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    <title>Mapping the ADL’s Origins in Settler-Colonial Liberalism, State Power, &amp; Civil Rights as Cover... - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T06:17:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=56ZWnjnN7Vc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode we are joined by Emmaia Gelman, author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the ADL as a Cold War neoconservative institution. Gelman excavates the Anti-Defamation League's origins as a white, settler colonial institution founded by German-Jewish elites—not to combat antisemitism broadly, but to manage class respectability and suppress Eastern European Jewish immigrant socialists whom they viewed as a racial and social threat. 

 Gelman looks back at how early Jewish settlers had built fortunes through participation in 19th-century US territorial expansion, Indigenous dispossession, and slavery's economic system, understanding themselves as white Europeans racially distinct from the "vermin" arriving from the Pale of Settlement. The ADL and its predecessor, the American Jewish Committee (founded 1906), operated as Progressive Era eugenicist charities designed to "correct and fix" rather than support self-determination, preemptively capturing Jewish political identity to prevent autonomous radical organizing.

 Gelman traces how the ADL evolved from an instrument of McCarthyite purges—coordinating mass firings of Jewish leftists in 1951, offering its services to McCarthy committee members, and abandoning Julius and Ethel Rosenberg to execution while denying antisemitism played any role in their prosecution (the judge who sentenced them sat on the ADL's Civil Rights Committee)—into a key architect of Cold War anti-communism and neoconservative "democracy promotion." The organization attacked Arab League representatives speaking about Zionist violence in Palestine as early as 1946, treating Palestinian and Arab organizing as "foreign insurgency" while framing Jewish fundraising for Israeli settlement as natural civic participation. After Israel's 1967 military victory, the ADL strategically re-racialized Jews as non-white within the framework of race liberalism, allowing it to cast Israeli militarism as defensive racial liberation and Arab calls for refugee return as antisemitic rather than anti-colonial. This racial pivot occurred precisely as European Jews had achieved economic whiteness through the GI Bill, suburbanization, and the collapse of university quotas—benefits systematically denied to Black populations through redlining.

 Emmaia Gelman is the author of The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, a critical history of the Anti-Defamation League as a Cold War neoconservative institution (UC Press, 2026) and co-editor of The Anti-Defamation League: A Critical Reader (Pluto Press, 2026). She co-hosts the podcast Unpacking Zionism. Emmaia is co-chair of the American Studies Association Caucus on Academic and Community Activism, and a longtime activist in New York City.

 She is the founding director of the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism, which examines the political and ideological work of Zionist institutions in Palestine and transnational contexts. She researches the history of ideas about race, queerness, safety, and rights, and their production as levers in surveillance, “anti-terror”, and war. Her teaching spans academic and community spaces."

[also here:
https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/mapping-the-adls-origins-in-settler-colonial-liberalism-state-power-civil-rights-as-cover-with-emmaia-gelman 

See also:

The Anti-Defamation League and the Racial State, by Emmaia Gelman (2026)
https://www.ucpress.edu/books/the-anti-defamation-league-and-the-racial-state/hardcover 

Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism
https://criticalzionismstudies.org/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>Lucy Parsons and the Legacy of Black Anarchism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T06:48:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PC2595wCeA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Born into slavery and forged in the fire of the 19th-century labor movement, Lucy Parsons became one of the most dangerous women in America. In this Women’s History Month special, Rattling the Bars Mansa Musa and guest William C. Anderson, author of The Nation on No Map, honor Parsons, the "Goddess of Anarchy," and trace her journey from former slave to militant activist on the front lines of the class war. 

Producer / Videographer / Editor: Cameron Granadino"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely">
    <title>Francesca Albanese and the Lonely Road of Defiance</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-31T08:36:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/francesca-albanese-and-the-lonely</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The U.N. special rapporteur is one of the most courageous crusaders against the genocide in Gaza. Because of this, she is blacklisted and treated as if she is a terrorist."

...

"NICE, France — It is a late November afternoon. I am driving to Genoa, Italy with Francesca Albanese, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. We are traveling to join striking dockworkers. The dockworkers call for a moratorium on weapons bound for Israel and a halt to the Italian government’s plans to increase military spending.

We speed past the inky waters of Baie des Anges on our right and the razor-backed French Alps on our left. Châteaus and clusters of houses with red-tiled roofs, shrouded in the fading light, are perched on the rolling hillsides. Palm trees line the seafront road.

Francesca — tall with flecks of gray in her hair and wearing large black-framed glasses and hoop earrings — is the bête noire of Israel and the United States. She was placed on the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) list of the U.S. Treasury Department — normally used to sanction those accused of money laundering or being involved with terrorist organizations — six days after the release of her report, “From economy of occupation to economy of genocide.”

The OFAC list — weaponized by the Trump administration to persecute Francesca and in clear violation of the diplomatic immunity granted to U.N. officials — prohibits any financial institution from having someone on the list as a client. A bank that permits someone on the OFAC list to engage in financial transactions is banned from operating in dollars, faces multimillion-dollar fines and is blocked from international payment systems.

In her report, Francesca lists 48 corporations and institutions, including Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Alphabet Inc., Amazon, International Business Machines Corporation (IBM), Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft Corporation and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), along with banks and financial firms such as BlackRock, insurers, real estate firms and charities, which in violation of international law, are making billions from the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians.

The report, which includes a database of over 1,000 corporate entities that collaborate with Israel, demands these firms and institutions sever ties with Israel or be held accountable for complicity in war crimes. It describes “Israel’s “forever-occupation” as “the ideal testing ground for arms manufacturers and big tech — providing boundless supply and demand, little oversight and zero accountability — while investors and private and public institutions profit freely.”

You can see my interview about the report with Francesca here.

Francesca, whose previous reports including “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” and “Genocide as colonial erasure” along with her empassioned denunciations of Israel’s mass slaughter in Gaza, have made her a lightning rod. She is excoriated every time she deviates from the approved script, including when pro-Palestine demonstrators stormed the headquarters of the Italian daily newspaper La Stampa while we were in Italy.

Francesca condemned the incursion and property destruction — protesters scattered newspapers and spray-painted slogans on the walls such as “Free Palestine” and “Newspapers complicit with Israel” — but added that it should serve as a “warning to the press” to do its job. That qualification expressed her frustration with the media’s discrediting of the reporting of Palestinian journalists — over 278 journalists and media workers have been killed by Israel since Oct. 7 along with over 700 of their family members — and uncritical amplification of Israeli propaganda. But it was seized upon by her critics, including Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, to lynch her.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio imposed sanctions on Francesca in July.

“The United States has repeatedly condemned and objected to the biased and malicious activities of Albanese that have long made her unfit for service as a Special Rapporteur,” the State Department’s press release read. “Albanese has spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West. That bias has been apparent across the span of her career, including recommending that the ICC, without a legitimate basis, issue arrest warrants targeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.”

“She has recently escalated this effort by writing threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies across finance, technology, defense, energy, and hospitality, making extreme and unfounded accusations and recommending the ICC [International Criminal Court ] pursue investigations and prosecutions of these companies and their executives,” it went on. “We will not tolerate these campaigns of political and economic warfare, which threaten our national interests and sovereignty.”

The sanctions followed those imposed in February and June on the court’s prosecutor Karim Khan along with two judges for issuing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant.

Francesca is barred from entering the U.S. even to appear at the United Nations in New York City, to present one of her two annual reports. The other is delivered at the United Nations Office at Geneva.

Francesca’s assets in the U.S. have been frozen, including her bank account and her U.S. apartment. The sanctions cut her off from the international banking system, including blocking her use of credit cards. Her private medical insurance refuses to reimburse her medical expenses. Hotel rooms booked under her name have been cancelled. She can only operate using cash or by borrowing a bank card.

Institutions, including U.S. universities, human rights groups, professors and NGOs, that once cooperated with Francesca, have severed ties, fearful of penalties established for any U.S. citizen who collaborates with her. She and her family receive frequent death threats. Israel and the U.S. have mounted a campaign to get her removed from her U.N post.

Francesa is proof that when you stand steadfastly with the oppressed, you will be treated like the oppressed.

She is unsure if her book, “When the World Sleeps: Stories, Words, and Wounds of Palestine,” which has been translated into English and is expected to be released in April next year, will be distributed in the U.S.

“I’m a sanctioned person,” she says ruefully.

But she is not cowed. Her next salvo will be a report that documents the torture of Palestinians in Israeli prisons. While torture, she says, was “not widespread,” before Oct. 7, it has now become ubiquitous. She is collecting testimonies of those released from Israeli detention.

“It reminds me of the stories and testimonies I read from Argentina’s dictatorship,” Francesca tells me. “It’s that bad. It’s systemic torture against the same people. The same people are taken, raped and brought back, taken, raped and brought back.”

“Women?” I ask.

“Both,” she answers.

“To have women tell you they have been raped, multiple times. They’ve been asked to masturbate soldiers. This is incredible,” Francesca says. “For a woman to say that. Imagine what they have endured? There are people who have lost their words. They cannot talk. They cannot speak after what they’ve endured.”

Establishment media organizations, she says, not only dutifully parrot back Israeli lies, but routinely block reporting that reflects negatively on Israel.

“In April, I reported the first cases of sexual harassment and rape that had taken place in January and February 2024,” she says. “People didn’t want to listen. The New York Times interviewed me for two hours. Two hours. They didn’t write a line about it.”

“The Financial Times had — because of the relevance of the topic — an embargo’d version of ‘From economy of occupation to economy of genocide,’” she says. “They didn’t publish it. They didn’t even publish a review, an article, days after the press conference. But they did publish a critique of my report. I had a meeting with them. I said, ‘This is really depressing. Who are you? Are you paid for the work you do? Who are you loyal to, your readers?’ I pushed them. They said, ‘Well, we didn’t find that it was up to our standards.’”

This, I tell her, is how the New York Times would spike stories by reporters that editors deem too incendiary.

“They discredit your sources regardless of what your sources are,” I tell her. “That becomes the vehicle by which they don’t publish. This isn’t a good faith discussion. They’re not giving a fair analysis of what your sources are. They are categorically dismissing them. They’re not telling you the truth, which is, ‘We don’t want to deal with Israel and the Israel lobby.’ That’s the truth. They don’t say that. It is always, ‘It’s not up to our standards.’”

“There is no free media, no free press in Italy anymore,” Francesca laments. “There is, but it’s fringe or on the margins. It is an exception. The main newspapers are held by groups connected to big powers, financial and economic powers. The government controls — directly or indirectly — much of Italian TV.”

The drift towards fascism in Europe and the United States, Francesca says, is intimately tied to the genocide, as is the emerging resistance.

“There is a brewing anger and dissatisfaction with political leadership in Europe,” she says. “There is also a fear that lingers in many countries because of the rise of the right. We’ve been there. There are people who have living memories of fascism in Europe. The scars of Nazi-fascism are still there, even the trauma. People cannot process what has happened and why it’s happened. Palestine has shocked people. Italians in particular. Maybe because we are who we are in the sense that we cannot be silenced that easily, we cannot be scared as has happened to the Germans and the French. I was shocked in France. The fear and repression is incredible. It is not as bad as Germany, but it’s much worse than it was two years ago. The minister of education in France cancelled an academic conference on Palestine at the Collège de France — the highest institution in France. The minister of education! And he bragged about it.”

Francesca says our only hope now is civil disobedience, embodied in actions such as strikes that disrupt commerce and government or the attempts by the flotillas to reach Gaza.

“The flotillas created this sense of ‘Oh, something can be done,’” she says. “We are not powerless. We can make a difference even in shaking the ground, rocking the boat. Then the workers have come in. The students have already been mobilized. There has been a sense through the various protests that we can still change things. People have started to connect the dots.”

Francesca presented her 24-page report “Gaza Genocide: a collective crime” to the U.N. General Assembly in October, a report that had to be delivered remotely from the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation in Cape Town, South Africa, because of the sanctions.

Danny Danon, the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, following her presentation, said, “Ms. Albanese, you are a witch and this report is another page in your spellbook.” He accused her of trying to “curse Israel with lies and hatred.”

“Every page of this report is an empty spell, every accusation, a charm that does not work, because you are a failed witch,” Danon continued.

“It triggered a moment of enlightenment.” Francesca says of the insults. “I connected it to the injustice that women have suffered through the centuries.”

“What is happening to the Palestinians and to those who are speaking out for the Palestinians, is the 2025 equivalent of burning witches in the public square,” she goes on. “It was done to scientists and theologians who didn’t align with the Catholic Church. It was done to women who held the power of herbs. It was done to religious minorities, to indigenous people, like the Sámi people.”

“Palestine,” Francesca says, “has opened a portal to history, to where we come from and to what we risk if we don’t pull the brakes.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Trump’s Greatest Ally is The Democratic Party</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-03T22:43:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/trumps-greatest-ally-is-the-democratic</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Democratic Party and its liberal allies refuse to call for mass mobilization and strikes — the only tools that can thwart Trump’s emergent authoritarianism — fearing they too will be swept aside."]]></description>
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    <title>The War on Kids and Student Resistance: An interview with author and filmmaker Cevin Soling. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-11T21:26:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hYqeL-4GG6Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cevin Soling is critical of compulsory schooling for many reasons that he documents in his film The War on Kids. He also provides action-oriented ideas in his book The Student Resistance Handbook. We talk about why school takes up more and more of children's time while producing less and less knowledge, self-awareness, and social connection for students.

PLEASE NOTE:
The Student Resistance Handbook and The War on Kids are available from www.spectaclefilms.com.

The War on Kids can also be streamed on Amazon.

Raised to Obey: The Rise and Spread of Mass Education by Agustina Paglayan is available from your favorite bookstore."

[See also:

"The Student Resistance Handbook"
https://spectaclefilms.com/products/student-resistance-handbook

"The Student Resistance Handbook provides students with information on how they can effectively fight back against their school and work towards abolishing this abusive and oppressive institution. Legal non-violent tactics are presented that are designed to: disrupt the operation of school, substantially increase the costs involved in its operation, and make those who work for and support schools as miserable as they make the students who are forced to attend."

