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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer">
    <title>Academia: The Answers We Don't Offer - by Timothy Burke</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T12:22:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m interested in the emerging academic consensus that remote work, like the Covid-19 lockdowns that pushed it forward as an option, has some hidden social and psychological costs.

At least for me, this kind of finding is where a fair number of people who used lawn signs to declare that we should all “trust the science” quietly pack away those signs and forego that guidance. It seems evident now that we should all have been much more worried about the economic aftershocks of small business failures and the political consequences that might follow from that and that we should have worried a lot more about the psychological and social fallout of manorial isolation in residential spaces inhabited by families, close friends, or roommates only.

The failure to publicly map those considerations in to a balanced technical or scientific evaluation of policies has badly wounded public health institutions around the world, but particularly in the United States. RJK Jr. I think would have never even gotten within sniffing distance of any form of political power but for this kind of miscalculation.

A recent NYT op-ed by two economists, Emma Harrington and Natalia Emanuel, argues that they’ve gone from being strong advocates of remote work as an option for many white-collar workers to seeing a need to sharply restrict its prevalence. I think their reasoning is sound, shaped by data showing a sharp rise in psychological precarity and seeing a broader span of evidence that people are feeling socially isolated in ways that may be exacerbating forms of partisan alienation, general anomie, and collective despair.

The diagnosis seems right to me but I wonder about the therapy. Harrington and Emanuel’s previous enthusiasm for remote work was based on the fact that many people say they prefer it to being in the office. That at least requires a lot of attention before anybody embraces making everybody come back to the same workplace. What is it that people don’t like to the point that they might cling to remote work even if they might recognize some of its negative effects?

The easiest issue to grasp, particularly (I would hope) for economists, is that for many people remote work is in net terms more affordable. It not only eliminates the costs (and tensions) of a daily commute, it also frees people to live in a wider variety of places. Which touches on some of the points about affordability and housing that came up in my last newsletter—if you can live in a cheaper area that you also like which is hours or more from where your company or organization is headquartered, you’ve solved a major problem that mainstream policy and the existing economy are otherwise unresponsive towards. There are other affordances in many cases. Child care, at least for kids who are school age, often becomes both cheaper and easier if both parents are able to work remotely. Meals are often cheaper, especially for people who have substantial dietary restrictions.

I think another NYT op-ed, by Adam Grant and Marissa Shandell, got at far more profound issues with the centralized workplace as an alternative to remote work. There’s a recent problem that many organizations downsized or deferred maintenance during the pandemic so that returning workers find themselves crowded together in buildings that are physically more uncomfortable or unpleasant to be in, dealing with employers who refuse to recognize that they are dumping all those former costs back on their employees in an era of stagnant compensation. That’s a smaller subset of what Grant and Shandell focus on, which is that many middle managers and office bosses want everybody back because its their jobs on the line if it turns out that everybody can produce as much or more as before remotely without a boss constantly coming by their cubicle to hassle them. The need to boss people, as Grant and Shandell see it, is not just self-protective of the status and position of managers but is a psychological need for the kind of person who typically becomes a manager, that many people in these positions are motivated by narcissism and other “dark triad” drives, about the “ego, power and drives” of American bosses.

That’s certainly how many white-collar workers almost legendarily experience being supervised, remotely or otherwise, and that experience is a hundred times worse when it’s about someone physically proximate to you. What a lot of people discovered is that remote work made that experience more bearable. But I think you can extend beyond what Grant and Shandell see in the data.

What I think a lot of Americans have come to feel with new intensity is that hell is other people. Bosses are the worst part of that, but there’s also the co-workers who steal lunches, talk loudly all the time, tell creepy stories, ogle and harass, take credit for work they didn’t do, backstab peers in pursuit of advancement, stick their nose into business that isn’t theirs, or just generally rub the wrong way through no particular fault of their own. Work is the place where you’re with people you never chose to be with, pursuing ends that at least some folks might feel diffident towards, but also shot through with existential risks to your prosperity and well-being. In the United States, most people are a few months of paychecks away from losing their homes or apartments and have their healthcare directly tied to ongoing employment.

I think white-collar workers came alive during the pandemic to the fact that not only is the sociality of work not the sociality they crave, but that all other kinds of sociality that were once tied to a protected block of time we called “leisure” or “private life” have been badly eroded over the last three decades.

Harrington and Emanuel mention Robert Putnam’s famous work Bowling Alone as a path-breaking and early recognition of this loss of civic life. Given that, it’s kind of heart-breaking that we have come to a point where the path ahead gets articulated as “come back to a shared workplace in order to have some kind of shared social reality” or “stay remote and at least avoid the social and psychological harms that many associate with office labor”.

Casting back to my essay from last week on my frustrations with the epistemological shortcomings of conventional social science, this is another one of the shortcomings of the kind of social science that tries to inform institutional and governmental policy. This kind of work always confines itself to what is imagined as being possible within the contemporary moment, no matter how cramped the space of the possible might be as it is understood by the people making the policies and holding the purse-strings. Hardly anyone in this kind of intellectual space finishes their analysis by calling for a social movement, for political and social organizing, for change from the ground up.

Because if the diagnosis is “many of us are suffering psychologically in the isolation of remote work and many of us are losing basic emotional and relational skills to the general detriment of our society”, then surely there are other imaginable therapies besides “look to the workplace to provide what you’re losing, regardless of how precarious, unpleasant and costly life in the workplace might be.” Putnam’s therapeutic suggestions in Bowling Alone are the weakest part of the book, but even from the title alone, he showed that he understood that what we really need is time for ourselves together that is not about work—that is about play, that is about worship, that is about expression, that is about family, that is about joy, that is about ideas and dreams of what could be.

Workplaces have occasionally pretended that they could contain all of that social interaction—often when they self-congratulatorily anoint themselves as “communities”—but the last two decades have stripped most of that pretense away. The foosball tables and well-appointed cafeterias have disappeared even from Silicon Valley, the mock tolerance for open conversation and undirected exploration has been withdrawn.

There’s a problem that not even revived bowling leagues or quizzo teams could solve. Putnam and his enthusiasts at least help us think about something better than “get back to the office, everybody”, but at the core of Putnam’s thought is the idea that we make community best when we are forced to make connections with people we haven’t chosen and wouldn’t prefer to be around. Behind that thought lurks two decades of mainstream sociological narratives in books like Bill Bishop’s The Big Sort: that Americans are suffering from spending too much time with people who are too much like themselves. This is the sort of advice that conventionalized thinkers, usually self-satisfied centrists who write op-eds in major American newspapers, love to give and love to stage. “Talk to people with different views than your own! Reach across partisan divides! Learn to appreciate viewpoint diversity!”

It’s not that they are wrong, either morally or practically. We aren’t mixing enough socially, we are living in more and more bounded kinds of enclaves, our socioeconomic boundaries are hardening as our inequality deepens, we are becoming not only socially inept but also almost unintelligible across certain kinds of everyday epistemological orientations. The problem with Putnamesque ideas about maintaining a healthy sociality that is not confined to work is usually that the person calling for that mixing is themselves not particularly adept at doing so, and often has an incredibly banal understanding of the actually-existing pluralism of social difference in America. The Putnamesque centrist knows what we ought to do, has excessive confidence that they are doing it, but doesn’t really grasp what it would actually entail.

And that’s where I think conventional left appreciations of diversity also run into issues. We tend to think that a sociality that put us into contact with the widest variety of lived experiences, of national and religious and ethnic backgrounds, of temperaments and outlooks, would be the sociality beyond work and beyond the safe civics of Putnam that we all really need and want.

We don’t have a vocabulary for recognizing that the interpersonal, emotional and psychological friction many of us experience at work would exist even in a sociality that was ideally pluralistic. That what remote work and manorial isolation during the pandemic showed some of the people who experienced the strongest forms of that isolation is that it is a pleasure to not have to deal with many people whether that’s in public spaces, in civic life or at work.

Simply being with people who mirror your cultural preferences and even your emotional bent is not a relief. The narcissism of small differences is able to make those social worlds just as painful as many others. What I think no social scientist—or perhaps any other kind or flavor of thinker—is presently speaking to is how do we find people who are different to us whose difference we find enlightening, productive, pleasant, generative, enticing, or transformative?

I am sure that you are more likely to uncover how to do that in a bowling league than a cubicle farm. I am also sure that discovering that art has something to do with the variety of opportunities you are given to be in the presence of real people in materially real circumstances, that it is something you don’t learn via a prescribed path or single technique but in terms of putting enough small bets onto a lot of tables. That requires, at a minimum, time that is clawed back from work, but it also requires a vast regeneration of third spaces in a society almost completely enclosed by the private world of the family and the deformed anti-public created by neoliberalism. We need community centers and parks and libraries and block parties and new civic rituals, we need loitering and hanging out, we need time that has no purpose but to be where other people are and purposes that have no justification other than making social worlds. We need buildings with shared kitchens for all residents, we need free adult education in underused offices. You name it—but what we don’t need is the only thing that a certain kind of social analysis allows itself to envision in facing a looming problem, which is to settle work as the only thing which can define our social belonging."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/22/opinion/schools-testing-accountability.html">
    <title>Opinion | The ‘No Child Left Behind’ Nostalgia Is Delusional - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-27T06:13:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/22/opinion/schools-testing-accountability.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via Audrey Watters:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/the-algorithmic-order/ 

"In a recent op-ed in The New York Times, Ross Weiner argues that the calls to bring back the test-based accountability of “No Child Left Behind” is delusional. (Well, to be fair that’s the word that the headline writer chose: "delusional.") Weiner describes these policies as insufficient then and inadequate now. “Young people are placing more emphasis on purpose, relationships and contribution than on older markers of status,” he argues.

<blockquote>For a generation, the reform coalition took its validation from economists and accountability metrics, while treating parents, students and communities as mere functionaries rather than partners in a shared civic enterprise.

    Taking their priorities seriously would mean broadening what we expect from the classroom. Schools should put what students can do on equal footing with what they know, embedding real skills in academic learning rather than leaving them to chance or sequencing them to later in life. Schools should reconnect with the communities they serve, so young people learn through and about the places where they live. And they should reanimate the character-forming, developmental mission a pluralistic democracy requires.

    Federal policy has an essential role to play in public education: protecting civil rights, funding quality data and research, and encouraging promising practices to spread. But the formative mission cannot be mandated by Washington. Belonging, the foundation of both learning and civic commitment, is relational and starts local; it cannot be standardized or scaled, but must be cultivated by schools that are responsive to the communities they serve.</blockquote>

It’s not a fully-fleshed out vision for education, to be sure, but it does gesture at something quite different from the technocratic one that schools have spent the last few decades delivering -- and delivering via education technology, via a machinery that shapes the form and increasingly the content, the curricula and the pedagogy. Funny, for all the invocation of "the future of education" from ed-tech evangelists and testing companies and politicians, they're almost always talking about the past, or at least about much older narratives of what that future might look like. (And in doing so, they ignore that computers have been ubiquitous in classrooms for a very very long time now.)"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>rosswiener education schools schooling nclb 2026 audrey watters policy schoolreform reform civilrights technocracy pedagogy curriculum edtech teaching howweteach democracy belonging civics pluralism academics learning howwelearn</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pope-leo-xivs-magnifica-humanitas-w-jack-hanson/id1462703434?i=1000773716438">
    <title>Pope Leo XIV's 'Magnifica humanitas' (with Jack Hanson) - Know Your Enemy - Apple Podcasts</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-26T08:30:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pope-leo-xivs-magnifica-humanitas-w-jack-hanson/id1462703434?i=1000773716438</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/know-your-enemy-pope-leo-xiv-magnifica-humanitas/ ]

"As promised, here is our episode about Pope Leo XIV's recent encyclical, Magnifica humanitas, in which he brings to bear Catholic social teaching on the perils of artificial intelligence and what they reveal about what it really means to be human being. It's a distinctly Augustinian reading of our nature and destiny, marked not just by Leo's attention to our limits as flawed and fallible creatures, but the joy and hope found by living into them—which, finally, becomes his plea to see life from the perspective of the lowly, the downcast, the abandoned. 

To help us explain such a rich document, we had on our friend Jack Hanson, one of the most perceptive American writers on the Catholic Church. We tease out the connections between this Leo's first and encyclical and that of his namesake Leo XIII's Rerum novarum, an intervention on behalf of working people during the industrial and considered the origin of Catholic social teaching; Leo's "Augustinianism"; the encyclical's critique of artificial intelligence and what that has to do with its account of what really makes us human; and more.

Sources:

Pope Leo XIV, Magnifica humanitas, May 15, 2026
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiv/en/encyclicals/documents/20260515-magnifica-humanitas.html

Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, May 15, 1891
https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum.html

Jack Hanson, "A Serious Man: The Militant Mysticism of Charles Péguy," Commonweal, May 3, 2021
https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/serious-man-0

– “The Heresy of Americanism,” The Drift, Jun 10, 2025. 
https://newsletter.thedriftmag.com/p/the-heresy-of-americanism

Michael Oakeshott, "The Tower of Babel" in On History and Other Essays (1983)
https://about.libertyfund.org/books/on-history-and-other-essays/

Reinhold Niebuhr, "The Tower of Babel" in Beyond Tragedy: Essays on the Christian Interpretation of History (1937)
https://books.google.com/books/about/Beyond_Tragedy.html?id=-Y0WAQAAMAAJ

Donna Haraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto,” (1985)
https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduates/modules/fictionnownarrativemediaandtheoryinthe21stcentury/manifestly_haraway_----_a_cyborg_manifesto_science_technology_and_socialist-feminism_in_the_....pdf "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.corriere.it/opinioni/26_maggio_22/educare-e-un-atto-politico-8a22c14f-d58c-4a60-b3cf-807949c16xlk.shtml">
    <title>Opinioni | Educare è un atto politico | Corriere.it</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-09T07:15:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.corriere.it/opinioni/26_maggio_22/educare-e-un-atto-politico-8a22c14f-d58c-4a60-b3cf-807949c16xlk.shtml</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["La scuola è una delle grandi infrastrutture democratiche della nostra società"

...

"La mattina del 13 maggio, a Reggio Emilia, quando la Principessa del Galles ha incontrato bambini e bambine, insegnanti, atelieristi, ricercatori e comunità educanti del Reggio Emilia Approach, si è materializzato qualcosa di profondo. Il riconoscimento internazionale del fatto che l’educazione sia oggi una delle grandi questioni politiche del nostro tempo. Non «politiche educative» nel senso amministrativo del termine, ma politica nel suo significato originario e più alto: costruire le condizioni della convivenza civile.

In un’epoca segnata da guerre, polarizzazioni, linguaggi aggressivi e crescente frammentazione sociale, l’educazione rappresenta uno dei pochi strumenti capaci di generare coesione. 

Per questo credo che oggi si debba avere il coraggio di affermare una tesi apparentemente semplice, ma profondamente radicale: educare è un atto politico, nonviolento, di pace. L’educazione è un atto politico perché forma persone capaci di convivere nella complessità, accogliendo come ricchezza la differenza, senza trasformarla in conflitto. Perché insegna il dialogo, invece della sopraffazione a cui assistiamo nei massimi sistemi. Perché costruisce cittadini e cittadine, e non semplicemente individui in competizione. Negli ultimi anni abbiamo assistito a una trasformazione profonda dello spazio pubblico.

I social network hanno accelerato la velocità delle reazioni, ridotto il tempo della riflessione, amplificato la radicalizzazione. La comunicazione politica e sociale si è progressivamente spostata verso registri emotivi e conflittuali. Anche i giovani crescono immersi in un ecosistema che spinge verso la semplificazione, la polarizzazione, l’immediatezza e la performance continua.

Dentro questo scenario, la scuola rischia di essere percepita soltanto come luogo di valutazione, selezione e preparazione tecnica al lavoro. Ma se la riduciamo a questo, perdiamo la sua funzione più importante.

La scuola è una delle ultime grandi infrastrutture democratiche delle nostre società. È il luogo in cui una comunità decide che il futuro non può essere lasciato al caso né alle disuguaglianze di partenza. Ogni giorno, nelle scuole, si compie un lavoro silenzioso ma decisivo: si impara ad ascoltare, a collaborare, a rispettare, a discutere senza distruggere, a convivere tra differenze. Sono gesti apparentemente ordinari. In realtà sono gli anticorpi democratici di una società. Un dirigente scolastico non è soltanto un amministratore efficiente. È un costruttore di comunità. È la persona che deve creare le condizioni affinché una scuola diventi un luogo di fiducia, di crescita reciproca, di innovazione umana prima ancora che tecnologica. Allo stesso modo, ogni volta che un docente valorizza la parola di uno studente fragile, che sceglie di accompagnare, di includere, di costruire fiducia, costruisce non soltanto il sapere, ma il modo con cui una società impara a stare insieme. Ed è per questo che dirigenti e insegnanti sono oggi, forse più che in passato, figure decisive per la qualità democratica delle nostre comunità.

Esperienze come quella del Reggio Emilia Approach assumono allora un significato internazionale che va oltre la pedagogia dell’infanzia. Il mondo guarda a Reggio Emilia perché lì si è sviluppata un’idea di educazione fondata sulla relazione, sull’ascolto, sulla creatività e sul riconoscimento della dignità dei bambini e delle bambine come cittadini fin dall’inizio della vita. Loris Malaguzzi parlava dei «cento linguaggi» dei bambini. Quella intuizione oggi appare ancora più moderna. Perché nell’epoca dell’intelligenza artificiale il rischio più grande non è soltanto tecnologico. È antropologico.

L’intelligenza artificiale cambierà profondamente il lavoro, la produzione e l’accesso al sapere. Ma proprio per questo aumenterà il valore delle competenze più umane: l’ascolto, l’empatia, il pensiero critico, la capacità di cooperare, la responsabilità verso gli altri. Ecco perché l’educazione sarà il vero terreno politico del XXI secolo.

Non ci sarà democrazia stabile senza comunità educanti forti, né innovazione sostenibile senza cultura critica. Non ci sarà coesione sociale senza scuole capaci di generare appartenenza. Forse è anche questo che la visita della Principessa Kate ha simbolicamente riconosciuto: che il futuro delle società contemporanee si gioca molto prima delle università, dei mercati e della politica istituzionale. Si gioca nei luoghi in cui i bambini imparano a guardare il mondo e gli altri. Luoghi che in molti contesti mancano e di cui c’è massimo bisogno. Nel tempo delle macchine intelligenti, la vera sfida sarà restare umani. E l’educazione resterà il più potente atto politico nonviolento che una società possa compiere.

* Presidente di Fondazione Reggio Children"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://walledgardenedu.substack.com/p/the-surveillance-classroom">
    <title>The Surveillance Classroom - by Andrew Cantarutti</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-27T07:45:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walledgardenedu.substack.com/p/the-surveillance-classroom</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What Watching Students Teaches Them About What We Believe"

...

"What the Watched Student Learns

The strongest argument against surveillance in schools is not unreliability — though that’s real enough. It is what surveillance models. Our core objective as educators is not to ensure compliance toward an easily measured goal; it’s to assist in the formation of young people so that they may become trusting, caring, and capable members of a healthy society.

The philosopher Onora O’Neill draws a distinction between trust and control. Trust requires vulnerability and the acceptance of risk. She says, “Where we have guarantees of proofs, placing trust is redundant.” In other words, if a system uses watertight monitoring to ensure that someone performs perfectly, you aren’t actually trusting them; you’re just managing their compliance. Trust only exists where we give up control.

Surveillance produces compliance, not character. If we wish for someone to be trustworthy, we have to, as Emerson suggested, open up the space for trust to take root. A student completing an essay inside keystroke-monitoring software isn’t learning to be honest; they’re learning to perform honesty for the system. This is a different skill entirely, and it’s not one that schools should be teaching. A classroom that surveils its students teaches them that they are suspect, that their inner processes are a liability, and that the school’s relationship to them is adversarial.

O’Neill’s characterization of trust and control is amplified by Nguyen’s thesis. A student whose behaviour is optimized for an integrity score develops the capacity for score-management, not integrity. A student whose emotions are measured continuously develops performance awareness, not self-awareness. Ironically, surveillance produces convincing imitations of the qualities we hope young people develop while stifling their actual formation.

A camera or an algorithm can’t replace the relational — and immeasurable — knowledge that a teacher develops about a student over time, through repeated observation, exchange, and authentic care. As Barrett explains, trying to measure and analyze a student’s emotions actually displaces the opportunity to build relational trust that only occurs between people, not people and machines.

The Walled Garden’s answer to the illegibility of genuine learning isn’t surveillance, but redesigned conditions. Artifacts of Attention — handwritten drafts, annotated sources, and in-class work periods — don’t monitor students for compliance; they create the conditions under which authentic student engagement becomes more likely and more visible. A teacher who reads a student’s essay outline, subsequent drafts, and their final product doesn’t need a keystroke log to know whether thinking and growth occurred. They created the conditions that made thinking possible, and with it, genuine interest in the process.

There is a stark distinction to be made here: assessment that reveals process versus surveillance that monitors compliance. The first treats students as trustworthy learners. The second treats them as untrustworthy liabilities. Both can produce a document. Only one produces a student.

Schools Built for Trust

Consider what young people are inheriting:

• According to the 2025 Edelman Trust Barometer, an annual global report, only 36% of people believe things will be better for the next generation. 61% believe that government and business make their lives harder and serve narrow interests. And 53% of 18-34 year-olds approve of hostile activism: “attacking people online, intentionally spreading disinformation, threatening or committing violence, damaging public or private property.”

• According to a UN DESA Policy Brief from December of last year, “more than half of the world’s population reports little or no trust in their government.”

Young people in classrooms right now are forming their foundational sense of what institutions are, what they do, and whether they deserve engagement. They’re forming those opinions through their lived experience, not through civics lessons.

The good news is that schools, among institutions, are in a unique position. According to Edelman’s 2026 report, teachers are trusted by 70% of people, second only to scientists. Their 2023 report noted that 64% considered teachers “a unifying force”, higher than any other profession. If we do the math — eight hours a day, across twelve years — it’s clear that what schools model through their practices, rather than their stated values, shapes civic dispositions at scale.

The AMP State of Global Youth Report (2025) reinforces this claim: “the thread that runs through all of these is that the youth trust people they know or people that work directly with individuals far more than they trust systems, platforms, or any political structure.” This makes sense when we consider what we know about trust — that it’s built through relational experience: through fairness, by being heard, and through small acts of consistent care. This is what good teachers do.

Schools, and the professionals who work within them, need to remember that they aren’t passive mirrors of social conditions. Their design choices, the metrics they record, and the software they license are pedagogical and civic acts. Fashion assessment in a humane manner and watch trust grow. Outsource surveillance to an algorithm and watch it erode.

If we want students who will grow into citizens capable of trusting and being trusted, that capacity has to be practised somewhere. The surveillance classroom can’t produce it. The Walled Garden can."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/04/prophetic-possibilities-a-few-words-on-david-w-orr-and-a-healing-vision-for-america/">
    <title>Prophetic Possibilities: A Few Words on David W. Orr and a Healing Vision for America - Front Porch Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-11T03:11:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.frontporchrepublic.com/2026/04/prophetic-possibilities-a-few-words-on-david-w-orr-and-a-healing-vision-for-america/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A healing vision for America, Orr suggests in his writings, is one faithful to the great nearby, to the gospel of the local."

...

