski, known as “King Chaim,” ruled the in the Łódź ghetto on Poland on behalf of the Nazi occupiers. The ghetto became a slave labor camp that enriched Rumkowski and his Nazi masters. Rumkowski deported opponents to death camps. He raped and molested girls and women. He demanded unquestioned obedience. He embodied the evil of his oppressors. For Levi, he was an example of what many of us, under similar circumstances, are capable of becoming.

“[W]e are all mirrored in Rumkowski, his ambiguity is ours, it is our second nature, we hybrids molded from clay and spirit,” Levi wrote in The Drowned and the Saved. “His fever is ours, the fever of our Western civilization that ‘descends into hell with trumpets and drums,’ and its miserable adornments are the distorting image of our symbols of social prestige.”

“Like Rumkowski, we too are so dazzled by power and prestige as to forget our essential fragility,” Levi continued. “Willingly or not we come to terms with power, forgetting that we are all in the ghetto, that the ghetto is walled in, that outside the ghetto reign the lords of death, and that close by the train is waiting.”

Levi understood that the line between the victim and victimizer is razor thin. We can all become willing executioners. There is nothing intrinsically moral about being Jewish or a survivor of the Holocaust. Levi, for this reason, was persona non grata in Israel.

Zionists find in the Holocaust and the Jewish state a sense of purpose and meaning, as well as a cloying moral superiority. After the 1967 war, when Israel seized Gaza the West Bank including East Jerusalem, Syria’s Golan Heights and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, Israel, as American sociologist Nathan Glazer approvingly observed, became “the religion of the American Jews.” The Holocaust became their “moral capital.”

“Jewish suffering is depicted as ineffable, uncommunicable, and yet always to be proclaimed,” writes the European historian Charles S. Maier, in The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity:

<blockquote>It is intensely private, not to be diluted, but simultaneously public so that gentile society will confirm the crimes. A very peculiar suffering must be enshrined in public sites: Holocaust museums, memory gardens, deportation sites, dedicated not as Jewish but civic memorials. But what is the role of a museum in a country, such as the United States, far from the site of the Holocaust? Is it to rally the people who suffered or to instruct non-Jews? Is it supposed to serve as a reminder that “it can happen here?” Or is it a statement that some special consideration is deserved? Under what circumstances can a private sorrow serve simultaneously as a public grief? And if genocide is certified as a public sorrow, then must we not accept the credentials of other particular sorrows too? An American historian of Polish ancestry argues that, with the German invasion of 1939, the Poles became the first people in Europe to experience the Holocaust and that historians have so far “chosen to interpret the tragedy in exclusivistic terms — namely as the most tragic period in the history of the Jewish Diaspora.” If Polish Americans claim their own “forgotten Holocaust,” what recognition should they enjoy? Do Armenians and Cambodians also have a right to publicly funded holocaust museums? And do we need memorials to Seventh-Day Adventists and homosexuals for their persecution at the hands of the Third Reich?</blockquote>

Unique suffering confers unique entitlement.

Any crime Israel carries out in the name of its survival — its “right to exist” — is justified in the name of this uniqueness. There are no limits. The world is black and white, a never-ending battle against Nazism, which is protean, depending on who Israel targets. To challenge this bloodlust is to be an antisemite, facilitating another genocide of Jews.

This simplistic formula not only serves the interests of Israel, but also the interests of colonial powers that carried out their own genocides, ones they also seek to obscure.

The sacralization of the Nazi Holocaust offers a bizarre quid pro quo. Arming and funding the state of Israel, blocking U.N. resolutions and sanctions that would condemn its crimes and demonizing Palestinians, and their supporters becomes proof of atonement and support for Jews. Israel, in return, absolves the West of its indifference to the plight of Jews during the Holocaust, and Germany for perpetrating it. Germany uses this unholy alliance to separate Nazism from the rest of German history, including the genocide German colonists carried out against the Nama and Herero in German South-West Africa, now Namibia.

“[S]uch magic,” Israeli historian and genocide scholar, Raz Segal, writes, “legitimizes racism against Palestinians at the very moment that Israel perpetrates genocide against them. The idea of Holocaust uniqueness thus reproduces rather than challenges the exclusionary nationalism and settler colonialism that led to the Holocaust.”

Professor Segal, the director of the program in Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Stockton University in New Jersey, wrote an article about the war on Gaza on October 13, 2023, titled: “A Textbook Case of Genocide.”

This denunciation from an Israeli Holocaust scholar, whose family members perished in the Holocaust, was a very lonely stance.

Professor Segal saw in the Israeli government’s immediate demand that Palestinians evacuate the north of Gaza and the blood-curdling demonization of the Palestinians by Israeli officials — the defense minister said Israel was “fighting human animals” — the stench of genocide.

“The whole idea about prevention and ‘never again’ is that — as we teach our students — there are red flags, that once we notice them, we’re supposed to work in order to stop the process that could escalate to genocide,” Professor Segal told me, “even if it’s not genocidal yet.”

Professor Segal paid for his honesty. The offer to lead the University of Minnesota’s Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, which has issued no condemnation of the genocide, was revoked.

When professor Segal and I testified at the state capital in Trenton in opposition to the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) bill, which equates criticism of the state of Israel with antisemitism, we were jeered by Zionists and our microphones were cut by the committee chairman. There we were, arguing that this bill would curtail free speech while we were in real time being denied free speech.

Genocide is the next stage in what the anthropologist, Arjun Appadurai, calls “a vast worldwide Malthusian correction” that is “geared to preparing the world for the winners of globalization, minus the inconvenient noise of its losers.”

The funding and arming of Israel by the United States and European nations, as it carries out genocide, has effectively imploded the post-World War II international legal order. It no longer has credibility. The West can no longer lecture anyone about democracy, human rights or the supposed virtues of Western civilization. The ruse, that somehow we as a nation promote democracy, equality and human rights, is finished.

“At the same time that Gaza induces vertigo, a feeling of chaos and emptiness, it becomes for countless powerless people the essential condition of political and ethical consciousness in the twenty-first century — just as the First World War was for a generation in the West,” Pankaj Mishra writes.

None of us who reported from Israel and Palestine, where I worked as a reporter for seven years, predicted this genocide. And yet, we were acutely aware of the genocidal impulse that lay at the heart of the Zionist project — the desire by large segments of Israeli society to eradicate and expel all Palestinians. This genocidal impulse was there from the inception of Zionism.

Victor Klemperer, a professor of linguistics and the son of a Berlin rabbi living under Nazi rule, noted in his diary, “To me the Zionists, who want to go back to the Jewish state of A.D. 70 (destruction of Jerusalem by Titus), are just as offensive as the Nazis. With their nosing after blood, their ancient ‘cultural roots,’ their partly canting, partly obtuse winding back of the world they are altogether a match for the National Socialists.”

I covered the extremist rabbi, Meir Kahane, who claimed that violence was a Jewish virtue and revenge, a divine commandment. He was, when I was based in Israel, barred by the Israeli government from running for office.

Kahane was assassinated on November 5, 1990, in New York City. His Kach Party in Israel was outlawed four years later after Baruch Goldstein, a Brooklyn-born doctor and Kach member, entered Hebron’s Ibrahimi Mosque and opened fire on worshippers, killing 29 Palestinians. Goldstein, dressed in his army captain’s uniform, was overpowered by worshippers and beaten to death. I was sent by my editors in New York to interview the survivors. When they received the copy, they insisted I do more interviews with Jewish colonists who justified Goldstein’s grievances with Palestinians, part of the game of balance, but really part of the effort to obscure the truth.

Kach, following its statements of support for the massacre, was declared a terrorist organization by the United States.

But Kahanism did not die. It was nurtured by Jewish extremists and colonists.

Kach’s racial intolerance and calls for mass violence against Palestinians infected larger and larger segments of Israeli society. It found near universal acceptance after the attacks of October 7.

I saw this intolerance at political rallies held by Netanyahu, who received lavish funding from right-wing Americans associated with AIPAC, when he ran against Yitzhak Rabin, who was negotiating a peace settlement with the Palestinians. Netanyahu’s supporters chanted Kahane-inspired slogans such as “Death to Arabs” and “Death to Rabin.” They burned an effigy of Rabin dressed in a Nazi uniform. Netanyahu marched in front of a mock funeral for Rabin.

Rabin was assassinated by a Jewish fanatic on November 4, 1995.

Netanyahu, who first became prime minister in 1996, has spent his political career nurturing these Jewish extremists, including Itamar Ben-Gvir, who hung a portrait of Goldstein on the wall of his living room, Bezalel Smotrich, Avigdor Lieberman, Gideon Sa’ar and Naftali Bennett.

Netanyahu’s father, Benzion, who worked as an assistant to the founder of Revisionist Zionism, Vladimir Jabotinsky, and was referred to by Benito Mussolini as “a good fascist,” was a leader in the Herut Party that called on Israel to seize all the land of historic Palestine. Many of those who formed the Herut Party carried out terrorist attacks during the 1948 war that established the state of Israel. Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, Sidney Hook and other Jewish intellectuals, described the Herut Party in a statement published in The New York Times as a party “closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy and social appeal to Nazi and Fascist parties.”

There has always been a virulent strain of Jewish fascism within the Zionist project, mirroring the strain of fascism in American society. Unfortunately, for us and the Palestinians, these fascistic strains are ascendant.

The decision to obliterate Gaza has long been the dream of far-right Zionists, heirs of Kahane’s movement. Jewish identity and Jewish nationalism are the Zionist versions of the Nazis’ blood-and-soil ideology. Jewish supremacy is sanctified by God, as is the slaughter of the Palestinians, who Netanyahu compared to the Biblical Amalekites who were massacred by the Israelites. Europeans and Euro-Americans in the American colonies used the same Biblical passage to justify their genocide against Native Americans.