"The War On Kids DVD"
https://spectaclefilms.com/products/the-war-on-kids-dvd

"“A shocking chronicle of institutional dysfunction” – New York Times

“A startling wake-up call about appalling conditions prevailing in American schools” – Variety

“Must-see documentary” – The Huffington Post

Focusing on public education, The War on Kids demonstrates how American public schools have become modeled after prisons in response to fear and a burgeoning intolerance of youth. The oppressive environment that students are subjected to, coupled with brutal responses to any transgression including the drugging of children,are shown to have long-term repercussions beyond creating a generation of dysfunctional adults. Ultimately, democracy itself is under siege.

The War on Kids is a documentary on Public Education in America. While several documentaries on schools have come out since The War on Kids, these films tend to be either propaganda for charter schools or look at symptoms without any appreciation or understanding of underlying issues. To be a great documentary, it is essential to do the necessary work and dig deeper to uncover the heart of the problems observed. The numerous failures and pathologies associated with school are predominantly due to its autocratic structure. Because no one wants to voluntarily relinquish power, this fundamental problem is never addressed or even recognized.

Duration: 88 Minutes
Subtitles: English

Filmmakers
Director: Cevin Soling
Executive Producer: Cevin Soling
Producer: Jeremy Carr, Dawn Fidrick, and Cevin Soling
Cinematographer: Jeremy Carr
Editor: Jeremy Carr
Music: Martin Trum
Press and Awards
Best Educational Documentary – NY International Independent Film and Video Festival
Featured on The Colbert Report and MSNBC
“A shocking chronicle of institutional dysfunction” – New York Times
“A startling wake-up call about appalling conditions prevailing in American schools” – Variety
“Must-see documentary” – The Huffington Post"]

[Lots of messiness and conjecture in here. Wish I had the time right now to leave some notes annotating the things that I find incorrect, self-contradictory, or problematic in here amongst the stuff that I do agree with.].]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/swords-into-plowshares/">
    <title>Swords into Plowshares</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-13T01:49:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/swords-into-plowshares/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Yesterday marked my fifth Mother's Day without him. Tomorrow is the fifth anniversary of his passing. My beautiful boy, for whom I still grieve and will grieve every day forever; and despite his death, why I still fight.

When I was a sophomore in college (about a year before I got pregnant), I took a class on the history of non-violence, taught by the university's chaplain, Chester Wickwire. We read essays by Henry David Thoreau, Martin Luther King Jr, and Leo Tolstoy. We talked about imperialism and war, about community resistance and civil disobedience – in theory and in practice. We talked about faith and witnessing, about acts of courage, about good words and good deeds and, to borrow from the Serenity Prayer, "the wisdom to know the difference."

To say that this class changed my life feels a bit cliche, but it's true. It moved me in the moment – in that stereotypical way, I suppose, that some people have always wrung their hands at college students' political awakenings; and its influence on my thinking continues. Elements of what I learned there – those things both explicitly laid out on the syllabus and the class's implicit teachings that have taken years to bloom – run throughout all my work; they were there long before I started writing about education technology. My masters thesis and my unfinished dissertation both examined radical street theater and political protest, for example. But there are other traces: a commitment to community literacy; a belief in the transformative power of education, not for personal skill development but for social liberation; a sense of responsibility for creating a better world. I sometimes think of my writing too, I confess, more as sermon than scholarship.

Among the guest speakers in that class was the peace activist Father Phil Berrigan, who I remember as being very tall – that's probably my mind granting appropriate stature to this giant of pacifism. He spoke of his long and fervent opposition to war. He described the actions that he and a handful of others had undertaken to draw attention to the anti-Vietnam and later the anti-nuclear movements. He told us how, at first, they poured a red liquid mixed with their own blood over draft cards to destroy them, how they later bled and hammered on missile-carriers as they prayed.

Berrigan was part of several groups whose names came from their collective criminal trials: the Baltimore Four, the Catonsville Nine, the Harrisburg Seven, The Plowshares Eight. But he is best known for the latter and for the Plowshares Movement more generally, particularly the protest staged in 1980 at a GE plant where Minuteman missiles were manufactured. Berrigan, his brother, and six others were arrested and charged with multiple felonies and misdemeanors. He spent many many years of his life in prison for this and other acts of civil disobedience. He'd been paroled shortly before he came to our class in 1991, only to be sentenced again in 1999 after another protest.

Berrigan's group, the Plowshares, took its name from a passage from the Book of Isaiah: "and they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."

A couple of years later, I named my newborn Isaiah Tolstoy – all my fierce hope for a world transformed, for peace and justice and liberation.

Isaiah is gone – Father Phil and Chet too – and for a time, my hope was as well. (Here's where I turn to Gramsci, I'd say, more than God to remind me of optimism and will...)

Computing is a weapon of war. It is a sword, not a plowshare, despite all the rhetorical twists and turns we might try to make it so -- "a bicycle for the mind" and whatnot.

Computing was born in war, in the code-breaking work at Bletchley Park during World War II (or arguably, even earlier in the imperialist and industrialist expansion that Charles Babbage hoped his calculating machinery would help automate). During the second half of the twentieth century, massive amounts of military funding poured into science and technology research in the name of national security and national defense -- money that, to be clear, poured into universities, whose post-war "golden era" exists thanks to this military-industrial complex, to the influx of dollars and young white men whose college education was subsidized by the GI Bill.

The computer. The Internet. Artificial intelligence. These are military technologies, first and foremost. First and foremost and for a while now. And while certainly we must resist the teleology that positions these technologies always and forever thus, we have accomplished little, I'd argue, in wresting them free from their origins in "command control communication intelligence," from that cybernetic move to reduce everyone and everything to code.

"Feminist cyborg stories have the task of recoding communication and intelligence to subvert command and control," Donna Haraway wrote in her "Cyborg Manifesto" over forty years ago. This is still, without a doubt, the task ahead, not behind us.

In his book The Children's Machine, Seymour Papert observed that "The people who forge new technological ideas do not make them for children. They often make them for war...." He argued that his programming language "Logo was fueled from the beginning by a Robin Hood vision of stealing programming from the technologically privileged (what I would in those early days in the 1960s have called the military-industrial complex) and giving it to the children."

While I appreciate the act of subversion, this theft was a reallocation of technology, not a repudiation of its underlying origins or epistemology.

Indeed, Papert praised the cyberneticians and their military mathematics for developing new objects and a new way of thinking about old ways of defeating enemies. Norbert Werner had imagined a "smart missile" designed "to perform in the end even better than the traditional weapon." Turtle programming, Papert argued, would help children build this same sort of "managed vagueness" in a cognitive and material feedback mechanism.

"It's a metaphor," one might retort. And it is. And it isn't.

Education technology has been part of what historian Douglas Noble called "the classroom arsenal." Even before the advent of computing, much of the development of educational technology was undertaken by military researchers (particularly at the Office of Naval Research and Air Force Office of Scientific Research) – from the Army Alpha and the implementation of standardized IQ testing to early teaching machines, designed to automate the training of recruits. Indeed, B. F. Skinner observed, in an address to the Aerospace Education Foundation of the Air Force in 1968, that "educational technology has developed rapidly in the [Armed] Services and it is moving into the schools."

A decade earlier, Simon Ramo, an instructional technologist as well as "the father of the intercontinental ballistic missile," had penned an essay titled "A New Technique in Education" that imagined a future of a push-button classroom of personalized learning – a future that I argue in Teaching Machines introduced the automation of education to a much broader swath of the American public than did Skinner's academic writing (or the dismal sales of his teaching machines). This is a future that continues to resonate with today's ed-tech evangelists.

And yet, I'm still a bit taken aback when I hear someone like Salman Khan invoke Ender's Game as inspiration for Khan Academy and now for his AI chatbot Khanmigo – even though he's acknowledged the book's influence on his thinking over and over again. Ender's Game is a novel in which children, without their knowledge or consent, are recruited to fight a war to exterminate an alien species. They are taught via military AI; they become weaponized themselves.

“I am making a way in the wilderness. and streams in the wasteland."

We're still eating the leftovers of World War II, environmental activist Vandana Shiva has repeatedly argued, reminding us how munitions plants switched from making explosives to making fertilizer and pesticides, how industrial-scale warfare turned to industrial-scale food production.

Arguably we're still being fed via the information machinery of the war and the Cold War too.

How does this diet of weaponry shape who we have become? What does it mean to base our imagination of some sort of extended cognitive capacity on the machines and systems bound up in national defense, in a Red Scare so fevered that Nazis remained welcome and supported in the scientific community as long as they could help us win the Space Race? If nothing else, it seems, it has helped create a technology industry in which there has been no real reckoning for its role in violence, imperialism, surveillance, eugenics, environmental and genocidal destruction.

Computing remains a weapon, despite the clever stories we tell ourselves that make us feel less complicit in its violence – violence to one another, to the planet, to ourselves, to other ways of knowing.

To turn this sword into a plowshare requires a much greater shift (one I'm not even sure is possible) – not without a much broader shift in power, without a shift in economics, to be sure, without a shift in how we think and care. And AI – this idea bound up in the military intelligence – shifts us in the opposite direction, towards an automated thoughtlessness, algorithmic indignity, into a future run by those with no humility and no remorse.

To turn the sword of computing into a plowshare requires a much greater sacrifice than many seem willing to make, as caught up as so many people are, so many decades later, in the cybernetic fictions and Cold War era fantasies of thinking machines – fantasies of the very men who built the bomb.

To turn the sword into a plowshare must be an endeavor that enables, embraces life – all life.

It does feel hopeless sometimes. This week – Mothers Day and death day – forever more for me, I guess, the darkest. I grieve, I grieve, I grieve.

And then I pick myself up, and I fight."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nwdv9Ewf6MM">
    <title>Rejecting Neoliberalism &amp; Neo-McCarthyism at US Universities with Charles HF Davis III - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T18:42:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nwdv9Ewf6MM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["For functional links: https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/rejecting-neoliberalism-neo-mccarthyism-at-us-universities-with-charles-hf-davis-iii

In this episode, we speak with Dr. Charles H.F. Davis III about the increasingly repressive conditions on university campuses, particularly in the context of Columbia University's caving in to federal pressures under the thumb of Trump’s administration. We explore the broader implications of these concessions at the expense of liberalized notions of intellectual and academic freedom, student activism, and the role of universities as sites of political struggle.  Dr. Davis highlights the historical and ongoing repression of student activism, particularly pro-Palestinian movements, and critiques the legal and institutional frameworks that perpetuate these violences. We also delve into the limitations of liberalism in fending off fascist infringement and the active participation of universities in maintaining these structures of domination. We also touch on the historical collaboration between Zionist organizations and U.S. universities, the erosion of diversity and inclusion initiatives, and the broader implications for the future of higher education.  Dr. Charles H.F. Davis III is a third-generation educator, organizer, and artist. He is a faculty member in the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education and director of the Campus Abolition Research Lab at the University of Michigan. His research and teaching broadly explore the racialized consequences of higher education on society, including the role of colleges and universities in limiting the life-making possibilities of Black and other racialized communities.  

Longer bio: 

Dr. Charles H.F. Davis III is a third-generation educator, organizer, and artist committed to the lives, love, and liberation of everyday Black people. Dr. Davis is a faculty member in the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education and director of the Campus Abolition Research Lab at the University of Michigan. His research and teaching broadly explore the racialized consequences of higher education on society, including the role of colleges and universities in limiting the life-making possibilities of Black and other racially minoritized communities. Dr. Davis has produced nearly three dozen scholarly publications, which have been cited in amicus curiae brief to the Supreme Court of the United States and included as expert testimony before the California State Assembly. He is co-editor of Student Activism, Politics, and Campus Climates in Higher Education (Routledge) and author of the forthcoming Campus Abolition and Police-Free Futures on Johns Hopkins University Press.  For his intellectual contributions, Dr. Davis been nationally-recognized by the National Association of Student Personnel Administrators, as a 2020 Emerging Scholar by Diverse: Issues in Higher Education, a recipient of the National Academy of Education/Spencer Postdoctoral Fellowship, a 2024 Inductee to the Martin Luther King, Jr. College of Ministers and Laity’s Collegium of Scholars at Morehouse College and, most recently, was named a Senior Fellow at the Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University. At the institutional level, Dr. Davis’ teaching and service have been recognized as the 2023 recipient of the John Matlock Cornerstone Award for his contributions to the success of African American students at the University of Michigan and the 2024 Diversity, Inclusion, Justice, and Equity Award at the U-M Marsal Family School of Education."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80">
    <title>Evgeny Morozov: Democracy, Technology and the City - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-13T16:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.cccb.org/en/activities/file/democracy-technology-and-city/217682

"Which challenges and threats emerge as public spaces "smart", integrating sensors, cameras, and various means of algorithmic regulation? Technology companies, having optimized the public sphere, are increasingly offering to optimize our cities. Yet the terms of such "optimization" remain ambiguous and opaque, often presenting the business agendas of technology vendors as inevitable features of digitization. As we transition to the post-Snowden era, the costs of ubiquitous computing left in the hands of private companies have become painfully clear. How could cities take advantage of digital technologies without succumbing to the optimization excesses of the "smart city"?

Opening lecture of the series "Open City", in which will also participate Josep Maria Benet i Jornet, Marta Segarra, Manuel Forcano, Bruce Bégout, Rafael Chirbes, Erri de Luca, Richard Sennett and Kamila Shamsie.

Presenters: Joan Subirats

Participants: Evgeny Morozov

This activity is part of Open City, The Barcelona Debate"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/do-not-obey-in-advance/">
    <title>Do Not Obey in Advance</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-21T07:52:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/do-not-obey-in-advance/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""Do not obey in advance," historian Timothy Snyder cautions. "Most of the power of authoritarianism is freely given. In times like these, individuals think ahead about what a more repressive government will want, and then offer themselves without being asked. A citizen who acts this way is teaching power what it can do." Snyder published these words in his bestselling book On Tyranny back in 2017, on the cusp of the new Trump administration. And here we are again, heading into another new year, another four of Trumpist horror.

You can already see the ways in which people are obeying — many in the pundit class quite overtly with their calls to “make peace“ with MAGA. But there’s aways that more subtle obsequiousness, I think that we need to be on guard for, and I do wonder if the embrace of artificial intelligence isn’t also, in its own way, a surrender to authoritarianism.

Or, if it makes you feel better, maybe it’s not a surrender; maybe it’s just how some people are trying to cope.