“How do we reimagine and remake the human presence on earth in ways that work over the long haul?” —David W. Orr

“The plain fact is that the planet does not need more successful people. But it does desperately need more peacemakers, healers, restorers, storytellers, and lovers of every kind. It needs people who live well in their places. It needs people of moral courage willing to join the fight to make the world habitable and humane. And these qualities have little to do with success as we have defined it.” —David W. Orr

...

"And what is Orr’s vision?

In light of the variety of topics he’s written about (love, gratitude, water, oil, speed, scale, diversity, language, education, climate change, technology, science, scientism, spirituality, politics, leadership, citizenship, agriculture, conservation, localism, architecture, ecological design, the industrial economy, and others) and in light of the richness of his expression, attempting a summary of his vision seems a fool’s errand. But let me run that fool’s errand roundaboutly (and uncomprehensively) by sharing a list from his book Hope Is an Imperative, a list of things Orr believes every healthy community needs, a plainly worded but provocative list that I’ve been sharing with friends and students for years:

• front porches
• public parks
• local businesses
• windmills and solar collectors
• local farms and better food
• better woodlots and forests
• local employment
• more bike trails
• summer baseball leagues
• community theaters
• better poetry
• neighborhood book clubs
• bowling leagues
• better schools
• vibrant and robust downtowns with sidewalk cafes
• great pubs serving microbrews
• more kids playing outdoors
• fewer freeways, shopping malls, sprawl, television
• no more wars for oil or anything else"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/videos/a-vivid-portrait-of-montana-built-from-call-in-radio-clips">
    <title>A vivid portrait of Montana built from call-in radio clips | Aeon Videos</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-09T20:36:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/videos/a-vivid-portrait-of-montana-built-from-call-in-radio-clips</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Between 1997 and 2007, residents of Montana were invited to call into the Yellowstone Public Radio show Your Opinion, Please each Friday evening to discuss ‘any subject that is on your mind that can be discussed in public’. This documentary from the US director Marshall Granger pairs a series of static shots from across the scenic, sprawling and sparsely populated state with archival audio from the show, where radio waves provided residents a public square for civil discussion. Throughout, recurring subjects include the Iraq War, the effects of regional development and the search for the meaning of poetry. Deliberately paced and composed with care, the resulting short makes for a gentle yet captivating portrait of time and place that, for many US viewers, likely brings to mind what’s changed and what hasn’t in the decades since."]]></description>
<dc:subject>marshallgranger film montana radio 2026 yellowstone civics us iraqwar</dc:subject>
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    <title>Sara Hendren - no amount of debunking multi-tasking will diminish the behavior</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-27T03:39:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/03/23/no-amount-of-debunking-multitasking.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Went to a recent school district committee meeting and: almost all council reps on laptops the whole time. Annual symposium at my university today: laptops during presentations. Was visiting consultant to big tech company to speak with staff about an r&d mandate that is open-ended, well-funded, ambitious and: laptops. Endless scrolling while presentations, hearings, talks are happening. I make an absolute rule in my classrooms or it would be the same. At this rate I could run for president if only because I actually sit and pay attention."]]></description>
<dc:subject>sarahendren multitasking 2026 attention laptops schools education civics meetings presentations</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5870623">
    <title>How AI Destroys Institutions by Woodrow Hartzog, Jessica M. Silbey :: SSRN</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-17T04:03:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5870623</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Civic institutions—the rule of law, universities, and a free press—are the backbone of democratic life. They are the mechanisms through which complex societies encourage cooperation and stability, while also adapting to changing circumstances. The real superpower of institutions is their ability to evolve and adapt within a hierarchy of authority and a framework for roles and rules while maintaining legitimacy in the knowledge produced and the actions taken. Purpose-driven institutions built around transparency, cooperation, and accountability empower individuals to take intellectual risks and challenge the status quo. This happens through the machinations of interpersonal relationships within those institutions, which broaden perspectives and strengthen shared commitment to civic goals.

Unfortunately, the affordances of AI systems extinguish these institutional features at every turn. In this essay, we make one simple point: AI systems are built to function in ways that degrade and are likely to destroy our crucial civic institutions. The affordances of AI systems have the effect of eroding expertise, short-circuiting decision-making, and isolating people from each other. These systems are anathema to the kind of evolution, transparency, cooperation, and accountability that give vital institutions their purpose and sustainability. In short, current AI systems are a death sentence for civic institutions, and we should treat them as such."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 woodrowgartzog jessicasilbey ai artificialintelligence institutions resistance destruction machinelearning civilsociety ruleoflaw universities colleges highered highereducation legitimacy transparency sustainability civics cooperation accountability</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/manufactured-inevitability-and-the">
    <title>Manufactured Inevitability and the Need for Courage</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-15T05:15:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/manufactured-inevitability-and-the</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>2025 lmsacasas ai artificialintelligence luddism neoluddism luddites neoluddites resistance borgcomplex technology siliconvalley technodeterminism tecnooptimism thomasmisa margaretheffernan inevitability agency ohiostate responsibility josephweizenbaum computers computing compsci policy civics courage openai google technologicaldeterminism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/ai-is-destroying-the-university-and-learning-itself">
    <title>AI is Destroying the University and Learning Itself</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-15T04:54:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/ai-is-destroying-the-university-and-learning-itself</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Students use AI to write papers, professors use AI to grade them, degrees become meaningless, and tech companies make fortunes. Welcome to the death of higher education."]]></description>
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    <title>The Writer Who Dared Criticize Silicon Valley - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-27T16:53:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/27/technology/writer-silicon-valley-criticism.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Paulina Borsook’s “Cyberselfish,” which offered dire predictions about the tech world’s love for libertarianism, is finding fans. It only took 25 years."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/74rSu

referenced here:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/tech-critic-paulina-borsook-profiled-in-new-york-times/ ]

"Even Silicon Valley dislikes Silicon Valley.

More than two-thirds of residents agreed in a 2024 poll that the tech companies have partially or completely misplaced their moral compass. And that was before so many in tech embraced the Trump administration.

Some of those who believe tech lost its way are finding explanations in a book published a quarter century ago.

Paulina Borsook’s “Cyberselfish” saw the seeds of disaster in the late-1990s dot-com boom, which, she argued, transformed a community that was previously sober, civic-minded and egalitarian into something toxic.

Silicon Valley, Ms. Borsook wrote, hated governments, rules and regulations. It believed if you were rich, you were smart. It thought people could be, and indeed should be, programmed just like a computer. “Techno-libertarianism,” as she labeled it, had no time for the messy realities of being human.

At the time, Silicon Valley was just a bunch of young people boasting and hyping. But Ms. Borsook predicted that when the tech world had amassed sufficient money and power, it would start imposing its beliefs on everyone outside the valley.

“If empathy has now become a distasteful personal failing; if surveillance capitalism has become the default shrugged-off business practice; if the environmental impacts of A.I. are waved away: then we are alas living in the tech-driven culture I saw headed our way 30 years ago,” Ms. Borsook said in an interview. “It’s terrible that I was right.”

Her prescience did her no favors. “Cyberselfish,” published in 2000, was such a setback to her career that she refers to it as “T.D.B.” — That Damn Book. She never wrote another. She spent years as an Airbnb superhost in exchange for free rent. Now, at 71 and in poor health, she lives a precarious life in the East Bay of San Francisco, dependent on a Go Fund Me that friends set up.

Her revival began in May with Jonathan Sandhu’s radical political criticism site, FakeSoap. “She was too right, too early, and too unwilling to flatter the cathedral of code,” Mr. Sandhu wrote. It accelerated recently with “The Nerd Reich,” a podcast by Gil Duran, a former spokesman for several California politicians. His talk with Ms. Borsook garnered over 120,000 views on YouTube in three weeks. Ms. Borsook’s champions are celebrating her on social media. “I was quoting Paulina Borsook before it was cool!” the speculative fiction writer Charlie Jane Anders bragged.

“Cyberselfish” has been out of print forever, but the secondhand copies have all been scooped up. Amazon does not have any. Even libraries say they don’t have it. Would-be readers have placed “wanted” notices on X to no avail. International publishers are asking Ms. Borsook about republishing it.

Ms. Borsook’s comeback arrives at a moment of soul-searching for some of the Silicon Valley writers who have charted its rise to power over the decades. How did the glorious dreams of liberation through technology — immortalized in Apple’s ad asserting that the company would save us from “1984” — morph into the current landscape of trillion-dollar companies flexing control over everyone’s life?

“I Thought I Knew Silicon Valley. I Was Wrong” was the headline on Steven Levy’s September feature in Wired magazine. Mr. Levy, like Ms. Borsook, has been around the valley forever, but his reporting generally reflected, and sometimes celebrated, the view from the executive suites.

Now those executives are behaving in unexpected ways. Mr. Levy noted, for instance, that Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, presented President Trump in August with a special engraved statute — which the writer called “the most dubious, most obsequious product in the company’s near half-century.”

Mr. Levy wrote, “Here’s something that took me by surprise: how quickly and decisively the visionaries I chronicled aligned themselves with Trump, a man whose values violently clashed with the egalitarian impulses of the digital revolution. How did I miss that?”

The Techno-Libertarian Ethos

The mid-1990s was an era of great hope for the freedom that computers would inevitably bring. John Perry Barlow, a onetime lyricist for the Grateful Dead, wrote a Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace. It was addressed to governments and those who believed in traditional governments:

“On behalf of the future, I ask you of the past to leave us alone. You are not welcome among us. You have no sovereignty where we gather,” the declaration stated. “We are creating a world where anyone, anywhere may express his or her beliefs, no matter how singular, without fear of being coerced into silence or conformity.”

Ms. Borsook found the hatred of government puzzling. “No one has benefited more and suffered less from the government than the inhabitants of Silicon Valley,” Ms. Borsook said. “I always wondered, Why are they so mad?” Much of “Cyberselfish” traces the roots of a budding techno-libertarian ethos among the tech elite, a philosophy that scorned the greater good in favor of the bottom line.

“The notion that because one is rich one must be smart, however fallacious, is deeply embedded: People can equate piles of money — or the promise of it — with good sense, wisdom, and savoir faire,” she wrote.

Ms. Borsook saw things differently from her boosterist colleagues for two reasons. One, she had deep experience in Silicon Valley, so knew the technology that was being celebrated. And two, she experienced a personal tragedy. She grew up in Pasadena, the heart of the Southern California 1960s engineering culture that made the moonshots and the internet possible. When she was 14, a friend shot her with a Colt .45, a horrendous accident that left her with a traumatic brain injury.

“There was no way I could have gone to law school, medical school, public policy school, become a geologist, gotten an M.B.A., learned a foreign language — in some ways I remain cognitively as I was at age 14,” Ms. Borsook wrote in an autobiographical essay. She had a hard time processing information in an academic format.

So she drifted into the world of computers. She worked at Data Communications magazine, covering the 1984 news conference where Bill Gates introduced Microsoft Windows to the world. Her view of tech was practical, the way many engineers thought at the time. It was just like indoor plumbing or electricity: infrastructure, not magic.

“I would never argue that technology hasn’t done some good things,” she said in an interview at a Mexican restaurant near her apartment on a recent rainy East Bay afternoon. “I just don’t see why this toxic ideology had to accompany it. These are tools. I mean, modern dentistry is great. But your dentist doesn’t insist you worship him.”

In 1993, a new San Francisco publication called Wired began publishing. “The Digital Revolution is whipping through our lives like a Bengali typhoon — while the mainstream media is still groping for the snooze button,” a co-founder, Louis Rossetto, wrote in the first issue. Ms. Borsook was among Wired’s earliest and most prolific contributors. She was also one of the few women.

Wired was one of those publications that come along at the right moment, like Rolling Stone in the late 1960s or Playboy in the 1950s, creating as well as covering an emerging way of life. In Wired’s case, it embraced technology as culture. The magazine made geeks sexy, which in turn made Wired hot.
The geeks were creating the future that Wired wanted. By the end of the decade, Wired editors had developed a list of hot stocks that were sure to capitalize on the tech boom, and licensed the magazine’s name to a real-life fund that invested in the companies.

It was all too cozy for Ms. Borsook. “I couldn’t, simply couldn’t, entirely get with the program — nor keep my mouth shut about it,” she wrote in “Cyberselfish.”

“Cyberselfish” was dropped by its first publisher, then picked up by a second for less money. It was published just as the dot-com boom began to unravel. It got some good reviews. The New York Times critic Michiko Kakutani called it “smart, funny and irreverent.” But it didn’t sell, and it didn’t lead to anything.

“It flatlined me in the cultural universe,” Ms. Borsook said.
Kevin Kelly, the executive editor of Wired from its founding until 1999, said he only vaguely recalled “Cyberselfish.” He rejected Ms. Borsook’s notion, made at length in the book, that the magazine validated and encouraged the more unsavory aspects of the tech industry.

Silicon Valley Truth and Reconciliation?

Ms. Borsook’s friends remember hard times. “Paulina saw the dark lining in every silver cloud and insisted on her own intuitions — she followed her muse rather than money,” recalled Jeff Ubois, a former entrepreneur. “There wasn’t much market demand for pessimism and foreboding in San Francisco.”

She wasn’t the only critic of Silicon Valley. Clifford Stoll, an astronomer and writer, wrote “Silicon Snake Oil: Second Thoughts on the Information Highway” in 1995, saying the internet would never be anything more than a toy. The book’s predictions garnered a lot of attention. “No online database will replace your daily newspaper,” he wrote.

In 2010, with newspapers reeling, Mr. Stoll renounced his own book. “Wrong? Yep,” he said in an online forum. In 2025, living not far from Ms. Borsook in the East Bay, Mr. Stoll has changed his mind yet again. “Only a fool believes that technology is a cornucopia of wonderful stuff without a price to be paid,” he said in an interview.

Even Wired, for so long a booster, has become increasingly Borsookian. It now reports aggressively on Silicon Valley. A recent video: “Has the U.S. Become a Surveillance State?”

“Hope it works out,” Ms. Borsook said of the magazine’s newfound fervor. Her own attitudes have remained remarkably consistent. New rhetoric came along, she noted in a 2015 “Cyberselfish” update, but the political impulses always remained the same.

“I still believe in regulation and that there is such a thing as the public good and don’t believe the market can or should provide everything,” she wrote. She added that the vast amounts of money generated by the valley were, as always, at the root of the problem. Money is power.

So what is to be done? In the new issue of In Formation, a very irregular tech-critical tech magazine with the slogan “Every day, computers are making people easier to use,” Ms. Borsook proposes a Silicon Valley Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

She imagines testimony from a long list of tech journalists turned investors as well as reporters turned celebrants. Also: confessions from the men who came up with the labels “sharing economy,” “disruptive innovation” and “thought leader.” The proceedings would, at the least, clear the air and provide greater understanding.

Her editor asked, “Is this humor or is this serious?” Ms. Borsook’s answer: “I don’t know.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/extralibrary-loan-making-civic-infrastructure/">
    <title>Extralibrary Loan: Making the Civic Infrastructure We Need</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-02T20:52:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/extralibrary-loan-making-civic-infrastructure/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amid a war on public knowledge, libraries are pushing outward, enlarging the commons through new configurations of civic and creative life."

...

"We don’t need fancy, new buildings to create civic synergies or build community news networks. But thinking spatially and programmatically can help us imagine what’s possible, which partners should be invited in, how the logistics of sharing are structured, what spaces of exception and refuge will be carved out. We should think, too, about topologies of fortification: how these allied institutions and partnered programs can be more deeply rooted in their communities, and, through their entanglement and embeddedness, less vulnerable to isolated attack. Banding together, they demonstrate the value of civic adjacencies. And scaling up — to an urban or regional-logistical scale — they form new networks of solidarity: improvisatory extra-institutional loans, systems of sharing, fugitive infrastructures, shadow libraries, joint trusts, collective practices of hope, expansive undercommons necessary in this dark era."]]></description>
<dc:subject>shannonmattern 2025 libraries journalism place infrastructure civics creativity knowledge publicknowledge kellyjensen bookriot lukesutherland susanorlean heatherchaplin us jousrnalism whatsapp information social terryparrisjr maga ala librarians hannawiemer donaldtrump socialarchitecture everylibrary wisdom resources politics media newdeal forums johnstudebaker wpa makewith kateharlow mediaecosystems hanifabdurraqib engagement privacy integrity sustainability surveillance extraction distraction monetization collections ai artificialintelligence inevitability solidarity bannedbooks newsrooms mediacommons commons katherinevictoriacoffield seattle sandiego nyc brooklyn ballard missoula montana museums nypl undercommons collectives mutualaid resistance refusal trusts</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:dba7ad9f651c/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D2ehiUoU8ts">
    <title>Project 2025, Silicon Valley &amp; Tech's AI War on Democracy | The Nerd Reich Podcast Mailbag - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-13T18:45:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D2ehiUoU8ts</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when Project 2025, Silicon Valley, and AI collide?

In this Nerd Reich Mailbag episode, host Gil Duran sits down with Brooke Harrington (author of "Offshore: Stealth Wealth and The New Colonialism) and Adam Becker (author of "More Everything Forever") to answer listener questions about authoritarianism, AI power, and the new tech-driven assault on democracy.

🔥 Topics include:

How Project 2025 was planned like a “war against America”

The rise of the Tech Right — Musk, Thiel, and the Silicon Valley elite

How AI and algorithms are reshaping politics and power

The “Dark Enlightenment” and the anti-human turn in tech

Why dystopian science fiction was supposed to be a warning — not a blueprint

This episode is part political analysis, part cultural autopsy — and a call to understand how authoritarianism is accelerating in the digital age.

🎙️ Featuring:

Brooke Harrington — Professor of Economic Sociology, Dartmouth College
Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/ebharrington.bsky.social

Adam Becker — Astrophysicist & author of "More Everything Forever"
Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/adambecker.bsky.social

Gil Duran — Host. Follow on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/gilduran.com
Follow on X: https://x.com/gilduran76

R.R. Robbins — Producer"

[See also
https://www.thenerdreich.com/project-2025-silicon-valley-techs-ai-war-on-democracy/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>nerdreich rrrobbins brookeharrington darkenlightenment californiaforever billionaires elonmusk peterthiel siliconvalley venturecapital powe politics money donaldtrump destruction accelerationism networkstate freedomcities tonyblair gaza palestine davekarpf solanocounty tescreal crypto cryptocurrencies ai artificialintelligence algorithms feudalism oligarchs oligarchy broligarchy vladimirputin longevity longtermism publicgoods government boycotts scifi sciencefiction science power project2025 elections us governance civics ronaldreagan whitehouse culture society authoritarianism singularity singularitarianism adambecker transhumanism gilduran neuromance williamgibson dystopia zedes libertarianism policy capitalism 2025 mars spacecolonization colonization colonialism imperialism finance labor aihype aibubble fraud raybradbury humanity humanism humans human economics sociology selfishness rationalism death renégirard dehumanization biohacking theology antichrist christianity religion sanfrancisco stigma shame</dc:subject>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As an artist, Ruth Asawa forged a groundbreaking practice through her ceaseless exploration of materials and forms. But when Asawa was asked to name her life's most important work, she replied, "the schools." Learn more about how the San Francisco Fountain at the Grand Hyatt Hotel was created, Asawa’s work with students, and her philosophy of civic engagement in this excerpt from Victor Rosenberg’s film San Francisco’s Ruth Asawa (1979)."]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-08-20T18:09:51+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.techdirt.com/2025/07/08/who-goes-maga/">
    <title>Who Goes MAGA? | Techdirt</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-12T00:03:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.techdirt.com/2025/07/08/who-goes-maga/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With apologies to Dorothy Thompson, whose 1941 essay in Harper’s, “Who Goes Nazi?” remains a worthwhile read on the cultural archetypes of who is drawn to fascism, and who would never go down such a path. It felt like it could use a modern updating, however.

It is an interesting and somewhat macabre social media game to play while scrolling through your feeds: to speculate who in your network would go full MAGA. By now, I think I know. I have gone through the experience many times—watching the 2016 election, the pandemic, January 6th, and now Trump’s return. I have come to know the types: the born MAGAs, the MAGAs whom social media criticism has created, the certain-to-be fellow-travelers. And I also know those who never, under any conceivable circumstances, would fall for the grift.

It is preposterous to think that they are divided by any obvious characteristics. Rural Americans may be more susceptible to MAGA than most people, but I doubt it. College graduates are supposedly inoculated, but it is an arbitrary assumption. I know lots of PhD holders who are born MAGAs and many others who would don the red hat tomorrow morning in response to some perceived slight. There are people who have repudiated their own principles in order to become “Honorary Patriots”; there are lifelong Democrats who have enthusiastically entered Trump’s orbit. MAGA has nothing inherently to do with geography, education, or even stated political beliefs. It appeals to a certain type of mind.

It is also, to an immense extent, the disease of a generation—the generation that grew up online, that learned to mistake engagement for truth, that confused being heard with being right. This is as true of suburban millennials as it is of rural boomers. It is the disease of the algorithmically poisoned.

Sometimes I think there are direct digital factors at work—a type of media consumption, a pattern of social validation, and a form of tribal identity that has produced a new kind of citizen with an imbalance in their nature. They have been fed rage and filled with grievances that are beyond their capacity to process rationally. They have been subjected to forms of propaganda that have released them from the constraints of empirical reality. Their emotions are vigorous. Their reasoning is childish. Their civic education has been almost completely neglected.

At any rate, let us look through the feeds."

...

"The Contrarian Intellectual"

...

"The Wellness Influencer"

...

"The Centrist Politician"

...

"The LinkedIn Though Leader"

...

"The Crypto Enthusiast"

...

"The Facebook Mom"

...

"The venture Capitalist"

...

"The Legacy Media Reporter"

...

"The Business Owner"

...

"The Normie"

...

"The Ones Who Won’t"

Take the small-town Republican from Ohio who should be MAGA by every demographic marker—pickup truck, church every Sunday, straight GOP for twenty years. But her childhood best friend came out as trans, and suddenly the culture war had a face she loved. Now she’s at city council meetings defending the very people she once thoughtlessly condemned. The MAGA crowd calls her a traitor. She calls it friendship.

There are others in the feeds who will never go MAGA, no matter what. They’re not necessarily the most educated or the most politically engaged. They’re not defined by their demographics or their stated beliefs.

They’re the ones who have something the MAGA-susceptible lack: a genuine comfort with complexity and nuance, an ability to tolerate uncertainty, and a fundamental respect for other people’s humanity. They don’t need to believe they’re special or superior. They have the same insecurities others have, but they don’t blame others for them. They don’t need enemies to blame for their problems. They don’t need simple answers to complicated questions.

They’re the teacher who posts about her students’ achievements without making it about herself. They’re the small business owner who pays his workers well because he knows it’s right and actually better for business, not because he has to. They’re the veteran who talks about service without wrapping it in nationalism. They’re the parent who worries about their kids without blaming teachers for everything.

They’re the people who can say “I don’t know” without feeling diminished. They’re the ones who can admit they were wrong without feeling attacked. They’re the ones who can see others succeed without feeling threatened.

The Pattern

The pattern is clear once you know what to look for. MAGA appeals to people who need to feel special, who need enemies to blame, who need simple answers to complex problems. It attracts those who mistake confidence for competence, who confuse being loud with being right, who think that admitting uncertainty is weakness.

It’s not about education or geography or even politics. It’s about character. It’s about whether you can tolerate complexity, whether you can admit mistakes, whether you can see other people as fully human.

The scary thing about MAGA isn’t that it’s obviously evil—it’s that it’s appealing to people who think they’re good. It offers them a way to feel righteous about their resentments, patriotic about their prejudices, and principled about their selfishness.