Enemies — usually Muslims — who are slated for extinction are subhumans who embody evil. Violence and the threat of violence are the only forms of communication those outside the magical circle of Jewish nationalism understand.

Messianic redemption will take place once the Palestinians are expelled. Jewish extremists call for the Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of three of the most sacred sites for Muslims, supposedly built on the ruins of the Jewish Second Temple which was destroyed in A.D. 70 by the Roman army, to be demolished. These extremists call for it to be replaced by a “Third” Jewish temple, a move that would set the Muslim world alight. The West Bank, which zealots refer to as “Judea and Samaria,” is being annexed by Israel. Israel, governed by religious laws imposed by the ultra-Orthodox Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, will soon mirror the despotic theocracy in Iran.

James Baldwin presciently saw this regression to our innate barbarism. He warned that there was a “terrible probability” that “Western populations, struggling to hold on to what they have stolen from their captives, and unable to look into their mirror, will precipitate a chaos throughout the world which, if it does not bring life on this planet to an end, will bring about a racial war such as the world has never seen, and for which generations yet unborn will curse our names forever.”

The savagery in Iran, Lebanon and Gaza is the same savagery we face at home. Those carrying out the genocide, mass slaughter and unprovoked war on Iran are the same people dismantling our democratic institutions.

The Iranians, Lebanese and Palestinians know there is no appeasing these monsters. The global elites believe nothing. They feel nothing. They cannot be trusted. They exhibit the core traits of all psychopaths — superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance, a need for constant stimulation, a penchant for lying, deception, manipulation and the inability to feel remorse or guilt. They disdain as weakness the virtues of empathy, honesty, compassion and self-sacrifice. They live by the creed of Me. Me. Me.

“The fact that millions of people share the same vices does not make these vices virtues, the fact that they share so many errors does not make the errors to be truths, and the fact that millions of people share the same forms of mental pathology does not make these people sane,” Erich Fromm writes in “The Sane Society.”

We have witnessed evil for nearly three years in Gaza. We watch it now in Iran. We watch it in Lebanon. We see this evil excused or masked by political leaders and the media.

The New York Times, in a page out of Orwell, sent an internal memo telling reporters and editors to eschew the terms “refugee camps, “occupied territory,” “ethnic cleansing” and, of course, “genocide” when writing about Gaza.

Those who name and denounce this evil, including the heroic students who set up encampments on campuses here and abroad, are smeared, blacklisted and purged. They are arrested and deported. A deadening silence is descending upon us, the silence of all authoritarian states. We know where this ends. Fail to do your duty, fail to cheerlead the war on Iran, speak out against the crime of genocide, and see your broadcasting license revoked, as Trump’s Chair of the F.C.C. Brendan Carr has proposed.

We have enemies. They are not in Palestine. They are not in Lebanon. They are not in Iran. They are here. Among us. They dictate our lives. They are traitors to our ideals. They are traitors to our country. They envision a world of slaves and masters. Gaza is only the start. There are no internal mechanisms for reform. We can obstruct or surrender.

Those are the only choices left."]]></description>
<dc:subject>israel palestine gaza westbank zionism chrishedges history 2026 holocaust genocide ethniccleansing un internationallaw us policy fascism benitomussolini mussolini terrorism ethnonationalism supremacy benjaminnetanyahu donaldtrump jaredkushner nazis antizionism antisemitism jewishsupremacy stevewitkoff jonathanpowell josephkent marcorubio lobbying aipac west racism race iran settlercolonialism colonialism colonization settlers violence lebanon globalsouth aimécésaire australia aborigines indigeneity indigenous winstonchurchill apartheid langstonhughes jamesbaldwin hiroshima nagasaki herero namibia namaqua armenia bengal economics poland mexico india china congo vietnam humanitarianism auschwitz primolevi ww2 wwii wwi ww1 mordechaichaimrumkowski deception lying manipulation empathy honesty compassion self-sacrifice eastjerusalem jerusalem golanheights syria egypt sinaipeninsula nathanglazer evil 2023 2024 2025 charlesmaier holocausstudies refugeecamps occupation cambodia encampments zionistmccarthyism fre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/how-lansana-keita-reinvigorated-african-philosophy">
    <title>How Lansana Keita reinvigorated African philosophy | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T07:10:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/how-lansana-keita-reinvigorated-african-philosophy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Lansana Keita rejected Eurocentric ideas, tracing the philosophical tradition back to African Kemet or ancient Egypt"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rALPalmLOc">
    <title>007 | Sensory Ecologies | Hsuan L. Hsu | Olfactory Futures and More-than-Human Intimacies - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-23T19:05:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rALPalmLOc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["SYMPOSIUM SENSORY ECOLOGIES
28 APRIL 2022

With the participation of
Anicka Yi, Mόnica Bello, Jane Calvert, Harmony Holiday, Hsuan L. Hsu, Studio Klarenbeek & Dros, Barbara Mazzolai

Video: Francesco Margaroli

Sensory Ecologies is an appointment of the Public Program | Anicka Yi dedicated to the exhibition “Metaspore” that expands and develops the concepts and ideas generated by the exhibited works. The Symposium brings together an interdisciplinary panel of speakers: Mόnica Bello, Curator and Head of Arts at CERN at the European Organization for Nuclear Research in Geneva; Jane Calvert, Sociologist of science, Professor of Science and Technology Studies at the University of Edinburgh; Harmony Holiday, multidisciplinary artist, writer and poet; Hsuan L. Hsu, Professor of English at the University of California Davis and the author of The Smell of Risk: Environmental Disparities and Olfactory Aesthetics (2020); Studio Klarenbeek & Dros a design studio based on research of sustainable projects and new materials; Barbara Mazzolai, Director of the Bioinspired Soft Robotics Laboratory at the Istituto Italiano di Tecnologia in Genoa.

They will address a central and urgent question of our times: can the biological sensorium (both human and non-human) be reconciled with contemporary technology?

Through diverse perspectives, the symposium seeks to build a constellation of knowledge and navigational tools, drawing from the disciplines of art and design, media studies, science and technology studies, general and synthetic biology, and literature.

During the evening a special projection of Anicka Yi’s The Flavor Genome (2016) will be screened in a 2D version, conceived as a reference point for the discussion. The Flavor Genome is a techno-sensual journey into the unexplored threshold of adaptation, mutation and hybridization of living organisms. Under the conceptual premise of the “Flavor Genome” the video performs a mapping of perceptual worlds, taking reality as matrices of perceived unique essences which could enable the potential for biodiverse intelligence sharing.

The symposium is curated by Giovanna Amadasi, Remina Greenfield and Anicka Yi."]]></description>
<dc:subject>hsuanhsu smell senses morethanhuman multispecies 2022 via:javierarbona technology nonhuman anickayi environment resistance colonialism colonization mónicabello janecalvery harmonyholiday studiolkarenbeek&amp;dros bararamazzolai</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fChjMTe_b-o">
    <title>Israel's forever war in Lebanon with Nathaniel George - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T16:18:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fChjMTe_b-o</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[On March 2nd, in the early stages of the ongoing attack on Iran by Israel and the United States, and following the assassination of Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei, the Lebanese resistance group Hezbollah launched missile strikes on northern Israel. Hezbollah described the attack as a defensive act after more than a year of near-daily Israeli strikes. Israel has since launched major attacks on Lebanese territory that have killed hundreds, and its evacuation orders have caused a massive displacement of Lebanese civilians.

Nathaniel George returns to PTO to talk about the background to the latest round of conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the current situation in the country, and about the history of Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty.]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 lebanon israel hezbollah history us iran nathanielgeorge politicstheoryother sovereignty alikhamenei settlercolonialism colonization colonialism ceasefires zionism settlers 1948 1982 hizbullah</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.equator.org/articles/tearing-up-the-map">
    <title>Tearing Up the Map • EQUATOR</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-22T02:53:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.equator.org/articles/tearing-up-the-map</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Netanyahu’s war to remake the Middle East"

[archived:
https://archive.is/VY4HY ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjaminnetanyahu israel middleeast 2026 andrewarsan lebanon iran palestine gaza idf iof syria straitofhormuz tehran donaldtrump petehegseth axisofresistance history persiangulf 1973 richardnixon abudhabi libya qatar saudiarabia henrykissinger luiscarreroblanco egypt salimyaqub levant jimmycarter 1979 1976 carterdoctrine georgehwbush gulfwar yasserarafat yasirarafat osloaccords 2000 edwardsaid ahmadqurei mahmoudabbas us jerusalem policy foreignpolicy westbank 2003 sovereignty abrahamaccords houthis ansarallah jaredkushner bahrain ahmadal-sharaa mikehuckabee greaterisrael supremacy bezalelsmotrich itamarbengvir colonialism colonization settlercolonialism ethniccleansing genocide yoelguzansky dennisross kuwait dubai gulfstates josephaoun hezbollah nawafsalam tombarrack hamas uae hizbullah</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:db7b610bd26d/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.deseret.com/magazine/2026/03/04/idaho-data-centers-agriculture-water-future/">
    <title>How data centers are reshaping Idaho’s farm country – Deseret News</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T21:33:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.deseret.com/magazine/2026/03/04/idaho-data-centers-agriculture-water-future/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As tech giants flock to Idaho to build data centers, competing visions for the West could reshape the country"

[via:
https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/03/meatpackers-barnes-noble-and-wittgenstein/