The popular narrative that explains the recent explosion in AI points to breakthroughs in technological advancements, and certainly that's one way to tell the story – more GPUs, more data, fine-tuned algorithms, and so on. But you could also argue that there have been other massive shifts – cultural, sociological, and economic shifts – that have made people "offer themselves without being asked," to borrow Snyder's phrasing. These include the proliferation of misinformation, ever-growing economic inequality, and the threats from ongoing environmental degradation (including pandemics). AI doesn’t fix any of these; indeed, it makes things worse, more unknowable (and sometimes, I dare say, all that is the explicit goal — making things worse — particularly for tyrants, for tech titans, for those who care nothing for community, who’d like to have robots replace a disruptive and expensive workforce).

As life has become more and more overwhelming, people are encourage to embrace AI as a potential arbiter of "truth." (It's so clearly not — generative AI generates bullshit — but that hardly matters when folks are so fearful, when everything feels so precarious.) In the face of great uncertainty, there is comfort, perhaps, in the Boolean. Furthermore, with its algorithmic decision-making, AI enables an evasion of accountability and responsibility; it promises plausible deniability – for individuals and institutions, practically and psychologically – and as such, it seems perfect for surviving, if not thriving, in a world of austerity and tyranny.

Trumpism, that is to say, might just explain the rise of AI as well as any technological advance — the dream of unconstrained command and control.

<blockquote>Technology is not the sum of the artifacts, of the wheels and gears, of the rails and electronic transmitters. Technology is a system. It entails far more than its individual material components. Technology involves organization, procedures, symbols, new words, equations, and, most of all, a mindset. – Ursula Franklin, The Real World of Technology</blockquote>


Shortly after Trump's inauguration in 2017, I gave a talk about what I thought folks in education (and ed-tech in particular) should be wary of regarding the incoming President and his goals for education – namely, I cautioned about the continued push for massive data collection about students. While often framed as attempts to identify "students at risk" – ah, how we love to frame surveillance as care – under an overtly racist, nationalist, and transphobic administration, this actually means identifying students as risks. And already we can see how seemingly mundane data collection – student enrollment and financial aid information, for example – can be weaponized for deportation sweeps and so on. It's never really about protecting students. It’s about command and control.

Although much of the hubbub about AI involves the latest chatbot gimmickry, we should remember that schools have already adopted all sorts of automated systems – predictive algorithms, learning analytics, test proctoring – in their administrative and pedagogical software-services. The ideological underpinnings of AI – centralization of power, resource extraction, austerity, surveillance – are already deeply intertwined with many of our educational practices.

That's depressing, I realize. Changing these systems will be incredibly difficult. The road ahead is very, very daunting.

If it’s any consolation, I think we can point to this latest round of AI hype and say with some confidence that much of it is little more than another round of snake oil. Indeed, many companies are simply slapping the words "artificial intelligence" onto their existing offerings. Most obviously, what used to be sold as "personalized learning" is now suddenly AI. Encyclopedia Britannica is now positioning itself an AI company, for crying out loud; and while I don't think it plans to go back to door-to-door sales of teaching machines, it says it plans to sell teaching-machine software – excuse me, "AI" – to schools. “Arizona’s getting an online charter school taught entirely by AI," Techcrunch reported last month. But it turns out – no surprise – that the "interactive, AI-powered platforms that continuously adjust to [students'] individual learning pace and style" is really just Khan Academy and IXL. The big “innovation” here isn't AI; it's that the school has no teachers. And let's be honest: that's not a marker of some technological breakthrough; it's a political decision, one based on an abhorrence for public education and teachers' unions.

"Do not obey in advance." And yet that's precisely what much of ed-tech, for so long now, has demanded we do. (Not all ed-tech, of course. Not Sesame Street, for example. But I guess we're gonna give up on that progressive vision of teaching and learning with technology. And arguably, it seems we already did.)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thedigradio.com/podcast/assassin-nation-w-patrick-blanchfield/">
    <title>Assassin Nation with Patrick Blanchfield · The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-23T05:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/assassin-nation-w-patrick-blanchfield/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Patrick Blanchfield on assassination and political violence: from the routine to the extraordinary; authored by the state, capital, the left, the right, the unwell and alienated; as an anxiety, in our fantasies, as a morbid symptom and repetition compulsion; and as expressing distinctively American logics of domination and human disposability."

[Also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/assassin-nation-w-patrick-blanchfield/id1043245989?i=1000680839737 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.are.na/block/20684314">
    <title>I'm like a pdf but a girl: Girlblogging as a nomadic pedagogy, by Ester Freider (2022) [.pdf]</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-06T18:35:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.are.na/block/20684314</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Entire digital collections are hidden behind a search box. The paradox of the search box is that while 'everything' is accessible, without knowing what is the scope of the collection it is hard to know what to search. This fact limits the experience of discovery, browsing, and learning. The search box mechanism also feeds into the common assumption that 'everything' is available online, which is far from true considering the collections of cultural libraries and archives.

How to read a Library the topics of digitization, access, visualization, discovery, the democratization of digital technologies, digital/data literacy, and community participation in the context of cultural archives and libraries. The practice-based research departs from the research questions: Can we use the physical library and its collection to imagine access to knowledge in the digital library? Can we use digital tools to allow readers to link data, share knowledge and collaborate within and across libraries? Can machine learning and AI be used in a library to enhance reading and promote access instead of being used for targeting advertisement and surveillance? Is it possible to make the library a digital public space? The research was concluded with the exhibition Catching up in the Archive in which the entire archive of de Appel was displayed. We produce a Mobile Archive Unit as a method to involve the community in the digitization process."]]></description>
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    <title>How the CIA Controls US Culture (with Esha Krishnaswamy) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-20T23:14:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UDtQ_B3aE2k</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Attorney, writer and podcast host Esha K joins Bad Faith for a deep dive into how the US government has used culture to surreptitiously influence the politics of Americans. From funding art styles through patronage at major museums, to consulting on action movies, to recruiting artists to do world wide tours showcasing American "equality," the government's interest in influencing culture raises questions about how invested the left should be in recruiting popular figures to advance our message."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://zeteo.com/p/anatomy-of-a-smear-campaign">
    <title>Anatomy of a Smear Campaign Against Rashida Tlaib</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-27T18:22:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://zeteo.com/p/anatomy-of-a-smear-campaign</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A step-by-step breakdown of how a lie started, spread, and was picked up on by elected officials and high-profile journalists."
]]></description>
<dc:subject>rashidatlaib palestine bias dananessel media mainstreammedia steveneavling premthakker politics antisemitism protest law legal gaza jaketapper cnn civildisobedience gretchenwhitmer 2024 colleges universities universityofmichigan highered highereducation adl jonathangreenblatt antidefamationleague</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9heDhxeSIE4">
    <title>How CNN, ADL &amp; Others Amplified Smear Against Rep. Rashida Tlaib for Criticizing Campus Prosecutions - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-27T18:22:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9heDhxeSIE4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We look at the smear campaign faced by the only Palestinian American in Congress and a vocal critic of Israel, Democratic Congressmember Rashida Tlaib, after she defended the rights of student protesters. Tlaib recently criticized Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel over charges Nessel filed against 11 mostly students and alumni who were involved in a pro-Palestine encampment at the University of Michigan. Nessel then accused Tlaib of antisemitism despite the congressmember never mentioning Nessel's religion. Key media figures like CNN's Jake Tapper have parroted the claim that Tlaib said Nessel is biased because she is Jewish, despite the original article's author fact-checking the narrative. "This is not at all what happened. She's talking about an anti-Palestinian bias," says Steve Neavling, an investigative reporter who first published Tlaib's comments in the Detroit Metro Times_. "It was a very unusual, surreal experience for me as a journalist to see so many lies being peddled about an interview that I witnessed." We also speak with Prem Thakker, a political correspondent for _Zeteo News who has documented the smear campaign, about his efforts to get an update on the U.S. investigation into the killing of 6-year-old Hind Rajab in Gaza. "I have not gotten an answer. It's been over 240 days.""]]></description>
<dc:subject>rashidatlaib palestine bias dananessel media mainstreammedia steveneavling premthakker politics antisemitism protest law legal gaza jaketapper cnn civildisobedience gretchenwhitmer 2024 colleges universities universityofmichigan highered highereducation adl hindrajab jonathangreenblatt antidefamationleague</dc:subject>
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    <title>Returning a Sound – Kadist</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T04:08:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://kadist.org/work/returning-a-sound/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Vieques is an island off the mainland of Puerto Rico used by the U.S Navy and NATO forces as a military testing ground from the 1940s. Civil disobedience and active protest movements initiated by local inhabitants and an international support network led to the end of the bombings and progressive demilitarization in 2002. Allora & Calzadilla became involved in the defense of this cause in 2000 and made a series of works relating to the story of this island. The video Returning a Sound demonstrates the beginning of their ongoing interest in the interplay between militarism and sound. In Returning A Sound, Homar, the motorcycle driver and activist, drives around the island as if reclaiming the territory. The muffler was altered so it no longer silenced the noise and became a musical instrument instead, like a trumpet to announce decontamination and recovery in echo to the terrible exploding sounds that had shaped the lives of the Vieques inhabitants for 60 years.

“As artists, we became interested in questions related to the sonic violence that marked this space, as it was exposed to earsplitting detonations up to 250 days out of the year. The first work we made in that regard was Returning A Sound, which we filmed just after the military lands were semi-opened to the public in 2003.” Guillermo Calzadilla, quoted in Carlo Motta, Allora & Calzadilla, BOMB magazine, 109, Autumn 2009.

Jennifer Allora and Guillermo Calzadilla comprise the artistic duo Allora & Calzadilla. Their work often takes the form of performances, installations, and sound pieces that refer to sociopolitical phenomena and history. Forms from these spheres of life—an overturned tank, a treadmill, a piano—are displaced and spliced together in new configurations, often with performers or viewers engaging with these material segments of the world."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/">
    <title>Behind the Ivy Intifada | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-10T03:31:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Shafik’s appointment as the 20th president of Columbia University in 2023 was historic. She is the first woman to occupy that role, and its first leader “of Arab Muslim origin.” According to identitarian logic, Shafik’s gender and her ethnic, religious, and immigrant background should have rendered her especially sensitive to social-justice concerns and uniquely capable of responding to the crisis in a constructive way.

But Shafik is far more than an immigrant woman of Arab and Muslim background. She is also, for one thing, a literal baroness. And prior to her role at Columbia University, she served as the vice president of the World Bank, the deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, the deputy governor of the Bank of England, and the vice chancellor of the London School of Economics. This background is much more essential for understanding how events have played out at Columbia University than Shafik’s ethnicity, faith, or gender.

In light of her professional history and affiliations, it would be easy to view someone like Shafik as endowed with extraordinary power and freedom. It would be easy to assume she has wide discretion in shaping how events play out on campus and beyond. This is true, in a sense. But it isn’t the full story. 

The sociologist Max Weber argued that while bureaucrats wield impressive power and social prestige, the influence and honor they enjoy is never truly theirs to possess. Instead, it typically derives from their office. If they are pushed out of their position or institution, their wealth and status tend to vanish precipitously, as well. In order to avoid this outcome, Weber concluded, bureaucrats tend to avoid alienating anyone with the capacity to strip them of their rank and prestige (even to the point of compromising their integrity or alienating large swaths of the rest of society to ingratiate themselves with elite gatekeepers).

Another great 20th-century sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, described people like Shafik as the “dominated faction of the dominant class.” They are elites, to be sure, but their position is contingent on continued patronage from wealthy people or the state—and on association with prestigious institutions, such as universities or media outlets, that themselves are dependent on patronage from other elites and the government. As a consequence, although some dominated elites may regard themselves as rebels or speakers of uncomfortable truths—and in some cases, they leverage their clout to push elites or institutions in particular directions—they also tend to know their limits, and generally take care not to cross any lines that would result in their expulsion from the corridors of influence. 

Insofar as she is eager to cling to her position at Columbia and advance to other comparably prestigious posts later in her career, Shafik isn’t free. She has little choice but to go, hat in hand, and prostrate herself before lawmakers and donors. When Democratic lawmakers called on her and the trustees to clear the encampments or resign, and President Biden condemned the students occupying Hamilton Hall, Shafik knew what she had to do. And she acted as she was expected to on the day these calls went out. 

In responding to the protests as she did, Minouche Shafik wasn’t acting as an individual following whatever convictions she may (or may not) have held. She was acting as an agent of Columbia University, which serves a very particular set of functions in society. Columbia University is many things. Some have described it as a massive hedge fund with a world-class research university attached to it. Superficially, this isn’t far from the truth. Nearly half of Columbia’s $13.6 billion endowment is invested in equities, with another third in hedge funds. Another 14 percent of the endowment is invested in real estate, rendering Columbia the largest private landowner in the Big Apple. Put simply, Columbia University is a vast enterprise. However, its main business is not speculating on stocks and real estate—that’s more of a side hustle.

Columbia’s core product is the reproduction and legitimation of social inequality. This is the source of the university’s multibillion-dollar endowment, derived primarily from donations by alumni and their families, who are invested in that enterprise’s success. Universities in general, and elite schools in particular, exist largely to launder wealth into perceptions of “merit.” They help the children of wealthy and well-connected families reproduce their social position and feel like they “earned” it. 

As my academic adviser Shamus Khan has powerfully illustrated, students from non-traditional elite-school backgrounds—like me—play an important role in this legitimation scheme. As long as at least some are attending because of their exceptional grit or talent, the children of privilege who make up the majority of the student body can come to believe that they are at a school like Columbia because they are geniuses and scrappy bootstrappers, too—because those are apparently the type of people the university selects for. These same impressions then allow elite institutions to primarily hire the rich kids who graduate from these schools under the auspices of “merit”: By virtue of graduating from Columbia, they must be especially gifted (and not merely privileged). 

As I detail in my forthcoming book, the truth is that elite institutions like Columbia primarily select for highly conscientious and capable conformists. If you are sufficiently talented and prolific, the conformity expectations can be slackened slightly (a win-win that helps other conformists understand themselves and the institution as more “edgy” than they really are); and if you are sufficiently wealthy, deficits in capability or conscientiousness can be overlooked or worked around. But the modal student is not an idiosyncratic genius or a billionaire kid who failed his way to the top.

Instead, as Noam Chomsky pointed out decades ago, colleges and universities—and consequently, the symbolic professions—are overwhelmingly composed of the kind of people who showed up to school every day and on time, had the right kinds of extracurriculars, turned in their assignments punctually and according to the instructions, mastered regurgitating the information that the teachers provided in a form that said teachers found aesthetically pleasing. The kids who craved approval from teachers and other authority figures, who took pride in their grades, believing that their academic records say something meaningful about themselves. Those who did well on standardized tests, often believing (again) that their high scores say something meaningful about themselves. Those who were willing to delay gratification virtually indefinitely.