But the good news is that character isn’t fixed. People can change. They can learn to tolerate uncertainty, to admit mistakes, to see others as human. They can develop the emotional and intellectual tools to resist fascist appeals.

The question is whether they will—and whether the rest of us will help them, or just watch them scroll deeper into the darkness.

The game continues. The stakes keep rising. And the feeds keep feeding us exactly what we want to hear."]]></description>
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    <title>Alasdair MacIntyre, R.I.P.</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-26T04:17:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelampmagazine.com/blog/alasdair-macintyre-r-i-p</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Alasdair MacIntyre began to mean something to me as a third-year university student, since After Virtue hit harder than anything else on the syllabi for PHIL 372 Contemporary Ethics and PLPT 407 Liberalism and Its Critics at the University of Virginia. The former was wonderfully taught by his last dissertation student, Rebecca Stangl. Students didn’t say “based” back then, early in what we thought would be the Age of Obama, nor did they ask to be “redpilled.” Still, I was fascinated by this philosopher with no time for trolley problems or rights talk, who brusquely changed the subject to character and “Of what story or stories do I find myself a part?” Like so many, I was more of a fan than a student. So, I think, were many of the younger people who packed the audiences for his annual lectures at the Center for Ethics and Culture fall conference in the last decade of his life.

Nothing is more disappointing for a curious student than a class that turns out not to be about his half-baked questions after all. And nobody is more annoying to a professor than this same student who loses interest in class but is overexcited about something vague and otherwise. I was this student. So was MacIntyre, except of course he could explain—forcefully. And he changed the subject not only in one class, but also in every academic field that has to do with ethics. Forget wasting time with the Enlightenment project’s overly precise moral science of actions; the proper objects of ethics in any undestroyed moral community are character and practices, and the virtues therein that lead to flourishing. Let’s talk instead about why courage is important in a fishing village in ways for which commercial fishing cannot account. Spare us the highfalutin lip-service to democratic deliberation; without a shared language to secure moral agreement, of course debates around war, abortion, and universal healthcare descend into the shrillest kind of emotional manipulation. Let’s talk instead about why Yeats could not accept Burke’s poetic image of the modern state as a great tree, and why the bureaucratic state is more like a telephone company that asks you to die for it. The Iraq War, partial-birth abortions, and Obamacare—this was the atmosphere in which I first read After Virtue. He was the most-discussed philosopher, living or dead, among my peers during my undergraduate years. 

All of which is to say that when I became a fan of MacIntyre, he was already a legendary figure. Even his protégé Stanley Hauerwas was a bête noire in theology, and his epigones were rumored to be enfants terribles in business ethics. MacIntyre had long since barreled through British and American universities with his “paradigm shifts” (pardon the social-science shibboleth) and changed his own mind on the way, abandoning revolutionary communism for neo-Aristotelianism, Thomism, and eventually the Catholic Church. (What never changed, however, was his basic interest in how working-class people solve practical problems under the disruptive conditions of modern capitalism. What Leo XIII joined together, Thomism and the social question, MacIntyre refused to set asunder.) It is a remarkable fact that the most influential moral philosopher of the late twentieth century was a brilliant, combative, and radical convert to Roman Catholicism. But that is only the incipit of his legend.

An insistently “Mr.” MacIntyre was proud not to have a Ph.D.; indeed, his self-education and voracious reading may have made him the most widely read philosopher ever. He made enthusiastic book recommendations one did not expect: of course Jane Austen in After Virtue, but also Albert Murray’s Omni-Americans (on race and the Blues), and Bent Flyvbjerg’s Rationality and Power (about building bus terminals in Aalborg). Then there were the cutting reviews of books that one did expect him to dislike. In the London Review of Books he groaned that Richard Rorty threatens to consign “postmodern” philosophers to cultural conversations: “If I am doomed to spending the rest of my life talking with literary critics and sociologists and historians and physicists, I am going to have to listen to a great deal of philosophy, much of it inept.” Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Rorty were poor analytic thinkers, he said. Yet MacIntyre agreed with Bernard Williams that moral decisions and motives must feel authentically like our decisions and motives, and so the camel’s nose of continental philosophy came right back under the Anglo-American tent. “Nietzsche or Aristotle?” MacIntyre asked, and demanded an answer. He was the rare philosopher who insisted that philosophy required both analytical clarity in argument and a hermeneutic approach to the social contexts of these arguments. But it was not enough for MacIntyre to talk about Wittgenstein’s ladder with other philosophers, issuing poxes on both their analytic and continental houses. He liked to tell how he broke up The Beatles by lending a certain neighbor a non-metaphorical ladder for her art exhibit at the Indica Gallery in 1966.

Something deeper but also typically adolescent drew me to MacIntyre as well: wondering how countercultural I was. He made me reflect in a personal way about the stories of which I find myself a part: an American story, a Catholic story. Strangely, back then, nobody I knew seemed to take for granted that Catholics ought to be “based.” The last American president to oppose gay marriage had just been elected. Regis High School gave me the impression that Eugene McCarthy’s postwar liberalism undergirded by Catholic social-justice principles had not died in 1970, but was still a going concern. My professors in Charlottesville corrected me. It was a shock. What I had taken for granted as the city center belonged, in their mind, to a peripheral ghetto. Galvanized by the George W. Bush era, they insisted that moral and religious beliefs, if held too strongly, were problematic. They were pragmatists, like Rorty, who thought real democratic citizens should have beliefs that were revisable in the give-and-take of communication. They possessed what Patrick Deneen calls the democratic faith. 

In my political theory classes especially, MacIntyre, who scoffed at being asked to die for the telephone company, was part officially sanctioned opposition, part whipping boy. But since I had strong moral and religious beliefs, and moreover thought they were important for citizens, I identified with MacIntyre. Of course I blurred him with some beloved octogenarian Irish-Catholic teachers from back home, who were unashamed of treating the universal Church as their own tribal inheritance, anciently begrudged against the multifarious frauds of modernity, proud of their records as good citizens but stubborn about any enlightened civic education their betters might offer—and just about everything Evelyn Waugh noticed about the same sort of men in 1947. When Jews and Catholics wonder where we fit into modernity, respectively, it is grandiosely called the theologico-political problem. I could not articulate this in college, even as I read John Milbank, Charles Taylor, and Thomas Pfau to learn about how exactly modernity supplanted these predecessor cultures. But among these magisterial genealogies of modernity, as my friend Andrew Kuiper calls them, none was ever so exciting as After Virtue. 

When I came to Notre Dame for graduate school in 2015, MacIntyre had been retired from teaching for five years. As a young man excited about big ideas and talking about MacIntyre, I had a lot of ground to make up in my education. Talking to MacIntyre confirmed that. In his office in Geddes Hall, the fiery philosophical giant was mellow, generous with his time, and patient with my questions. I thought my first joke to him met with a grimace; in fact, he just squinted before he began to chuckle. He was warm about political theory, my academic subfield which demands both grasp of philosophical arguments and historical contexts, at least in principle. But at that time, I was being drawn to teachers who were less encyclopedic and more rabbinical, and who, willing to trade MacIntyre’s intellectual breadth for more scholarly depth, seemed to read the same books over and over. One was his wife, Lynn Joy, a David Hume scholar who discussed “Alasdair’s” critique of the conventional eighteenth-century British morality of her subject with a twinkle in her eye. Susan Collins insisted more emphatically that Aristotle was far from the priggish Greek gentleman that MacIntyre finds in A Short History of Ethics. MacIntyre approved of my more contextual work on Saint Thomas and tyrannicide (at least when I finally dared to show it to him) but he disapproved of my work on Aristotle’s treatment of the passions related to envy and justice. He told me I needed to read Wittgenstein (and re-read his own work!) and think through how attitudes and feelings always depend on a context of cultural practices and institutions. I did. He told me I should read his friend Kelvin Knight’s article “After Tradition” to better understand my own objections and the neo-Aristotelian responses. I did. He helped me consider my questions more fully without ever showing annoyance.

MacIntyre remained a contrarian to the end, nonetheless, a master of what my dissertation advisor called the “MacIntyrade”. In his annual keynote at the fall conference of the Center of Ethics and Culture, hundreds of people listened to him read his papers clearly and slowly, spellbound. But often he was taking aim at sacred cows: human dignity, or God’s knowledge about what might happen in the future, or—in the case of a graduate student conference we organized for which he generously gave a keynote address—the “Benedict Option”. As far as I can tell, very little about MacIntyre (or Wittgenstein for that matter before him) can be explained by his historical context and the conventional practices of philosophy in Britain and the United States. I think MacIntyre was one of those few individuals who are seized by a fundamental questioning mood, deeper than any practices or institutions, a perplexity that can be described in art or phenomenology but not by a linguistic analyst of maxims. Could he not recognize himself as such a philosopher? I wish I thought to ask him while he was alive. Then I would know what to read today."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/04/stem-academia-universities-citizenship-civics/682384/?__readwiseLocation">
    <title>America and Its Universities Need a New Social Contract - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-10T18:09:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/04/stem-academia-universities-citizenship-civics/682384/?__readwiseLocation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Fifty dollars for STEM, five cents for citizenship—that’s how America apportions its education dollars. Our beleaguered universities must redress the balance—helping the country and themselves."]]></description>
<dc:subject>education us colleges universities highered highereducation citizenship civics 2025 danielleallen priorities learning howwelearn stem</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80">
    <title>Evgeny Morozov: Democracy, Technology and the City - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-13T16:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.cccb.org/en/activities/file/democracy-technology-and-city/217682

"Which challenges and threats emerge as public spaces "smart", integrating sensors, cameras, and various means of algorithmic regulation? Technology companies, having optimized the public sphere, are increasingly offering to optimize our cities. Yet the terms of such "optimization" remain ambiguous and opaque, often presenting the business agendas of technology vendors as inevitable features of digitization. As we transition to the post-Snowden era, the costs of ubiquitous computing left in the hands of private companies have become painfully clear. How could cities take advantage of digital technologies without succumbing to the optimization excesses of the "smart city"?

Opening lecture of the series "Open City", in which will also participate Josep Maria Benet i Jornet, Marta Segarra, Manuel Forcano, Bruce Bégout, Rafael Chirbes, Erri de Luca, Richard Sennett and Kamila Shamsie.

Presenters: Joan Subirats

Participants: Evgeny Morozov

This activity is part of Open City, The Barcelona Debate"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r7-e_yhEzIw">
    <title>These Ugly Big Box Stores are Literally Bankrupting Cities - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-06T22:39:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r7-e_yhEzIw</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-12-31/to-ease-parenting-burdens-we-need-better-housing-and-street-designs-too">
    <title>To Ease Parenting Burdens, We Need Better Housing and Street Designs, Too - Bloomberg</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-04T00:03:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-12-31/to-ease-parenting-burdens-we-need-better-housing-and-street-designs-too</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Family life has always been stressful. But a recent declaration by the US Surgeon General that parenting is a public health crisis has reignited conversations about how families might stop the endless spiral of expectation. What’s been less discussed is how the physical design of housing, transportation and public space makes life harder by increasing commute times, reducing communal play spaces and creating barriers to children’s mobility.

Parenting experts say children need to learn independence and resilience. But cities and suburbs don’t offer safe pedestrian and bike routes to school, malls kick teenagers out on the weekends, and free time disappears under a spreadsheet of activities. All of those “musts” take more of the parents’ time or money to navigate, because the child can’t do it on their own.

As Darby Saxbe, a clinical psychologist, recently wrote in the New York Times, “underparenting requires structural change.” Unlike most political pundits, she’s not just talking about economic policies like family leave and subsidized child care. She’s talking about actual physical structures, and the cultural change required to populate them. We need to “build back our tolerance for children in public spaces,” she writes, “and create safe environments where lightly supervised kids can roam freely.”

Calls for such environments increased during the pandemic, as cities nonsensically closed playgrounds, and families found themselves pinched between remote work and remote school. Philadelphia’s Parks & Recreation department moved summer camp to the street, while parents whose kids had previously been too busy to socialize found driveways, garages and cul-de-sacs made great play zones when no one was driving in and out.

While many temporary fixes disappeared once the pandemic was declared over, Queens’s Paseo Park, a 1.3-mile-long corridor in family-heavy Jackson Heights, is finally getting a permanent open streets design to reduce car traffic after people experienced the joys of not having to text to make plans, pay for organized after-school activities, or battle with cars when learning to ride a bike.

Cities, already in dire need of more affordable housing and ways to retain families, should look to the past: History has no shortage of other examples of designs that foster more spontaneous interactions and spaces for play. Indeed, urban planners have been trying to design dense, connected, family-friendly neighborhoods since the turn of the last century.

Progressive-Era transit-oriented suburbs like Radburn, New Jersey, turned the cul-de-sac inside out, creating a connected greenspace on the doorstep of dozens of homes, and banishing cars to the periphery. Denser versions built in the 1970s, with stacks of mid-rise apartments rather than single-family homes overlooking an open green, also proved so successful that people haven’t wanted to abandon their community — even after the children are long gone.

Unlike most postwar suburbs, these developments prioritized common space over individual square footage, with small private yards and few bonus rooms; birthday parties happened in the common house, and child-led play on the common playground. You don’t need your own swing set when the community provides.

The same kind of thinking prevails in family-oriented urban buildings: While developers do need to provide more three-bedroom apartments, shared amenities like playrooms, courtyards, and party rooms can take the pressure off individual apartments. Cohousing, a longstanding intentional community model, usually adds shared guest apartments and a big kitchen to the mix to encourage group activity and make smaller apartment sizes acceptable.

A town doesn’t need to redesign its housing stock to achieve many of the same ends. Widening sidewalks, closing streets for play on afternoons and weekends, adding speed humps and opening schoolyards after hours can immediately provide the same ease for impromptu hang-outs, with even more potential playmates. Neighborhoods that mix housing with retail and offices have built-in amenities that make such spaces more conducive to child independence and whole-family convenience: Corner stores for coffee and snacks, shops for running errands before, after or during play, and often more ambitious and more varied play equipment.

Additional conveniences along daily routes can and should be built into street designs. In 2019, the National Association of City Transportation Officials, released the report Designing Streets for Kids, which underlined two major design imperatives: increased and independent mobility, and more spaces to pause and rest. The report stresses the physical and mental benefits of streets designed with kids in mind, but also warns that “children’s bodies and brains are less developed and more vulnerable to the environment in which they live,” and that they need an “environment in which unhealthy risks from the street” — traffic violence, pollution and noise — are minimized, while opportunities for play, independent movement, and social interactions are maximized. As transportation scholar Tara Goddard said in a recent episode of The War on Cars, “We want to have places, especially in our dense urban areas, where, you know what? It’s OK if a kid darts out. …We need to build an environment that is more forgiving of that.”

While open streets and open schoolyards are nice, families also crave no- and low-cost indoor activities. In winter, it can be difficult to squeeze in a park visit before dark, so cities need to invest in good lighting, both for the equipment and, in a larger park, on the paths from sidewalk to playground. Some new park designs address this by adding indoor-outdoor spaces: In its masterplan for Tucson’s Reid Park, Sasaki leveraged the redesign of a restroom pavilion into a large overhanging roof, creating a shaded space with tables and chairs next to a playground with a brand-new splash pad.

As the planet warms, low- and no-cost climate-controlled spaces like community centers and public libraries also need to be considered family amenities — and built to accommodate physical play as well as story time and craft classes. There are fewer shopping malls than there used to be, yet they have also long served both the very young and very old in extreme weather, with hot and iced drinks, bathrooms and plenty of seating.

For teens, public amenities can provide needed opportunities to take their interactions offline. Hanging out in groups is not necessarily prohibited in urban parks the way it is in playgrounds with age restrictions, parking lots with “no loitering” signs, and malls with curfews and parental escort policies. In cities, they don’t need drivers’ licenses and cars to meet up. But parks also need to be designed for these uses, with conversational seating, bigger and riskier swings and climbing structures, and young adult-centric programming like skate parks. Passive supervision in these spaces — from concessionaires, older skaters, or just good lighting and circulation — can help to defuse the inevitable “teens can’t handle it” pushback.

If children have been raised for independence — walking or riding to school, rather than being driven, for example — the transition from childhood to adolescence, and the ability to access first the block, then the neighborhood, then the city, is much smoother. Psychologist Jacqueline Nesi noted in a recent edition of her Techno Sapiens newsletter, “We often lament kids’ filling their free time with screens, but here’s the thing: we need to be providing them with alternatives.”

American childhood has become so privatized that political parties fight child-care subsidies. In this climate, child-friendly street improvements, much less teen-centric hangout spots, may seem like a bridge too far. But most of the amenities that would make having a family easier benefit everyone. You might not care about slow streets, shaded benches, or walkable shops now, but you are one pregnancy, knee operation, or visit from an older relative away from becoming suddenly, even painfully, aware of the location of every bench, elevator, ramp and bathroom on your daily commute.

A city of singles and young marrieds is a city that is constantly reintroducing itself to the world, chasing dollars with brunches and happy hours, and then having to do it all over again as those couples depart for places with affordable three-bedrooms and trees within reach.

Parenthood is a time when adults should naturally become more rooted in place, as they re-experience the built environment at toddler pace, and a time when they often seek community with other new parents. Urban areas, built right, could support families by making their lives easier — one courtyard, speed bump and playground at a time."

[via:
https://sarahendren.com/2025/02/03/children-in-public-spaces/

"Everyone loves to complain about helicopter parenting. Folks to my left want state-provided, kinda-structured free-range play; folks to my right want homeschooling cooperatives. But so many designed solutions for free outdoor play are ready to hand, if communities can just rally around them. People of the USA, I beg you: build parks, good sidewalks, shaded indoor-outdoor spaces — not just fenced yards. These spaces make neighborhoods, which are the real user interface.

via Jarrett Fuller [https://scratchingthesurface.fm/263-nicolay-boyadjiev ]"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexandralange urban urbanism children parents parenting 2024 independence resilience darbysaxbe psychology builtenvironment cities transit transportation cars density parks playgrounds cohousing courtyards planning urbanplanning taragoddard environment schools schoolyards childhood parenthood jacquelinenesi play walkability slowstreets publicspace civics autonomy helicopterparenting sidewalks shade outdoors mobility adolescence youth helicopterparents</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://airqualitystripes.info/">
    <title>Air Quality Stripes</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-26T19:54:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://airqualitystripes.info/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[https://airqualitystripes.info/about/

"About the data

This website shows the concentration of particulate matter air pollution (PM2.5) in cities around the world. Very few historical observations of PM2.5 exist before the year 2000 so instead we use data produced from a mix of computer model simulations and satellite observations.

For the most recent years (2000-2021) we use a dataset that combines ground-level and satellite observations of PM2.5 concentrations from Van Donkelaar et at (2021, V5 0.1 degree resolution), this dataset can be found here.

Satellite observations of PM2.5 aren’t available for the years before 1998, so instead we take the historical trend in air pollution concentrations from computer models (Turnock 2020); publicly available model data was taken from the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project (CMIP6) which is made freely available via the Earth System Grid Federation (ESGF), these are the climate models used for the IPCC assessment report. We used data from the UKESM submission to CMIP (data is here). The historical concentrations for the UKESM model are calculated using changes in air pollutant emissions obtained from the Community Emissions Data System (CEDS) inventory developed by Hoesly et al, 2018 and used as input to CMIP6 historical experiments.

Modelling global concentrations of pollutants is very challenging, and models are continuously being evaluated against observations to improve their representation of physical and chemical processes. Previous research has shown that the CMIP6 multi-model simulations tend to underestimate PM2.5 concentrations when compared to global observations (Turnock et al., 2020). To address this issue and to ensure a smooth time series between the model and satellite data, we take the following steps: for each city, we first calculate a three-year (2000-2002) mean of the satellite data for that city. Next, we calculate the three-year (2000-2002) mean of model concentrations for the same city. The ratio between these values represents the model's bias compared to observations. We then adjust (or "weight") the model values using this ratio. This is a similar approach to that taken by Turnock et al. (2023) and Reddington et al. (2023).

Because so few historical observations of PM2.5 exist, so it is challenging to evaluate how good this approximation is, but in our approach the historical trend is taken from the computer model and the values are informed by the satellite.

This is the first versions of the Air Quality Stripes, they will be updated in the future as improved model simulations and observations become available. We welcome comments and suggestions for improvements!

The data used to create these images is here."

...

https://airqualitystripes.info/faq/

"What do the Air Quality Stripes show?

These plots show the changing trends in outdoor concentrations of particulate matter (PM2.5) air pollution from 1850 to 2021. The cleanest air in this time period is coloured light blue and the dirtiest is coloured brown. There are many types of air pollution, but we only show particulate matter (PM2.5) concentrations as these have been closely linked to effects on human health.

The data is all plotted on the same scale so a particular colour in one location is the same value as that colour in another. We also show bar charts which show the concentration of PM2.5, we also show the World Health Organization Air Quality Guideline concentration of 5 micrograms per cubic metre (or “ug/m³”).

In some plots we have added indicative air quality ratings e.g. "Very Good", "Fair", "Moderate" etc. There is no single internationally recognised definition of these terms for annual mean PM2.5 values, so we have estimated these indicative values based on a mix of recommendations from different countries, as research into the health effects of PM2.5 continues we will better understand the health effects of different concentrations.

Why these colours?

The colour palette was created in collaboration with artist Ethan Brain who analysed colour themes from two hundred images collected from a google image search for “air pollution”. As one might intuitively expect, polluted images are dominated by reds, browns and greys and clean images by blues.

To create the polluted palette from the images the images were analysed to identify the dominant colour themes then, to hone in on images that best represented air pollution, the initial image set was filtered to only include results that fit within the value range of the dominant colour theme. Dominant colour themes were then extracted from this filtered set and the resulting colours were hand-selected and then tweaked to create a palette that represents increasing values.

The lightest blue represents the cleanest value of concentrations of less than 5 ug/m³, years in this colour meet the World Health Organisation Air Quality Guideline which was introduced in 2021, all other colours show an exceedance of the guideline values.

What are the stripes?
The climate warming stripes were created by Professor Ed Hawkins at the University of Reading in 2018 and have since become very widely used as a visual representation of the Earth’s warming climate. They have also inspired the creation of the Biodiversity Stripes which show biodiversity loss and ocean acidification stripes.

What is particulate matter (PM2.5) air pollution?
The air we breathe can contain many different types of pollutants. In this site we show the concentration of particulate matter air pollution, which is one of the main air pollutants known to affect human health. Particulate matter is a mix of tiny liquid or solid particles that are found throughout the atmosphere. Some of these particles, such as dust, dirt, soot, or smoke, are large enough to be seen with the naked eye but others are so small they can only be detected using an electron microscope. The team at VisualCapitalist have produced a fantastic visualisation to illustrate this.

These small particles are able to pass into our lungs more easily and affect our health. For this reason scientists tend to focus on a subset of particulate matter called “PM2.5” which is particles with a diameter smaller than 2.5 micrometres (or ”um” for short) (2.5 um is approximately a 30th of the width of a human hair). PM2.5 can come from a wide range of sources, some of which are natural (e.g. volcanoes, fires, dust) and others are produced by human activities (e.g. industry, cars, agriculture, domestic burning and fires arising from climate change). Some PM2.5 particles are directly emitted into the atmosphere, while others are formed by reactions of gases within the air, you could think of the atmosphere as being a cocktail of pollutants!