"Mark Dee reports on the tensions in Idaho farmland as big capital seeks to build data centers here: “To some, southern Idaho’s future isn’t sprouting beneath rolling sprinklers, but pulsing through those wires. The same characteristics that make this land ideal for agriculture make it appealing for developing data centers. Open land, approachable climate, cheap power and sufficient water drew cattlemen from Southern California to southern Idaho in the 20th century. In the 21st century, it’s tech giants and investors eyeing ready returns. Technology, data and power are staking claims on land that has never seen a building larger than a milking barn. The result is competing visions for the West: industrial or agrarian, data centers or center-pivots.” (Recommended by Bill Kauffman.)"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>idaho bigtech datacenters 2026 markdee meta facebook colonization growth rural water west ai artificialintelligence land energy electricity farming</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://read.dukeupress.edu/social-text/article-abstract/43/2%20(163)/75/400513/Time-BombsGhassan-Kanafani-beyond-Life-and-Death">
    <title>Time Bombs | Social Text | Duke University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T20:54:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://read.dukeupress.edu/social-text/article-abstract/43/2%20(163)/75/400513/Time-BombsGhassan-Kanafani-beyond-Life-and-Death</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Born in Palestine in 1936 and exiled at the age of twelve, Ghassan Kanafani eventually became one of the leading lights of Palestinian resistance — novelist, editor, playwright, sculptor, painter, political party spokesperson, revolutionary theorist, and, finally, martyr. In 1972, he was assassinated in Beirut by Israeli agents who placed a time bomb in his car. While Kanafani's life was cut short at the age of thirty‐six, he has since become famous in Palestinian circles for his short stories and novels. Kanafani's fiction is often quite dark and focused on death, but it nevertheless contains a clear utopian element, a revolutionary optimism. Where did this dimension come from? In this essay, Kanafani's work is placed in the context of his childhood — the violent era of Zionist time bomb terror. Tracing the tactics and campaigns of three Zionist militias — the Haganah, the Irgun, and the Lehi — this essay shows how time bomb terrorism pervaded Palestine during the years of Kanafani's childhood and thereby influenced his fiction. But even more, this essay argues that Kanafani — and for that matter, the movement for Palestinian liberation more broadly — also escaped Zionism. As terrible as colonialism's wounds might be, they are not all‐encompassing. In Kanafani's work, one can find traces of other calendars and clocks: other pasts that the Zionists cannot erase, other presents that they cannot dominate, and other futures that they cannot comprehend. As the example of Kanafani demonstrates, Zionism's colonization of time did not fully capture him, not even in death."]]></description>
<dc:subject>hghassankanafani 2025 gregburris death time assassinations palestine literature zionism liberation colonialism colonization clocks calendars haganah irgun lehi 1972 1936 resistance beirut shortstories novels revolutionaryoptimism optimism violence</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SU0ha1paov0">
    <title>'Zionism Will Collapse' - Palestinian Scholar Tareq Baconi on The Nakba and the Significance of Gaza - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T05:59:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SU0ha1paov0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["NOTE: This episode was recorded prior to the US-Israel attack on Iran. 

In the latest episode of ‘Beyond Israelism’, Simone Zimmerman engages in a powerful and timely conversation with Palestinian scholar and author Tareq Baconi, author of ‘Hamas Contained’ and his newly released memoir ‘Fire in Every Direction’. Baconi is regarded as one of the sharpest analysts when it comes to Gaza and Hamas, but this conversation moves beyond headlines into something more intimate. In his memoir, he weaves together his journey of coming out as a queer Palestinian with his family’s history of dispossession. He tells the story of finding his grandmother’s home in Haifa that she had fled during 1948 — a reminder that history is not abstract, but rather lived and carried across generations.

Baconi explores the legacy of the Nakba as an ongoing structure rather than a closed chapter. He reflects on what it means to tell family stories in the midst of mass violence, and why publishing a personal memoir during a genocide has felt both unbearable and necessary. Baconi recently wrote in +972 Magazine that “even if Hamas were dismantled tomorrow, the siege of Gaza, apartheid, and the denial of return would persist. At the same time, resistance would reconstitute itself in new forms because the condition that gives rise to it — colonial domination — remains.” Baconi offers historical depth and clarity in a moment saturated with distortion and political theater.

This episode also lands at a critical political moment: Donald Trump unveiling his so-called “Board of Peace,” promoting glossy redevelopment schemes for Gaza while sidelining Palestinians. Against this backdrop, Baconi’s emphasis on the enduring realities of colonialism and apartheid feels clarifying and urgent. For anyone trying to make sense of this moment, this conversation offers something rare: moral seriousness, historical grounding, and a refusal to look away. This is a conversation that doesn’t just inform — it grounds us in our humanity, and invites us into a deeper understanding of what’s at stake.

CHAPTERS
00:00 - A note from Simone
00:58 - Opening montage
1:42 - Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’
6:05 - Tareq’s new book
12:26 - Tareq’s political awakening
15:19 - What is ‘The Nakba’?
22:05 - Tareq’s family in Palestine
37:00 - Right of return
43:55 - The risk of “airing dirty laundry”
52:48 - Oct. 7 and the genocide of Gaza
1:00:04 - What’s next for Gaza?
1:03:35 - Zionism & antisemitism

‘Beyond Israelism with Simone Zimmerman’ is a provocative new video podcast series from Tikkun Olam Productions, the team behind the viral and award-winning 2023 film Israelism. In this series, Simone will host bold and inspiring conversations that face, head on, the growing global reckoning with Zionism, the debates over Jewish identity, and the urgent struggle for Palestinian freedom. The episodes will unpack the myths of Zionism; dive deep into the meaning of Palestinian liberation, and through raw and fearless discussions examine the Jewish relationship with Israel."]]></description>
<dc:subject>tareqbaconi palestine israel nakba history simonezimmerman gaza hamas rightofreturn genocide ethniccleansing zionism antisemitism righttoreturn lebanon settlercolonialism colonialism colonization haifa dispossession apartheid</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/book-review/tk-title/">
    <title>To the Jerusalem Station | Online Only | n+1</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T06:38:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/book-review/tk-title/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>saulausterlitz tonyjudt 2008 2009 israel palestine marxism communism left history zionism labourzionism us uk sixdaywar six-daywar jerusalem erichobsbawm karlmarx apartheid ehudolmert ahmedqurei gaza westbank settlercolonialism colonialism colonization edwardsaid</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.npr.org/transcripts/129090687">
    <title>Fresh Air Remembers Historian Tony Judt : NPR</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T06:32:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.npr.org/transcripts/129090687</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/tony-judt-the-country-that-wouldnt-grow-up-israel">
    <title>Tony Judt: The country that wouldn't grow up (Israel) — History News Network</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T06:23:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/tony-judt-the-country-that-wouldnt-grow-up-israel</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By the age of 58 a country - like a man - should have achieved a certain maturity. After nearly six decades of existence we know, for good and for bad, who we are, what we have done and how we appear to others, warts and all. We acknowledge, however reluctantly and privately, our mistakes and our shortcomings. And though we still harbor the occasional illusion about ourselves and our prospects, we are wise enough to recognize that these are indeed for the most part just that: illusions. In short, we are adults.

But the State of Israel remains curiously (and among Western-style democracies, uniquely) immature. The social transformations of the country - and its many economic achievements - have not brought the political wisdom that usually accompanies age. Seen from the outside, Israel still comports itself like an adolescent: consumed by a brittle confidence in its own uniqueness; certain that no one "understands" it and everyone is "against" it; full of wounded self-esteem, quick to take offense and quick to give it. Like many adolescents Israel is convinced - and makes a point of aggressively and repeatedly asserting - that it can do as it wishes, that its actions carry no consequences and that it is immortal. Appropriately enough, this country that has somehow failed to grow up was until very recently still in the hands of a generation of men who were prominent in its public affairs 40 years ago: an Israeli Rip Van Winkle who fell asleep in, say, 1967 would be surprised indeed to awake in 2006 and find Shimon Peres and General Ariel Sharon still hovering over the affairs of the country - the latter albeit only in spirit.

But that, Israeli readers will tell me, is the prejudiced view of the outsider. What looks from abroad like a self-indulgent, wayward country - delinquent in its international obligations and resentfully indifferent to world opinion - is simply an independent little state doing what it has always done: looking after its own interests in an inhospitable part of the globe. Why should embattled Israel even acknowledge such foreign criticism, much less act upon it? They - gentiles, Muslims, leftists - have reasons of their own for disliking Israel. They - Europeans, Arabs, fascists - have always singled out Israel for special criticism. Their motives are timeless. They haven't changed. Why should Israel change?

But they have changed. And it is this change, which has passed largely unrecognized within Israel, to which I want to draw attention here. Before 1967 the State of Israel may have been tiny and embattled, but it was not typically hated: certainly not in the West. Official Soviet- bloc communism was anti-Zionist of course, but for just that reason Israel was rather well regarded by everyone else, including the non-communist left. The romantic image of the kibbutz and the kibbutznik had a broad foreign appeal in the first two decades of Israel's existence. Most admirers of Israel (Jews and non-Jews) knew little about the Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) of 1948. They preferred to see in the Jewish state the last surviving incarnation of the 19th century idyll of agrarian socialism - or else a paragon of modernizing energy "making the desert bloom."...

The habit of tarring any foreign criticism with the brush of anti-Semitism is deeply engrained in Israeli political instincts: Ariel Sharon used it with characteristic excess but he was only the latest in a long line of Israeli leaders to exploit the claim. David Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir did no different. But Jews outside of Israel pay a high price for this tactic. Not only does it inhibit their own criticisms of Israel for fear of appearing to associate with bad company, but it encourages others to look upon Jews everywhere as de facto collaborators in Israel's misbehavior. When Israel breaks international law in the occupied territories, when Israel publicly humiliates the subject populations whose land it has seized - but then responds to its critics with loud cries of "anti-Semitism" - it is in effect saying that these acts are not Israeli acts, they are Jewish acts: The occupation is not an Israeli occupation, it is a Jewish occupation, and if you don't like these things it is because you don't like Jews.