This is how such students end up with the sterling attendance and disciplinary records, the high GPA, and the glowing letters of recommendation that ease their path to selective colleges. These same dispositions allow them to flourish in college and, later, in the symbolic professions. As economist Bryan Caplan has demonstrated, the main signal telegraphed to employers by college degrees is that these are the kind of people who are willing to endure drudgery, degradation, and busy work (such as is required to obtain a college degree); who see things through to completion (which is why a degree, even an associate’s degree, gives a bigger boost on the job market than several years of schooling without a degree); who will follow the rules; who will complete tasks on time and according to specifications.

These selection patterns, which define higher education writ large, are most pronounced of all at top-tier institutions. Places like Columbia are filled with people who have spent little to no time outside of what Daniel Markovits called The Meritocracy Trap (the title of his 2019 book on the subject). Everything is a competition. Everything is a chance to build one’s brand. Everything is a risk or opportunity to move up or down the ladder. Even social-justice activism. 

I say all this as someone who received a doctorate from Columbia. And I must confess, I loved my time there, and continue to feel a deep affection and gratitude toward the institution. While enrolled, I was offered unparalleled resources. My mentors and colleagues were truly excellent. The undergraduates I worked with were bright, earnest, ambitious, and highly invested in getting good grades (if markedly less committed to learning—and unaware of and unbothered by their ignorance). For all these reasons, it has been heartbreaking to see the campus riven by conflict, locked down, and purged. Compared to most other campuses, the way things played out at Columbia was extreme. However, as my mentor Saskia Sassen emphasizes, extreme cases can “make sharply visible what might otherwise remain confusingly vague.”"

...

"Comparatively, most of the people castigating the demonstrators seem largely indifferent to the catastrophe in Gaza and seem to possess an even less coherent vision of social change. President Biden, for instance, stated that although peaceful protest is protected in America, “dissent must never lead to disorder.” But Stonewall, now widely celebrated by Democratic politicians, was a literal riot, and ostensibly “nonviolent” civil-rights campaigns have always had an intimate relationship with violence and coercion. The idea that social change primarily occurs through positive, pleasant, and non-disruptive means is silly and out of step with most of human history."

...

"In truth, there is very little at stake on any side of the struggles at Columbia University, and ultimately, everyone will be just fine. Sooner or later, most of the students will proceed to their well-remunerated jobs—protesters, counter-protesters, and neutral parties alike. Whether Shafik manages to hold on at Columbia or ultimately gets pushed out, she will spend the rest of her days filthy rich. Likewise, even in the unlikely event that Davadai is terminated for his many indiscretions, he already has a promising second career lined up as a right-aligned influencer. Columbia, too, will fare well. The school is older than America, and it isn’t going anywhere anytime soon. All those people vowing not to send their kids to the Ivies are lying to others and possibly themselves (or perhaps their offspring were unlikely to gain admission in the first place).

The French philosopher Jean Baudrillard observed that “behind every image, something has disappeared.” The Ivy League Intifada is no exception. The only people in this story who face genuine suffering have been almost completely absent from “the discourse” over the last several weeks: namely, the people of Gaza.

While Americans obsess over tents on the Columbia quad, hundreds of thousands of displaced people are sleeping in tents in Rafah. They are not “unsheltered” because the university revoked their access to the campus, but because their homes and communities were leveled by a campaign of destruction with few analogs in modern history. And even their tents are being bombed.

It isn’t even possible in theory for Gazans to carry out campus demonstrations, because every single university in Gaza has been destroyed by Israel. Instead of dealing with the inconvenience of being unable to access the dining hall or hang out on the quad—and rather than stressing out over whether they’ll land their dream job or if others are saying mean things about them (that make them feel emotionally “unsafe”—the people of Gaza are witnessing their loved ones killed in front of their eyes, are undergoing amputations without anesthesia, and literally starving to death. There is nowhere left for them to flee, but a ground invasion seems imminent despite Hamas ostensibly agreeing to a ceasefire.

It is obvious why Biden, House Republicans, and others determined to support Benjamin Netanyahu’s war would rather talk about student protesters instead of the fate of Gaza. Mainstream media outlets, meanwhile, recognize that campus culture-war stories get far more clicks and are far easier to produce than responsible reporting on bleak international events. 

For their part, the student activists seem to genuinely want to raise awareness about the plight of Gazans—albeit ideally in a way that enhances their own clout. In a recent editorial for The Guardian, leaders of the Columbia protest movement urged everyone to listen to their perspectives, and elevate their voices, so they might raise the salience of the crisis in Gaza. The actual conflict they are ostensibly trying to end received only a single oblique mention in the last sentence of the piece. The rest of the article was focused on the struggles Columbia students have faced and calls for them to get still more attention relative to other stakeholders. In truth, Columbia students don’t need your attention. They don’t need your support. They don’t need your solidarity.

Attention is finite. Energy is finite. Time is finite. Resources are finite. Save your concern and your efforts for the crisis in Gaza. Don’t let the farce at Columbia obscure the tragedy that the protests were supposed to call attention to in the first place."]]></description>
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    <title>Is civil disobedience a moral obligation in a time of climate crisis? | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-28T19:14:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/is-civil-disobedience-a-moral-obligation-in-a-time-of-climate-crisis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Could civil disobedience be morally obligatory in a society on a collision course with climate catastrophe?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>rupertread 2024 climatechange climate society civildisobedience resistance climatecrisis extinctionrebellion organizing andreasmalm juststopoil immanuelkant morality doomism jean-paulsartre philosophy insulatebritain uk rogerhallam globalwarming rebellion environment civilresistance sartre kant</dc:subject>
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    <title>&quot;The purpose of lawfare is to distract us&quot; with Dima Khalidi - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-17T04:49:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zYKzExI11yI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome Dima Khalidi, founder and director of Palestine Legal (@pal_legal), to the podcast to talk about the institutionalized Zionist assault on academic freedom and free speech in the United States as well as the convergence between the Zionist suppression of Palestinian rights advocacy on the one hand and right-wing reaction against the diversification of the university system in the US.

Date of recording: Feb 15, 2024"

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/29993238
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/the-purpose-of-lawfare-is-to-distract-us-from-goals-of-the-movement-w-dima-khalidi ]
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GkBmooT-7dI">
    <title>Remembering Kuwasi Balagoon - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-24T07:46:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GkBmooT-7dI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A panel discussion on the life & legacy of Kuwasi Balagoon on the 77th anniversary of his birth. Kuwasi Balagoon was a veteran of the Black Panther Party (BPP) & Black Liberation Army (BLA). Committed to New Afrikan liberation & ideologically espousing anarchism, Kuwasi escaped prison twice & participated in other bold actions. Kuwasi was a soldier, a poet, an escape artist, & a devout revolutionary. He was incarcerated a final time in 1983 after the Brinks expropriation & joined the ancestors on December 13th 1986 due to pneumocystis pneumonia brought about by AIDS. 

Our guests for this conversation include Kuwasi's comrades, friends, supporters & folks who uphold his legacy, they are: Ashanti Omowali Alston, David Gilbert, dequi kioni-sadiki, Matt Meyer, Meg Starr, & Bilal Sunni-Ali

Each guest is a contributor to the 3rd Edition of Kuwasi Balagoon A Soldier’s Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist edited by Matt Meyer & Karl Kersplebedeb & was co-published by PM Press & Kersplebedeb: https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&p=884

Support the Immediate Relief Fund for Sekou Odinga: https://www.gofundme.com/f/immediate-relief-support-for-sekou-odinga

Bios:
Ashanti Omowali Alston is a revolutionary, speaker, writer, organizer, & motivator. He is one of the few former members of the BPP who identifies as an anarchist in the tradition of New Afrikan ancestor Kuwasi Balagoon. As a result of his membership in both the BPP & BLA, he served a total of 14 years as a political prisoner & prisoner of war. He is former national chair & currently on the Steering Committee of the National Jericho Movement to Free U.S. Political Prisoners. 

David Gilbert was a founding member of the Columbia University chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) & the Weather Underground Organization. He went underground in the 1970s & participated in the same failed Brink’s expropriation as Balagoon in 1981. He & Balagoon were co-defendants in that case & Gilbert served 40 years in prison until his sentence was commuted & he was granted parole in 2021. Gilbert is the author of Looking at the U.S. White Working Class Historically, No Surrender: Writings of an Anti-­ Imperialist Political Prisoner, & Love and Struggle: My Life in SDS, the Weather Underground, and Beyond.

dequi kioni-sadiki is the former chair of the Malcolm X Commemoration Committee & was a leader of the Sekou Odinga Defense Committee, which waged a successful campaign for the release of her husband. A tireless coalition builder & organizer, dequi is a radio producer of the weekly show “Where We Live” on WBAI Radio, Pacifica, an educator with the NYC Department of Education, & a member of the National Jericho Movement to Free U.S. Political Prisoners. She is co-editor, with Matt Meyer, of the recently released Look for Me in the Whirlwind: From the Panther 21 to 21st Century Revolutions, coauthored with Sekou Odinga & Dhoruba Bin Wahad.

Matt Meyer is the Secretary-General of the International Peace Research Association, Chair of the International Fellowship of Reconciliation Financial Advisory Committee, & the War Resisters’ International Africa Support Network Coordinator. A noted educator, author, & organizer, Meyer focuses on an extensive range of human rights issues, including support for political prisoners, solidarity with Puerto Rico, the Black Liberation Movement, & all decolonization movements, & bringing an end to patriarchy, militarism, & imperialism. Meyer serves as Senior Research Scholar for the University of Massachusetts Amherst Resistance Studies Initiative. He is the co-editor of the 3rd edition of Kuwasi Balagoon’s A Soldier’s Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist & is the editor & author of multiple other books.

Meg Starr is a founding member of Resistance in Brooklyn, a New York City–based anti-­imperialist collective. When she began visiting Kuwasi in prison, she was the head of the Clifford Glover Brigade & a member of the Women’s Committee Against Genocide. Since then, she has been a leader of the Free Puerto Rico Committee & subsequent solidarity organizations & efforts relating to Puerto Rican decolonization. Starr continues to serve as an early childhood educator and is the author of the award-­ winning Alicia’s Happy Day.

Bilal Sunni-Ali is a world-­renowned saxophonist & composer, famed for his work with the Midnight Band alongside Gil Scott-­Heron & comedy legend Richard Pryor. A founder of the New York chapter of the BPP, Sunni-­Ali was a co-defendant in the case of the U.S. vs. Mutulu Shakur, acquitted of all charges relating to the Brink’s case. A lifelong revolutionary & citizen of the Republic of New Afrika, Sunni-­Ali has been heralded as an ambassador of the movement.

https://spiritofmandela.org/

https://www.imamjamilactionnetwork.org/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/free-speech-debate-free-palestine.html">
    <title>The Free Speech Debate Is a Trap</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-23T04:35:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/free-speech-debate-free-palestine.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is worth remembering the vast majority of what we call free-speech issues have little basis in the First Amendment, which only forbids the abridgment of speech by the government, not private organizations like magazines, cultural centers, or Hollywood production companies. In most states, for instance, it is perfectly legal for employers to fire workers for speech, as a Westchester synagogue did last year after a teacher wrote an anti-Zionist blog post. So when advocates talk of freedom of speech, they are usually referring neither to the Constitution nor to statutory law but to a set of civil norms imagined to promote the health of the republic but which cannot be directly enforced by the government. Had the House committee hauled in the chancellor of Florida’s state schools for his attempts to shut down pro-Palestine campus groups, then it might have found a genuine First Amendment issue — but only because the government cannot set aside its constitutional duties when it steps into the role of educator. By contrast, when a private university promises to safeguard free speech, it does so in excess of its legal obligations. Indeed, when Magill testified at the House hearing that Penn’s speech policy “is guided by the United States Constitution,” she was in fact describing a kind of institutional courtesy.

I stress this to show you that the very idea of free speech, especially when deployed outside of its narrow constitutional sense, tends to obfuscate the material stakes of a situation. (P. E. Moskowitz details many instances of this in their book The Case Against Free Speech.) Consider again the 92nd Street Y. In truth, Viet Thanh Nguyen had no more right to speak at the Y, a prestigious community center on the Upper East Side, than he has to be cast as Melissa Barrera’s replacement in Scream 7; all he had, legally speaking, was the right to criticize Israel without fear of being fined or arrested by the state. And how can one disagree? If I were running an arts organization, I would have no problem refusing to partner with, say, Cynthia Ozick, a mainstay of the Y who once described Palestinian culture as an “orgiastic deluge of fanaticism and death.” The Y, too, has every right to bring its programming in line with its values, which its actions have simply clarified: It is the sort of place that will disinvite the son of Vietnamese refugees for speaking out against a U.S.-sponsored war, even as it welcomed the late Henry Kissinger, who presided over hundreds of thousands of deaths in Southeast Asia, no fewer than ten times before his death.

This is perfectly rational behavior; one can oppose it, but one cannot argue with it. The same must be said of the suppression of speech in our universities, whose status as bastions of intellectual freedom has always been somewhat dubious. While it is true that left-wing ideas have flourished in the humanities and, to a lesser extent, the social sciences — the result of the retreat of post-1968 social movements into the academy — the big private universities remain in the business of business, their endowments tied up in fossil fuels, big tech, and the prison-industrial complex and their purses fattened by wealthy donors who expect influence in return. After a letter was released at Harvard that blamed “all unfolding violence” on the Israeli government, the billionaire hedge-fund manager Bill Ackman, apparently speaking for his fellow CEOs, demanded that the school publish the rosters of the student groups who had signed the letter “so as to insure [sic] that none of us inadvertently hire any of their members.” The implicit understanding here was that elite private universities funnel their graduates into the nation’s highest positions of power and influence — including Congress itself — and that this pipeline must not be polluted by ideas that its previous beneficiaries find morally despicable or politically disadvantageous. The House hearing itself came chillingly close to a direct attempt by the federal government to materially intervene in the composition of the incipient professional class through, as more than one Republican suggested, the expulsion of student protestors.