PM2.5 has been linked to a very wide range of health effects ranging from breathing issues such as asthma, reduced lung health, increased likelihood of developing cancer and heart disease, and an increased risk of developing many diseases including diabetes, Alzhiemers and Parkinsons.

In response to the increased knowledge of the health effects of PM2.5, in 2021 the World Health Organisation recommended that the annual average concentration of PM2.5 should not exceed of 5 ug/m³. At present, 99% of the world’s population live with concentrations above this value, with the highest PM2.5 levels typically found in low and middle income countries.

Can I use these images?
We hope these stripes will help start conversations about air pollution and its effects on our lives. The use of these images is encouraged/welcomed, but must include appropriate acknowledgement of airqualitystripes.info and a link to this website. The images are licensed under CC BY."

[via:
https://www.theverge.com/2024/8/26/24228658/air-quality-pollution-art-data-visualization-stripes ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>airquality civics air pollution visualization 2024</dc:subject>
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    <title>a manifesto: the next era of third spaces as crucibles for meaning-making</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-14T20:07:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.patriciamou.com/newsletter-archive/a-manifesto-the-next-era-of-third-spaces-as-crucibles-for-meaning-making</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://www.wellnesswisdom.xyz/p/a-manifesto-the-next-era-of-third ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>patriciamou 2020 thirdspaces churches society loneliness meaning meaningmaking communion church secularism interconnected interconnectedness community history coffeehouses vienna paris salons agoras athens stoas bathouses civics identity clubs bookclubs programming sfcommons religion spirituality solitude sensemaking thirdplaces cafes coffeeshops makingsense</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/">
    <title>What Is Education For? - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-05T21:22:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Today, these technologically oriented, vocational approaches to education and the problem of inequality leave almost no room for the civic alternative. It is not that civic education is incompatible with professional training, but policymakers, education specialists, and many parents—including low-income parents, whose children are most likely to see their civic education shortchanged—have narrowed their focus exclusively to the economic field. In the process, they have lost sight of the full range of inequalities from which our society suffers and which well-rounded education could alleviate."

...

"Participatory Readiness

So what exactly is participatory readiness, and how can education help people achieve it? To answer these questions, we first need to understand what students should be getting ready for: civic agency. While there is no single model of civic agency dominant in American culture, we can identify a handful at work.

Following philosopher Hannah Arendt, I take citizenship to be the activity of co-creating a way of life, of world-building. This co-creation can occur at many social levels: in a neighborhood or school; in a networked community or association; in a city, state, or nation; at a global scale. Because co-creation extends beyond legal categories of membership in political units, I prefer to speak of civic agency instead of citizenship.

Such civic agency involves three core tasks. First is disinterested deliberation around a public problem. Here the model derives from Athenian citizens gathered in the assembly, the town halls of colonial New Hampshire, and public representatives behaving reasonably in the halls of a legislature. Second is prophetic work intended to shift a society’s values; in the public opinion and communications literature, this is now called “frame shifting.” Think of the rhetorical power of nineteenth-century abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe, of Martin Luther King, Jr., or of Occupy Wall Street activists with their rallying cry of “we are the 99 percent.” Finally, there is transparently interested “fair fighting,” where a given public actor adopts a cause and pursues it passionately. One might think of early women’s rights activists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage.

The ideal civic agent carries out all three of these tasks—disinterested deliberation, prophetic frame shifting, and fair fighting—ethically and justly. Stanton is an example of this ideal at work. At the Seneca Falls Convention, she was in deliberative mode for the debate about the text of the Declaration of Sentiments. However, before the convention’s deliberations, when she drafted that text, she was in the prophetic mode, just as she was in her innumerable speeches. Finally, in campaigning for legal change, as in the adoption of the Woman’s Property Bill in New York and similar laws in other states, she was operating as an activist.

Yet if these three are the rudimentary components of civic agency, they do not in themselves determine the content of any given historical moment’s conception of citizenship. There is no need for each of these functions to be combined in a single role or persona, nor is there any guarantee that all three will be carried out in each historical context. These tasks can also become separated from one another, generating distinguishable kinds of civic roles. This is the situation today, as roles have been divided among civically engaged individuals, activists or political entrepreneurs, and professional politicians.

The civically engaged individual focuses on the task of disinterested deliberation and actions that can be said to flow from it. Such citizens pursue what they perceive to be universal values, critical thinking, and bipartisan projects. Next comes the activist, who seeks to change hearts and minds by fighting fairly for particular outcomes, often making considerable sacrifices to do so. Finally, the professional politician, as currently conceived, focuses mainly on fighting, not necessarily fairly. In contemporary discourse, this role, in contrast to the other two, represents a degraded form of civic agency; for evidence one has only to look at Congress’s all-time-low approval ratings.

In the current condition, we have lost sight of the statesman, a professional politician capable of disinterested deliberation, just frame shifting, and fighting fair. And, even more importantly, we have lost sight of the ideal ordinary citizen, who is not a professional politician but who has nonetheless developed all of the competencies described above and who is proud to be involved in politics.

If we are to embrace an education for participatory readiness, we need to aim our pedagogic and curricular work not at any one of these three capacities but at what lies behind all of them: the idea of civic agency as the activity of co-creating a way of life. This view of politics supports all three models of citizenship because it nourishes future civic leaders, activists, and politicians. Such an education ought also to permit a reintegration of these roles.

The United States has a history of providing such an education: it is called the liberal arts. How, you may ask, can the seemingly antique liberal arts be of use in our mass democracies and globalized, multicultural world? Let us consider where we find ourselves and how we got here."

...

"Few among us pay adequate attention to the fact that almost all of our state constitutions guarantee a right to education. We pay even less attention to the fact that we have a right to civic education. Our state constitutions, in other words, are directed at the pursuit of equality. Through the acquisition of participatory readiness, a great diversity of citizens could tap into the power to challenge oligarchical social and political arrangements.

In the final analysis, the reliance on an exclusively vocational paradigm as the sole guide to education policy-making is a failure to meet the legal standard for securing a basic right. Precisely those parts of the K–12 curriculum most vulnerable during a recession—humanities, social studies, arts, and extracurricular activities such as debate and model UN—deserve rights-based legal protection. What is more, defending the right to civic education, and the kind of curriculum that delivers it, would benefit not only individual students but also society as a whole, advancing both political equality and distributive justice. This is an untapped source of advocacy around educational rights and on behalf of an egalitarian America."]]></description>
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    <title>the how and the why, part 2 | sara hendren</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-15T04:55:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/14/the-how-and-the-why-part-2/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So we’ve looked at formation and freedom (https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/10/the-how-and-the-why/ ) in the college decision process. I want to examine next the framework of readiness in higher education to get at formation in another way — what should four years make a student ready for? I’ve written about this subject before (https://sarahendren.substack.com/p/a-classroom-is-for-readiness ), but today I want to restate the strengths and add some of the weaknesses of this frame.

Education as readiness is a heuristic developed by the philosopher (and erstwhile politician! (https://partnersindemocracy.us/ )) Danielle Allen, most succinctly laid out in her essay called What Is Education For? (https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/danielle-allen-what-is-education-for/ ). For the last several semesters, I’ve had all my students in every class read this essay for Week 2 discussion, alongside this blog post about mental models (https://www.therealworldofcollege.com/blog/taking-advantage-of-college-before-its-too-late ) for students to think about their college experience. This is my small intervention to introduce Formation 101 for young people. It’s wonky and over their heads at first, but it creates a shorthand for us to unpack over the course of the term together.

Allen lays out “professional readiness” as the dominant model for much of higher education today, and she makes an extended argument that “participatory readiness” should include but ultimately supersede professional readiness. Job skills are important, she says, and yes, they create the crucial class mobility — for greater economic equality — that we need for realizing a more democratic society. But political equality, she says, is never achieved by simply equipping more people for more well-paying jobs. Citizens have to be actively enfranchised with habits and practices that enact shared freedom, and for that, education can be an ideal rehearsal space. The readiness to “participate” is what Allen calls for: civic agency, enjoining oneself to the means and ends of equality not just for oneself, but for the larger social fabric and in proper relationship to the nation state.

Allen describes three actions of the democratic civic actor that education should make students ready for: disinterested deliberation (think town halls, voting, and other deliberative governance), fair fighting (think protests and lobbying for causes), and my personal favorite, prophetic reframing (think rhetorical re-description of possible civic worlds, as in the speeches of Dr. King). Only true political geniuses regularly embody each of these three civic modes, but it’s critical for students to see the vital efficacy and tradeoffs of each one, both in history and in the present day. Unsurprisingly, Allen tells us that these practices are learned in the humanities and social sciences: rhetoric, history, political theory, literature, philosophy.

In my classroom, I use this essay to make a modest case for the liberal arts, even though that ship has kinda sailed. My institutions have been almost entirely about professional readiness. But it’s been both strange and oddly bracing to find that my students aren’t defensive about it or resistant to the liberating arts and participatory readiness. They’re not resistant because they’ve never heard this rationale. We’re starting over, at least in my settings. Usually one of them will say politely: Well, this sounds great, but given how much college costs, shouldn’t we be focused on the skills we need for jobs? We gotta pay bills. I see why this is their first-instinct response. But I say to them in return: Given how much it costs, shouldn’t you ask for that four years to give you something in addition to job skills? Some equipment for life ten, twenty years from now?

Even if you reject the idea of formation and think of college choice as a professional readiness proposition, I’d still argue that participatory readiness will make your kid more AI-proof than a narrowly scripted, industry-responsive, skills-led curriculum. It’s a tortoise-and-hare thing: They may learn the software to get them through the next five years, but what about after that? What ambitious projects might draw them, and what resources would they marshal to be ready?

So for my students, two kinds of readiness is an old idea that’s new, for them. But let’s talk about another conundrum. For my fellow professors, participatory readiness sounds all too easy, even already achieved. In my domains of engineering and design, the overwhelming trend of the last two decades has been to create literal “participation” at the core of our curricula. We mean it in a slightly different way, but for so many people in professional-readiness higher ed land, human-centered technology and design beautifully check the participatory readiness boxes. We ask people what they want! We consider unintended consequences! And most of all: we think about power!

“Thinking about power” has neatly swallowed a whole world of domains that create real readiness: the always-strange specificities of history, the global variation in poetic languages, the deep and wide realm of ethical reasoning, the vigorously debated ideas about the role of the state to provide for human affairs. The self-satisfaction of using a hand-wavey notion of power as an organizing principle ticks the boxes of participatory readiness for most people in my domains. Look for winners and losers, and you have won the day. It’s not just job readiness, they say; it’s alerting young people that power is always operative. Participatory readiness, done.

Do I need to say this? Power is always operative in civic life, but collapsing all contextual and participatory matters to transactions of power, with winners and losers, oppressor and oppressed, doesn’t help students deal with complex geo-political matters like what’s playing out in Gaza. In Allen’s terms, many professors are satisfied with encouraging students’ literacy in the “fair fighting” mode of civic agency — protests and speeches and demonstrations, with all the moral clarity they either reflect or seem to create — and meanwhile, the more slow and boring work of disinterested deliberation, and the more richly symbolic and subtle work of prophetic reframing, lie in atrophy. Professional readiness curricula, overlaid with a module here and there on ahistorical, monolithic ideas about power, just won’t suffice. Not for real participatory readiness.

There are signs of life in shoring up the deliberative side of participatory readiness. This civil discourse project at Duke (https://civildiscourse.duke.edu/ ) is representative of some of that effort. Civics education is generally experiencing another reinvigoration; I see lots of people talking about it. But in pre-professional settings like mine, there’s a tinderbox mix of mostly-job-skills, plus the thinnest layer of power, that stands in too handily for participatory readiness.

And even if we fortify the means and methods of disinterested deliberation, even if we diversify and enrich the participatory with greater humanities, fine arts, and social sciences exposure, another conundrum presents itself. Deliberation presupposes contested visions of the good life among democratic citizens. How are those visions, those strongly-held first principles that are the bedrock of our lifeworlds, to be formed? That’s next."

[Part 1:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/10/the-how-and-the-why/

Part 3:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/06/21/the-how-and-the-why-part-3/

Part 4:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/07/25/the-how-and-the-why-part-4/

Part 5:
https://sarahendren.com/2024/08/24/the-how-and-the-why-part-5/ ]]]></description>
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    <title>the city and the limiting virtues - by Sara Hendren</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-06T20:48:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sarahendren.substack.com/p/the-city-and-the-limiting-virtues</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""freedom to" and "freedom from" in the cafe, church, and library

Faro café, in Harvard Square, gets its name from the Spanish word for “lighthouse,” and it’s got a no-laptops policy that is gently, but strictly, enforced.

You can look at your phone. You can use a little gaming tablet. But they’ve outlawed laptops — upright and rectangular cognitive anchors that suck all energy toward themselves. Multiplied across a room, laptops erect an office where a café had been. And Faro is trying to keep the office at bay.

But the office-style café is really great, you say. It is! You can go a few doors down in a couple directions and find some good ones. But Faro has their little manifesto printed and hung on one wall — unobtrusive, easy to miss — and they just want something else happening in the space.

I sent my architecture students to Faro and two other nearby sites this spring — a scavenger hunt to find some of the “limiting virtues” embedded in buildings. I got inspired by David McPherson’s The Virtues of Limits, where he lays out humility, reverence, moderation, contentment, neighborliness, and loyalty as virtues that constrain us in order to set us free.

All these virtues are laudable, surely, but not exactly high on the aspirational list in a culture more enamored of the active virtues, like courage and magnanimity. I wanted students to see where a built space takes away some freedoms — enforcing the moderation and contentment that mitigates all-screens-all-the-time, for example — and thereby opens up other freedoms. A no-laptops policy means you can’t get a certain kind of work done, but it does mean everyone present will be a little more eyes-up-and-talking, or maybe absorbed by a book or notebook. The activities will be at the speed of the body, one to another. Is it nostalgic and precious? Maybe. But it’s not the only café in town to make this move, and I think there’s some signal there. Faro started out with no-laptops only on weekends, and the policy was welcome enough to make it a daily norm. Over at Zuzu’s Petals, it’s no devices of any kind.

Across the street from Faro is St. Paul’s Parish, where you can come exactly as you are, but reverence is always encouraged — including in the weekday noon masses sung by a boys’ choir, complete with Elizabethan collars. (St. Paul’s has one of the only choir schools in the United States!) Sacred spaces aren’t a popular subject in architecture schools except as antiquarian study, I find. I suggested students visit either this great cavernous space in the middle of the bustling university square or the Cambridge Insight Meditation Center nearby, with its beautifully pared-down top floor of a grand old Victorian house. I could also have suggested a visit to the nearby monks’ dwelling at the Society of Saint John the Evangelist, whose exquisite stone chapel often features a sandwich board out front, enticing passersby not with lunch deals or storewide discounts but that rarest (limiting) thing: silence.

And speaking of silence, their last stop was the main branch of the Cambridge Public Library, especially its contemporary addition to the 19th century original.

The library holds a gradation of the limiting virtues: a half-quiet first floor with new books, tables and chairs for afterschool tutoring, and the information desks for everyone — the neighborliness of a public institution’s front door. The second floor features enclosed meeting spaces for groups on a first-come, first-serve basis, plus a really really quiet room for patrons wanting the moderation of all notifications off. The entire third floor is devoted to children — a beautiful raucous energy, with activity rooms, cozy nooks, and floor-to-ceiling windows on every side. A teen room in the old structure holds high-backed wing chairs and booths for semi-sedentary socializing, and a maker space occupies much of the basement. Things you can do and things you can’t, by design.

McPherson writes that the limiting virtues are grounded in the dispositional substrate of an “accepting-appreciating” stance toward the world, as opposed to the “choosing-controlling” stance that is the naturalized, invisible, and totalizing definition of 21st century technocratic freedom. No one wants life without choices, of course. But McPherson writes that the limiting virtue of loyalty — especially “loyalty to the given world” — is one way to cultivate this accepting-appreciating posture and to enjoy the freedom that it brings.

What’s the opposite of loyalty to the given world? Maybe it’s what Tyler Austin Harper calls “therapeutic libertarianism”:

<blockquote>the belief that self-improvement is the ultimate goal of life, and that no formal or informal constraints — whether imposed by states, faith systems, or other people —should impede each of us from achieving personal growth. This attitude is therapeutic because it is invariably couched in self-help babble. And it is libertarian not only because it makes a cult out of personal freedom, but because it applies market logic to human beings. We are all our own start-ups. We must all adopt a pro-growth mindset for our personhood and deregulate our desires. We must all assess and reassess our own “fulfillment,” a kind of psychological Gross Domestic Product, on a near-constant basis. And like the GDP, our fulfillment must always increase.</blockquote>

Harper, reviewing Molly Roden Winter’s More: A Memoir of an Open Marriage, finds its account of polyamory not a breathless liberation but an anguished slog of misery, led by endless choices. Some philosophers would call this “radical autonomy” — the idea that a choice is automatically good just for having been chosen. Harper is skewering the particular alloy of individualism and therapy-speak among the cosseted classes:

<blockquote>In this way, More is a near-perfect time capsule of the banal pleasure-seeking of wealthy, elite culture in the 2020s, and a neat encapsulation of its flaws. This culture would have us believe that interminable self-improvement projects, navel-gazing, and sexual peccadilloes are the new face of progress. The climate warms, wars rage, and our country lurches toward a perilous election—all problems that require real action, real progress. And somehow “you do you” has become the American ruling class’s three-word bible.

The philosopher Charles Taylor has argued that, since at least the late 20th century, Western societies have been defined by “a generalized culture of ‘authenticity,’ or expressive individualism, in which people are encouraged to find their own way, discover their own fulfillment, ‘do their own thing.’” Taylor describes a phenomenon that’s all too easy to recognize in today’s pop psychology and the maundering of wellness influencers, but his concept doesn’t quite capture the extent to which this relentless quest for self-optimizing authenticity has infused our social and even political sensibilities.</blockquote>

I want architecture students to see that the flexible, modular, all-purpose and all-choices box of a room isn’t always what’s called for. It sounds right — surely your client wants a space that could be anything you need it to be — but unprogrammed space is often tractionless, characterless. A city should contain a whole panoply of richly imagined and specific spaces, containers built with interior features for freedoms and limits alike. McPherson calls us to a life with “enhanced autonomy”— a life with choices that are also informed by our loyalty to the given, unchosen world — what we might just call living with obligations. I’d like to see designers take a renewed look at limits in their partnership for civic goods: rules that constrain and liberate."]]></description>
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    <title>Is Nostalgia a Dead End?</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-07T20:40:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jacobin.com/2024/02/postwar-nostalgia-equality-progress-unions</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[in response to:
https://www.slowboring.com/p/nostalgia-politics-is-a-dead-end ]

"A dive into mid-century American history uncovers how a strong labor movement was pivotal in building social unity, equality, and advancing civil rights. While nostalgia might seem like a dead end, the past holds valuable lessons for shaping a better future.

***

It’s likely that many Jacobin readers — begrudgingly — find a lot to agree with in Matt Yglesias’s Max Weber–inspired Substack Slow Boring. After all, Weberian liberalism has a lot to offer, even to socialists.

At the same time, liberals like Yglesias can still learn a lot from socialists, particularly in terms of historical analysis. One of his latest essays would benefit from a bit more social analysis and, ironically, a little less economic determinism.

Yglesias argues that “nostalgia politics is a dead end,” and in some ways he is right. He’s right that the psychic power of conservative nostalgic appeals trades on the audience’s vague sense of the Good Old Days, while offering no positive policy solutions to achieve something like a better future. He is also right that nostalgia politics is largely subjective — we are often nostalgic for just those times when we were younger, had more disposable income, were less burdened with responsibilities, or were healthier than we are today. Fair enough. But does it follow that all nostalgic appeals are always just such a trick? No. Nostalgia for the postwar era specifically is not simply a kind of “false consciousness”; it is in many ways rooted in an objective reality.

Maybe our society was in a better place — and plausibly on the path to a better future — in those decades after the war.

No, Time Is Not a Flat Circle

Yglesias observes that a lot of nostalgia politics is rooted in personal experience. And that which isn’t life-cycle nostalgia can be attributed to a tendency toward a cyclical appreciation of prior periods, supercharged by the marketing agencies and media companies that shrewdly exploit this. As an Onion headline once succinctly put it: “US Dept. of Retro Warns: ‘We May be Running Out of Past.’”

The current fad for the ’90s fashion, television, and music among teenagers is one example. For Yglesias, this example is representative of most of the appeal for any given nostalgia trip. However, the nostalgia politics he is trying to refute is not that of the early aughts or the ’90s. Rather, it’s the prevailing idea — given viral expression through “What Went Wrong?” memes — that the postwar decades were a fabulous time for the American masses. Yglesias disagrees, stating that “it’s not factually accurate that things were better” in those decades.

To demonstrate his point, he explains how much richer and better off we are now. We have more cars, we have more microwaves, bigger homes, etc. Yet if today is so great, why do so many people — from very opposite political worlds, and from very different age cohorts — find this specific period so attractive? Sure, some conservatives long for a whiter, more segregated, and patriarchal society, and the 1950s offers them a picture of that, but so do the 1880s, the 1890s, the 1910s, or the 1920s, and no one waxes poetic about the Coolidge years. And while some reactionaries may be fond of a time before the Civil Rights Act, you can’t say the same about all the millennial socialists who stuff their homes with mid-century modern furniture and ’60s records (on vinyl!).

In fact, in 2016 the New York Times published the results of a Morning Consult survey that asked  “When Was America Greatest?” The results confirm a particular fondness for the mid-century. Republicans tended to laud the 1950s (and Ronnie Reagan’s 1980s) as the halcyon days. Curiously, however, among Democrats, the Times notes that “Mr. Sanders’s voters were more likely to pick a year from the 1960s, and more of the Clinton supporters chose best years in the 1990s, when her husband was president.”

Surely these Sanders supporters aren’t pining for Jim Crow. The reality is that a substantial portion of people across the political spectrum and across the generational divide feel a strong pull of nostalgia for those decades. Even when they hadn’t lived through them!

For those who did live through the period the affection seems even more profound. In his book Stayin’ Alive, Jefferson Cowie quotes the son of a Pennsylvania steelworker: “If what we lived through in the 1950s was not liberation, then liberation never happens in real human lives.” The liberation referred to is the “complete transformation in his family’s life — from their material well-being to his father’s bearing toward supervisors on the shop floor.” As Cowie notes, the decade really was a revelation for the working-class, with workers’ wages increasing by almost 62 percent between 1947 and 1972. By comparison, between 1998 and 2022, real median household wages only increased by 13.88 percent. As much talk as there is about the impressive growth of the Clinton years, and despite the resurgence of the show Friends, the 1990s was nothing like “liberation.”

What’s more, the breakneck speed with which the postwar moment was romanticized reveals something about its perceived greatness and the contemporary understanding of its importance. The setting for George Lucas’s coming-of-age classic American Graffiti is 1962, first screened in 1973 — just eleven years after the fact. It’s hard to imagine a nostalgia flick about the year 2013 becoming a pop-culture phenomenon today. The eagerness to reminisce about the mid-century emerged almost instantly. And the rush to canonize the period was palpable — La Belle Époque sounds quaint compared to the Les Trente Glorieuses.