In many parts of the world this is in danger of becoming a self-fulfilling assertion: Israel's reckless behavior and insistent identification of all criticism with anti-Semitism is now the leading source of anti-Jewish sentiment in Western Europe and much of Asia. But the traditional corollary - if anti-Jewish feeling is linked to dislike of Israel then right-thinking people should rush to Israel's defense - no longer applies. Instead, the ironies of the Zionist dream have come full circle: For tens of millions of people in the world today, Israel is indeed the state of all the Jews. And thus, reasonably enough, many observers believe that one way to take the sting out of rising anti-Semitism in the suburbs of Paris or the streets of Jakarta would be for Israel to give the Palestinians back their land.

If Israel's leaders have been able to ignore such developments it is in large measure because they have hitherto counted upon the unquestioning support of the United States - the one country in the world where the claim that anti-Zionism equals anti-Semitism is still echoed not only in the opinions of many Jews but also in the public pronouncements of mainstream politicians and the mass media. But this lazy, ingrained confidence in unconditional American approval - and the moral, military and financial support that accompanies it - may prove to be Israel's undoing...."

[quoted here too:
https://antonyloewenstein.com/the-country-that-wouldnt-grow-up/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2010/02/11/kibbutz/">
    <title>Kibbutz | Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T06:22:37+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
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"My Sixties were a little different from those of my contemporaries. Of course, I joined in the enthusiasm for the Beatles, mild drugs, political dissent, and sex (the latter imagined rather than practiced, but in this too I think I reflected majority experience, retrospective mythology notwithstanding). But so far as political activism was concerned, I was diverted from the mainstream in the years between 1963 and 1969 by an all-embracing engagement with left-wing Zionism. I spent the summers of 1963, 1965, and 1967 working on Israeli kibbutzim and much of the time in between was actively engaged in proselytizing Labour Zionism as an unpaid official of one of its youth movements. During the summer of 1964 I was being “prepared” for leadership at a training camp in southwest France; and from February through July of 1966 I worked full time at Machanayim, a collective farm in the Upper Galilee.

This decidedly intense sentimental education worked very well at first. At least through the summer of 1967, when I graduated from voluntary work on a kibbutz to auxiliary participation in the Israeli armed forces, I was the ideal recruit: articulate, committed, and uncompromisingly ideologically conformist. Like the circle dancers in Milan Kundera’s Book of Laughter and Forgetting, I joined with fellow feelers in happy collective revels, excluding dissenters and celebrating our reassuring unity of spirit, purpose, and clothing. I idealized Jewish distinction, and intuitively grasped and reproduced the Zionist emphasis upon separation and ethnic difference. I was even invited—at the absurdly immature age of sixteen—to make a keynote speech to a Zionist youth conference in Paris denouncing smoking as a “bourgeois deviation” and threat to the healthy outdoor commitment of Jewish adolescents. I doubt very much whether I believed this even at the time (I smoked, after all): but I was very good with the words.

The essence of Labour Zionism, still faithful in those years to its founding dogmas, lay in the promise of Jewish work: the idea that young Jews from the diaspora would be rescued from their effete, assimilated lives and transported to remote collective settlements in rural Palestine—there to create (and, as the ideology had it, recreate) a living Jewish peasantry, neither exploited nor exploiting. Derived in equal measure from early-nineteenth-century socialist utopias and later Russian myths of egalitarian village communities, Labour Zionism was characteristically fragmented into conflicting sectarian cults: there were those who believed that everyone on the kibbutz should dress alike, raise their children and eat in common, and use (but not own) identical furniture, household goods, and even books, while deciding collectively upon every aspect of their lives at a mandatory weekly gathering. Softer adaptations of the core doctrine allowed for some variety in lifestyle and even a modicum of personal possessions. And then there were multifarious nuances between kibbutz members, often as not the product of personal or familial conflict recast as fundamentalist discord.
But all were agreed on the broader moral purpose: bringing Jews back to the land and separating them from their rootless diasporic degeneracy. For the neophyte fifteen-year-old Londoner encountering the kibbutz for the first time, the effect was exhilarating. Here was “Muscular Judaism” in its most seductive guise: health, exercise, productivity, collective purpose, self-sufficiency, and proud separatism—not to mention the charms of kibbutz children of one’s own generation, apparently free of all the complexes and inhibitions of their European peers (free, too, of most of their cultural baggage—though this did not trouble me until later).

I adored it. Eight hours of strenuous, intellectually undemanding labor in steamy banana plantations by the shores of the Sea of Galilee, interspersed with songs, hikes, lengthy doctrinal discussions (carefully stage-managed so as to reduce the risk of adolescent rejection while maximizing the appeal of shared objectives), and the ever-present suggestion of guilt-free sex: in those days the kibbutz and its accompanying ideological penumbra still retained a hint of the innocent “free love” ethos of early-twentieth-century radical cults.

In reality, of course, these were provincial and rather conservative communities, their ideological rigidity camouflaging the limited horizon of many of their members. Even in the mid-1960s it was clear that the economy of Israel no longer rested on small-scale domestic agriculture; and the care that left-wing kibbutz movements took to avoid employing Arab labor served less to burnish their egalitarian credentials than to isolate them from the inconvenient facts of Middle Eastern life. I’m sure I did not appreciate all this at the time—though I do recall even then wondering why I never met a single Arab in the course of my lengthy kibbutz stays, despite living in close proximity to the most densely populated Arab communities of the country.

What I did, however, come quite quickly to understand if not openly acknowledge was just how limited the kibbutz and its members really were. The mere fact of collective self-government, or egalitarian distribution of consumer durables, does not make you either more sophisticated or more tolerant of others. Indeed, to the extent that it contributes to an extraordinary smugness of self-regard, it actually reinforces the worst kind of ethnic solipsism.

Even now I can recall my surprise at how little my fellow kibbutzniks knew or cared about the wider world—except insofar as it directly affected them or their country. They were chiefly concerned with the business of the farm, their neighbor’s spouse, and their neighbor’s possessions (in both cases comparing these enviously with their own). Sexual liberation, on the two kibbutzim where I spent extensive time, was largely a function of marital infidelity and the attendant gossip and recrimination—in which respect these model socialist communities rather closely resembled medieval villages, with similar consequences for those exposed to collective disapproval.

As a result of these observations, I came quite early on to experience a form of cognitive dissonance in the face of my Zionist illusions. On the one hand I wanted deeply to believe in the kibbutz as a way of life and as an incarnation of a better sort of Judaism; and being of a dogmatic persuasion, I had little difficulty convincing myself of its principled virtues for some years. On the other hand, I actively disliked it. I could never wait to get away at the end of a work week, hitchhiking or hopping a bus to Haifa (the nearest significant city) where I would wile away the Sabbath gorging myself on sour cream and staring wistfully from the dock at the passenger ferries bound for Famagusta, Izmir, Brindisi, and other cosmopolitan destinations. Israel felt like a prison in those days, and the kibbutz like an overcrowded cell.

I was released from my confusions by two quite different developments. When my kibbutz colleagues learned that I had been accepted into Cambridge University and planned to attend, they were appalled. The whole culture of “Aliya”—“going up” (to Israel)—presumed the severing of links and opportunities back in the diaspora. The leaders of the youth movement in those days knew perfectly well that once a teenager in England or France was permitted to stay there through university, he or she was probably lost to Israel forever.

The official position, accordingly, was that university-bound students should forgo their places in Europe; commit themselves to the kibbutz for some years as orange pickers, tractor drivers, or banana sorters; and then, circumstances permitting, present themselves to the community as candidates for higher education—on the understanding that the kibbutz would collectively determine what if any course of studies they should pursue, with the emphasis upon their future usefulness to the collective.

With luck, in short, I might have been sent to college in Israel at the age of twenty-five or so, perhaps to study electrical engineering or, if very fortunate and indulged by my comrades, to train as an elementary teacher of history. At the age of fifteen, this prospect had rather appealed to me. Two years later, having worked hard to get into King’s, I had no intention of declining the opportunity, much less abandoning myself to a life in the fields. The utter incomprehension and palpable disdain of the kibbutz community in the face of my decision served merely to confirm my growing alienation from the theory and practice of communitarian democracy.

The other stimulus to separation, of course, was my experience with the army on the Golan Heights after the Six-Day War. There, to my surprise, I discovered that most Israelis were not transplanted latter-day agrarian socialists but young, prejudiced urban Jews who differed from their European or American counterparts chiefly in their macho, swaggering self-confidence, and access to armed weapons. Their attitude toward the recently defeated Arabs shocked me (testament to the delusions of my kibbutz years) and the insouciance with which they anticipated their future occupation and domination of Arab lands terrified me even then. When I returned to the kibbutz on which I was then living—Hakuk in the Galilee—I felt a stranger. Within a few weeks I had packed my bags and headed home. Two years later, in 1969, I returned with my then girlfriend to see what remained. Visiting kibbutz Machanayim I encountered “Uri,” a fellow orange picker of earlier days. Without bothering to acknowledge me, much less trouble himself with the usual greetings, Uri passed in front of us, pausing only to demand: “Ma ata oseah kan?” (“What are you doing here?”) What indeed?