So the left may cherish intellectual freedom — I do! — without having any illusions about the institutions that promise to keep us safe. Liberal norms like freedom of speech are subject to a kind of planned obsolescence that all but guarantees they will be set aside when an institution’s actual values — or the values of its backers — are shunted into relief by a crisis. Of course, moral and political values come into conflict all the time — something that liberal norms are designed to reframe as the heated but ultimately harmless exchange of equally valid viewpoints within the marketplace of ideas. We have become accustomed in this country, for who knows how many decades, to the idea that we are living through the “culture wars.” Yet most of what we call culture war is just culture, in the sense that culture always contains conflicting ideas and tendencies. The most inflammatory debates over representation in the arts, over the effects of social media, over whether we are too “woke” — wherever one falls in these debates, one cannot deny that, far from tearing American culture apart, they have practically defined it. In fact, it has been impossible to participate in culture, as an artist or audience member, without engaging in them.

What we are experiencing now, I think, is an actual culture war: that is, an open conflict over how our cultural institutions themselves should be structured. An implicit antagonism has become an explicit one. After all, Zionism is a peculiar case, a conservative position — it concerns the sovereign rights of an internationally recognized occupying power — that nonetheless enjoys an unusually high appeal on the center-left (and even the left proper). As a result, the gracious liberal consensus that has generally held strong among magazine staffs and Hollywood insiders, however bland its assurances and empty its promises, is now fracturing to a degree that we have not seen in some time. This is taking the form of, as it were, door-to-door fighting on the terrain of culture: firings and resignations, clashes in editorial meetings, the withdrawal of arts sponsors, the boycotting of nonprofits, letters, letters, letters. In a very real sense, we are talking not about some “clash of ideas” but about a sustained and highly fractious workplace dispute at the heart of the American culture industry."

...

"What everyone knows on some level, I think, is that speech has the power to incite action because speech itself is already a material act. Yes, anti-Zionism is an idea, not a rock; but if it were only an idea, without any practical potential, then there would be no point in throwing it. The difference right now is that, given the tremendous political and ideological instability introduced by the war, a number of powerful people in America currently believe that talking about freeing Palestine could actually end up freeing Palestine, and it is this cascade of actions that they are ultimately trying to suppress. This tells us something very important: They are afraid. The question is not whether intifada, which means “uprising” in Arabic and invokes both civil disobedience and violent resistance, is a threatening term; if it were not threatening, the House would never have convened an entire hearing about it. The only question is whether threatened parties — the Israeli apartheid regime, American foreign-policy hawks, all the board members and lobbyists and donors and hedge-fund managers — deserve to be threatened.

They do. For as often as pro-Palestine speech is described as an existential menace to Jews in Israel and across America, our major newspapers are saturated with equally plausible incitements to violence — for that, my friends, is what it means to support a war. The difference is that when the New York Times editorial board defends the bombardment of Gaza or urges lawmakers to send Israel more Hellfire missiles, this may not look like incitement because the violence in question is endorsed by the White House, funded by Congress, and normalized by the media. There is no denying that this is an American war, even if there are no American boots on the ground. The House recently approved a resolution declaring that all anti-Zionism is antisemitism. This was truly disturbing on First Amendment grounds: It suggested that the government really might try to abridge the freedom of speech on grounds of sedition, as wartime governments have been known to do — including Israel, whose occupying military forces have restricted the free-speech rights of Palestinians in the name of “public order” for decades.

Now it so happens that the remarks which the 92nd Street Y originally commissioned me to deliver last week would have concerned the freedom of the press. I would have directed the Y’s patrons to a short essay published in 1784 by the philosopher Immanuel Kant called “What Is Enlightenment?” I believe it is one of the most important things ever written about freedom of speech. In the essay, Kant argues that the citizens of an enlightened society have an obligation to fulfill the duties of their civil posts (soldier, priest, tax man); yet as moral beings, they must also be free to engage in the “public use of reason,” above all by publishing their criticisms of that society. Accordingly, an enlightened despot will understand that “there is no danger to his legislation in allowing his subjects to use reason publicly and to set before the world their thoughts concerning better formulations of his laws.” For the enlightened citizen, Kant provides a curious slogan: “Argue as much as you want and about what you want, but obey!”

There is a very simple, very potent idea here: Freedom of speech, when elevated to the status of a moral good, is just another name for thoughtful obedience. Under such a rule, the right of everyone to disagree is protected as long as the state’s authority to limit action is respected. This way, the state may ensure that conflicts of value never turn into contests of value; it blesses us with the freedom to argue about morality on the condition that we never decide who is right. Kant’s foremost goal, after all, was to minimize the possibility of what he called the “worst, most punishable crime in a community” — namely, revolution. This was his diagnosis of the French Revolution, which in his estimation had proceeded all too quickly from intellectual freedom to bloody action.

I am not advocating violence, though I understand why others on the pro-Palestine left might. What I am advocating is continued hostility. One cannot escape the irony that when the liberal begs us to stop shouting each other down and tolerate a diversity of viewpoints, he is essentially calling for a cease-fire in the culture war. This is as far as free speech gets us: It asks us to have greater moral concern for the sanctity of ideas than for the lives of the Palestinian people. Bomb a hospital, and you are making a calculated strike on a military target; but try to kill an idea, and you are betraying democracy. This is why seeking “higher ground,” as the champions of free speech urge us to do, will only perpetuate the illusion that we are in yet another empty argument that can be safely contained by liberal norms; we will become so preoccupied with the integrity of the forest that we forget about the actual trees.

So let the left say that freedom of speech is a public good, like a health-care system: an essential element of a just society that is also regularly subject to abuse, fraud, corruption, and the private interests of the wealthy. When this abuse happens, as it is happening now, we oppose it because we believe that freedom of speech without justice is like a planet without air. We do not protest the war on Gaza because we have an abstract right to do so; we protest it because it is one of the great moral atrocities of our lifetimes and because the widespread refusal to admit this in America is an atrocity in its own right. We are not just speaking; we are fighting with words. And we are fighting to win."]]></description>
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    <title>Anarchism in America (1983) - Documentary on the American Anarchy Movement. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-12-14T18:32:36+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Distributor: www.pacificstreetfilms.com
A colorful and provocative survey of anarchism in America, the film attempts to dispel popular misconceptions and trace the historical development of the movement. The film explores the movement both as a native American philosophy stemming from 19th century American traditions of individualism, and as a foreign ideology brought to America by immigrants. The film features rare archival footage and interviews with significant personalities in anarchist history including Murray Boochkin and Karl Hess, and also live performance footage of the Dead Kennedys."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-8M0mYzD8ZY">
    <title>Does Israel Have a Right to EXIST? (w/ Miko Peled) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-19T21:52:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-8M0mYzD8ZY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The son of an Israeli general raised inculcated with the value of Zionism, Miko Peled's perspective shifted after the tragic loss of his niece to a terrorist attack. Driven by that tragedy to figure out what why a Palestinian suicide bomber would take his own life, along with the life of innocents, he began questioning Zionism. On today's episode, the author and activist engages important and provocative questions like does Israel have a right to exist, and should we refer to Hamas as a terrorist group? -- questions that someone with his life experiences is most qualified to answer.  A truly fascinating episode."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freedomthistime.wordpress.com/notes-on-anarchism/">
    <title>Notes on Anarchism | freedom this time</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-15T03:06:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freedomthistime.wordpress.com/notes-on-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A friend recently asked me to put together some sort of suggested “reading list” for anarchist political philosophy, which I may as well share here 🙂


Famous symbol denoting order “O” emerging from anarchy “A”. Anarchy is not “chaos” since “Liberty is the mother, not the daughter, of order” — Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

I tried to pick a set of short essays, by various “anarchist” authors, with the idea being to let somebody new to the concept of “anarchism” get rapidly acquainted with some of its core ideas and key thinkers, without having to soldier through any doorstop sized tomes. I didn’t try to be comprehensive, but rather to provide some hyper-links (click the titles) to essays I’ve particularly enjoyed reading. They’re all available for free online. Yay internet! I stuck to one per author. Of course, each of the authors here has a lot more to say for themselves, but I tried to pick something concise and representative for each of them. Here we go then! But first, a couple of “warm-up” contemporary intros before the more heavyweight “historical” material!

_____________________________________________

Are You an Anarchist? The Answer May Surprise You! by David Graeber

A fun little “warm-up” essay to introduce the rough idea of “anarchy” (before you begin with the “proper” essays below), by social anthropologist, Occupy activist and anarchist David Graeber, author of the fascinating book on economic and monetary history “Debt: the First 5000 Years” (free introductory essay here).

Also, this 1976 interview with Noam Chomsky (by Peter Jay) makes for an excellent brief introduction to some anarchist ideas.

_____________________________________________

Now onto the more “heavy-going” (but hopefully not too much! I tried to keep to brief-ish!) material of “anarchy proper”:

What is Property?, by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon

Classic essay arguing that, amongst other things, “property is theft” – if something is collectively produced it should not be individually owned, and to the extent property laws allow this they legalise a form of theft. Proudhon was the first to declare himself an “anarchist”, stating that:

“Whoever lays his hand on me to govern me is a usurper and tyrant, and I declare him my enemy.”

Keywords: Mutualism, Market Anarchism

Revolutionary Catechism, by Mikhail Bakunin:

Bakunin’s 1866 “manifesto” for an anarchist society, outlining anarchism as an alternative means of social organization. Bakunin’s conception of anarchy is as a libertarian socialism, since:

“liberty without socialism is privilege, injustice; socialism without liberty is slavery and brutality”

Libertarian Socialism is an alternative vision of society in which, as Bakunin has it:

“The political and economic organization of social life must not, as at present, be directed from the summit to the base — the center to the circumference — imposing unity through forced centralization. On the contrary, it must be reorganized to issue from the base to the summit — from the circumference to the center — according to the principles of free association and federation.”

Keywords: Libertarian Socialism, Social Anarchism

Discourse on Inequality, by Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Interesting essay arguing that “civilisation” has corrupted man, because:

“the savage lives within himself, whereas the citizen, constantly beside himself, knows only how to live in the opinion of others”

Takes considerable liberties with anthropological fact no doubt (Rousseau’s individualist savage living in an idealized “state of nature” likely never existed – humans are social animals) but has some very quotable passages! For example:

“An unbroken horse erects his mane, paws the ground and starts back impetuously at the sight of the bridle; while one which is properly trained suffers patiently even whip and spur: so savage man will not bend his neck to the yoke to which civilised man submits without a murmur, but prefers the most turbulent state of liberty to the most peaceful slavery. We cannot therefore, from the servility of nations already enslaved, judge of the natural disposition of mankind for or against slavery; we should go by the prodigious efforts of every free people to save itself from oppression.

I know that the former are for ever holding forth in praise of the tranquillity they enjoy in their chains, and that they call a state of wretched servitude a state of peace: miserrimam servitutem pacem appellant. But when I observe the latter sacrificing pleasure, peace, wealth, power and life itself to the preservation of that one treasure, which is so disdained by those who have lost it; when I see free-born animals dash their brains out against the bars of their cage, from an innate impatience of captivity; when I behold numbers of naked savages, that despise European pleasures, braving hunger, fire, the sword and death, to preserve nothing but their independence, I feel that it is not for slaves to argue about liberty.”

Keywords: Anarcho-primitivism, Anarchist Individualism.

Limits of State Action (Chapter III), by Wilhelm Von Humboldt.

The third chapter of this classic of classical liberal thought really sets out Humboldt’s view of human nature – man as an end in himself, not as a tool of the state – and labour as craftsmanship, as a means of self-actualisation, not a means to an end:

“Man never regards what he possesses as so much his own, as what he does; and the labourer who tends a garden is perhaps in a truer sense its owner, than the listless voluptuary who enjoys its fruits…In view of this consideration, it seems as if all peasants and craftsman might be elevated into artists; that is, men who love their labour for its own sake, improve it by their own plastic genius and inventive skill, and thereby cultivate their intellect, ennoble their character, and exalt and refine their pleasures. And so humanity would be ennobled by the very things which now, though beautiful in themselves, so often serve to degrade it.”

Beautiful stuff. Private Property was intended to defend the above conception of man, not destroy it. Shows how anarchist ideas grew out of the pre-capitalist roots of classical liberalism, though adapting these somewhat in response to the political challenges of a capitalist economy.

Keywords: Classical Liberalism.

Civil Disobedience, by Henry David Thoreau.

Thoreau, of Walden fame, opens this classic essay with the argument that:

“I heartily accept the motto,That government is best which governs least; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which I also believe,That government is best which governs not at all; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.”

The remainder of the essay outlines how men are to be “prepared for it” in Thoreau’s view.

Keywords: Individualist Anarchism, Civil Disobedience

On Anarchism, by Leo Tolstoy

Short but excellent essay arguing for a pacifist form of anarchism and putting Tolstoy’s own Radical Christian spin on matters. Echoes of Latin America’s influential liberation theology movement can be heard in Tolstoy’s work. Gandhi was a big fan too, I hear. Some nice comments on how parliamentary systems co-opt radicals – by turning them into “cultivated microbes” Tolstoy argues.

Keywords: Anarcho-pacifism, Christian Anarchism

Anarchist Morality, by Peter Kropotkin

A kind of potted version of the far longer book Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution. Kropotkin sets out to demolish the Social Darwinist ideas that Darwin himself so hated, and sets out his argument that, for a social species such as ourselves, “survival of the fittest” means survival of the most cooperatively sociable (not ruthlessly individualistic) and argues for a morality based upon this. Or as Wendell Berry put it:

“Rats and roaches live by competition under the laws of supply and demand; it is the privilege of human beings to live under the laws of justice and mercy.”

Keywords: Anarchist Communism, Mutual Aid

The Soul Of Man Under Socialism, by Oscar Wilde.

Wilde argues that the abolition of private ownership of productive property (a.k.a. “socialism”) will allow the full development of free, self-perfecting individuals, of the sort Humboldt described a century before. He calls this the new individualism, to contrast it with classical liberalism’s tragically flawed pursuit of individual development through the means of private property. For Wilde (and I agree wholeheartedly):

“The recognition of private property has really harmed Individualism, and obscured it, by confusing a man with what he possesses. It has led Individualism entirely astray. It has made gain not growth its aim. So that man thought that the important thing was to have, and did not know that the important thing is to be. The true perfection of man lies not in what man has, but in what man is.