To be fair, Yglesias admits that fondness for this period does have to do with the rapid economic growth of the moment. But he fails to capture the breadth of social achievement that culminated in the postwar moment. In fact, it wasn’t simply that the 1950s and ’60s were a brief blip of supercharged growth in an otherwise plodding, but upward trending, development. Instead, from about 1900 until about 1970, virtually every metric of social life slowly and steadily improved, before suddenly reversing. That is, the fondness for the mid-century isn’t just about partisan approval of the New Deal and the Great Society (or Jim Crow and housewifery) — it’s also a recognition that this was a pivotal moment in history. Since then, the social world has been slouching toward dissolution.

The ’50s and ’60s were not just a high point for social development but also a hinge point.

The Mid-Century Really Was Special

In 2020, Robert Putnam and Shaylyn Romney Garrett published a remarkable book that, due to the pandemic, went mostly unremarked upon. In it, they argue that from around 1900 to today the United States experienced what they call an “I-we-I” curve. That is, the society went from the rugged individualism of Teddy Roosevelt to the American collectivism of his cousin Franklin before sliding back toward libertarian independence and social disintegration.

The curve that they present is striking. It charts a significant upward trend toward economic equality, political comity, social fraternity, and cultural solidarity that culminates in the mid-century before stopping and turning around. The peak of this curve happens in — surprise, surprise — the late 1950s and early ’60s. We’ve been on the downswing since then.

In terms of income and wealth, our society hit peak equality in the late 1960s. And this is not only true in terms of the gap between the very top and the very bottom: economic historians Peter H. Lindert and Jeffrey Williamson have shown that inequality decreased even within the middle and lower classes during the period between 1913 and around 1970. Additionally, black Americans experienced the fastest wage growth and the smallest black-white wage gap during the late 1950s and early ’60s. The increasing economic equality of this time was what made the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act conceivable political programs. And it is a tragedy of history that the trend to greater equality stalled and reversed after the successful passage of these acts.

Generational economic progress follows the same curve. According to economist Raj Chetty, “Children’s prospects of earning more than their parents have fallen from 90 percent to 50 percent in the past half century.” Labor economist Yonatan Berman’s work indicates that intergenerational economic mobility was at its absolute height in 1965. The progressivity of the tax rate follows the very same curve, climbing to a top corporate tax rate of 53 percent in the late 1960s before sliding back down.

Today, after decades of tax slashing, and thanks in particular to the steep cuts of President Donald Trump, the top corporate tax rate is now the lowest it has been in eighty years. Social spending on the poor, not surprisingly, followed suit: a steady climb to a peak in the 1960s, decline thereafter. And so too with the minimum wage, which peaked in 1968, the same year that wealth inequality reached its lowest level in recorded history. Union membership began its ascent in the 1910s, reached a high plateau in the 1940s, remained at that level until about 1966, and has been steadily declining since then.

Economic Equality Jibes With Social Cohesion

Social trends exhibit a similar pattern. Membership in civic and fraternal associations more or less steadily climbs from the late nineteenth century to a peak in the 1960s. At that time, according to Putnam and Romney Garrett, a significant majority of Americans, cutting across race and gender lines, were part of one or more of these groups — the United States had one of the highest rates of civic involvement in the world. Even church membership follows the I-we-I curve, despite popular representations of a steady decline since the advent of enlightened modernity. The apex of church membership and attendance was not in the mid-nineteenth century, but a century later.

Putnam and Romney Garrett also highlight a range of cultural and political markers that follow the same curve. In literature, the individualism characteristic of the 1920s, captured in the novels of the Lost Generation, eventually shifted to the socially inspired films of the 1940s, like those directed by Frank Capra. There was a gradual move from capricious and isolated individualism to a culture emphasizing solidarity. Putnam and Romney Garrett demonstrate this shift through changes in language. The use of the phrase “common man” reached its peak in 1945. More fundamentally, the word “we” hit its highest use in the mid-1960s and plummeted thereafter. Since then, in literature, “I” and “me” have taken its place.

The social cohesion and economic equality of the era was good for society, as is clear in any number of vital statistics. For instance, according to the US Congress Joint Economic Committee, “deaths of despair” were at their absolute lowest in the early 1960s, a level not seen before or since. Similarly, homicides decreased from high levels in the 1900s to their lowest in the early 1960s, marking the least deadly period on record.

The Pew Charitable Trust’s recently released seventy-five-year retrospective on their hometown of Philadelphia underscores this point. One of the most striking and depressing findings is that 1960, the city’s most populous year, was also one of its safest, with only 150 murders out of 2.1 million people. In contrast, 2021 saw 562 murders, in a city that had shrunk by 500,000 people. This means that the per capita homicide rate has increased from 7.2 homicides per 100,000 people per year in the 1960s to 32.74 in 2021 — an increase of over 350 percent.

All of this should demonstrate that all those dishwashers, computers, cars, and microwaves aren’t doing much for our social and civic health. In fact, some consumer goods actually reflect the social backsliding of our time. The proliferation of car ownership is obviously tied to the socially deleterious expansion of commute times and the atomizing push toward ever sprawling suburbs. And by now it seems clear that the great proliferation of smartphones, far from driving social progress, has done little other than douse society with a powerful antisocial solvent.

Can the Past Be Prologue?
Whatever else nostalgia for the mid-century represents, it is hard to argue that popular affection for the period is merely aesthetic, subjective, or simply reactionary. There were aspects of society that were functioning better. For the Left, this is an especially important point to absorb for a few reasons. Firstly, studying periods when society appeared to be, in some profound respects, healthier can teach us a lot about the characteristics of a thriving society. Secondly, by acknowledging, rather than denying, that some aspects of social life might have been better in the past, we can better understand the vast political divide we face today. Such an acknowledgement doesn’t imply endorsing conservative politics or policy positions. Ironically, it is conservatives who have been caught shrieking about the so-called “Fifteen Minute City” idea, seemingly unaware that mid-century neighborhoods were essentially all fifteen-minute cities.

Of course, Yglesias is right that we cannot simply go back to the social world of the postwar era. But why should we avert our eyes? It is true that the United States, much of Europe, and parts of Latin America made remarkable social progress in the years following World War II — arguably achieving more progress at a faster rate than at any other time, either before or since. It is also true that the increasing saturation of consumer goods and the unceasing marketization of everything, cited by liberals as a demonstration of the steady march of progress, coincided with the broad decline of social life. And, therefore, it might be true that what a society needs in order to flourish is not exactly synonymous with what individuals may want to buy in the capitalist marketplace.

Understanding the mid-century era can help us break free from the frighteningly narrow vision of the future that prevails today. After all, envisioning a better society becomes easier when we are aware of our past achievements and, even more so, when we understand the ambitious possibilities our predecessors imagined.

Nostalgia is not always a dead end — indeed, it’s one of the reasons this magazine is named Jacobin."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://culturestudypod.substack.com/p/the-bizarre-world-of-celebrity-philanthropy">
    <title>The Bizarre World of Celebrity Philanthropy</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-06T17:44:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://culturestudypod.substack.com/p/the-bizarre-world-of-celebrity-philanthropy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://annehelen.substack.com/p/the-problems-of-modern-philanthropy ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v46/n03/rebecca-solnit/in-the-shadow-of-silicon-valley">
    <title>Rebecca Solnit · In the Shadow of Silicon Valley: Losing San Francisco</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-02T03:46:27+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I don’t know whether these billionaires know what a city is, but I do know that they have laid their hands on the city that’s been my home since 1980 and used their wealth to undermine its diversity and affordability, demonise its poor, turn its politicians into puppets and push its politics to the right. They have produced many kinds of dystopia without ever deviating from the line that they are bringing us all to a glorious utopia for which they deserve our admiration."]]></description>
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    <title>How to Defeat AIPAC and the Israel Lobby (w/ Ralph Nader) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-17T05:32:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QB-xVXo_Fmw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Consumer advocate & former Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader joins Bad Faith to weigh in on the revolving chairs of the Green Party's presidential candidates, the strategic value of Cornel West running as an independent, & how to decide between West and Dr. Jill Stein. Briahna also asks him to address recent reporting that he would "help Joe Biden win, how people power can beat AIPAC, and whether he, as perhaps the most prominent Arab-American politician in the US, has been able to connect with Rashida Tlaib since being censured by congress. Nader explains the immense value of his print media publication, Capitol Hill Citizen, and why every leftist looking to push left politics forward should pick up a copy."]]></description>
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    <title>Marianne Williamson: Why You're So Sad - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2022-08-10T21:19:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlNPVhmS7Yw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["More and more people, in America and around the world, are reporting that they're depressed, lonely, or friendless. People call it a mental health crisis. What's going on? Why are so many people, especially young people, reporting problems with their mental health? Marianne Williamson, spiritual thinker and author, joins us to explain."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xjqiX3-TgaY">
    <title>Prof. Joy James - Abolition and Acquiescence - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2021-11-04T23:01:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xjqiX3-TgaY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[The following notes and transcription are from
https://twitter.com/prolpo/status/1362607444296298504

“My work is different from other abolitionists in the sense that I tracked the rebellions. I did not focus on the suffering.”

listening to the entire presentation now. super interesting beginning where she talks about choosing not to join CPUSA.

“When I look at [The New Jim Crow] & when I’ve taught it, I’ve looked for ‘did we ever rebel in prison, was there ever a prison strike, did we ever organize about this’ & it’s all missing because the focal point is on Black misery & Black suffering…

& then the hero of the narrative becomes…the charge of the civic minded citizen, right, or the one with the kind of moral ethics that’s really ethical to kind of liberate these captives. & so it’s a form of abolitionism that reproduces hierarchy & rank & the agency…

drifts solidly toward the middle or upper classes, right, because they’re actually the audience of the text.”

“There’s a big push right now for the language of caretaking, which is important, but where the role of the caretaker was gonna be either conflicted or celebratory & that the caretaker level of the captive maternal, as an abolitionist, right, was a stabilizer…

of the structure itself. So the narrative now that Black women elected Biden & Harris, yeah, I would accept that, given the way in which the vote broke down, but in order to do that, the push was everybody had to vote whether or not you wanted to vote…

for the Democratic Party & if you did not, you were irresponsible…& that language, disciplinary language, came from Black feminists who were leaders of the abolitionist struggle. So you must participate in a two-party system that has indicated that it doesn’t care…

about poor people, that it’s capitalist, it’s gonna stay imperialist & it’s gonna be racist but try not to be as offensive as POTUS 45, right? it’s gonna be subtle about its racism & it’s going to populate its cabinet with quote diversity hires, right?…

So on that level of captive maternity functioning (because the captive maternal is an ungendered function; it’s not an identity formation) you can stabilize the state.”

“There’s something about abolitionism in the US that’s tied to accumulation. So the street creates the rebellion, which is why the state has to pay attention & then throw money into nonprofits or the nonprofits throw money into people. People can accumulate…

from their lecture fees, from book deals, from creating these nonprofits that are tied to the Democratic Party, but the people who fought in the streets, who have the agency--& i’m not a straight up militarist here, but yes, protest, physical protest…

& encounters with property do draw attention of police, the state on all levels–those people remain anonymous & largely still are dispossessed. So there’s a track in mass movements that splits: the streets remains suppressed & the police remain militarized to contain them…

& then sectors become siphoned off & then become pundits on television or book authors or 40K speaking gigs at elite schools & such. So that’s the second level of the mass movement & its contradiction.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/democracy/hiding-plain-sight">
    <title>Hiding in Plain Sight | Lapham’s Quarterly</title>
    <dc:date>2021-10-22T02:39:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/democracy/hiding-plain-sight</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Democracy’s indigenous origins in the Americas.”

…

“This whole state of affairs would have come as a surprise to Enlightenment philosophers, who were inclined to think their ideals of freedom and equality owed much to the native peoples of what they called the “New World.” Of course, they could have been more open about their influences, because “the West” had not yet been invented, and if they saw Western Europe as heir to some ancient intellectual tradition, then it was Christian theology (the very one they were trying to escape). Historians of the future may yet come to describe the origins of modern governance as a cultural composite, assembled from Amer­indian notions of personal liberty, African social-contract theory, free-market economics inspired by medieval Islam, and Chinese models of the nation-state (a civil service chosen by competitive exams, administering a uniform ethnolinguistic population).

In similar fashion, one could make a case that some of the very earliest Enlightenment salons were held not in Europe but in Montreal, during the 1690s. It was there that an indigenous statesman called Kandiaronk, acting as liaison between the Wendat (“Huron”) confederation and the regime of Louis XIV, sat down regularly with the French governor-general, the comte de Frontenac et de Palluau, and his deputies—including a certain Baron de Lahontan—to debate issues such as economic morality, law, sexual mores, and revealed religion. Kandiaronk was widely hailed by French observers as the most brilliant logician and wittiest debater anyone had ever met (one slightly irritated Jesuit wrote, “No one has perhaps ever exceeded him in mental capacity”), and a book based on notes from these debates later became a best seller across Europe.

Published in 1703, Lahontan’s Curious Dialogues with a Savage of Good Sense Who Has Traveled inspired, among other things, a long-running theatrical production. Almost every major Enlightenment thinker came up with their own variant on it, featuring a foreign observer (usually Native American but sometimes Polynesian, Persian, or Chinese) who picks apart the absurdities of French society and typically apes Kandiaronk’s signature style of skeptical rationalism, his piece-by-piece dissection of Christian doctrine, advocacy of sexual freedom, and his insistence that all the social ills of Europe are ultimately rooted in inequalities of wealth. Conservative thinkers would later place blame for the violent excesses of the French Revolution directly at the feet of The Jesuit Relations and texts such as those of Lahontan, which they claimed first introduced such infectious ideas into a stable, hierarchical social order.

Over time the terms of this debate have veered to the other extreme. These days any attempt to suggest Europeans learned anything at all of moral or social value from Native people is met with mild derision and accusations of indulging in “noble savage tropes” or occasionally almost hysterical condemnation, as with the “Influence Debate,” triggered by the proposal that Haudenosaunee federal structures (the Six Nations of the Iroquois) might have been one model for the U.S. constitution.”

…

“Are the ruins of Teotihuacán testimony to an early social revolution? Was the city democratically administered in its later phases? We cannot say for sure, but what we can say is that the context for such debates is changing. Aside from later examples in the Americas, contemporary research in Eurasia is beginning to show that long before fifth-century Athens, egalitarian cities and participatory forms of government were surprisingly common—the first urban cultures of Mesopotamia, Ukraine, and the Indus Valley, for instance, and also other cases of social revolution, like the Chinese city of Taosi at around 2000 bc. Again, future historians will likely see the origins of modern nation-states very differently than the way we do now. Equally, it seems, they will need to abandon an Elgin Marbles view of the past and make space for entirely new histories of democracy.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2021/11/graeber-wengrow-dawn-of-everything-history-humanity/620177/">
    <title>Review: ‘The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity’ - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2021-10-22T02:38:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2021/11/graeber-wengrow-dawn-of-everything-history-humanity/620177/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A brilliant new account upends bedrock assumptions about 30,000 years of change."

...

"The overriding point is that hunter-gatherers made choices—conscious, deliberate, collective—about the ways that they wanted to organize their societies: to apportion work, dispose of wealth, distribute power. In other words, they practiced politics. Some of them experimented with agriculture and decided that it wasn’t worth the cost. Others looked at their neighbors and determined to live as differently as possible—a process that Graeber and Wengrow describe in detail with respect to the Indigenous peoples of Northern California, “puritans” who idealized thrift, simplicity, money, and work, in contrast to the ostentatious slaveholding chieftains of the Pacific Northwest. None of these groups, as far as we have reason to believe, resembled the simple savages of popular imagination, unselfconscious innocents who dwelt within a kind of eternal present or cyclical dreamtime, waiting for the Western hand to wake them up and fling them into history.

The authors carry this perspective forward to the ages that saw the emergence of farming, of cities, and of kings. In the locations where it first developed, about 10,000 years ago, agriculture did not take over all at once, uniformly and inexorably. (It also didn’t start in only a handful of centers—Mesopotamia, Egypt, China, Mesoamerica, Peru, the same places where empires would first appear—but more like 15 or 20.) Early farming was typically flood-retreat farming, conducted seasonally in river valleys and wetlands, a process that is much less labor-intensive than the more familiar kind and does not conduce to the development of private property. It was also what the authors call “play farming”: farming as merely one element within a mix of food-producing activities that might include hunting, herding, foraging, and horticulture.

Settlements, in other words, preceded agriculture—not, as we’ve thought, the reverse. What’s more, it took some 3,000 years for the Fertile Crescent to go from the first cultivation of wild grains to the completion of the domestication process—about 10 times as long as necessary, recent analyses have shown, had biological considerations been the only ones. Early farming embodied what Graeber and Wengrow call “the ecology of freedom”: the freedom to move in and out of farming, to avoid getting trapped by its demands or endangered by the ecological fragility that it entails.

The authors write their chapters on cities against the idea that large populations need layers of bureaucracy to govern them—that scale leads inevitably to political inequality. Many early cities, places with thousands of people, show no sign of centralized administration: no palaces, no communal storage facilities, no evident distinctions of rank or wealth. This is the case with what may be the earliest cities of all, Ukrainian sites like Taljanky, which were discovered only in the 1970s and which date from as early as roughly 4100 B.C., hundreds of years before Uruk, the oldest known city in Mesopotamia. Even in that “land of kings,” urbanism antedated monarchy by centuries. And even after kings arose, “popular councils and citizen assemblies,” Graeber and Wengrow write, “were stable features of government,” with real power and autonomy. Despite what we like to believe, democratic institutions did not begin just once, millennia later, in Athens.

If anything, aristocracy emerged in smaller settlements, the warrior societies that flourished in the highlands of the Levant and elsewhere, and that are known to us from epic poetry—a form of existence that remained in tension with agricultural states throughout the history of Eurasia, from Homer to the Mongols and beyond. But the authors’ most compelling instance of urban egalitarianism is undoubtedly Teotihuacan, a Mesoamerican city that rivaled imperial Rome, its contemporary, for size and magnificence. After sliding toward authoritarianism, its people abruptly changed course, abandoning monument-building and human sacrifice for the construction of high-quality public housing. “Many citizens,” the authors write, “enjoyed a standard of living that is rarely achieved across such a wide sector of urban society in any period of urban history, including our own.”

And so we arrive at the state, with its structures of central authority, exemplified variously by large-scale kingdoms, by empires, by modern republics—supposedly the climax form, to borrow a term from ecology, of human social organization. What is the state? the authors ask. Not a single stable package that’s persisted all the way from pharaonic Egypt to today, but a shifting combination of, as they enumerate them, the three elementary forms of domination: control of violence (sovereignty), control of information (bureaucracy), and personal charisma (manifested, for example, in electoral politics). Some states have displayed just two, some only one—which means the union of all three, as in the modern state, is not inevitable (and may indeed, with the rise of planetary bureaucracies like the World Trade Organization, be already decomposing). More to the point, the state itself may not be inevitable. For most of the past 5,000 years, the authors write, kingdoms and empires were “exceptional islands of political hierarchy, surrounded by much larger territories whose inhabitants … systematically avoided fixed, overarching systems of authority.”

Is “civilization” worth it, the authors want to know, if civilization—ancient Egypt, the Aztecs, imperial Rome, the modern regime of bureaucratic capitalism enforced by state violence—means the loss of what they see as our three basic freedoms: the freedom to disobey, the freedom to go somewhere else, and the freedom to create new social arrangements? Or does civilization rather mean “mutual aid, social co-operation, civic activism, hospitality [and] simply caring for others”?

These are questions that Graeber, a committed anarchist—an exponent not of anarchy but of anarchism, the idea that people can get along perfectly well without governments—asked throughout his career. The Dawn of Everything is framed by an account of what the authors call the “indigenous critique.” In a remarkable chapter, they describe the encounter between early French arrivals in North America, primarily Jesuit missionaries, and a series of Native intellectuals—individuals who had inherited a long tradition of political conflict and debate and who had thought deeply and spoke incisively on such matters as “generosity, sociability, material wealth, crime, punishment and liberty.”

The Indigenous critique, as articulated by these figures in conversation with their French interlocutors, amounted to a wholesale condemnation of French—and, by extension, European—society: its incessant competition, its paucity of kindness and mutual care, its religious dogmatism and irrationalism, and most of all, its horrific inequality and lack of freedom. The authors persuasively argue that Indigenous ideas, carried back and publicized in Europe, went on to inspire the Enlightenment (the ideals of freedom, equality, and democracy, they note, had theretofore been all but absent from the Western philosophical tradition). They go further, making the case that the conventional account of human history as a saga of material progress was developed in reaction to the Indigenous critique in order to salvage the honor of the West. We’re richer, went the logic, so we’re better. The authors ask us to rethink what better might actually mean.

The Dawn of Everything is not a brief for anarchism, though anarchist values—antiauthoritarianism, participatory democracy, small-c communism—are everywhere implicit in it. Above all, it is a brief for possibility, which was, for Graeber, perhaps the highest value of all. The book is something of a glorious mess, full of fascinating digressions, open questions, and missing pieces. It aims to replace the dominant grand narrative of history not with another of its own devising, but with the outline of a picture, only just becoming visible, of a human past replete with political experiment and creativity.

“How did we get stuck?” the authors ask—stuck, that is, in a world of “war, greed, exploitation [and] systematic indifference to others’ suffering”? It’s a pretty good question. “If something did go terribly wrong in human history,” they write, “then perhaps it began to go wrong precisely when people started losing that freedom to imagine and enact other forms of social existence.” It isn’t clear to me how many possibilities are left us now, in a world of polities whose populations number in the tens or hundreds of millions. But stuck we certainly are."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1089">
    <title>The People’s Republic of Neverland: The Child versus the State, by Robb Johnson</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-28T04:26:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1089</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“There once was a time when teachers and communities were able to exercise democratic control over their schools. Now that power has been taken away, both centralised and privatised, under the guise of “reform.” There is a forgotten history of the time before reform, and within it a bright horizon is visible, reachable only if educators and society at large can learn the lessons of the past.

Robb Johnson entered the classroom as a new teacher in the 1980s and has spent a lifetime alongside his pupils encouraging both creativity and a healthy distrust of authority. This book is both memoir and polemic, a celebration of children’s innate desire to learn, share, cooperate, and play, as well as a critique of bureaucratic interference. Johnson details how we ended up with the contemporary mass education systems and why they continually fail to give children what they need. Combining practical experience as a teacher with detailed pedagogical knowledge, and a characteristic playful style, Johnson is both court chronicler and jester, imparting information and creatively admonishing the self-important figureheads of the reform agenda.

This book considers how schools and education relate to the wider society in which they are located and how they relate to the particular needs and abilities of the people who experience them. It shows that schools and education are contested spaces that need to be reclaimed from the state, and turned into places where people can grow, not up, not old, but as individuals. It offers alternative ways of running classrooms, schools, and perhaps even society.