I don’t regard those years as squandered or misspent. If anything, they furnished me with a store of memories and lessons somewhat richer than those I might have acquired had I simply passed through the decade in conformity with generational proclivities. By the time I went up to Cambridge I had actually experienced—and led—an ideological movement of the kind most of my contemporaries only ever encountered in theory. I knew what it meant to be a “believer”—but I also knew what sort of price one pays for such intensity of identification and unquestioning allegiance. Before even turning twenty I had become, been, and ceased to be a Zionist, a Marxist, and a communitarian settler: no mean achievement for a south London teenager.

Unlike most of my Cambridge contemporaries, I was thus immune to the enthusiasms and seductions of the New Left, much less its radical spin-offs: Maoism, gauchisme, tiers-mondisme, etc. For the same reasons I was decidedly uninspired by student-centered dogmas of anticapitalist transformation, much less the siren calls of femino-Marxism or sexual politics in general. I was—and remain—suspicious of identity politics in all forms, Jewish above all. Labour Zionism made me, perhaps a trifle prematurely, a universalist social democrat—an unintended consequence which would have horrified my Israeli teachers had they followed my career. But of course they didn’t. I was lost to the cause and thus effectively “dead.”

—This piece is part of a continuing series of memoirs by Tony Judt."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2010 tonyjudt zionism israel kibbutz policy politics settlercolonialism colonialism colonization left 1967 labourzionism maoism apartheid onestatesolution sixdaywar six-daywar palestine kibbutzim</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2003/10/23/israel-the-alternative/">
    <title>Israel: The Alternative | Tony Judt | The New York Review of Books</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-20T06:21:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2003/10/23/israel-the-alternative/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
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"The Middle East peace process is finished. It did not die: it was killed. Mahmoud Abbas was undermined by the President of the Palestinian Authority and humiliated by the Prime Minister of Israel. His successor awaits a similar fate. Israel continues to mock its American patron, building illegal settlements in cynical disregard of the “road map.” The President of the United States of America has been reduced to a ventriloquist’s dummy, pitifully reciting the Israeli cabinet line: “It’s all Arafat’s fault.” Israelis themselves grimly await the next bomber. Palestinian Arabs, corralled into shrinking Bantustans, subsist on EU handouts. On the corpse-strewn landscape of the Fertile Crescent, Ariel Sharon, Yasser Arafat, and a handful of terrorists can all claim victory, and they do. Have we reached the end of the road? What is to be done?

At the dawn of the twentieth century, in the twilight of the continental empires, Europe’s subject peoples dreamed of forming “nation-states,” territorial homelands where Poles, Czechs, Serbs, Armenians, and others might live free, masters of their own fate. When the Habsburg and Romanov empires collapsed after World War I, their leaders seized the opportunity. A flurry of new states emerged; and the first thing they did was set about privileging their national, “ethnic” majority—defined by language, or religion, or antiquity, or all three—at the expense of inconvenient local minorities, who were consigned to second-class status: permanently resident strangers in their own home.

But one nationalist movement, Zionism, was frustrated in its ambitions. The dream of an appropriately sited Jewish national home in the middle of the defunct Turkish Empire had to wait upon the retreat of imperial Britain: a process that took three more decades and a second world war. And thus it was only in 1948 that a Jewish nation-state was established in formerly Ottoman Palestine. But the founders of the Jewish state had been influenced by the same concepts and categories as their fin-de-siècle contemporaries back in Warsaw, or Odessa, or Bucharest; not surprisingly, Israel’s ethno-religious self-definition, and its discrimination against internal “foreigners,” has always had more in common with, say, the practices of post-Habsburg Romania than either party might care to acknowledge.

The problem with Israel, in short, is not—as is sometimes suggested—that it is a European “enclave” in the Arab world; but rather that it arrived too late. It has imported a characteristically late-nineteenth-century separatist project into a world that has moved on, a world of individual rights, open frontiers, and international law. The very idea of a “Jewish state”—a state in which Jews and the Jewish religion have exclusive privileges from which non-Jewish citizens are forever excluded—is rooted in another time and place. Israel, in short, is an anachronism.

In one vital attribute, however, Israel is quite different from previous insecure, defensive microstates born of imperial collapse: it is a democracy. Hence its present dilemma. Thanks to its occupation of the lands conquered in 1967, Israel today faces three unattractive choices. It can dismantle the Jewish settlements in the territories, return to the 1967 state borders within which Jews constitute a clear majority, and thus remain both a Jewish state and a democracy, albeit one with a constitutionally anomalous community of second-class Arab citizens.

Alternatively, Israel can continue to occupy “Samaria,” “Judea,” and Gaza, whose Arab population—added to that of present-day Israel—will become the demographic majority within five to eight years: in which case Israel will be either a Jewish state (with an ever-larger majority of unenfranchised non-Jews) or it will be a democracy. But logically it cannot be both.

Or else Israel can keep control of the Occupied Territories but get rid of the overwhelming majority of the Arab population: either by forcible expulsion or else by starving them of land and livelihood, leaving them no option but to go into exile. In this way Israel could indeed remain both Jewish and at least formally democratic: but at the cost of becoming the first modern democracy to conduct full-scale ethnic cleansing as a state project, something which would condemn Israel forever to the status of an outlaw state, an international pariah.

Anyone who supposes that this third option is unthinkable above all for a Jewish state has not been watching the steady accretion of settlements and land seizures in the West Bank over the past quarter-century, or listening to generals and politicians on the Israeli right, some of them currently in government. The middle ground of Israeli politics today is occupied by the Likud. Its major component is the late Menachem Begin’s Herut Party. Herut is the successor to Vladimir Jabotinsky’s interwar Revisionist Zionists, whose uncompromising indifference to legal and territorial niceties once attracted from left-leaning Zionists the epithet “fascist.” When one hears Israel’s deputy prime minister, Ehud Olmert, proudly insist that his country has not excluded the option of assassinating the elected president of the Palestinian Authority, it is clear that the label fits better than ever. Political murder is what fascists do.

The situation of Israel is not desperate, but it may be close to hopeless. Suicide bombers will never bring down the Israeli state, and the Palestinians have no other weapons. There are indeed Arab radicals who will not rest until every Jew is pushed into the Mediterranean, but they represent no strategic threat to Israel, and the Israeli military knows it. What sensible Israelis fear much more than Hamas or the al-Aqsa Brigade is the steady emergence of an Arab majority in “Greater Israel,” and above all the erosion of the political culture and civic morale of their society. As the prominent Labor politician Avraham Burg recently wrote, “After two thousand years of struggle for survival, the reality of Israel is a colonial state, run by a corrupt clique which scorns and mocks law and civic morality.”

Unless something changes, Israel in half a decade will be neither Jewish nor democratic.

This is where the US enters the picture. Israel’s behavior has been a disaster for American foreign policy. With American support, Jerusalem has consistently and blatantly flouted UN resolutions requiring it to withdraw from land seized and occupied in war. Israel is the only Middle Eastern state known to possess genuine and lethal weapons of mass destruction. By turning a blind eye, the US has effectively scuttled its own increasingly frantic efforts to prevent such weapons from falling into the hands of other small and potentially belligerent states. Washington’s unconditional support for Israel even in spite of (silent) misgivings is the main reason why most of the rest of the world no longer credits our good faith.

It is now tacitly conceded by those in a position to know that America’s reasons for going to war in Iraq were not necessarily those advertised at the time.

For many in the current US administration, a major strategic consideration was the need to destabilize and then reconfigure the Middle East in a manner thought favorable to Israel. This story continues. We are now making belligerent noises toward Syria because Israeli intelligence has assured us that Iraqi weapons have been moved there—a claim for which there is no corroborating evidence from any other source. Syria backs Hezbollah and the Islamic Jihad: sworn foes of Israel, to be sure, but hardly a significant international threat. However, Damascus has hitherto been providing the US with critical data on al-Qaeda. Like Iran, another longstanding target of Israeli wrath whom we are actively alienating, Syria is more use to the United States as a friend than an enemy. Which war are we fighting?

On September 16, 2003, the US vetoed a UN Security Council resolution asking Israel to desist from its threat to deport Yasser Arafat. Even American officials themselves recognize, off the record, that the resolution was reasonable and prudent, and that the increasingly wild pronouncements of Israel’s present leadership, by restoring Arafat’s standing in the Arab world, are a major impediment to peace. But the US blocked the resolution all the same, further undermining our credibility as an honest broker in the region. America’s friends and allies around the world are no longer surprised at such actions, but they are saddened and disappointed all the same.

Israeli politicians have been actively contributing to their own difficulties for many years; why do we continue to aid and abet them in their mistakes? The US has tentatively sought in the past to pressure Israel by threatening to withhold from its annual aid package some of the money that goes to subsidizing West Bank settlers. But the last time this was attempted, during the Clinton administration, Jerusalem got around it by taking the money as “security expenditure.” Washington went along with the subterfuge, and of $10 billion of American aid over four years, between 1993 and 1997, less than $775 million was kept back. The settlement program went ahead unimpeded. Now we don’t even try to stop it.

This reluctance to speak or act does no one any favors. It has also corroded American domestic debate. Rather than think straight about the Middle East, American politicians and pundits slander our European allies when they dissent, speak glibly and irresponsibly of resurgent anti-Semitism when Israel is criticized, and censoriously rebuke any public figure at home who tries to break from the consensus.

But the crisis in the Middle East won’t go away. President Bush will probably be conspicuous by his absence from the fray for the coming year, having said just enough about the “road map” in June to placate Tony Blair. But sooner or later an American statesman is going to have to tell the truth to an Israeli prime minister and find a way to make him listen. Israeli liberals and moderate Palestinians have for two decades been thanklessly insisting that the only hope was for Israel to dismantle nearly all the settlements and return to the 1967 borders, in exchange for real Arab recognition of those frontiers and a stable, terrorist-free Palestinian state underwritten (and constrained) by Western and international agencies. This is still the conventional consensus, and it was once a just and possible solution.