Private property has crushed true Individualism, and set up an Individualism that is false. It has debarred one part of the community [the poor] from being individual by starving them. It has debarred the other part of the community [the rich] from being individual by putting them on the wrong road [materialism], and encumbering them.”

Keywords: Individualist Anarchism, Libertarian Socialism

Government in the Future, by Noam Chomsky.

Mindblowingly good lecture in which Chomsky weaves together some of the above essays and much more besides to give a sense of the historical currents of anarchist thought and its continuing relevance to the future development of society. Completely changed the way I thought about “politics”. By the way, “notes on anarchism”, the title of this post, is also an essay by Chomsky.

Keywords: Mindblowing Lecture, Classical Liberalism, Libertarian Socialism, State Socialism, State Capitalism

The Dispossed, by Ursula K. Le Guin.

I know, I know, I said no books. But I simply cannot bring myself to leave out this wonderful novel on “an ambiguous utopia” which is replete with quotable passages that bring out the insanity of the present political systems we endure and the beauty and promise of anarchist ideals. Makes an interesting “sci-fi utopia”companion to 1984’s “sci-fi dystopia” – the book has a similar idea to “new-speak” but this time exploring the possibilities for language constructed to express freedom rather than repress it (that’s just one idea in the book – it’s packed full of ideas!). One of my favorite novels.

Keywords: Utopian Fiction, Anarchist Communism.

_____________________________________________

So that’s the end of my “potted anarchist history”. I’ll probably try to write something similar on the contemporary anarchist currents of thought at some point. David Graeber has argued (here, for example) that it offers the best source of hope and inspiration for revolutionary movements of the future and I would tend to agree with that. And if some or most of the above essays appealed to you, here is one “anarchist informed” recently founded contemporary project worth checking out, IMO:

http://www.iopsociety.org/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://open.spotify.com/episode/4TX85HJ99DM7uuZAA5vBnJ">
    <title>Should the Climate Movement Embrace Sabotage? · The New Yorker Radio Hour</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-08T21:01:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/4TX85HJ99DM7uuZAA5vBnJ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Andreas Malm, a climate activist and senior lecturer at Lund University, in Sweden, studies the relationship between climate change and capitalism. With the United Nations climate meeting in Glasgow rapidly approaching—it begins on October 31st—Malm tells David Remnick that he believes environmentalists should not place too much faith in talks or treaties of this kind. Instead, he insists that the climate movement rethinks its roots in nonviolence. His book is provocatively titled “How to Blow Up a Pipeline,” though it is not exactly an instruction manual. Malm advocates for “intelligent sabotage” of fossil-fuel infrastructure to prevent more carbon from being emitted in the atmosphere. “I am in favor of destroying machines, property—not harming people. That’s a very important distinction,” he tells Remnick. Plus: Parul Sehgal, The New Yorker’s newest staff writer, introduces David Remnick to some notable works off the syllabus of a class she is teaching. It’s called “Writing the Unspeakable,” about the literature of trauma and atrocity."]]></description>
<dc:subject>andreasmalm 2021 climatechange activism globalwarming directaction davidremnick capitalism via:javierarbona endegelände violence nonviolence civildisobedience massaction fossilfuels</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-50-andreas-malm-and-ecological">
    <title>Chartbook #50: Andreas Malm and ecological Leninism - by Adam Tooze - Chartbook</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-08T16:07:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-50-andreas-malm-and-ecological</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Malm’s work is instructive, brilliant and unsettling.

His historical imagination is fascinating and inspiring.

His arguments pose a serious intellectual challenge to complacent reformism.”]]></description>
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    <title>Is Peaceful Protest enough? In conversation with Andreas Malm - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-08T16:06:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qhnlj2F6RLk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Description: Andreas Malm joins Bristol Transformed organiser, Momentum NCG member and Labour for a Green New Deal activist Shona Jemphrey in Bristol at the Malcolm X Centre, the birthplace of Extinction Rebellion. They discuss COP26, the new phase of the climate struggle and How to Blow Up a Pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire by Andreas Malm, out now: https://www.versobooks.com/books/3665-how-to-blow-up-a-pipeline “]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v43/n22/adam-tooze/ecological-leninism">
    <title>Adam Tooze · Ecological Leninism · LRB 6 November 2021</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-06T20:22:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v43/n22/adam-tooze/ecological-leninism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>adamtooze andreasmalm 2021 climatechange ecology neoliberalism capitalism economics realism climatejustice globalwarming leninism covid-19 pandemic coronavirus greennewdeal communism sheilafitzpatrick ronaldsuny clarazetkin trotskyism maynardkeynes fossilfuels politics policy centrism directaction gretathunberg jessicareznicek rubymontoya leaps endegelände violence civildisobedience massaction nonviolence</dc:subject>
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    <title>Opinion | Why Texas Republicans Fear the Green New Deal - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2021-03-22T04:19:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/21/opinion/green-new-deal-texas-blackout.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[more here (tags apply to that do): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zFPKpOYx4xM ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://freeradio.neocities.org/">
    <title>Tactical Free Radio</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-02T14:56:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://freeradio.neocities.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With uprisings taking over the streets of cities and towns, effective communication for protesters and dissenters is critical. Internet tech like Signal is good for secure communication between groups, but don’t scale to tens of thousands. PAs and loudspeakers are used on site at protests to provide information and encourage unity, but can be difficult to hear clearly in crowds, even a short distance from speakers.

Free radio is a powerful tool that can supplement existing communications to provide instantaneous information and advisories across a wide area, inexpensively. Anything that might be communicated over a PA can be sent over an FM signal a greater distance with greater clarity. While the signal itself is not secure, it is also untagged – listeners cannot be identified.

For these reasons, there is a long history of protest movements using free radio. These stations were instrumental at the 1999 WTO protests and the anti-globalization protests that followed in the 2000s. Even though cell phones were available, smartphones and mobile internet were not. And, then as now, local cell networks can become saturated with traffic or tampered with by authorities.

Even recently free radio was used in car protests in the Bay Area since loudspeakers can’t reach thousands of vehicles and most cars are still equipped with pretty good FM radios.

Though the rise of mobile networks has replaced broadcast radio for many, the irony is that powerful FM transmitters have become cheaper and easier to obtain than ever before. A quick order on Ebay or Amazon can get a mobile-ready transmitter into your hands in days, whereas in 2000 you likely had to either build a kit or order a bespoke transmitter from overseas that might take weeks to arrive."]]></description>
<dc:subject>pirateradio radio howto broadcasting 2020 civildisobedience acabspring via:justinpickard</dc:subject>
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    <title>Amy Goodman @ SokaUniv - “Democracy Now! Covering the Movements Changing America” - 10/24/18 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2018-11-16T09:01:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O7oB-YJLMJ8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>amygoodman journalism resistance 2018 policy politics media donaldtrump television us economics ww2 wii testimony witness bearingwitness democracy democracynow civildisobedience war hiroshima truth voice jeremyscahill radio technology access internet corporatism privatization netneutrality optimism michaelmoore pacificaradio northdakota protest nazis fascism fakenews hate nativeamericans dakotaaccesspipeline dapl nodapl women metoo blacklivesmatter denismoynihan solidarity power history collectivism movements rosaparks highlandercenter ednixon peteseeger martinlutherkingjr civilrightsmovement socialchange emmetttill mamietill photography imagery photojournalism humanism yemen compassion knowledge storytelling militarism normstamper seattle policing police lawenforcement standingrock wto 1999 seattlewtoprotests riots policeriots barackobama billclinton madeleinealbright weapons division community fear 2016 climatechange migration immigration reporting florida mexico centralamerica military globalwarming facts</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdfYEJa_Q38">
    <title>The Complacent Class (Episode 1/5) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2017-03-14T04:52:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdfYEJa_Q38</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also: http://learn.mruniversity.com/everyday-economics/tyler-cowen-on-american-culture-and-innovation/ ]

"Restlessness has long been seen as a signature trait of what it means to be American. We've been willing to cross great distances, take big risks, and adapt to change in way that has produced a dynamic economy. From Ben Franklin to Steve Jobs, innovation has been firmly rooted in American DNA.

What if that's no longer true?

Let’s take a journey back to the 19th century – specifically, the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893. At that massive event, people got to do things like ride a ferris wheel, go on a moving sidewalk, see a dishwasher, see electric light, or even try modern chewing gum for the very first time. More than a third of the entire U.S. population at that time attended. And remember, this was 1893 when travel was much more difficult and costly.

Fairs that shortly followed Chicago included new inventions and novelties the telephone, x-ray machine, hot dogs, and ice cream cones. 

These earlier years of American innovation were filled with rapid improvement in a huge array of industries. Railroads, electricity, telephones, radio, reliable clean water, television, cars, airplanes, vaccines and antibiotics, nuclear power – the list goes on – all came from this era.

After about the 1970s, innovation on this scale slowed down. Computers and communication have been the focus. What we’ve seen more recently has been mostly incremental improvements, with the large exception of smart phones. 

This means that we’ve experienced a ton of changes in our virtual world, but surprisingly few in our physical world. For example, travel hasn’t much improved and, in some cases, has even slowed down. The planes we’re primarily using? They were designed half a century ago.

Since the 1960s, our culture has gotten less restless, too. It’s become more bureaucratic. The sixties and seventies ushered in a wave of protests and civil disobedience. But today, people hire protests planners and file for permits. The demands for change are tamer compared to their mid-century counterparts.

This might not sound so bad. We’ve entered a golden age for many of our favorite entertainment options. Americans are generally better off than ever before. But the U.S. economy is less dynamic. We’re stagnating. We’re complacent. What does mean for our economic and cultural future?"

[The New Era of Segregation (Episode 2/5)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hNlA_Zz1_bM

Do you live in a “bubble?” There’s a good chance that the answer is, at least in part, a resounding “Yes.”

In our algorithm-driven world, digital servants cater to our individual preferences like never before. This has caused many improvements to our daily lives. For example, instead of gathering the kids together for a frustrating Blockbuster trip to pick out a VHS for family movie night, you can simply scroll through kid-friendly titles on Netflix that have been narrowed down based on your family’s previous viewing history. Not so bad.

But this algorithmic matching isn’t limited to entertainment choices. We’re also getting matched to spouses of a similar education level and earning potential. More productive workers are able to get easily matched to more productive firms. On the individual level, this is all very good. Our digital servants are helping us find better matches and improving our lives.

What about at the macro level? All of this matching can also produce more segregation – but on a much broader level than just racial segregation. People with similar income and education levels, and who do similar types of work, are more likely to cluster into their own little bubbles. This matching has consequences, and they’re not all virtual.

Power couples and highly productive workers are concentrating in metropolises like New York City and San Francisco. With many high earners, lots of housing demand, and strict building codes, rents in these types of cities are skyrocketing. People with lower incomes simply can no longer afford the cost of living, so they leave. New people with lower incomes also aren’t coming in, so we end up with a type of self-reinforcing segregation.

If you think back to the 2016 U.S. election, you’ll remember that most political commentators, who tend to reside in trendy large cities, were completely shocked by the rise of Donald Trump. What part did our new segregation play in their inability to understand what was happening in middle America?

In terms of racial segregation, there are worrying trends. The variety and level of racism of we’ve seen in the past may be on the decline, but the data show less residential racial mixing among whites and minorities.

Why does this matter? For a dynamic economy, mixing a wide variety of people in everyday life is crucial for the development of ideas and upward mobility. If matching is preventing mixing, we have to start making intentional changes to improve socio-economic integration and bring dynamism back into the American economy."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>safety control life us innovation change invention risk risktaking stasis travel transportation dynamism stagnation economics crisis restlessness tylercowen fiterbubbles segregation protest communication disobedience compliance civildisobedience infrastructure complacency 2017 algorithms socialmobility inequality race class filterbubbles incomeinequality isolation cities urban urbanism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://qz.com/846940/a-yale-history-professors-20-point-guide-to-defending-democracy-under-a-trump-presidency/">
    <title>A Yale history professor's 20-point guide to defending democracy under a Trump presidency — Quartz</title>
    <dc:date>2017-02-01T07:39:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://qz.com/846940/a-yale-history-professors-20-point-guide-to-defending-democracy-under-a-trump-presidency/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Americans are no wiser than the Europeans who saw democracy yield to fascism, Nazism, or communism. Our one advantage is that we might learn from their experience. Now is a good time to do so. Here are twenty lessons from the twentieth century, adapted to the circumstances of today:

1. Do not obey in advance.

Much of the power of authoritarianism is freely given. In times like these, individuals think ahead about what a more repressive government will want, and then start to do it without being asked. You’ve already done this, haven’t you? Stop. Anticipatory obedience teaches authorities what is possible and accelerates unfreedom.

2. Defend an institution.

Defend an institution. Follow the courts or the media, or a court or a newspaper. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you are making them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions don’t protect themselves. They go down like dominoes unless each is defended from the beginning.

3. Recall professional ethics.

When the leaders of state set a negative example, professional commitments to just practice become much more important. It is hard to break a rule-of-law state without lawyers, and it is hard to have show trials without judges.

4. When listening to politicians, distinguish certain words.

Look out for the expansive use of “terrorism” and “extremism.” Be alive to the fatal notions of “exception” and “emergency.” Be angry about the treacherous use of patriotic vocabulary.

5. Be calm when the unthinkable arrives.

When the terrorist attack comes, remember that all authoritarians at all times either await or plan such events in order to consolidate power. Think of the Reichstag fire. The sudden disaster that requires the end of the balance of power, the end of opposition parties, and so on, is the oldest trick in the Hitlerian book. Don’t fall for it.

6. Be kind to our language.

Avoid pronouncing the phrases everyone else does. Think up your own way of speaking, even if only to convey that thing you think everyone is saying. (Don’t use the internet before bed. Charge your gadgets away from your bedroom, and read.) What to read? Perhaps The Power of the Powerless by Václav Havel, 1984 by George Orwell, The Captive Mind by Czesław Milosz, The Rebel by Albert Camus, The Origins of Totalitarianism by Hannah Arendt, or Nothing is True and Everything is Possible by Peter Pomerantsev.

7. Stand out.

Someone has to. It is easy, in words and deeds, to follow along. It can feel strange to do or say something different. But without that unease, there is no freedom. And the moment you set an example, the spell of the status quo is broken, and others will follow.

8. Believe in truth.

To abandon facts is to abandon freedom. If nothing is true, then no one can criticize power, because there is no basis upon which to do so. If nothing is true, then all is spectacle. The biggest wallet pays for the most blinding lights.