Praise:

“I have rarely seen a book that is so embedded in what education is for and that then directs the reader to how to pursue the goals, in practice and at all levels of school infrastructure so that the way schools are structured adds to the goodness of society.”
—Marcelo Staricoff, author of Start Thinking, fellow of the Chartered College of Teaching, and former headteacher

“The People’s Republic of Neverland: The Child versus the State by Robb Johnson shows the stark reality of the current situation for education. Education is at a crossroads, and this book comes at an important time raising awareness and exposing the flaws in our current system. Read this, and then join the campaign to fight for a fairer, fully funded, comprehensive education system!”
—Louise Regan, ex-president of National Education Union (UK)

“The goals of the school systems in most countries have generally not had nothing to do with producing happy, creative, self-confident, autonomous children who will grow up to become happy, creative, self-confident, autonomous adults. But since schooling become mandatory in industrialized societies like the UK and the US, the schools have been an ideological battleground between those who want to produce obedient workers and soldiers, and those, like Robb Johnson, who would prefer to see a liberated humanity consisting of whole people, who are treated as such from birth, by their parents, by the schools, and all other social, political, and economic institutions. This book is a brilliant crash course in the roots of the problem, the devastation that has been done since the post-Thatcher/Reagan austerity budgets and a return to Victorian (‘family’) values, and how we might address all of these complex challenges. And it is as captivating a read as any good memoir, because that’s exactly what it is. Robb Johnson lived through, and taught through, the backlash, working as a school teacher from 1980 until very recently.”
—David Rovics, musician and author of Sing for Your Supper: A DIY Guide to Playing Music, Writing Songs, and Booking Your Own Gigs

About the Author:

Robb Johnson was born in 1955, studied English lit at Sussex University, trained as a teacher, and then did an MA in English literature at Manchester University. He has worked as a classroom teacher by day and a songwriter by night since 1980. As a songwriter, he has received widespread critical acclaim. Robb has written songbooks; edited a book of stories, Journeys Down Denbigh Road, for use with young children in school assemblies; edited A Navigator’s Tale, a book collecting his father’s World War II memoir and poetry; and contributed regularly to the music magazine RNR.”

[See also:
https://www.pmpress.org/blog/authors-artists-comrades/robb-johnson/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://raisingfreepeople.com/191/">
    <title>Ep 191: Why &amp; How We Unschool - Raising Free People Network, Fare of the Free Child</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-22T23:50:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://raisingfreepeople.com/191/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Episode 191 is all about the deeper work after we accept self-directedness, and get into the layers of transitions, consent, emergent structure, children and trust.

We’ll be chatting with Tiersa McQueen, an SDE advocate, wife and working mom of 4 children (including twins), who is serious on how to develop new tools for liberation-centered relationships. We’ll be making mad question’ askin on power, boundaries and decolonization.  

“I tweet for the Black married moms who homeschool. We outchea. Unschooler. Gentle parenting.” – Tiersa McQueen

WHAT WE DISCUSS

Digital community and liberation tools: Tiersa talks about how Twitter has given her the opportunity to discuss unschooling as a liberation tool towards she and her husband’s commitment to raising free people. It’s important for her to create a bigger community as a way of resisting schoolishness, to be the voice that facilitates the emergence of creative thinking, returning to old, healthy knowledge, and different perspectives for people that thought unschooling wasn’t an option for them. We need a community of people spreading the word, and Tiersa is about that life.

Intergenerational trauma / intergenerational healing and unschooling: We move forward to Tiersa’s experiences with her four children. She describes her unlearning process as something that happened in a very organic way, by observing her children, checking the way they spent more time in things they were interested in, as opposed to the things she told them to do. It became an ongoing evolution of emerging structure. She also points out the importance of listening, returning to what learning already is, and to relationships with trustworthiness in ourselves and towards children.

Let it be. Intuition, trust and relationships: Akilah and Tiersa talk about the importance of letting things just be, and how something apparently passive can open up so many possibilities. When we don’t force any of the learning processes of our children, we can learn  from what’s already happening, and develop partnership practices from that space.

Relationships based on power vs trustworthy relationships: They also chat about how conditioned we are under certain structures that are supposed to work out as ideal to educate our children, Tiersa shares how good it’s been for her to unschool her children.

Community and Self-Directed Education – Boundaries and responsibility: Akilah and Tiersa conclude by discussing how freedom includes responsibility, along with intention, therefore we need practice in our home environment to ready our children to be responsible in communal spaces. They talk about unschooling as a series of transitions to get to a deeper relationship, and a means of learning some ways to be supportive while also honoring our and other people’s boundaries.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>akilahrichards tiersamcqueen 2020 unschooling deschooling unlearning howwelearn whitesupremacy nytimes schooling parenting coronavirus covid-19 oppression liberation freedom children schools peace schooliness observation relationships power conflict dominance agilelearning math choices emotions conflictresolution learning community responsibility civics boundaries citizenship belonging interdependence mutualaid colonization coercion selfrespect chores feelings communication humans humanism understanding respect control families trust horizontality grace remembering memory undoing childhood intuition presence stillness empathy compassion humaneness self modeling martyrdom johnholt self-care</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://provocations.darkmatterlabs.org/property-rights-property-wrongs-micro-treaties-with-the-earth-9b1ca44b4df">
    <title>Property Rights / Property Wrongs: Micro-Treaties with the Earth | by Dark Matter | Sep, 2020 | Dark Matter Laboratories</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-20T04:57:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://provocations.darkmatterlabs.org/property-rights-property-wrongs-micro-treaties-with-the-earth-9b1ca44b4df</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:

https://twitter.com/namhenderson/status/1307526837493403649

“Rights of Nature have only been granted to large ensembles so far…What if we incorporated responsibilities towards — among other things — the other species on the land?” #indigenouslandscapes #indigenousfutures #nonhumannature #relational #Nouveauxvoisins https://twitter.com/lesinterstices/status/1305451538970800130

<blockquote>The making of a passive, abstract and absent #land is a function of #colonialism

Making land present in law is a matter of deep #reconciliation

How can we rethink our responsibilities towards #nature through #land stewardship?

Proposal https://medium.com/@DarkMatter_Labs/property-rights-property-wrongs-micro-treaties-with-the-earth-9b1ca44b4df

#canpoli #Canada</blockquote>"]

“Property as a (micro) treaty — Moving beyond ownership

Can we think of property as entering into a treaty with a place, rather than owning it?

At the edges of Western legal thinking, can we consider ownership as a practice of treaty-making rather than an act of private possession? Can we prototype a digital micro-treaty (a smart treaty) that would interact in real time with all its relations and responsibilities, including the existing limitations on private property under Settler Law?

This could make owning your home and caring for its land an act of deep reconciliation or, at the very least, “prepare” our current notion of private property to enter in dialogue with Indigenous legal orders, through Aboriginal Title. While this does not guarantee a frictionless process of integrating Aboriginal Title and private property rights, it might open up the interface… or our imagination.

Pathways beyond ownership remain elusive. But specific elements of wonders, triggered through a preliminary contact with Indigenous legal thinking might help to defamiliarize ourselves from “business as usual” and engage further in the task of de-centering western default thinking. Here are a few elements of wonder for further consideration:

[image]

<blockquote>“Part of our challenge as peoples in cities is to learn how to live with the strength of the earth and draw this in a counselling fashion. Go talk to the trees and talk to the plants and understand the language, understand the stories, understand the science, understand the treaties of nature. And because it’s living, it also means that it is not contained to a once upon a time in 1701. It means what is happening today and what can happen off in the future. With Section 35 being part of Canadian Law, this is a way to help us start to make law not just in parliaments or legislatures or courts, but seeing law as being us. And lawing together. It’s not just lawyers and judges who practice law. We can all practice law. And we can do that by reconnecting people to their places. This is us. We don’t have to wait for it. It’s there. It’s around us.” ― John Borrows, excerpts from his teaching by the pond, Toronto, 2019</blockquote>

Get in touch

We are still at the very early stages of development for Civic-Indigenous 7.0, so we would welcome any feedback to inform the work moving forward. We are also looking for fellow travellers, so please get in touch if you’d like to contribute.

Jayne Engle — The McConnell Foundation: jengle@mcconnellfoundation.ca

Jonathan Lapalme — Dark Matter Labs: jonathan@darkmatterlabs.org

A PDF version of this piece is also available. Please contact us if you’d like a copy.”]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:namhenderson property rights colonialism settlercolonialism ownership land multispecies morethanhuman indigeneity indigenous nouveauxvoisins johnborrows cities urban urbanism civics law legal treaties</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/09/contributive-justice-and-dignity-work/615919/">
    <title>Contributive Justice and the Dignity of Work - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-02T15:22:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/09/contributive-justice-and-dignity-work/615919/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Unfettered markets and a rampant culture of meritocracy have eroded the rewards and dignity of work for most Americans. It’s time for a new ethic of “contributive justice.”"

...

"A political economy concerned only with the size and allocation of GDP undermines the dignity of work and makes for an impoverished civic life. Robert F. Kennedy, campaigning for the presidency in 1968, understood this: “Fellowship, community, shared patriotism—these essential values of our civilization do not come from just buying and consuming goods together.” They come instead, he went on, from the kind of work that allows a person to say, “‘I helped to build this country. I am a participant in its great public ventures.’”

Few politicians speak that way today. Progressives have largely abandoned the politics of community, patriotism, and the dignity of work, offering instead the rhetoric of rising. To those who worried about stagnant wages, outsourcing, inequality, and losing their jobs to immigrants and robots, governing elites offered bracing advice: Go to college. Equip yourself to compete and win in the global economy. What you earn will depend on what you learn. You can make it if you try.

This was an idealism suited to a meritocratic, market-driven age. It flattered the winners and insulted the losers. By 2016, its time was up."

...

"A political agenda that took contributive justice seriously would raise uncomfortable questions for liberals and conservatives alike. It would challenge a premise that proponents of market-based globalization widely share—that market outcomes reflect the true social value of people’s contributions. An agenda that took contributive justice seriously would require public debate about what counts as truly valuable contributions to the common good and where market verdicts miss the mark. This wouldn't be an easy conversation—the common good is contestable. But a renewed debate about the dignity of work would disrupt our partisan complacencies and morally invigorate our public discourse. Right now, as pandemic shutdowns shine a light on the once-“unseen” essential workers everywhere, is the moment to have such a debate."

...

"Renewing the dignity of work requires that we contend with the moral questions underlying our economic arrangements: not only what kinds of work are worthy of recognition and esteem but also what we owe one another as citizens. The two are connected. We cannot determine what counts as a contribution worth affirming without deliberating about the purposes and ends of our common life. And we cannot deliberate about common purposes and ends without seeing ourselves as members of a community to which we are indebted. This sense of indebtedness would enable us to say “We are all in this together”—not as a ritual incantation in times of crisis but as a principle that informs our everyday lives."]]></description>
<dc:subject>michaelsandel 2020 work labor dignity capitalism meritocracy us politics economics elitism globalization workingclass class society socialvalue essentialworkers maintenance care caregiving policy commongood politicaleconomy gdp poverty life well-being qualityoflife 2016 donaldtrump contributivejustice socialjustice wages growth inequality 2008 greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis taxes payrolltaxes taxation merit honor recognition fairness morality wallstreet finance wealth derivatives civics democracy wellbeing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/ibogost/status/1281951417230655488">
    <title>Ian Bogost on Twitter: &quot;As the K-12 school year bears down, seemingly impossible, it’s notable how quickly everyone has essentially admitted that the hundred-year history of compulsory school in America was mostly a subsidized childcare effort meant to</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-13T16:06:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/ibogost/status/1281951417230655488</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As the K-12 school year bears down, seemingly impossible, it’s notable how quickly everyone has essentially admitted that the hundred-year history of compulsory school in America was mostly a subsidized childcare effort meant to drive business, employment, consumption, debt, &c.

Yes, there are also concerns for the many students who aren’t safe at home, who rely on school meals, etc. Those are real worries.

Occasionally, wringing of hands about kids “falling behind.”

But mostly, people seem to acknowledge that we’ve always treated school as day care.

School has also been a Taylorist training program. It introduces the structural and disciplinary regimens necessary to make people efficient and docile in factories and offices.

This critique has been common for decades, but schools have only become more carceral.

The school problem is also weaponizing the conflicts and inequities between parents and non-parents. It was already extremely expensive and difficult to have kids in America. But parenthood was a common social bond, too, which had been in the process of breaking for a long time.

It’s extremely hard to untangle all these phenomena from one another. The two-income household, once a beacon of gender equity, became a yoke to debt and workism. But the woman as caretaker-servant that preceded it was also inequitable.

Of course, the productivity gains of the last 50 years have been stolen by the wealthy, which has only pressed everyone into ever greater, more desperate attachments to workism and it’s endless progression. So school has become seen as only a path to … more work.

What about the function of schools as drivers of civic and social commonality? Those are indeed functions of this system. But also, how has that been going in America? 

Also keep in mind that school districts are sites of bitter competition of social and economic division."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ianbogost unschooling deschooling schooling history education schools covid-19 coronavirus pandemics productivity taylorism inequality health gender work workism us society economics civics publicschools purpose competition division learning compulsory 2020</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/three-cheers-socialism">
    <title>Three Cheers for Socialism | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-29T02:52:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/three-cheers-socialism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Americans are, of course, the most thoroughly and passively indoctrinated people on earth. They know next to nothing as a rule about their own history, or the histories of other nations, or the histories of the various social movements that have risen and fallen in the past, and they certainly know little or nothing of the complexities and contradictions comprised within words like “socialism” and “capitalism.” Chiefly, what they have been trained not to know or even suspect is that, in many ways, they enjoy far fewer freedoms, and suffer under a more intrusive centralized state, than do the citizens of countries with more vigorous social-democratic institutions. This is at once the most comic and most tragic aspect of the excitable alarm that talk of social democracy or democratic socialism can elicit on these shores. An enormous number of Americans have been persuaded to believe that they are freer in the abstract than, say, Germans or Danes precisely because they possess far fewer freedoms in the concrete. They are far more vulnerable to medical and financial crisis, far more likely to receive inadequate health coverage, far more prone to irreparable insolvency, far more unprotected against predatory creditors, far more subject to income inequality, and so forth, while effectively paying more in tax (when one figures in federal, state, local, and sales taxes, and then compounds those by all the expenditures that in this country, as almost nowhere else, their taxes do not cover). One might think that a people who once rebelled against the mightiest empire on earth on the principle of no taxation without representation would not meekly accept taxation without adequate government services. But we accept what we have become used to, I suppose. Even so, one has to ask, what state apparatus in the “free” world could be more powerful and tyrannical than the one that taxes its citizens while providing no substantial civic benefits in return, solely in order to enrich a piratically overinflated military-industrial complex and to ease the tax burdens of the immensely wealthy?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>us capitalism indoctrination 2020 socialism politics activism davidbentlyhart society military militaryindustrialcomplex inequality taxes governance healthcare civics denmark representation debt germany medicine freedom liberation</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/a-powerful-statement-of-resistance-from-a-college-student-on-trial-in-moscow">
    <title>A Powerful Statement of Resistance from a College Student on Trial in Moscow | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-11T08:23:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/a-powerful-statement-of-resistance-from-a-college-student-on-trial-in-moscow</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Instead of writing my own column, I have translated Zhukov’s final statement, delivered in court on Wednesday. I did it because it is a beautiful text that makes for instructive reading. Parts of it seem to describe American reality as accurately as the Russian one. Parts of it show what resistance can be. All of it, I hope, will make readers think twice before they use the word “Russians” to mean goons. I also hope it will serve as a reminder of what we miss while we are—rightly—obsessed with American politics, which is made more provincial every day by its isolationist President and the need to try to reduce the harm he causes. As for the column I was going to write, I will still have plenty of opportunities to write it, while the very young man who spoke the following words will be unable to publish for the next three years.

“This court hearing is concerned primarily with words and their meaning. We have discussed specific sentences, the subtleties of phrasing, different possible interpretations, and I hope that we have succeeded at showing to the honorable court that I am not an extremist, either from the point of view of linguistics or from the point of view of common sense. But now I would like to talk about a few things that are more basic than the meaning of words. I would like to talk about why I did the things I did, especially since the court expert offered his opinion on this. I would like to talk about my deep and true motives. The things that have motivated me to take up politics. The reasons why, among other things, I recorded videos for my blog.

“But first I want to say this. The Russian state claims to be the world’s last protector of traditional values. We are told that the state devotes a lot of resources to protecting the institution of the family, and to patriotism. We are also told that the most important traditional value is the Christian faith. Your Honor, I think this may actually be a good thing. The Christian ethic includes two values that I consider central for myself. First, responsibility. Christianity is based on the story of a person who dared to take up the burden of the world. It’s the story of a person who accepted responsibility in the greatest possible sense of that word. In essence, the central concept of the Christian religion is the concept of individual responsibility.

“The second value is love. ‘Love your neighbor as yourself’ is the most important sentence of the Christian faith. Love is trust, empathy, humanity, mutual aid, and care. A society built on such love is a strong society—probably the strongest of all possible societies.

“To understand why I’ve done what I’ve done, all you have to do is look at how the Russian state, which proudly claims to be a defender of these values, does in reality. Before we talk about responsibility, we have to consider what the ethics of a responsible person are. What are the words that a responsible individual repeats to himself throughout his life? I think these words are ‘Remember that your path will be difficult, at times unbearably so. All your loved ones will die. All your plans will go awry. You will be betrayed and abandoned. And you cannot escape death. Life is suffering. Accept it. But once you accept it, once you accept the inevitability of suffering, you must still accept your cross and follow your dream, because otherwise things will only get worse. Be an example, be someone on whom others can depend. Do not obey despots, fight for the freedom of body and soul, and build a country in which your children can be happy.’

“Is this really what we are taught? Is this really the ethics that children absorb at school? Are these the kinds of heroes we honor? No. Our society, as currently constituted, suppresses any possibility of human development. [Fewer than] ten per cent of Russians possess ninety per cent of the country’s wealth. Some of these wealthy individuals are, of course, perfectly decent citizens, but most of this wealth is accumulated not through honest labor that benefits humanity but, plainly, through corruption.

“An impenetrable barrier divides our society in two. All the money is concentrated at the top and no one up there is going to let it go. All that’s left at the bottom—and this is no exaggeration—is despair. Knowing that they have nothing to hope for, that, no matter how hard they try, they cannot bring happiness to themselves or their families, Russian men take their aggression out on their wives, or drink themselves to death, or hang themselves. Russia has the world’s [second] highest rate of suicide among men. As a result, a third of all Russian families are single mothers with their kids. I would like to know: Is this how we are protecting the institution of the family?

“Miron Fyodorov [a rap artist who performs under the name Oxxxymiron], who attended many of my court hearings, has observed that alcohol is cheaper than a textbook in Russian. The state is pushing Russians to make a choice between responsibility and irresponsibility, in favor of the latter.

“Now I’d like to talk about love. Love is impossible in the absence of trust. Real trust is formed of common action. Common action is a rarity in a country where few people feel responsible. And where common action does occur, the guardians of the state immediately see it as a threat. It doesn’t matter what you do—whether you are helping prison inmates, speaking up for human rights, fighting for the environment—sooner or later you’ll either be branded a ‘foreign agent’ or just locked up. The state’s message is clear: ‘Go back to your burrow and don’t take part in common action. If we see more than two people together in the street, we’ll jail you for protesting. If you work together on social issues, we’ll assign you the status of a “foreign agent.” ’ Where can trust come from in a country like this—and where can love grow? I’m speaking not of romantic love but of the love of humanity.

“The only social policy the Russian state pursues consistently is the policy of atomization. The state dehumanizes us in one another’s eyes. In the state’s own eyes, we stopped being human a long time ago. Otherwise, why would it treat its citizens the way it does? Why does it punctuate its treatment of people through daily nightstick beatings, prison torture, inaction in the face of an H.I.V. epidemic, the closure of schools and hospitals, and so on?

“Let’s look at ourselves in the mirror. We let this be done to us, and who have we become? We have become a nation that has unlearned responsibility. We have become a nation that has unlearned love. More than two hundred years ago, Alexander Radishchev [widely regarded as the first Russian political writer], as he travelled from St. Petersburg to Moscow, wrote, ‘I gazed around myself, and my soul was wounded by human suffering. I then looked inside myself, and saw that man’s troubles come from man himself.’ Where are these kinds of people today? Where are the people whose hearts ache this much for what is happening in our country? Why are hardly any people like this left?

“It turns out that the only traditional institution that the Russian state truly respects and protects is the institution of autocracy. Autocracy aims to destroy anyone who actually wants to work for the benefit of the homeland, who isn’t scared to love and take on responsibility. As a result, our long-suffering citizens have had to learn that initiative will be punished, that the boss is always right just because he is the boss, that happiness may be within reach—but not for them. And having learned this, they gradually started to disappear. According to the state statistical authority, Russians are slowly vanishing, at the rate of four hundred thousand people a year. [Deaths exceeded births by nearly two hundred thousand in the first six months of 2019.] You can’t see the people behind the statistics. But try to see them! These are the people who are drinking themselves to death from helplessness, the people freezing to death in unheated hospitals, the people murdered by others, and those who kill themselves. These are people. People like you and me.

“By this point, it’s probably clear why I did what I did. I really want to see these two qualities—responsibility and love—in my fellow-citizens. Responsibility for one’s self, for one’s neighbors, for one’s country. This wish of mine, Your Honor, is another reason why I could not have called for violence. Violence breeds impunity, which breeds irresponsibility. By the same token, violence does not bear love. Still, despite all obstacles, I have no doubt that my wish will come true. I am looking ahead, beyond the horizon of years, and I see a Russia full of responsible, loving people. It will be a truly happy place. I want everyone to imagine Russia like this. And I hope this image can lead you in your work, as it has led me in mine.

“In conclusion, I would like to state that if the court decides that these words are spoken by a truly dangerous criminal, the next few years of my life will be marked by deprivation and adversity. But I look at the people [who have been jailed in the latest wave of activist arrests] and I see smiles on their faces. Two people I met briefly during pretrial detention, Lyosha Minyaylo and Danya Konon, never complained. I will try to follow their example. I will endeavor to take joy in having this chance—the chance to be tested in the name of values I hold dear. In the end, Your Honor, the more frightening my future, the broader the smile with which I look at it. Thank you.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>mashagessen yegorzhukov 2019 russia violence responsibility love trust civics language christianity empathy humanism humanity mutualaid care caring society future freedom heroes repression corruption inequality happiness suicide families mironfyodorov oxxxymiron action commonaction atomization alexanderradishchev suffering life living autocracy vladimirputin authority mgessen</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://contractfortheweb.org/">
    <title>Contract for the Web</title>
    <dc:date>2019-12-02T21:28:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://contractfortheweb.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“The Web was designed to bring people together and make knowledge freely available. It has changed the world for good and improved the lives of billions. Yet, many people are still unable to access its benefits and, for others, the Web comes with too many unacceptable costs.

Everyone has a role to play in safeguarding the future of the Web. The Contract for the Web was created by representatives from over 80 organizations, representing governments, companies and civil society, and sets out commitments to guide digital policy agendas. To achieve the Contract’s goals, governments, companies, civil society and individuals must commit to sustained policy development, advocacy, and implementation of the Contract text.

Governments

Principle 1
Ensure everyone can connect to the internet

Principle 2
Keep all of the internet available, all of the time

Principle 3
Respect and protect people’s fundamental online privacy and data rights

Companies

Principle 4
Make the internet affordable and accessible to everyone

Principle 5
Respect and protect people’s privacy and personal data to build online trust

Principle 6
Develop technologies that support the best in humanity and challenge the worst

Citizens

Principle 7
Be creators and collaborators on the Web

Principle 8
Build strong communities that respect civil discourse and human dignity

Principle 9
Fight for the Web”

[via: https://www.theverge.com/2019/11/25/20981502/contract-for-the-web-tim-berners-lee-google-facebook-principles-techlash ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.citylab.com/design/2019/11/finland-public-library-photos-helsinki-books-nordic-culture/601192/">
    <title>How Helsinki Built ‘Book Heaven’ - CityLab</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-07T21:27:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.citylab.com/design/2019/11/finland-public-library-photos-helsinki-books-nordic-culture/601192/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[““This progress from one of the poorest countries of Europe to one of the most prosperous has not been an accident. It’s based on this idea that when there are so few of us—only 5.5 million people—everyone has to live up to their full potential,” he said. “Our society is fundamentally dependent on people being able to trust the kindness of strangers.”