But I suspect that we are already too late for that. There are too many settlements, too many Jewish settlers, and too many Palestinians, and they all live together, albeit separated by barbed wire and pass laws. Whatever the “road map” says, the real map is the one on the ground, and that, as Israelis say, reflects facts. It may be that over a quarter of a million heavily armed and subsidized Jewish settlers would leave Arab Palestine voluntarily; but no one I know believes it will happen. Many of those settlers will die—and kill—rather than move. The last Israeli politician to shoot Jews in pursuit of state policy was David Ben-Gurion, who forcibly disarmed Begin’s illegal Irgun militia in 1948 and integrated it into the new Israel Defense Forces. Ariel Sharon is not Ben-Gurion.

The time has come to think the unthinkable. The two-state solution—the core of the Oslo process and the present “road map”—is probably already doomed. With every passing year we are postponing an inevitable, harder choice that only the far right and far left have so far acknowledged, each for its own reasons. The true alternative facing the Middle East in coming years will be between an ethnically cleansed Greater Israel and a single, integrated, binational state of Jews and Arabs, Israelis and Palestinians. That is indeed how the hard-liners in Sharon’s cabinet see the choice; and that is why they anticipate the removal of the Arabs as the ineluctable condition for the survival of a Jewish state.

But what if there were no place in the world today for a “Jewish state”? What if the binational solution were not just increasingly likely, but actually a desirable outcome? It is not such a very odd thought. Most of the readers of this essay live in pluralist states which have long since become multiethnic and multicultural. “Christian Europe,” pace M. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, is a dead letter; Western civilization today is a patchwork of colors and religions and languages, of Christians, Jews, Muslims, Arabs, Indians, and many others—as any visitor to London or Paris or Geneva will know.

Israel itself is a multicultural society in all but name; yet it remains distinctive among democratic states in its resort to ethnoreligious criteria with which to denominate and rank its citizens. It is an oddity among modern nations not—as its more paranoid supporters assert—because it is a Jewish state and no one wants the Jews to have a state; but because it is a Jewish state in which one community—Jews—is set above others, in an age when that sort of state has no place.

For many years, Israel had a special meaning for the Jewish people. After 1948 it took in hundreds of thousands of helpless survivors who had nowhere else to go; without Israel their condition would have been desperate in the extreme. Israel needed Jews, and Jews needed Israel. The circumstances of its birth have thus bound Israel’s identity inextricably to the Shoah, the German project to exterminate the Jews of Europe. As a result, all criticism of Israel is drawn ineluctably back to the memory of that project, something that Israel’s American apologists are shamefully quick to exploit. To find fault with the Jewish state is to think ill of Jews; even to imagine an alternative configuration in the Middle East is to indulge the moral equivalent of genocide.

In the years after World War II, those many millions of Jews who did not live in Israel were often reassured by its very existence—whether they thought of it as an insurance policy against renascent anti-Semitism or simply a reminder to the world that Jews could and would fight back. Before there was a Jewish state, Jewish minorities in Christian societies would peer anxiously over their shoulders and keep a low profile; since 1948, they could walk tall. But in recent years, the situation has tragically reversed.

Today, non-Israeli Jews feel themselves once again exposed to criticism and vulnerable to attack for things they didn’t do. But this time it is a Jewish state, not a Christian one, which is holding them hostage for its own actions. Diaspora Jews cannot influence Israeli policies, but they are implicitly identified with them, not least by Israel’s own insistent claims upon their allegiance. The behavior of a self-described Jewish state affects the way everyone else looks at Jews. The increased incidence of attacks on Jews in Europe and elsewhere is primarily attributable to misdirected efforts, often by young Muslims, to get back at Israel. The depressing truth is that Israel’s current behavior is not just bad for America, though it surely is. It is not even just bad for Israel itself, as many Israelis silently acknowledge. The depressing truth is that Israel today is bad for the Jews.

In a world where nations and peoples increasingly intermingle and intermarry at will; where cultural and national impediments to communication have all but collapsed; where more and more of us have multiple elective identities and would feel falsely constrained if we had to answer to just one of them; in such a world Israel is truly an anachronism. And not just an anachronism but a dysfunctional one. In today’s “clash of cultures” between open, pluralist democracies and belligerently intolerant, faith-driven ethno-states, Israel actually risks falling into the wrong camp.

To convert Israel from a Jewish state to a binational one would not be easy, though not quite as impossible as it sounds: the process has already begun de facto. But it would cause far less disruption to most Jews and Arabs than its religious and nationalist foes will claim. In any case, no one I know of has a better idea: anyone who genuinely supposes that the controversial electronic fence now being built will resolve matters has missed the last fifty years of history. The “fence”—actually an armored zone of ditches, fences, sensors, dirt roads (for tracking footprints), and a wall up to twenty-eight feet tall in places—occupies, divides, and steals Arab farmland; it will destroy villages, livelihoods, and whatever remains of Arab-Jewish community. It costs approximately $1 million per mile and will bring nothing but humiliation and discomfort to both sides. Like the Berlin Wall, it confirms the moral and institutional bankruptcy of the regime it is intended to protect.

A binational state in the Middle East would require a brave and relentlessly engaged American leadership. The security of Jews and Arabs alike would need to be guaranteed by international force—though a legitimately constituted binational state would find it much easier policing militants of all kinds inside its borders than when they are free to infiltrate them from outside and can appeal to an angry, excluded constituency on both sides of the border.

A binational state in the Middle East would require the emergence, among Jews and Arabs alike, of a new political class. The very idea is an unpromising mix of realism and utopia, hardly an auspicious place to begin. But the alternatives are far, far worse."]]></description>
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Economies are created, not born. Have you ever wondered whether our economy was designed to be fair? Take a journey with us through pivotal moments in our history and answer the question for yourself."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenerdreich.com/curtis-yarvin-compares-africans-to-cattle-cuddles-a-soros/">
    <title>Curtis Yarvin Compares Africans to Cattle, Cuddles A Soros</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-16T01:07:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenerdreich.com/curtis-yarvin-compares-africans-to-cattle-cuddles-a-soros/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Curtis Yarvin has befriended Alexander Soros, son of George Soros and chair of the Open Society Foundation, at a fancy conference in southern Bavaria.

A new profile of Yarvin in the German publication Die Zeit captures Yarvin guzzling wine (and weeping, as he has a habit of doing lately) at an intellectual confab for “distinguished political thinkers” at a five-star Schloss Elmau spa and hotel in February.

Yarvin described Soros as “actually smart,” while Soros described Yarvin as “very nice.” On Saturday, Yarvin posted pictures of himself with Soros, embracing and smiling like the best of friends.

It’s a strange sight—the son of the man long credited as liberalism’s greatest patron, arm in arm with one of today’s leading architects of neofascism. But Yarvin has always had a talent for cultivating men with more money than sense. More on that in a moment.

While researching my book on tech fascism, I came across an especially disturbing podcast interview with Yarvin. During an appearance on the Anglofuturist podcast last year, he swilled beer and laid out a dehumanizing and dystopian vision for Africa:

How should Africa be governed? First, it has to be re-governed. First, you know, the anarchy has to be eliminated, there has to be...Imagine a futurist Africa, Africa in 2100 and there’s a computer...that knows how many Africans there are, down to a single digit, where they are in terms of position—just the way, you know, if you’re, like, a rancher in Wyoming, you know where all your cattle are thanks to modern whatever—you know where all these people are, you know what they’re doing and your goal is for them to thrive as human beings without breeding too much. Like, you know, what a vision right? You know, like, imagine restoring order to South Africa. You don’t need to make South Africa all white to restore order to South Africa. You just need governance.

(Note: The YouTube transcript says “without breathing too much,” but I believe Yarvin actually says “breeding,” which makes more sense in this context. In any case, it’s a distinction without a difference.)

The racism is in-your-face and designed to provoke outrage. But notice the tech fascist structure underneath it: Africans compared to cattle, their movements tracked by computer, their reproduction managed by an external authority. Their human dignity and sovereignty dissolved into what Yarvin blandly describes as “governance.” It’s a fascist colonial fantasy—Yarvin calls it “neocolonialism”—in its purest, most technocratic form.

He suggested another target for the same treatment: West Oakland. His “neocolonialism” solution for the historically Black neighborhood entails allowing the Chinese government to impose an authoritarian surveillance regime:

So we basically cede West Oakland and it becomes extraterritorial under Chinese law. And then Chinese like police, you know how in Beijing they have the police officers with like the white gloves... and so, basically, like, if there's any sort of — you know—it’s under Chinese law, enforced by Chinese security forces—so if there’s any bad bad behavior and then, you know, the guys in white gloves are like they blow the [whistle] and they're like right you know like jaywalking right. I mean first of all anything involving both Asians and African-Americans is inherently amusing, number one fact, and it’s just how it is I don’t make the rules...

Yarvin imagined a future West Oakland where he could use an app to summon a drone armed with a megaphone to yell at people considered bothersome (here, he appeared to do a racist imitation of a Chinese voice).

“And that’s the first step, and if there’s no compliance with these orders in Chinese—which maybe the guy doesn’t understand—I think he’ll learn to understand them,” Yarvin said, calling the situation a “win win” and a model for future governance.

Yarvin spoke these words as USAID cuts were devastating global health in the poorest countries of Africa. Estimates from public health researchers suggest the resulting death toll could reach at least 14 million by 2030, concentrated heavily in sub-Saharan Africa—many of them children under five. Yarvin has advocated gutting USAID for decades.