9. Investigate.

Figure things out for yourself. Spend more time with long articles. Subsidize investigative journalism by subscribing to print media. Realize that some of what is on your screen is there to harm you. Learn about sites that investigate foreign propaganda pushes.

10. Practice corporeal politics.

Power wants your body softening in your chair and your emotions dissipating on the screen. Get outside. Put your body in unfamiliar places with unfamiliar people. Make new friends and march with them.

11. Make eye contact and small talk.

This is not just polite. It is a way to stay in touch with your surroundings, break down unnecessary social barriers, and come to understand whom you should and should not trust. If we enter a culture of denunciation, you will want to know the psychological landscape of your daily life.

12. Take responsibility for the face of the world.

Notice the swastikas and the other signs of hate. Do not look away and do not get used to them. Remove them yourself and set an example for others to do so.

13. Hinder the one-party state.

The parties that took over states were once something else. They exploited a historical moment to make political life impossible for their rivals. Vote in local and state elections while you can.

14. Give regularly to good causes, if you can.

Pick a charity and set up autopay. Then you will know that you have made a free choice that is supporting civil society helping others doing something good.

15. Establish a private life.

Nastier rulers will use what they know about you to push you around. Scrub your computer of malware. Remember that email is skywriting. Consider using alternative forms of the internet, or simply using it less. Have personal exchanges in person. For the same reason, resolve any legal trouble. Authoritarianism works as a blackmail state, looking for the hook on which to hang you. Try not to have too many hooks.

16. Learn from others in other countries.

Keep up your friendships abroad, or make new friends abroad. The present difficulties here are an element of a general trend. And no country is going to find a solution by itself. Make sure you and your family have passports.

17. Watch out for the paramilitaries.

When the men with guns who have always claimed to be against the system start wearing uniforms and marching around with torches and pictures of a Leader, the end is nigh. When the pro-Leader paramilitary and the official police and military intermingle, the game is over.

18. Be reflective if you must be armed.

If you carry a weapon in public service, God bless you and keep you. But know that evils of the past involved policemen and soldiers finding themselves, one day, doing irregular things. Be ready to say no. (If you do not know what this means, contact the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and ask about training in professional ethics.)

19. Be as courageous as you can.

If none of us is prepared to die for freedom, then all of us will die in unfreedom.

20. Be a patriot.

The incoming president is not. Set a good example of what America means for the generations to come. They will need it."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.cbsnews.com/news/60-minutes-cornel-west-on-race-in-the-u-s/">
    <title>Cornel West on state of race in the U.S.: &quot;We're in bad shape&quot; - CBS News</title>
    <dc:date>2016-03-21T18:05:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.cbsnews.com/news/60-minutes-cornel-west-on-race-in-the-u-s/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: "Showed kids 60 Minutes with Cornel West last night. ("I'm unimpressed by smartness.") http://www.cbsnews.com/news/60-minutes-cornel-west-on-race-in-the-u-s/ " 
https://twitter.com/ablerism/status/711908596540379136 

"+ See also West on Mandela: "a militant tenderness, subversive sweetness and radical gentleness." http://www.cornelwest.com/nelson_mandela.html " 
https://twitter.com/ablerism/status/711908847695368192 ]

"Cornel West is a different kind of civil rights leader. His below-the-radar presence at racial flash points across America recently, stands in stark contrast to many of the more traditional civil rights leaders and their bright light press conferences.

Some of the new generation of African-American activists seem to be gravitating towards West, a charismatic academic scholar who doesn't lead an organization or have an entourage.

Cornel West has a message about how poor and disadvantaged Americans are being treated today and he can be searingly provocative on matters of race, never more so than when he criticizes President Obama.

Cornel West: When I call the president a black puppet of Wall Street, I was really talking about the degree to which Wall Street had a disproportionate amount of influence on his policies as opposed to poor people and working people.

James Brown: Why use such harsh language with-- showing no respect for the office of the president?

Cornel West: I tend to be one who just speaks from my soul, and so what comes out sometimes is rather harsh. In that sense I'm very much a part of the tradition of a Frederick Douglass or a Malcolm X who used hyperbolic language at times to bring attention to the state of emergency. So all of that rage and righteous indignation can lead one not to speak politely sometimes.

Eight years ago, Cornel West was a fervent supporter of candidate Barack Obama. Today, he blames the president for not doing more on issues like income inequality and racial justice. A product of the turbulent sixties, West has joined protests led by civil rights groups like Black Lives Matter. Here in Ferguson, Missouri, he was one of many arrested for civil disobedience.

James Brown: The young people who are leading the Black Lives Matter charge, you're all behind them?

Cornel West: Oh, very much so. I think that's a marvelous new militancy that has to do with courage, vision. The fundamental challenge always is will their rage be channeled through hatred and revenge or will it be channeled through love and justice. You got to push 'em toward love and justice.

James Brown: Why do you think you have that kind of currency with young people?

Cornel West: They know that I take their precious lives seriously. When I go to jail in Ferguson and say quite explicitly, "I'm old school, and I want the new school to know that some of us old folk love y'all to death" and they hear that and say, "Well, dang, you know, we might not always-- agree with this brother, but this Negro looks like a fighter for justice."

[March: This is what democracy looks like. Justice!]

Nyle Fort: I think a lot of young people really gravitate towards him not only because he's a giant of an intellectual, he is somebody that you want to be around.

Nyle Fort is a 26-year-old activist and religion PhD student at Princeton. He first saw West speak at a rally four years ago.

James Brown: The manner in which Dr. West has been criticizing the president. Your reaction?

Nyle Fort: I think it's important for us to listen to the substance of his argument. And I think that his critiques not just of President Obama, but of our current state of democracy in this country, the current state of the world, is something that we need to pay attention to.

A favorite on the lecture circuit, we were with him at Marist College in Poughkeepsie, New York, when the crowd of 1,500 broke into applause before he said a word.

Then, for more than an hour, an extemporaneous journey filled with biblical passages and quotes from philosophers and poets about decency and virtue. All in support of West's warning about the dangers of inequality.

Cornel West: I have nothing against rich brothers and sisters. Pray for 'em every day. But callousness and indifference, greed and avarice is something that's shot through all of us.

Cornel West has diverse influences to say the least; crediting jazz giants John Coltrane and Sarah Vaughan with helping him understand human suffering. West sees civil rights pioneer, Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel as one of the great treasures of the 20th century.

Cornel West: It's never a question of skin pigmentation. It's never a question of just culture or sexual orientation or civilization. It's what kind of human being you're going to choose to be from your mama's womb to the tomb and what kind of legacy will you leave.

Cornel West was born 62 years ago in Oklahoma, but grew up in Glen Elder -- a predominantly black neighborhood near Sacramento, California. He is the second of four children. His father, Clifton was a federal administrator and his mother, Irene was a teacher. They were a close-knit, church-going family.

Cornel West: I feel as if I have been blessed to undergo a transformation from gangster to redeemed sinner with gangster proclivities.

James Brown: You actually were a thug when you were a youngster?

Cornel West: Oh absolutely, I got kicked out of school when I was seven-- seven years old.

James Brown: Doing what, Dr. West?

Cornel West: I refused to salute the flag because my great uncle had been lynched with the flag wrapped around his body. So I went back to Sacramento and said, "I'm not saluting the flag." And teacher went at me and hit me, and I hit back. And then we had a Joe Frazier/Muhammad Ali moment right there in the third grade.

Clifton West: He was the only student I ever knew that came home with all As and had to get a whipping.

Clifton West is Cornel's brother, best friend and was his role model growing up. He says behind his little brother's bad behavior, was a relentlessly curious mind.

Clifton West: We had this bookmobile. And we would come out, and check out a book, and go on back in the house and start reading it. So Corn, at one point, I don't know how long it took, he had read every book in the bookmobile.

James Brown: Excuse me?

Clifton West: I don't know it had to be 200 books, easy. And the bookmobile man, who was a white guy, went to all the neighborhoods, little chocolate neighborhoods, saying, "There's this guy in Glen Elder that read every book in here."

Anecdotes like that convinced teachers to give their troubled student an aptitude test. West's recorded IQ: 168.

Cornel West: I got a pretty high score. So they sent me over all the way on the other side of town. Mom used to drive me all the way to school and then drive back to her school where she was teaching first grade.

The new school had a gifted program that challenged his mind and changed his behavior.

James Brown: Was that when you first grabbed hold of the notion that you were smart?

Cornel West: You know, I never really thought I was that smart. Because there was so many other folk in school that I was deeply impressed by. But I'll say this, though, that I've never really been impressed by smartness."]]></description>
<dc:subject>cornelwest barackobama race 2016 via:ablerism love activism socialjustice blacklivesmatter generations inequality values nylefort jamesbrown cliftonwest eddieglaude decency virtue callousness indifference greed avarice jazz suffering humanism abrahamjoshuaheschel life living legacy religion belief ferguson racialjustice racism civildisobedience wallstreet intellectualism intellect curiosity poverty policy language malcolmx frederickdouglass rage indignation civilrights johncoltrane wisdom smartness sacrifice conformism sarahvaughan</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://bluenationreview.com/exclusive-bree-newsome-speaks-for-the-first-time-after-courageous-act-of-civil-disobedience/">
    <title>EXCLUSIVE: Bree Newsome Speaks For The First Time After Courageous Act of Civil Disobedience</title>
    <dc:date>2015-06-30T04:04:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://bluenationreview.com/exclusive-bree-newsome-speaks-for-the-first-time-after-courageous-act-of-civil-disobedience/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You see, I know my history and my heritage. The Confederacy is neither the only legacy of the south nor an admirable one. The southern heritage I embrace is the legacy of a people unbowed by racial oppression. It includes towering figures of the Civil Rights Movement like Ida B. Wells, Martin Luther King, Jr., Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers and Ella Baker. It includes the many people who rarely make the history books but without whom there is no movement. It includes pillars of the community like Rev. Clementa Pinckney and Emmanuel AME Church.

The history of the South is also in many ways complex and full of inconvenient truths. But in order to move into the future we must reckon with the past. That’s why I commend people like Sen. Paul Thurmond for having the courage to speak truth in this moment.

Words cannot express how deeply touched I am to see how yesterday’s action inspired so many. The artwork, poems, music and memes are simply beautiful! I am also deeply grateful to those who have generously donated to the defense fund established in my name and to those who have offered to cover my legal expenses.

As you are admiring my courage in that moment, please remember that this is not, never has been and never should be just about one woman. This action required collective courage just as this movement requires collective courage. Not everyone who participated in the strategizing for this non-violent direct action volunteered to have their names in the news so I will respect their privacy. Nonetheless, I’m honored to be counted among the many freedom fighters, both living and dead.

I see no greater moral cause than liberation, equality and justice f­­or all God’s people. What better reason to risk your own freedom than to fight for the freedom of others? That’s the moral courage demonstrated yesterday by James Ian Tyson who helped me across the fence and stood guard as I climbed. History will rightly remember him alongside the many white allies who, over the centuries, have risked their own safety in defense of black life and in the name of racial equality.

While I remain highly critical of the nature of policing itself in the United States, both the police and the jailhouse personnel I encountered on Saturday were nothing short of professional in their interactions with me. I know there was some concern from supporters on the outside that I might be harmed while in police custody, but that was not the case.

It is important to remember that our struggle doesn’t end when the flag comes down. The Confederacy is a southern thing, but white supremacy is not. Our generation has taken up the banner to fight battles many thought were won long ago. We must fight with all vigor now so that our grandchildren aren’t still fighting these battles in another 50 years. Black Lives Matter. This is non-negotiable.

I encourage everyone to understand the history, recognize the problems of the present and take action to show the world that the status quo is not acceptable. The last few days have confirmed to me that people understand the importance of action and are ready to take such action. Whether the topic is trending nationally or it’s an issue affecting our local communities, those of us who are conscious must do what is right in this moment. And we must do it without fear. New eras require new models of leadership. This is a multi-leader movement. I believe that. I stand by that. I am because we are. I am one of many.

This moment is a call to action for us all. All honor and praise to God."]]></description>
<dc:subject>breenewsome civildisobedience civilrights racism blacklivesmatter 2015 activism freedom resistance morality liberation equality justice inequality us southcarolina</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2015/03/the-failed-attempt-to-destroy-early-gps/386656/">
    <title>The Failed Attempt to Destroy GPS - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-06T05:27:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2015/03/the-failed-attempt-to-destroy-early-gps/386656/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An axe attack in the early 1990s damaged the same network of satellites that helps you map directions today."

…

"Acting in a tradition of civil disobedience established by the Plowshares movement while citing the leader of the Underground Railroad and the heroine of the Terminator series, the Brigade's target was the Navigation Satellite Timing And Ranging (NAVSTAR) Program and the Global Positioning System (GPS). Back then, GPS was still a fairly obscure and incomplete military technology, used in some civilian applications (the first civilian GPS device, the Magellan NAV 1000, came on the market in 1988) but far from a mainstream resource. Today, GPS feels almost more intimate than industrial or weaponized.

I tend to look at GPS mostly when I'm looking at myself. Or more precisely, for myself, rendered as a small blue dot on a map on my phone. Generally while doing this, I don't pause to consider how that blue dot on a screen is a function of at network of multi-million-dollar satellites in space sending signals to and receiving signals from my phone (yes, in addition to signals from local wi-fi devices and cell towers, but still: Giant machines in space talk to a tiny phone and that is totally normal and expected). It’s easy to take our machines of loving grace for granted when we experience them mostly as blue dots on tiny screens.

Twenty-three years ago, the Harriet Tubman-Sarah Connor Brigade was thinking about personal relationships to GPS, but more in the context of civilians killed by precision warfare and a population threatened by a growing first-strike nuclear capability. All of this is GPS' provenance. It’s a provenance easily forgotten given its far-reaching influence and impact—not just on navigation but on networks and on networked time. While the Brigade couldn't foresee GPS' temporal impact, their actions are a small but resonant moment in its history, and a reminder of how we neglect technology’s ambivalent histories at our own risk.

* * *

Peter Lumsdaine didn't express any regrets when I contacted him to learn more about the Brigade. He doesn't really share my sense of personal connection to GPS. Even if the technology has more and more civilian uses, Lumsdaine said, GPS remains “military in its origins, military in its goals, military in its development and [is still] controlled by the military.”"