That conviction has helped support modern Finland’s emphasis on education and literacy—each Finn takes out more than 15 books a year from the library (10 more than the average American). But Nordic-style social services have not shielded the residents of Finland’s largest city from 21st-century anxieties about climate change, migrants, disruptive technology, and the other forces fueling right-leaning populist movements across Europe. Oodi, which was the product of a 10-year-long public consultation and design process, was conceived in part to resist these fears. “When people are afraid, they focus on short-term selfish solutions,” Laitio said. “They also start looking for scapegoats.”

The central library is built to serve as a kind of citizenship factory, a space for old and new residents to learn about the world, the city, and each other. It’s pointedly sited across from (and at the same level as) the Finnish Parliament House that it shares a public square with.”

…

“Inside and out, the facility is as handsome as Finnish Modernism fans might expect, and it has proved to be absurdly popular: About 10,000 patrons stop by every day, on average (it’s open until 10 p.m.), and Oodi just hit 3 million visitors this year—“a lot for a city of 650,000,” Laitio said. In its very first month, 420,000 Helsinki residents—almost two-thirds of the population—went to the library. Some may only have been skateboarders coming in to use the bathroom, but that’s fine: The library has a “commitment to openness and welcoming without judgement,” he said. “It’s probably the most diverse place in our city, in many ways.””

[via: https://kottke.org/19/11/helsinkis-has-a-library-to-learn-about-the-world-the-city-and-each-other ]

[See also:
https://www.archdaily.com/907675/oodi-helsinki-central-library-ala-architects?ad_medium=gallery ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>helsinki finland libraries citizenship books architecture reading community communityspaces democracy openness diversity 2019 design oodi literacy progress history civics society lcproject openstudioproject learning howwelearn unschooling deschooling judgement freedom inclusion inclusivity purpose fear populism publicspace</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/shade-an-urban-design-mandate/">
    <title>Shade</title>
    <dc:date>2019-04-29T21:44:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/shade-an-urban-design-mandate/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://twitter.com/shannonmattern/status/1122670547777871874

who concludes…
https://twitter.com/shannonmattern/status/1122685558688485376
"🌴Imagine what LA could do if it tied street enhancement to a comprehensive program of shade creation: widening the sidewalks, undergrounding powerlines, cutting bigger tree wells, planting leafy, drought-resistant trees, + making room for arcades, galleries, + bus shelters.🌳"]


"All you have to do is scoot across a satellite map of the Los Angeles Basin to see the tremendous shade disparity. Leafy neighborhoods are tucked in hillside canyons and built around golf courses. High modernist homes embrace the sun as it flickers through labor-intensive thickets of eucalyptus. Awnings, paseos, and mature ficus trees shade high-end shopping districts. In the oceanfront city of Santa Monica, which has a dedicated municipal tree plan and a staff of public foresters, all 302 bus stops have been outfitted with fixed steel parasols (“blue spots”) that block the sun. 9 Meanwhile, in the Los Angeles flats, there are vast gray expanses — playgrounds, parking lots, and wide roads — with almost no trees. Transit riders bake at unsheltered bus stops. The homeless take refuge in tunnels and under highway overpasses; some chain their tarps and tents to fences on Skid Row and wait out the day in the shadows of buildings across the street.

Shade is often understood as a luxury amenity, lending calm to courtyards and tree-lined boulevards, cooling and obscuring jewel boxes and glass cubes. But as deadly, hundred-degree heatwaves become commonplace, we have to learn to see shade as a civic resource that is shared by all. In the shade, overheated bodies return to equilibrium. Blood circulation improves. People think clearly. They see better. In a physiological sense, they are themselves again. For people vulnerable to heat stress and exhaustion — outdoor workers, the elderly, the homeless — that can be the difference between life and death. Shade is thus an index of inequality, a requirement for public health, and a mandate for urban planners and designers. 

A few years back, Los Angeles passed sweeping revisions to the general plan meant to encourage residents to walk, bike, and take more buses and trains. But as Angelenos step out of their cars, they are discovering that many streets offer little relief from the oppressive sunshine. Not everyone has the stamina to wait out the heat at an unprotected bus stop, or the money to duck into an air-conditioned cafe. 11 When we understand shade as a public resource — a kind of infrastructure, even — we can have better discussions about how to create it and distribute it fairly.

Yet cultural values complicate the provision of shade. Los Angeles is a low-rise city whose residents prize open air and sunshine. 12 They show up at planning meetings to protest tall buildings that would block views or darken sunbathing decks, and police urge residents in high-crime neighborhoods to cut down trees that hide drug dealing and prostitution. Shade trees are designed out of parks to discourage loitering and turf wars, and designed off streets where traffic engineers demand wide lanes and high visibility. Diffuse sunlight is rare in many parts of Los Angeles. You might trace this back to a cultural obsession with shadows and spotlights, drawing a line from Hollywood noir — in which long shadows and unlit corners represent the criminal underworld — to the contemporary politics of surveillance. 13 The light reveals what hides in the dark.

When I think of Los Angeles, I picture Glendale Boulevard in Atwater Village, a streetcar suburb converted into a ten-lane automobile moonscape. People say they like this street for its wall of low-slung, pre-war storefronts, home to record stores and restaurants. To me, it’s a never-ending, vertiginous tunnel of light. I squint to avoid the glare from the white stucco walls, bare pavement, and car windows. From a climate perspective, bright surfaces are good; they absorb fewer sun rays and lessen the urban heat-island effect. But on an unshaded street they can also concentrate and intensify local sunlight."

…

"At one time, they did. “Shade was integral, and incorporated into the urban design of southern California up until the 1930s,” Davis said. “If you go to most of the older agricultural towns … the downtown streets were arcaded. They had the equivalent of awnings over the sidewalk.” Rancho homes had sleeping porches and shade trees, and buildings were oriented to keep their occupants cool. The original settlement of Los Angeles conformed roughly to the Law of the Indies, a royal ordinance that required streets to be laid out at a 45-degree angle, ensuring access to sun in the winter and shade in the summer. Spanish adobes were built around a central courtyard cooled by awnings and plants. 15 As the city grew, the California bungalow — a low, rectangular house, with wide eaves, inspired by British Indian hill stations — became popular with the middle class. “During the 1920s, they were actually prefabricated in factories,” Davis said. “There are tens of thousands of bungalows, particularly along the Alameda corridor … that were manufactured by Pacific Ready-Cut Homes, which advertised itself as the Henry Ford of home construction.” 16

All that changed with the advent of cheap electricity. In 1936, the Los Angeles Bureau of Power and Light completed a 266-mile high-voltage transmission line from Boulder Dam (now Hoover Dam), which could supply 70 percent of the city’s power at low cost. Southern Californians bought mass-produced housing with electric heating and air conditioning. By the end of World War II, there were nearly 4 million people living in Los Angeles County, and the new neighborhoods were organized around driveways and parking lots. Parts of the city, Davis said, became “virtually treeless deserts.”"

…

"It’s easy to see how this hostile design reflected the values of the peak automobile era, but there is more going on here. The destruction of urban refuge was part of a long-term strategy to discourage gay cruising, drug use, and other “shady” activities downtown. In 1964, business owners sponsored another redesign that was intended, in the hyperbolic words of the Los Angeles Times, to finally clear out the “deviates and criminals.” The city removed the perimeter benches and culled even more palms and shade trees, so that office workers and shoppers could move through the park without being “accosted by derelicts and ‘bums.’” Sunlight was weaponized. “Before long, pedestrians will be walking through, instead of avoiding, Pershing Square,” the Times declared. “And that is why parks are built.” 19"

…

"High-concept architecture is one way to transform the shadescape of Los Angeles. Street trees are another. Unfortunately, the city’s most ubiquitous tree — the iconic Washington robusta, or Mexican fan palm — is about as useful in that respect as a telephone pole.

Palm trees have been identified with southern California since 1893, when Canary Island date palms — the fatter, stouter cousin — were displayed at the Chicago World’s Fair. On the trunk of one of those palms, boosters posted the daily temperatures at a San Diego beach, and the tree itself came to stand for “sunshine and soft air.” In his indispensable history, Trees in Paradise, Jared Farmer traces the palm’s transformation from a symbol of a healthy climate to a symbol of glamour, via its association with Hollywood. 26

Despite that early fame, palm trees did not really take over Los Angeles until the 1930s, when a citywide program set tens of thousands of palms along new or recently expanded roads. They were the ideal tree for an automobile landscape. Hardy, cheap, and able to grow anywhere, palm trees are basically weeds. Their shallow roots curl up into a ball, so they can be plugged into small pavement cuts without entangling underground sewer and water mains or buckling sidewalks. As Farmer puts it, palms are “symbiotic infrastructure,” beautifying the city without making a mess. Plus, as Mary Pickford once pointed out, the slender trunks don’t block the view of storefronts, which makes them ideal for window-shopping from the driver’s seat. The city’s first forester, L. Glenn Hall, planted more than 25,000 palm trees in 1931 alone. 27

Hall’s vision, though, was more ambitious than that. He planned to landscape all of Los Angeles’s roads with 1.2 million street trees. Tall palms, like Washingtonia robusta, would go on major thoroughfares, and side streets would be lined with elm, pine, red maple, liquidambar, ash, and sycamore. A Depression-era stimulus package provided enough funds to employ 400 men for six months. But the forestry department put the burden of watering and maintenance on property owners, and soon it charged for cutting new tree wells, too. Owners weren’t interested. So Hall concentrated his efforts on the 28 major boulevards that would serve the 1932 Olympics — including the now-iconic Ventura, Wilshire, Figueroa, Vermont, Western, and Crenshaw — and committed the city to pay for five years of tree maintenance. That may well have bankrupted the tree planting program, and before long the city was urging property owners to take on all costs, including the trees themselves.

This history partly explains the shade disparity in Los Angeles today. Consider the physical dimensions of a major city street in Hall’s time. Between the expanding road and narrowing sidewalks was an open strip of grass, three to ten feet wide, known as the parkway. Having rejected a comprehensive parks system, Los Angeles relied on these roadside strips to plant its urban forest, but over time the parkways were diminished by various agencies in the name of civic improvements — chiefly, road widening. 29 And the stewardship of these spaces was always ambiguous. The parkways are public land, owned and regulated by the city, but adjacent property owners are responsible for maintenance. Today, if you see a mature shade tree in Los Angeles, on a boulevard or residential side street, or spilling out over the fence of a front yard, you can assume that a private citizen, decades ago, decided to pay for it and maintain it. Canopy inequality thus follows lines of wealth."

…


"So to the list of environmental injustices in this country, we can add the unequal distribution of shade. People living in poor neighborhoods, many of them black and brown, are exposed not only to higher levels of air pollution, soil toxins, contaminated water, and flood risk, but also to higher temperatures on unprotected streets. 39 But because shade is conceived as a luxury, or comfort, it hasn’t taken hold as a public health issue. Maybe we ought to start talking about shade deserts, just as we talk about neighborhoods without grocery stores as food deserts. In Sidewalks, Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris and Renia Ehrenfeucht cite a study showing that household income is the only statistically significant variable in determining tree canopy. 40 Putting the burden of maintenance on residents means that trees in less-resourced neighborhoods will die out, stressed by drought or besieged by the Southland’s prodigious pest infections. And when they do, the wells and parkways stay empty."\

…

"Surveillance is another concern. With Tim Watkins, I toured a 2.5-acre lot in Watts that WLCAC has owned for over a decade. Two years ago, the organization broke ground there on a community garden, across the street from the Jordan Downs public housing project, and not far from industrial land that the city is remediating to become the future site of the housing complex. Toxic dust coats the minivans and trucks parked along the garden’s perimeter. 42 A massive tree grows in the corner of the future garden, creating a shady tunnel over the sidewalk. Watkins told me police have asked him to remove it, because “loiterers hang out under the tree, and the helicopters can’t see them.” Eventually, he said, he’ll oblige. He pointed to a row of chest-high trunks nearby, trees that were cut back when a pole camera went up across the street. Now, they’re basically stumps — not removed, exactly, but trimmed so severely that they are likely to die."

…

"Mayor Eric Garcetti has pledged to combat climate change by reducing the city’s temperature  by three degrees by 2050. 49 But solutions will vary geographically. Neighborhoods with wide sidewalks and parkways will get the best street trees, while areas with compromised infrastructure may be targeted for green roofs and cool pavements, which can lower the heat island effect without actually increasing comfort for people on the street. Lauren Faber, the Chief Sustainability Officer coordinating the city’s climate change response, told me she recognized a role for shade in lowering the temperature of the city. But still I wondered if the city needed to set additional goals, focusing on the creation of shade itself. Real estate developers, who in a very practical sense drive the design of this city, have not been incentivized to experiment with more durably shady streetscapes, like sidewalk canopies or covered walkways on their side of the property line. And in the effort to cool down the overall temperature, nobody is really focused on shade disparities, and the need to provide shelter to those who need it most."

…

"Voters expressed their fear of density again in 1986, when they approved a ballot measure to reduce the floor-area ratio — the amount of buildable space, relative to lot size — in new commercial developments. 51 What does that have to do with shade? Open areas beneath habitable space — like an arcade cut out of a building, or a patio beneath a balcony — can be counted as floor space in the density ratio. That makes it hard for architects to justify such spaces to their clients. “The name of the game is to maximize floor area,” said architect Simon Ha, who is advising city planners as they rewrite the zoning code to avoid such disincentives. 52 Even installing a shade sail in a public park creates new “floor area,” requiring the provision of more parking.

Since the 1970s, an individual right to sunshine has been practically enshrined in state law. Many construction projects fall under the California Environmental Quality Act, a law that ostensibly requires review of public works, but in practical application can be used to thwart the development of tall buildings. One section of the act — on aesthetics —requires a “shadow analysis” of projects over five stories tall. Buildings of that height cast hundred-foot shadows, and as a condition of approval, developers can be required to kick in hundreds of thousands of dollars to mitigate the neighborhood impact. 54 NIMBYs everywhere are quick to complain when their views are blocked and their swimming pools shaded, but in California environmentalists have gone further with the Solar Rights Act, which protects homeowners from shadows falling on their solar panels. The law even goes so far as to define circumstances in which they can trim their neighbors’ trees. In 2013, a CEQA exemption was carved out for transit-oriented infill projects, which are no longer subject to aesthetic review. That means taller buildings, and longer shadows, along transit corridors — perhaps a good thing for climate resilience, but also another vector for shade disparity."]]></description>
<dc:subject>losangeles trees shade history palmtrees urbanplanning electricity inequality 2019 sambloch mikedavis urban urbanism cars transportation disparity streets values culture pedestrians walking heat light socal california design landscape wealth sidewalks publictransit transit privacy reynerbanham surveillance sun sunshine climatechange sustainability energy ericgarcetti antoniovillaraigosa environment realestate law legal cities civics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.dilettantearmy.com/articles/6-kinds-of-public">
    <title>6 Kinds of Public - Dilettante Army</title>
    <dc:date>2019-04-28T20:29:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.dilettantearmy.com/articles/6-kinds-of-public</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Long ago, I adopted the moniker “dilettante ventures” as a frame for my cultural activity. At the time it was envisioned as a collective comprised of three other art and curatorial collectives. Much like this journal seeks to do, I spent a fair amount of time trying to rehabilitate the word “dilettante.” Lately though, I’ve given up on worrying about that sort of framing, because now I have to rehabilitate another word—“republican.” In November 2018, I was elected to the Vermont State Legislature. As a candidate, I appeared on the ballot as the nominee of two political parties—the Democrats and the Progressives. But to be accurate about my political philosophy, I am a decentralist communitarian republican. Identifying as small-r republican, even though it isn’t the same as being a capital-r Republican, can be problematic for me. On my winding trajectory from an artist-that-doesn’t-make-art to a librarian/legislator, I’ve investigated how republican themes of interdependence, virtue, and civic responsibility might be usefully employed in the (neo)liberal political quagmire we find ourselves. Here are the key concepts I use to understand the links between art and community-making in a new era of progressive politics:

Public Art, new genre

…

Public Culture

…

Public Good, scale of

…

Public Library

…

Public Philosophy

…

Public Realm

…

Public Work

…

Public work brings me back to the inadequacy of social practice (art). I have proposed “social poiesis” as an alternative. “Poiesis” is a word, mostly used in literary theory, that describes creative production, in particular the creation of a work of art. “Social poiesis,” then, encompasses not only the production of art and art environments, but also the creative production of society through things like urban planning, sports leagues, communes, be-ins, residencies, raves, state fairs, theme parks, cults, encounter groups, Chautauquas, and even legislating. Governance, properly undertaken, is public work, positing “citizens as co-creators of the world.” This world of artistic citizenship demands a variety of public actions and inquiry, some of which I’ve touched on here. Above all it demands a reevaluation of the promise and potential of a revived republican spirit."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/san-francisco-or-how-to-destroy-a-city/">
    <title>San Francisco; or, How to Destroy a City | Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2019-03-31T22:55:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/san-francisco-or-how-to-destroy-a-city/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As New York City and Greater Washington, DC, prepared for the arrival of Amazon’s new secondary headquarters, Torontonians opened a section of their waterfront to Alphabet’s Sidewalk Labs, which plans to prototype a new neighborhood “from the internet up.” Fervent resistance arose in all three locations, particularly as citizens and even some elected officials discovered that many of the terms of these public-private partnerships were hashed out in closed-door deals, secreted by nondisclosure agreements. Critics raised questions about the generous tax incentives and other subsidies granted to these multibillion-dollar corporations, their plans for data privacy and digital governance, what kind of jobs they’d create and housing they’d provide, and how their arrival could impact local infrastructures, economies, and cultures. While such questioning led Amazon to cancel their plans for Long Island City in mid-February, other initiatives press forward. What does it mean when Silicon Valley—a geographic region that’s become shorthand for an integrated ideology and management style usually equated with libertarian techno-utopianism—serves as landlord, utility provider, urban developer, (unelected) city official, and employer, all rolled into one?1

We can look to Alphabet’s and Amazon’s home cities for clues. Both the San Francisco Bay Area and Seattle have been dramatically remade by their local tech powerhouses: Amazon and Microsoft in Seattle; and Google, Facebook, and Apple (along with countless other firms) around the Bay. As Jennifer Light, Louise Mozingo, Margaret O’Mara, and Fred Turner have demonstrated, technology companies have been reprogramming urban and suburban landscapes for decades.2 And “company towns” have long sprung up around mills, mines, and factories.3 But over the past few years, as development has boomed and income inequality has dramatically increased in the Bay Area, we’ve witnessed the arrival of several new books reflecting on the region’s transformation.

These titles, while focusing on the Bay, offer lessons to New York, DC, Toronto, and the countless other cities around the globe hoping to spur growth and economic development by hosting and ingesting tech—by fostering the growth of technology companies, boosting STEM education, and integrating new sensors and screens into their streetscapes and city halls. For years, other municipalities, fashioning themselves as “the Silicon Valley of [elsewhere],” have sought to reverse-engineer the Bay’s blueprint for success. As we’ll see, that blueprint, drafted to optimize the habits and habitats of a privileged few, commonly elides the material needs of marginalized populations and fragile ecosystems. It prioritizes efficiency and growth over the maintenance of community and the messiness of public life. Yet perhaps we can still redraw those plans, modeling cities that aren’t only made by powerbrokers, and that thrive when they prioritize the stewardship of civic resources over the relentless pursuit of innovation and growth."

…

"We must also recognize the ferment and diversity inherent in Bay Area urban historiography, even in the chronicles of its large-scale development projects. Isenberg reminds us that even within the institutions and companies responsible for redevelopment, which are often vilified for exacerbating urban ills, we find pockets of heterogeneity and progressivism. Isenberg seeks to supplement the dominant East Coast narratives, which tend to frame urban renewal as a battle between development and preservation.

In surveying a variety of Bay Area projects, from Ghirardelli Square to The Sea Ranch to the Transamerica Pyramid, Isenberg shifts our attention from star architects and planners to less prominent, but no less important, contributors in allied design fields: architectural illustration, model-making, publicity, journalism, property management, retail planning, the arts, and activism. “People who are elsewhere peripheral and invisible in the history of urban design are,” in her book, “networked through the center”; they play critical roles in shaping not only the urban landscape, but also the discourses and processes through which that landscape takes shape.

For instance, debates over public art in Ghirardelli Square—particularly Ruth Asawa’s mermaid sculpture, which featured breastfeeding lesbian mermaids—“provoked debates about gender, sexuality, and the role of urban open space in San Francisco.” Property manager Caree Rose, who worked alongside her husband, Stuart, coordinated with designers to master-plan the Square, acknowledging that retail, restaurants, and parking are also vital ingredients of successful public space. Publicist Marion Conrad and graphic designer Bobbie Stauffacher were key members of many San Francisco design teams, including that for The Sea Ranch community, in Sonoma County. Illustrators and model-makers, many of them women, created objects that mediated design concepts for clients and typically sat at the center of public debates.

These creative collaborators “had the capacity to swing urban design decisions, structure competition for land, and generally set in motion the fate of neighborhoods.” We see the rhetorical power of diverse visualization strategies reflected across these four books, too: Solnit’s offers dozens of photographs, by Susan Schwartzenberg—of renovations, construction sites, protests, dot-com workplaces, SRO hotels, artists’ studios—while Walker’s dense text is supplemented with charts, graphs, and clinical maps. McClelland’s book, with its relatively large typeface and extra-wide leading, makes space for his interviewees’ words to resonate, while Isenberg generously illustrates her pages with archival photos, plans, and design renderings, many reproduced in evocative technicolor.

By decentering the star designer and master planner, Isenberg reframes urban (re)development as a collaborative enterprise involving participants with diverse identities, skills, and values. And in elevating the work of “allied” practitioners, Isenberg also aims to shift the focus from design to land: public awareness of land ownership and commitment to responsible public land stewardship. She introduces us to several mid-century alternative publications—weekly newspapers, Black periodicals, activists’ manuals, and books that never made it to the best-seller list … or never even made it to press—that advocated for a focus on land ownership and politics. Yet the discursive power of Jacobs and Caro, which framed the debate in terms of urban development vs. preservation, pushed these other texts off the shelf—and, along with them, the “moral questions of land stewardship” they highlighted.

These alternative tales and supporting casts serve as reminders that the modern city need not succumb to Haussmannization or Moses-ification or, now, Googlization. Mid-century urban development wasn’t necessarily the monolithic, patriarchal, hegemonic force we imagined it to be—a realization that should steel us to expect more and better of our contemporary city-building projects. Today, New York, Washington, DC, and Toronto—and other cities around the world—are being reshaped not only by architects, planners, and municipal administrators, but also by technologists, programmers, data scientists, “user experience” experts and logistics engineers. These are urbanism’s new “allied” professions, and their work deals not only with land and buildings, but also, increasingly, with data and algorithms.