As USAID cuts kill the continent's poorest and most vulnerable, Silicon Valley’s venture capital class is moving in. Elon Musk is aggressively expanding Starlink across Africa—using his leverage inside the Trump administration to pressure sovereign governments into opening their markets to him. He helped kill the foreign aid and now he’s peddling satellite internet. Meanwhile, multiple tech-funded “Network State” projects are being pushed in Africa.

Yarvin says in public what others can only say in private, and he has a talent for introducing disturbing scenarios that later become reality. Long before DOGE, Yarvin imagined a presidential administration that would install a CEO to gut the federal bureaucracy and dismantle USAID. Many shocking aspects of our current situation can be traced back to his blogs. So when Yarvin speaks of colonizing Africa with surveillance and eugenics, we should pay attention, because Yarvin—clown, court jester, guru, svengali—has a talent for cultivating billionaires. People like Peter Thiel, JD Vance, and Marc Andreessen consider him a genius. Now, he’s cozied up with Alexander Soros.

Which makes his current decline worth noting, with caution.

It’s 2026. Trump is sinking in the polls and Republicans are likely headed to a crushing defeat in the midterms. The CEO-dictator system Yarvin prescribed collapsed spectacularly when Elon Musk flamed out and turned on Trump. The president’s hunger for crypto corruption currently seems larger than his desire for a risky overnight coup that could end in prison or death for all involved.

And Yarvin cannot stop crying.

The Die Zeit piece captures him weeping at the spa in Bavaria, swirling wine in a glass, ordering multiple rounds of Scotch on a New York Times reporter’s tab. This is not a new habit. He has bawled in the New Yorker and during podcast interviews. His tears have become more important than his words.

To some degree, Yarvin’s gaudy racist fantasies of fascist surveillance and control over Black people seem like a desperate cry for attention. His image as a serious political influencer has suffered major damage over the past year as multiple journalism profiles have exposed him as a long-winded bore prone to incoherent monologues and wine weeping. He complains that Trump isn’t being authoritarian enough and worries he may need to flee the country if Democrats retake power. Many of his fellow right-wing provocateurs have turned on him, pelting him with online mockery and scorn.

His fifteen minutes of fame seem to be expiring, and so he escalates to prolong the interest. Africans as cattle, Chinese drones in West Oakland—his sci-fi racist taunts sound like something an intellectually precocious middle schooler would think up.

Yet, even in this diminished stage of his celebrity, he keeps finding fans among the billionaire class.

“Generally, the people at the top aren’t sociopaths either,” Yarvin wrote in response to one of my comments about his appearance in Bavaria. “They’re just inside a giant machine they didn’t create. They see everything through the machine’s screen... But once you allow for this—and they for the reverse—they’re easy to get along with.”

These words were accompanied by his cuddly photos with Soros, which Yarvin said he had posted “with permission lol.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.studio-technique.com/blog/2026/2/4/politics-in-academy-and-film">
    <title>Propaganda, Politics, Academy Awards &amp; Film — Studio Technique</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-08T21:43:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.studio-technique.com/blog/2026/2/4/politics-in-academy-and-film</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Here  is my commentary after sitting through this film — a film that never once mentions the word Palestine, never once criticises Israel, purposefully left out the recordings and forensic evidence where Hind was killed in cold blood, framing her death as though it was an accidental tragedy,  emphasising her family is situated in Germany and avoided addressing why they were in Gaza, implying that they accidentally wandered into a “restricted war zone" that they were not meant to be in. Not once addressed Israel or the IOF, they only said "armies". The only time they used the word “Israel” was to coordinate with Israel who was portrayed as benevolently handling the rescue missions that the Palestinian Red Crescent is portrayed as incompetent to manage without them. This is a form of history-revisionism, and needs to be critiqued in how it is placed in the current historic context (see Cedric Robinsons’ critical scholarship). This film also takes advantage of grieving families who are persuaded to participate in the hopes of their loss being used for some good, which we have also seen in projects like The Perfect Neighbor.  Hind’s family has put their approval behind many other films and documentaries about this tragedy to help spread awareness, including a Palestian-Jordanian production, which also coordinated with the Palestine Red Crescent Society."

...

"The Voice of Hind Rajab is a highly problematic film."

...

"This film mimics campaigns designed towards upholding imperial soft power structures and Hollywood-washing. Hollywood is trying to co-opt the Pro-Palestine movement (we already know that there is an increase in the propaganda budget for 2025) and there is a massive campaign around coopting and commodifying this. Hollywood is not an isolated actor on the political stage, it is part of an apparatus that cooperates with news media, music, and sports industries, among many other cultural structures. Likewise, directors and actors are not independent contractors, they are employees of agencies that are also corporate organisations.

Some useful points to consider:

• This film is promoted by White, neo-liberal, Democrat-supporting, Hollywood heavy-weights, who are only speaking out since Trump was in office (for those following this phenomenon, this is a conversation on its own). They are commodifying Palestinian tragedy and rewriting themselves on the right side of history.

• Brad Pitt is also part of/represented by CAA**, a publicly pro-Israeli agency which made a public statement in support of Israel. Those critical of Israel had to resign from the agency. (https://variety.com/2023/film/news/caa-maha-dakhil-resigns-board-israel-social-media-posts-controversy-1235764577/ )

• It’s also important to ask why are they all White liberal faces on the promotion of this project and not one Palestinian directing creative? Casting actors does not help, none of the directing, or decision-making roles appear to have a single Palestinian.

• Hollywood films (these can also be called First and Second Cinema - for more information look up Third Cinema) are funded by the CIA and Pentagon. Please read the peer reviewed scholarship by Alford & Secker, Lenoir, Der Derian, Stahl, Mirrlees. (American Journal of Economics and Sociology by Matthew Alford and Tom Secker is available here: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajes.12180 )

• On Hollywood affiliated productions, directors are not the conceptualisers of the films. Directors and writers are hired by someone else to create a predetermined film. They are picked to appeal to targeted audiences (mainly Americans). Understanding this logic we can see how a Tunisian director from a France-based studio that tours Cannes is an ideal candidate to be sought out for this role, mainly because they are not Palestinian. This: 1) Further distances and orientalises Palestinian voices. 2) All Arabs are the same for their purposes and audiences, and someone more “politically palatable” is preferable.

• This film contributes to ensuring that the famous events of the G-cide are remembered, shaped and curated in cultural memory that is in the form that Western interests want.

• These films pacify resistance by neutralising radical ideas through narrative justifications, commodify it, and shape the story to uphold American value systems like American exceptionalism and hyper individualised hero-stories. These are key narrative structures that the imperial apparatus wants in films; the CIA is content to prioritise this even at the expense of making the government look bad, because the core idealogical messaging that must be put through offers more value laden returns for hegemony (see Alford & Secker).

• One last thing, because they did the same thing with the Black Panther franchise (using Oakland) and Andor (referencing the Battle of Algiers). We need to ask why choose  Hind's story? Why not another? These references they use are the most accessible. They go to the easiest access that they think will hold the largest audience impact. They also want to co-opt any narratives that might cause people to start asking questions and reshape history by re-situating the context of these narratives in a way that favours the imperial violence that the US upholds. Because Hind was known among White circles due to Hind's Hall at Columbia University, this was the story that created cracks in the colonial mainstream narrative. This is a common strategy historically repeated, and there is a long paper trail of receipts on these tactics as well.

We also need to ask if these people like Brad Pitt and co. are so altruistic, why aren't they speaking out against the G-cide? why aren't they speaking out about how their studios and industry help R&D and propaganda for the US military? Their promotion of this film aligned with the events of the Freedom Flotilla, where even other celebrities were on the ground supporting it. Why aren't they getting on the flotilla or seeing it off? Even better, why aren't they using their own personal yachts, or the yachts of their society friends to join the flotilla? Why aren't they investing in sending aid to Gaza through its borders? For perspective, the funding given to this film will cost more than the millions of dollars in weapons that Canada just sent to Israel. Why aren't they doing something of material significance to people in Gaza with their money? Instead they are investing in an all White promoted production, hiring a Tunisian employee, and profiting off it. Why are these White company-men owned by pro-Israeli agencies being the ones to be the faces of a Palestinian story and not use their voices to uplift any Palestinians to tell their stories? There are Palestinian screen writers, directors, etc. in the US, as well as in Palestine and other countries.

More importantly, and I know I'm being a bit blunt, but as a directing creative on the inside, I have witnessed how effective our work has been on influencing the average person. How visceral and emotional the push back can be from the audiences that we filmmakers — essentially — dupe. When you work at high levels on the inside, it’s very different to what the public thinks it is, and I am constantly astounded at how much people believe in these productions or what we choose to reveal as "behind the scenes". So if there is a knee-jerk response in anyone to be immediately excited about this, or jumps on board to defend or celebrate it without questioning, I think this is what we have to work on unravelling in ourselves and in our socialisation. There is no legitimate logic behind this behaviour when it is interrogated. There is, however, ample documentation in scholarship and journalism that illustrates how, since WW1, and especially WW2, Hollywood is America's greatest soft power asset. What needs to be interrogated is why do we even think figures like these Hollywood celebrities have anything of value to contribute morally or intellectually, and why do we rely on, and promote, their approval. This reflects poorly on us as a whole, the celebrity obsession reflects how easily we are persuaded.

It’s a really depressing testament to how good we are at our jobs that people are so desperate to have their story told by this system that they will promote it.

At ‘best” this film is racist, at worst it is sinister and nefarious."