…

"An accelerated age often appears to be a more anxious age—every now feels more now than ever, every crisis more urgent than the last. The Harriet Tubman-Sarah Connor Brigade offers a reminder that to some extent, our technological anxieties are the same as they ever were. States continue to build breathtaking killing machines, scrubbing the blood on their hands in the rhetorical lather of efficiency, of promising civilian applications. Resistance to these regimes is marked with ambivalence at the technologies, tactical instruments often mistaken for ideology manifest. Technologies and the power dynamics that shape their use become normalized. The accelerated age buries technological origin stories beneath endless piles of timestamped data.

When people lose sight of these origin stories, they do a disservice to our technologies and to ourselves. Forgetting that we live among dormant killing machines makes it easy to believe that they are merely machines of loving grace and not tools beholden to the power structures that control them, tools that paradoxically become inescapable as they grow more accessible. Recognizing and living with the ghosts in our machines is a precondition of using them honestly and, hopefully, responsibly.

When I asked Lumsdaine what he thought civil disobedience today might look like in lieu of taking axes to server racks he replied, "I think in a general way people need to look for those psychological, spiritual, cultural, logistical, technological weak points and leverage points and push hard there. It is so easy for all of us as human beings to take a deep breath and step aside and not face how very serious the situation is, because it's very unpleasant to look at the effort and potential consequences of challenging the powers that be. But the only thing higher than the cost of resistance is the cost of not resisting."

What Lumsdaine describes as resistance might be as easily called living with ethics, but ultimately the call to action for either term is, essentially, to take time. In the rush of a persistent accelerated now, interruptions and challenges to life in real-time are sometimes necessary in order to ask what kind of future we're building."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ingridburrington ethics gps space crime 2015 harriettubman satellitles maps mapping civildisobedience military keithkjoller peterlumsdaine harriettubman-sarahconnorbrigade warfare war technology government resistance</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article36950.htm">
    <title>Howard Zinn: The Problem is Civil Obedience</title>
    <dc:date>2014-12-03T07:28:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article36950.htm</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We all grow up with the notion that the law is holy. They asked Daniel Berrigan's mother what she thought of her son's breaking the law. He burned draft records-one of the most violent acts of this century- to protest the war, for which he was sentenced to prison, as criminals should be. They asked his mother who is in her eighties, what she thought of her son's breaking the law. And she looked straight into the interviewer's face, and she said, "It's not God's law." Now we forget that. There is nothing sacred about the law. Think of who makes laws. The law is not made by God, it is made by Strom Thurmond. If you nave any notion about the sanctity and loveliness and reverence for the law, look at the legislators around the country who make the laws. Sit in on the sessions of the state legislatures. Sit in on Congress, for these are the people who make the laws which we are then supposed to revere.

All of this is done with such propriety as to fool us. This is the problem. In the old days, things were confused; you didn't know. Now you know. It is all down there in the books. Now we go through due process. Now the same things happen as happened before, except that we've gone through the right procedures. In Boston a policeman walked into a hospital ward and fired five times at a black man who had snapped a towel at his arm-and killed him. A hearing was held. The judge decided that the policeman was justified because if he didn't do it, he would lose the respect of his fellow officers. Well, that is what is known as due process-that is, the guy didn't get away with it. We went through the proper procedures, and everything was set up. The decorum, the propriety of the law fools us.

The nation then, was founded on disrespect for the law, and then came the Constitution and the notion of stability which Madison and Hamilton liked. But then we found in certain crucial times in our history that the legal framework did not suffice, and in order to end slavery we had to go outside the legal framework, as we had to do at the time of the American Revolution or the Civil War. The union had to go outside the legal framework in order to establish certain rights in the 1930s. And in this time, which may be more critical than the Revolution or the Civil War, the problems are so horrendous as to require us to go outside the legal framework in order to make a statement, to resist, to begin to establish the kind of institutions and relationships which a decent society should have. No, not just tearing things down; building things up. But even if you build things up that you are not supposed to build up-you try to build up a people's park, that's not tearing down a system; you are building something up, but you are doing it illegally-the militia comes in and drives you out. That is the form that civil disobedience is going to take more and more, people trying to build a new society in the midst of the old.

But what about voting and elections? Civil disobedience-we don't need that much of it, we are told, because we can go through the electoral system. And by now we should have learned, but maybe we haven't, for we grew up with the notion that the voting booth is a sacred place, almost like a confessional. You walk into the voting booth and you come out and they snap your picture and then put it in the papers with a beatific smile on your face. You've just voted; that is democracy. But if you even read what the political scientists say-although who can?-about the voting process, you find that the voting process is a sham. Totalitarian states love voting. You get people to the polls and they register their approval. I know there is a difference-they have one party and we have two parties. We have one more party than they have, you see.

What we are trying to do, I assume, is really to get back to the principles and aims and spirit of the Declaration of Independence. This spirit is resistance to illegitimate authority and to forces that deprive people of their life and liberty and right to pursue happiness, and therefore under these conditions, it urges the right to alter or abolish their current form of government-and the stress had been on abolish. But to establish the principles of the Declaration of Independence, we are going to need to go outside the law, to stop obeying the laws that demand killing or that allocate wealth the way it has been done, or that put people in jail for petty technical offenses and keep other people out of jail for enormous crimes. My hope is that this kind of spirit will take place not just in this country but in other countries because they all need it. People in all countries need the spirit of disobedience to the state, which is not a metaphysical thing but a thing of force and wealth. And we need a kind of declaration of interdependence among people in all countries of the world who are striving for the same thing."]]></description>
<dc:subject>howardzinn 1970 civildisobedience disobedience civilobedience law authority civics unschooling deschooling independence declarationofindependence resistance interdependence wealth politics government power frankzappa noamchomsky</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://billmoyers.com/segment/wendell-berry-on-his-hopes-for-humanity/">
    <title>Wendell Berry on His Hopes for Humanity | Moyers &amp; Company | BillMoyers.com</title>
    <dc:date>2013-11-18T03:56:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://billmoyers.com/segment/wendell-berry-on-his-hopes-for-humanity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>wendellberry 2013 humanity farming agriculture billmoyers writing poetry poems kentucky land diversity environment economics monoculture agribusiness sustainability us slow small enough capitalism hope humanism civildisobedience courage nature life living aging place labor income</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://bleedingheartlibertarians.com/2012/10/anarchist-calisthenics/">
    <title>Anarchist Calisthenics | Bleeding Heart Libertarians</title>
    <dc:date>2012-10-13T02:27:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://bleedingheartlibertarians.com/2012/10/anarchist-calisthenics/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["You know, you and especially your grandparents could have used more of a spirit of lawbreaking. One day you will be called upon to break a big law in the name of justice and rationality. Everything will depend on it. You have to be ready. How are you going to prepare for that day when it really matters? You have to stay ‘in shape’ so that when the big day comes you will be ready. What you need is ‘anarchist calisthenics.’ Every day or so break some trivial law that makes no sense, even if it’s only jaywalking. Use your own head to judge whether a law is just or reasonable. That way, you’ll keep trim; and when the big day comes, you’ll be ready."

"I think I’m going to print that on a poster and put it in my kids’ rooms."

[via: http://obliscent.tumblr.com/post/32907364062/you-know-you-and-especially-your-grandparents via http://reading.am/jenlowe ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>parenting anarchy deschooling unschooling rationality justice legal jaywalking lawbreaking law civildisobedience 2012 jamescscott anarchism philosophicalanarchism via:jenlowe</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://grapevine.is/Home/ReadArticle/The-Radical-Summer-University">
    <title>The Reykjavik Grapevine - Life, Travel and Entertainment in Iceland / School For The Rest Of Us: The Radical Summer University</title>
    <dc:date>2012-08-23T23:03:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://grapevine.is/Home/ReadArticle/The-Radical-Summer-University</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I think of the Radical Summer University (RóSu) as a way of keeping a certain spirit of radical conversation and questioning open and, most importantly, accessible to both seasoned activists and younger people who are perhaps just beginning to be critical of their social environment."

"Icelandic society as a whole needs to get rid of capitalism, patriarchy, the exploitation of natural resources, xenophobia and racism. This holds for other societies too, clearly; and some of these goals can obviously not be reached except by global action."

"Universities in Iceland are very docile places. Can that be changed?"

[Some courses]

‘The Wire’ and Marxist social thought
The Argentine economic crisis and Argentine film
Radical Pedagogy
Feminism, activism and the Internet
Environmentalism and civil disobedience 

[See also: http://sumarhaskolinn.org/ AND http://www.akademia.is/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>pedagogy radicalpedagogy marxism economics argentina civildisobedience feminism thewire patriarchy racism lcproject capitalism xenophobia society politics activism the2837university freeschools deschooling unschooling radicalism radical education 2012 rósu reykjavikacademy radicalsummeruniversity iceland viðarÞorsteinsson reykjavík</dc:subject>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:reykjavikacademy"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:iceland"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.php/articles/article/277/">
    <title>The Thoreau Problem | Rebecca Solnit | Orion Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-06T04:06:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.php/articles/article/277/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If he went to jail to demonstrate his commitment to freedom of others, he went to the berries to exercise his own recovered freedom, the liberty to do whatever he wished, & the evidence in all his writing is that he very often wished to pick berries. There’s a widespread belief, among both activists & those who cluck disapprovingly over insufficiently austere activists, that idealists should not enjoy any pleasure denied to others, that beauty, sensuality, delight all ought to be stalled behind some dam that only the imagined revolution will break. This schism creates, as the alternative to a life of selfless devotion, a life of flight from engagement, which seems to be one way those years at Walden Pond are sometimes portrayed. But change is not always by revolution, the deprived don’t generally wish that the rest of us would join them in deprivation, & a passion for justice & pleasure in small things are not incompatible. That’s part of what the short jaunt from jail to hill says."]]></description>
<dc:subject>walden selflessness via:steelemaley justice revolution change 2007 protest imprisonment civildisobedience walking berries deprivation freedom rebeccasolnit thoreau</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:415ba1024072/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://vzaar.com/channels/dconstruct2011_kars_alfrink">
    <title>dConstruct2011 videos: The Transformers, Kars Alfrink</title>
    <dc:date>2011-12-28T22:29:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://vzaar.com/channels/dconstruct2011_kars_alfrink</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this talk, Kars Alfrink – founder and principal designer at applied pervasive games studio Hubbub – explores ways we might use games to alleviate some of the problems wilful social self-seperation can lead to. Kars looks at how people sometimes deliberately choose to live apart, even though they share the same living spaces. He discusses the ways new digital tools and the overlapping media landscape have made society more volatile. But rather than to call for a decrease in their use, Kars argues we need more, but different uses of these new tools. More playful uses."

[See also: http://2011.dconstruct.org/conference/kars-alfrink AND http://speakerdeck.com/u/dconstruct/p/the-transformers-by-kars-alfrink ]

"Kars looks at how game culture and play shape the urban fabric, how we might design systems that improve people’s capacity to do so, and how you yourself, through play, can transform the city you call home."]]></description>
<dc:subject>monocultures rulespace self-governance gamification filterbubble scale tinkering urbanism urban simulationfever animalcrossing simulation ludology proceduralrhetoric ianbogost resilience societalresilience division belonging rioting looting socialconventions situationist playfulness rules civildisobedience separation socialseparation nationality fiction dconstruct2011 dconstruct identity cities chinamieville design space place play gaming games volatility hubbub howbuildingslearn adaptability adaptivereuse architecture transformation gentrification society 2011 riots janejacobs karsalfrink simulations chinamiéville</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d6858b5f8262/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:adaptability"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:adaptivereuse"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:transformation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:gentrification"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2011"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.truthout.org/throw-out-money-changers/1303110000">
    <title>Throw Out the Money Changers | Truthout</title>
    <dc:date>2011-04-19T18:16:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.truthout.org/throw-out-money-changers/1303110000</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Cor­pora­tions let 50,000 peo­ple die last year be­cause they could not pay them for pro­p­er med­ical care. They have kil­led hundreds of thousands of Ir­aqis, Afghanis, Pales­tinians, Pakis­tanis, & gleeful­ly watched as stock price of weapons contra­ctors quad­rupled. They have tur­ned canc­er into an epi­demic in the coal fields of West Vir­ginia where famil­ies breat­he pol­luted air, drink poisoned water & watch the Ap­palac­hian Moun­tains blas­ted into a de­solate was­teland while coal com­pan­ies can make bi­ll­ions. & after loot­ing the US Treasu­ry these cor­pora­tions de­mand, in name of auster­ity, that we ab­olish food pro­grams for childr­en, heat­ing as­sis­tance & med­ical care for our el­der­ly, & good pub­lic educa­tion. They de­mand that we tolerate a per­manent underclass that will leave 1 in 6 work­ers w/out jobs, condemns 10s of mill­ions of Americans to pover­ty & tos­ses our men­tal­ly ill onto heat­ing grates…"]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrishedges 2011 corporations corporatism money politics policy greed wokers labor poverty inequality disparity us austerity banking finance environment markets marketfundamentalism civildisobedience</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:dd878ce58107/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:politics"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:wokers"/>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:banking"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:finance"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:environment"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:markets"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:marketfundamentalism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:civildisobedience"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://voiceofsandiego.org/education/article_95fe775e-41f0-11df-a8f9-001cc4c03286.html">
    <title>voiceofsandiego.org | Developer of Cell Phone Tool for Migrants Under Investigation by UCSD</title>
    <dc:date>2010-04-08T06:56:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://voiceofsandiego.org/education/article_95fe775e-41f0-11df-a8f9-001cc4c03286.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The investigations, Dominguez said, have slowed progress on the Transborder Immigrant Tool and raised questions within his department over the freedom of researchers at UCSD to conduct the work they were hired to do.

The irony in the university's investigation against him, Dominguez said, is that he is being scrutinized for the work that was cited in the decision to grant him tenure there less than a year ago.

...made his career researching what he calls "electronic civil disobedience," which recreates in virtual spaces like the internet the popular form of sit-in protests used by students and activists for decades...

The work earned him recognition in academic circles, Dominguez said, because of the way his work "created conversations that disturb the social field."

At UCSD, he established the b.a.n.g. lab, a research collaborative whose focuses include electronic civil disobedience and border disturbance technologies like the GPS tool."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ucsd sandiego borders us mexico disobedience civildisobedience legal law</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:dcb00f974284/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:mexico"/>
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