[See also:

"Hollow tokens of conscience: The hypocrisy of ‘The Voice of Hind Rajab’"
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250909-hollow-tokens-of-conscience-the-hypocrisy-of-the-voice-of-hind-rajab/

via:

"The Voice of Hind Rajab is a Disturbing Master Class in Propaganda ft. Samantha Youssef"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xnj_5dCduwo ]]]></description>
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    <title>Who is Walter Mignolo, architect of decoloniality? | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-02T16:36:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/who-is-walter-mignolo-architect-of-decoloniality</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A prominent architect of decolonial theory, his diagnosis of European colonial ills is both penetrating and flawed"]]></description>
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    <title>Why Trump REALLY Attacked Iran - YouTube (13:53)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T22:55:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=maXGRRn23Tw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Chilling Truth Behind Trump's Dark Agenda"

[See also:

"Lowkey EXPOSES Israel's War on Iran
The Chilling Truth Behind US & Israel's Dark Agenda" (5:42)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NxdjzsuAQMg

"Iran War EXPOSED: The Video Trump Doesn't Want You To See" (8:33)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FfHqw81Mml0

"Lowkey EXPOSES Trump's Iran War for Israel" (14:40)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TmkWD3GUGrU]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E3C6MxO8O8Q">
    <title>&quot;Trump isn't just President, he is a gangster and a businessman“ with Jeremy Scahill - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-28T21:49:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E3C6MxO8O8Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome the investigative journalist Jeremy Scahill of ‪@DropSiteNews‬  back to the show to discuss the looming threat of a joint US-Israeli attack on Iran, the various forces driving US foreign policy, the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and the capacity of Palestinian steadfastness to withstand either the plan for the dystopian reduction of Gaza to a wasteland of biometric concentration camps and foreign privatization and profiteering or the ongoing Israeli drive for total annihilation.

Date of recording: Feb 26, 2026"

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/40257385
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/trump-isnt-just-president-he-is-a-gangster-and-a-businessman-w-jeremy-scahill ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>makdisistreet 2026 jeremyscahill us donaldtrump trumpism marcorubio jaredkushner gaza israel palestine iran policy corruption media nytimes privatization middleeast deepstate gulfstates un gangsters boardofpeace sareemakdisi ussamamakdisi karimmakdisi war zionism ayatollahalikhamenei jordan egypt mohammedmorsi diplomacy neocons iraq stevewitkoff billkristol dickcheney petehegseth johnbolton chuckschumer democrats geopolitics imperialism judaism colonialism colonization apartheid lebanon syria hassannasrallah benjaminnetanyahu empire ronaldreagan miriamadelson jewishsupremacy supremacy qatar bahrain militarism military militaryindustrialcomplex irondome yemen hezbollah jimmycarter bashar al-assad hamas resistance armedresistance westbank joebiden tuckercarlson kamalaharris elections politics maga awareness antisemitism encampments republicans christianzionism mikehuckabee berniesanders aipac saidhassannasrallah hizbullah</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:c841d407d464/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bVvX8aICHZQ">
    <title>What Is &quot;Greater Israel&quot;? The Plan for the Middle East - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-28T02:25:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bVvX8aICHZQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Israel is quietly redrawing the map of the Middle East — and no one is stopping them. From Gaza's "yellow line" to occupying parts of Syria and refusing to leave Lebanon, this is the Greater Israel plan unfolding in real time.

In this video, we break down what "Greater Israel" actually means, how Israel has used every war and ceasefire since 1948 to annex more land, and why this matters for the entire region. We cover the Nakba, the 1967 Six-Day War, the Golan Heights annexation, the invasion of southern Syria after Assad's fall, Israel's ongoing occupation of south Lebanon, and how so-called "temporary buffer zones" always become permanent borders.

This is not prophecy. It's settler-colonial expansion — and it's happening right now.

📌 In this video, you'll learn:
– What is "Greater Israel" and where does the concept come from?
– How Gaza's yellow line is becoming Israel's new border
– The pattern: from the Nakba to Syria in 2025
– Why Israel has no defined borders
– How buffer zones become illegal settlements
– What this means for the future of the Middle East"]]></description>
<dc:subject>israel greaterisrael 2026 syria nakba middleeast settlercolonialism colonialism colonization zionism lebanon expansionism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:5e8d7606a768/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://lithub.com/all-of-americas-colonial-evils-at-once-the-early-19th-century-subjugation-of-florida/">
    <title>Literary Hub » All of America’s Colonial Evils at Once: The Early 19th-Century Subjugation of Florida</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-25T22:16:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://lithub.com/all-of-americas-colonial-evils-at-once-the-early-19th-century-subjugation-of-florida/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jamie Holmes on the Forgotten History of the US Government’s War Against the Seminole"]]></description>
<dc:subject>jamieholmes seminole us history 2026 florida indigeneity indigenous nativeamericans colonization colonialism slavery andrewjackson</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:a2ddeb430681/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NFS8F7kxTZ0">
    <title>Christian Zionism: the radical theology empowering an unchristian settler state | Palestine This Week - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-25T22:10:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NFS8F7kxTZ0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this week’s episode, we unpack the implications of remarks made by Mike Huckabee, the US ambassador to Israel, whose unapologetic defence of Israeli expansionism reflects the enduring influence of Christian Zionism on American foreign policy. We explore how this radical theological current has shaped political discourse and helped sustain Israel. 

The discussion also examines the latest Lancet report suggesting Gaza’s death toll may be significantly higher than previously recorded. Finally, we assess the significance of the newly convened Board of Peace.

Chapters:
00:00 Introduction & Overview
01:33 Lancet report: Gaza death toll 50 % higher than reported
12:26 Inside Trump’s board of peace: power, influence and the Blair not a “good human”
17:19 Israel’s unprecedented persecution of Palestinian journalists exposed
20:48 Huckabee says “it would be fine if they took it all” – what this means for the region
27:52 Christian Zionism a radical ideology that needs to be proscribed?
35:02 Do states have rights or do people? unpacking Huckabee’s biblical claim
39:50 Debunking Huckabee’s false claims: 1956, 1967, Balfour and the myth of the “most moral army”
45:34 Why hasn’t Tehran bowed to US pressure?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>zionism christianzionism mikehuckabee us palestine gaza israel 1956 1967 iran expansionism middleeast settlercolonialism colonialism colonization policy foreignpolicy balfourdeclaration history</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:f1906ee57293/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V6NVRmfNRvE">
    <title>What is &quot;Greater Israel&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-25T22:07:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V6NVRmfNRvE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee says it would be “fine” if Israel took more land in the Middle East. He’s not the only one who thinks like this.

“Greater Israel” is a long-held goal for Zionist leaders, including PM Benjamin Netanyahu. We break down what “Greater Israel” actually means, and why it’s no longer a fantasy."]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri 2026 israel greaterisrael benjaminnetanyahu zionism mikehuckabee middleeast expansionism colonialism colonization settlercolonialism palestine policy us</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2608-no-neutrals-there">
    <title>No Neutrals There: US Labor, Zionism, and the Struggle for Palestine, by Jeff Schuhrke (2025) | HaymarketBooks.org</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-25T22:03:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2608-no-neutrals-there</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The definitive history of the US labor movement’s complicity in Zionist settler colonialism, and a call for today’s labor militants to organize in solidarity with Palestinians.

US trade unionists are often told to keep quiet and remain neutral on Palestine because “Palestine has nothing to do with unions” and “weighing in” only distracts from struggles for better working conditions. 

No Neutrals There makes a timely and critical intervention against that pervasive sentiment by recounting the history of the US labor movement’s century-long involvement in the struggle for Palestine. Scholar Jeff Schuhrke convincingly demonstrates that unions in the United States have never been silent or neutral on the question of Palestine. In fact, they have played a key role—in the initial Zionist colonization of Palestine, the foundation of the Israeli state in 1948, supporting US foreign policy commitments to Israel, and the ongoing suppression of the Palestinian liberation movement.

In his compelling telling of this history, Schuhrke conclusively shows that US unions helped build and maintain the state of Israel, and also shines a light on important exceptions to this rule: instances of US labor solidarity with the Palestinian freedom struggle that point the way forward for today’s labor movement."

[See also:

"Bonus: Labor for Palestine" (Haymarket Books)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LFYu3HhDnok

"In today’s bonus episode, we look to pro-Palestine actions and supply chain disruption to find hope amidst the darkness. Abdullah Farooq and Will take it from here.

“Unite and Win: A Guide to Workplace Organizing” is a 13-part podcast series by the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC), produced in partnership with Haymarket Books. Subscribe on Apple Podcasts or wherever you listen to podcasts!

This podcast is split up into two parts: an audiobook version of EWOC’s Unite & Win handbook (https://workerorganizing.org/unite-and-win/ ) and discussions with labor organizers across industries moderated by labor journalist and author Kim Kelly. These discussion episodes use real-world examples to illustrate the themes we raise in the handbook, including just how much a union can help us accomplish when we come together and fight.

Visit haymarketbooks.org to find indispensable radical books, podcasts, virtual events, and other political education resources, including the Unite & Win handbook and No Neutrals There (https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2608-no-neutrals-there ) which is 20% Off online. Please also consider joining the Haymarket book club. It’s one of the best ways to support Haymarket and help fund projects like this one.

Visit workerorganizing.org to get support, sign up for a training, or volunteer with EWOC. Please also consider making a donation to support our work.
Our audiobook host is Wes Holing. Discussion episodes are hosted by Kim Kelly. Giulia Hjort is our senior producer, and Rachel Lightner is our engineer. Production support from Daphna Thier and Megan Svoboda. Music from Epidemic Sound."]]]></description>
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