Some critics have argued that the real reason behind Amazon’s nationwide HQ2 search was to gather data from hundreds of cities—both quantitative and qualitative data that “could guide it in its expansion of the physical footprint, in the kinds of services it rolls out next, and in future negotiations and lobbying with states and municipalities.”5 This “trove of information” could ultimately be much more valuable than all those tax incentives and grants. If this is the future of urban development, our city officials and citizens must attend to the ownership and stewardship not only of their public land, but also of their public data. The mismanagement of either could—to paraphrase our four books’ titles—elongate the dark shadows cast by growing inequality, abet the siege of exploitation and displacement, “hollow out” our already homogenizing neighborhoods, and expedite the departure of an already “gone” city.

As Beat poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti muses in his “Pictures of the Gone World 11,” which inspired Walker’s title: “The world is a beautiful place / to be born into / if you don’t mind some people dying / all the time / or maybe only starving / some of the time / which isn’t half so bad / if it isn’t you.” This is precisely the sort of solipsism and stratification that tech-libertarianism and capitalist development promotes—and that responsible planning, design, and public stewardship must prevent."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-philanthropy-con">
    <title>The Philanthropy Con | Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2019-03-15T02:12:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-philanthropy-con</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Alongside the privileges our tax system has provided to the rich, we have imported into our welfare system charity’s penchant for humiliating the poor. To be sure, for centuries welfare programs have often rested on the assumption that poverty is a personal failing. But the conservative war on “entitlements” brought new sophistication to this old tradition. Multiple states now require welfare recipients to pass drug tests, even though their rates of drug use are demonstrably much lower than the general population. We have insisted to a mother left quadriplegic by a hit-and-run driver that her family sell their cars, so as to be adequately indigent as to receive public benefits. We have, just this year, placed work requirements upon Medicaid.

The implied question that these policies ask is whether beneficiaries warrant our sympathy. Are they hard working enough, morally upright enough, destitute enough? These questions are patronizing—literally, the questions a patron asks of a supplicant.

Sympathy is a fine criterion for charity. It need not and should not be the standard for government benefits. Instead of worrying whether other people are worthy of being our dependents, we could ask what we must provide so that people have their independence: the independence that freedom from want provides. That was the logic behind Social Security and Medicare, two programs that are bureaucratic without being insulting to their recipients. The impressive voter participation rates of older people are in part a consequence of Social Security; until the program was established, a third of elderly people lived in poverty, and older Americans participated in politics less than the young. Entitlement programs do more than allow people to live with dignity. At their best, they can make better citizens.

By its nature, charity reinforces social inequities and encourages a deference to wealth incompatible with democratic citizenship. In a healthy democracy, taxes should be as “uncharitable” as possible: based in solidarity, not condescension for the poor and privilege for the rich. The first step is to recognize what opponents of democratic governance understood hundreds of years ago: that democratic taxation has within it the power of emancipation."]]></description>
<dc:subject>philanthropy philanthropicindustrialcomplex charitableindustrialcomplex charity inequality democracy 2019 vanessawilliamson taxes society governance government citizenship civics nonprofit nonprofits charities</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-hagerman-white-parents-20180930-story.html">
    <title>White progressive parents and the conundrum of privilege - Los Angeles Times</title>
    <dc:date>2019-03-13T01:52:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-hagerman-white-parents-20180930-story.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Greg and Sarah live in a predominantly white neighborhood and send their children to a predominantly white private school. “I don’t want to believe we are hypocrites,” Greg tells me. “But if we say diversity is important to us, but then we didn’t stick around in the place that was diverse, maybe we are?” He looks at Sarah. “I dunno,” he continues, “I guess we made decisions based on other things that were more important. But what does that say about us then?”

For two years I conducted research with 30 affluent white parents and their kids in a Midwestern metropolitan area. Over and over I heard comments like Greg’s reflecting a deep ambivalence: As progressive parents, is their primary responsibility to advance societal values ­— fairness, equal opportunity and social justice — or to give their children all the advantages in life that their resources can provide?

More often than not, values lost out.

Parents I interviewed felt conflicted about using their social status to advocate for their kids to have the “best” math teacher, because they knew other kids would be stuck with the “bad” math teacher. They registered the unfairness in leveraging their exclusive social networks to get their teenagers coveted summer internships when they knew disadvantaged kids were the ones who truly needed such opportunities. They felt guilty when they protectively removed their children from explicitly racist and contentious situations because they understood that kids of color cannot escape racism whenever they please. Still, those were the choices they made.
 
Parents felt caught in a conundrum of privilege — that there was an unavoidable conflict between being a good parent and being a good citizen. These two principles don’t have to be in tension, of course. Many parents, in fact, expressed a desire to have their ideals and parenting choices align. In spite of that sentiment, when it came to their own children, the common refrain I heard was, “I care about social justice, but — I don’t want my kid to be a guinea pig.”

In other words, things have been working out pretty well for affluent white kids, so why rock the boat? And so parents continue to make decisions — about where to buy a house, which school seems best, or whether robotics club or piano lessons is a better after-school activity — that extend the advantages of wealth. Those choices, however, have other consequences: They shape what children think about race, racism, inequality and privilege far more than anything parents say (or do not say).

Children reach their own conclusions about how society works, or should work, based on their observations of their social environment and interactions with others — a process that African American studies scholar Erin Winkler calls “comprehensive racial learning.” So how their parents set up kids’ lives matters deeply.

Some children in my study, for instance, came to the conclusion that “racism is over” and that “talking about race makes you racist” — the kind of sentiments that sociologists identify as key features of colorblind racism. These were kids who were growing up in an almost exclusively white, suburban social environment outside the city.

The kids who lived in the city but attended predominantly white private schools told me that they were smarter and better than their public schools peers. They also thought they were more likely to be leaders in the future. One boy said proudly, “My school is not for everyone” — a statement that reflected how thoroughly he’d absorbed his position in the world in relation to others.

And yet, other white kids living in the city concluded that racism “is a way bigger problem than people realize. … White people don’t realize it… because they are scared to talk about it.” These young people spoke passionately about topics like the racial wealth gap and discrimination. They observed how authority figures such as teachers and police officers treated kids of color differently. They more easily formed interracial friendships and on occasion worked with their peers to challenge racism in their community. These were children who were put in racially integrated schools and extracurricular activities purposefully by their parents.

Still, even some of those parents’ actions reproduced the very forms of inequality they told me they intellectually rejected. They used connections to get their children into selective summer enrichment programs or threatened to leave the public school system if their children were not placed in honors or AP courses that they knew contributed to patterns of segregation. So even as parents promoted to their kids the importance of valuing equality, they modeled how to use privilege to get what you want. White kids absorbed this too; they expected to be able to move easily through the world and developed strategies for making it so.

If affluent, white parents hope to raise children who reject racial inequality, simply explaining that fairness and social justice are important values won’t do the trick. Instead, parents need to confront how their own decisions and behaviors reproduce patterns of privilege. They must actually advocate for the well-being, education and happiness of all children, not just their own.

Being a good parent should not come at the expense of being — or raising — a good citizen. If progressive white parents are truly committed to the values they profess, they ought to consider how helping one’s own child get ahead in society may not be as big a gift as helping create a more just society for them to live in in the future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://jacobinmag.com/2018/12/hygge-holidays-design-denmark-social-democracy-solidarity">
    <title>You Don’t Want Hygge. You Want Social Democracy.</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-29T20:26:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jacobinmag.com/2018/12/hygge-holidays-design-denmark-social-democracy-solidarity</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It’s the holidays, and you long to be cozy.

You want to curl up in a plush armchair next to a crackling fire. You want the softest of blankets and wooliest of sweaters. You want to devour grandma’s pecan fudge, get tipsy on eggnog with your cousins, and watch Miracle on 34th Street — mom’s favorite — for the thirty-fourth time. Or maybe neither Christmas nor family gatherings are your thing, but you like the idea of sipping hot toddies and playing board games with a few close friends while outside the snow falls and the lights twinkle.

But you can’t have it, because you couldn’t spring for a plane ticket. Or relatives are in town, but times are tight, and it seemed irresponsible to pass up the Christmas overtime pay. Maybe everything circumstantially fell into place, but you can’t relax. You’re eyeing your inbox, anxious about the work that’s not getting done. You’re last-minute shopping, pinching pennies, thinking Scrooge had some fair points. Or you’re hiding in your childhood bedroom, binge-watching television and scrolling social media, because a rare break from the pressures of daily life feels more like an occasion to zone out than to celebrate and be merry.

Either way, you feel terrible, because you know that someone somewhere is literally roasting chestnuts on an open fire, and you’re missing out.

The Danes have a word for the thing you desperately want but can’t seem to manifest: hygge.

The word isn’t easy to translate. It comes from a Norwegian word that means “wellbeing,” but the contemporary Danish definition is more expansive than that.

In The Little Book of Hygge: Danish Secrets to Happy Living, author Meik Wiking writes, “Hygge is about an atmosphere and an experience, rather than about things. It’s about being with the people we love. A feeling of home. A feeling that we are safe, that we are shielded from the world and allowed to let our guard down.”

You can have hygge any time, but Danes strongly associate it with Christmas, the most hyggelig time of the year. When asked what things they associate most with hygge, Danes answered, in order of importance: hot drinks, candles, fireplaces, Christmas, board games, music, holiday, sweets and cake, cooking, and books. Seven out of ten Danes say hygge is best experienced at home, and they even have a word for it — hjemmehygge, or home hygge.

But Wiking stresses that while hygge has strong aesthetic properties, it’s more than the sum of its parts. You don’t just see it, you feel it.

“Hygge is an indication that you trust the ones you are with and where you are,” he writes, “that you have expanded your comfort zone to include other people and you feel you can be completely yourself around other people.” The opposite of hygge is alienation.

It’s no coincidence that this concept is both native to and universally understood in the same country that consistently dominates the World Happiness Report and other annual surveys of general contentment. On rare occasions when Denmark is surpassed by another country, that country is always a Scandinavian neighbor.

What makes people in these countries happier than the rest of us is actually really simple. Danes and their neighbors have greater access to the building blocks of happiness: time, company, and security.

Scandinavians don’t have these things just because they value them more, or for cultural reasons that are congenital, irreplicable, and beyond our reach. People all over the world value time, company, and security. What Scandinavians do have is a political-economic arrangement that better facilitates the regular expression of those values. That arrangement is social democracy.

The Politics of Hygge

Denmark is not a socialist country, though like its neighbor Sweden, it did come close to collectivizing industry in the 1970s. That effort was driven by “unions, popular movements, and left parties,” write Andreas Møller Mulvad and Rune Møller Stahl in Jacobin. “It was these mass forces — not benevolent elites, carefully weighing the alternatives before deciding on an enlightened mix of capitalism and socialism — who were the architects and impetus behind the Nordic model. They are the ones responsible for making the Nordic countries among the happiest and most democratic in the world.”

A strong capitalist offensive stopped this Scandinavian coalition from realizing the transition to socialism, and the legacy of their efforts is a delicate compromise. The private sector persists, but taxes are both progressive and high across the board. The country spends 55 percent of its total GDP publicly, making it the third-highest government spender per capita in the world. Meanwhile, the power of employers is partially checked by strong unions, to which two-thirds of Danes belong.

This redistributive arrangement significantly reduces the class stratification that comes from capitalism. As a result, Denmark has one of the highest degrees of economic equality in the world.

All of that public spending goes to funding a strong welfare state. Everybody pays in, and everybody reaps the rewards. This egalitarian, humane, and solidaristic model allows the values associated with hygge to flourish. It also gives people more opportunities to act on them.

In Denmark, health care is free at the point of service. Same goes for education, all the way through college and even grad school. Twenty percent of the Danish housing stock is social housing, regulated and financially supported by the state but owned in common by tenants, and organized in the “tradition of tenants’ participation and self-governance.” Denmark offers year-long paid parental leave, and guarantees universal child care for all children beginning the moment that leave ends, when the child is one year old.

Similarly, due in large part to the past and and present strength of unions, Denmark has worker-friendly labor laws and standards which make for a more harmonious work-life balance. Danes get five weeks’ paid vacation, plus an additional nine public holidays. Unlike the United States, Denmark has a national paid sick-leave policy. Denmark also has generous unemployment benefits and a wage subsidy program for people who want to work but, for reasons outside their control, need more flexible arrangements.

The normal work week in Denmark is set at thirty-seven hours, and people tend to stick to it. Only 2 percent of Danes report working very long hours. In a survey of OECD countries Denmark ranked fourth for people spending the most time devoted to leisure and personal care. (The US ranked thirtieth.)

All of this has a profound effect on individuals’ ability to experience pleasure, trust, comfort, intimacy, peace of mind — and of course, the composite of these things, hygge.

For one thing, there are only so many hours in a day. And there are some activities that make us happy, and some that make us unhappy.

The Princeton Affect and Time Survey found that the activities that make us happiest include playing with children, listening to music, being outdoors, going to parties, exercising, hanging out with friends, and spending time with pets. (These are also the activities that Danes associate with hygge.) The ones that make us least happy include paid work, domestic work, home maintenance and repairs, running errands, personal medical care, and taking care of financial responsibilities.

Everyone has to do activities in the unhappy category in order to keep their affairs in order. But it makes sense that if you take some of those responsibilities off people’s plate and design the economy to give them more time to do activities in the happy category, they will be more content and lead more enriching lives.

Many working-class Americans don’t have much time for activities in the happy category, because they work multiple jobs or long hours and also have to keep a household in order without much assistance. Many more are afraid that if they take time away from their stressful responsibilities, they will overlook something important and fall behind, and there will be no social safety net to catch them — a pervasive anxiety that creeps up the class hierarchy. This breeds alienation, not intimacy.

Additionally, working people in highly capitalist countries, where economic life is characterized by cutthroat competition and the punishment for losing the competition is destitution, tend to develop hostile relationships to one another, which is not very hyggelig.

The social-democratic model is predicated instead on solidarity: my neighbor and I both pay taxes so that we can both have a high standard of living. We care for each other on the promise that we will each be cared for. By working together instead of against each other, we both get what we need. Universal social programs like those that make up the Scandinavian welfare states are thus engines of solidarity, impressing upon people that their neighbor is not an opponent or an obstacle, but a partner in building and maintaining society.

By pitting people against each other, neoliberal capitalism promotes suspicion and animosity. This frequently maps onto social divisions and manifests as racism, sexism, xenophobia, and so on. But it also just makes people guarded and antisocial in general. People who live in social democracies are far from invulnerable to prejudice or misanthropy, but the social compact remains more likely to promote kindness, trust, and goodwill among people than neoliberal capitalism — and indeed the Danes are some of the most trusting people in the world, of friends and strangers alike.

One of these political-economic arrangements strengthens people’s connection to the fundamentals of happiness, and of hygge — time, company, and security — while the other severs it. The abundance or scarcity of these fundamentals forms the material basis of collective social life.

The Ambiance Agenda

Hygge is not just a cultural eccentricity. It’s the fruit of politics, and the task of cultivating it is a political one. Americans struggle to understand this.

A flurry of hygge-centric books and blogs and trend pieces swept the United States a couple of years ago. But even as we pined for coziness, we struggled to conceive of it as anything more than an aspirational aesthetic.

One book on hyggelig design, written by two Americans, contained a series of interviews with American trendsetters. When asked how she created hygge at home, one responded, “Texture and color are, of course, key. I like the balance of sheepskins, velvet, and wood.” When asked what hygge meant to her, another answered with a laundry list of interior design motifs: record players, reclaimed wood, Edison bulbs, an old typewriter, kilim pillows.

The book nods to hygge being an ineffable feeling. But it doesn’t even gesture at the social conditions required for producing that feeling.

The fact that hygge became an American trend, even in bastardized form, was a sign that we perceived something lacking in our culture and longed for an alternative. But even when we acknowledged the intangible properties of hygge, we still assumed it could be obtained with individual consumer spending. It rarely occurred to us that the answer was collective social spending.

Scandinavians, however, know that hygge is not an individual lifestyle to be purchased, but a collective social phenomenon rooted in a political reality. Underlying the ambiance is an agenda. In his book, Wiking states it plainly:

<blockquote>There is wide support for the welfare state. The support stems from an awareness of the fact that the welfare model turns our collective wealth into wellbeing. We are not paying taxes, we are investing in our society. We are purchasing quality of life. The key to understanding the high levels of well-being in Denmark is the welfare model’s ability to reduce risk, uncertainty, and anxiety among its citizens and to prevent extreme unhappiness.</blockquote>

Another book called The Hygge Life, written by two Scandinavian authors, says much the same thing:

<blockquote>In Scandinavia, the government takes care of many of life’s essential services, such as childcare, education, and health care. The principles of hygge emerged throughout the region in part because its residents do not have to shoulder the burden of responsibility for many of life’s expensive necessities — or bear the insecurity, uncertainty, and anxiety that accompany that burden.</blockquote>

Social democracy can’t solve all of our problems. One big problem it can’t solve is its own fragility.

If capitalists still exist, they will still exploit workers and accumulate wealth, and they will use that wealth to build political power, which they will wield to undermine social democracy itself. This is happening in the Scandinavian social democracies now as neoliberal governments, including some social-democratic parties, privatize public goods and unravel the twentieth-century compromise. The introduction of even mild austerity measures has doubled the number of Danish people living in poverty since 2002 (though it’s still less than one-third of the United States’s poverty rate).

Nor can social democracy absolutely guarantee hygge. It can’t ensure that the snow will fall gently on Christmas Eve, nor that our holiday gathering will be cozy and convivial. As Corey Robin wrote in Jacobin, the right political-economic system can at best promise to “convert hysterical misery into ordinary unhappiness.” The rest is up to us. We have to trim our own tree, and love our own neighbors.

But social democracy — and actual socialism, for that matter — can make time, company, and security easier to obtain. That’s no small feat.

In that way, it can lay the material foundations for a more hyggelig society, one where people are happier and more at ease, and where the reigning principle is not alienation but solidarity."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/nickkauf/status/1071196293001830400">
    <title>Nick Kaufmann on Twitter: &quot;Civic tech needs to study history and explore the &quot;usable past&quot;. Everyone in #civictech / @codeforamerica network should read Professor Light's upcoming book States of Childhood, ill attempt to summarize her talk below, although</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-14T21:51:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/nickkauf/status/1071196293001830400</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[this is the event:
https://architecture.mit.edu/computation/lecture/playing-city-building ]

[thread contains many images]

"Civic tech needs to study history and explore the "usable past". Everyone in #civictech / @codeforamerica network should read Professor Light's upcoming book States of Childhood, ill attempt to summarize her talk below, although it's only what i could grasp in an hour or so.

https://twitter.com/nickkauf/status/1071162000145817601
At @mitsap tonight tweeting about Jennifer Light's lecture "playing at city building" #urbanism #education #civictech 

Light opened the talk with the observation that more disciplines are looking to study history to "look forward by looking backward" #civicfutures #usablepast

In #civictech we know this isnt the first government reform movement with a "techie spin" in the world or us. At the last turn of the century, anxieties about cities birthed the "good government movement" the "googoos" were reformers kinda like #civichackers of today

Like @codeforamerica and also #smartcities boosters, the goo-goos  believed scientific models and tech tools were a source of progress. They were worried about "boss rule" and wanted to "rationalize government" compare to cfa's mottos today

After discussing the good govt movement, Lights set the historical context of shifting expectations around young people's behavior. Child labor laws did not stop children from working however, it was just framed as "play" now

In this context early models of vocational education and educational simulations emerged, including William R. George's "model republic" movement. @Erie @pahlkadot model republics were all over the usa, not as franchised like #cfabrigade but more grassroots diffusion of the idea

There were miniature republics run by children in boston(Cottage Row), Cleveland (Progress  City) Philadelphia (Playground City), etc, where children worked as real pretend public servants

media coverage of the time hailed these civic simulations as educational opportunity/chance for a "second life" for youth. Some of the tenement kids that George put into his program ended up in ivy league schools, and as lawyers, Pub. Servants and admins of their own model cities

The educational theories at the time of the model republics were very similar to today's trends of "gamification" "experiential learning" etc. Light referenced Stanley Hall (imitation/impersonation) and 'identity play'

Long before Bateson and Goffman were muddling the boundary between seriousness/play, model republics were also using that ambiguity to educate and also cut costs of programs literally built and maintained by children. Imagine 1000 kids and 3 admins

John Dewey's philosophy of learning by doing was also heavily referenced in the talk, as George took great inspiration from him and Dewey was a supporter of the model republics.

Light stressed just how much model republic citizens did in their pretend-real jobs, building housing, policing, data collection, safety inspections, and they did it so well that they often circumvented the adult systems. Why send some1 to adult court when junior court works?

This dynamic reminded me so much of #civichackers today with our pretend jobs and weekly hack night play that quickly turns into real jobs for our cities

Another point Light made was that the model republics were very much about assimilation of immigrants into a certain set of white american middleclass values. But before rise of consumerism those values heavily emphasized DIY/activecitizenship/production.

One reason for the decline of the model republics might have been the rise of consumerism and passive consumption valued over production. But we still have things like model U.N. and vocational programs, vestiges of this time.

Again today we have a perceived need to train people for the "new economy", so what can #civictech #civicinnovation #smartcities learn from looking back to historical examples? For one thing, we learn that youth contribution to civic innovation is important and undervalued

When model republics were introduced into schools the educational outcomes were not the only advantage, they saved schools gobs of money through "user generated" labor. Again think about civictech volunteerism today...

At Emerson School, Light said, kids were even repairing the electrical system. And in some cities kids would  stand in for the mayor at real events.

Heres a page describing the establishment of a self-governing body of newsboys in Milwaukee https://www.marquette.edu/cgi-bin/cuap/db.cgi?uid=default&ID=4167&view=Search&mh=1 …

Light closed the talk by remarking on the "vast story of children's unacknowledged labor in the creation of urban America". slide shows how their labor was hidden behind play. Although they couldnt work in factories,can you call it "play" if it involved *building* the playground?

Although Light's upcoming book focuses on America, she said there were civic simulations like this in many countries including the Phillipines, China, England, France...

Model republics were not however a well connected, branded international civic movement like modern #civictech. Light said that while they were promoted at national educational conferences on education or public housing, George lamented not having control of the brand/vision

The result of George's lack of guidelines and a organizational network of model republic practiciorners was many different, idiosyncratic models run by different ppl in different places. @pahlkadot George really needed a  "National Advisory Council" it seems!

For example an Indiana model republic the kids put on their own circuses! George thought some model republics werent following his original values/vision but couldnt do much about it...another theme in #civictech now Fortunately @Open_Maine is allowed to be weirdos too @elburnett

Light emphasized that although the model republics were a tool to assimilate children into a set of values (presumably including colonial, racist, patriarchal, capitalist ones) they were also a site of agency where kids experimented and innovated.

For example, girls in coeducational model republics held public offices and launched voting rights campaigns before the women' suffrage movement gained the rights in the "real" world. Given the power of the republics to do real work this wasnt just a symbolic achievement.

George for his part believed that the kids should figure out model republics for themselves, even if it meant dystopian civics. One model republic kept prisoners in a literal iron cage before eventually abolishing the prison.

Light's talk held huge lessons for the #civictech movement, and the model republic movement is just one of many pieces of history that can be a "usable past" for us. every civic tech brigade should have a "historian" role!

At @Open_Maine weve always been looking back to look forward although I didnt have the "usable past" vocabulary until I saw professor Light's talk today. @ajawitz @elburnett and I have consciously explored history in promoting civic tech in Maine.Other brigades are doing this too

For example, early @Open_Maine (code for maine) posters consciously referenced civilian conservation corps aesthetic #usablepast

We also made a 100y link w/ charitable mechanics movement @MaineMechanics makerspace never happened but @semateos became president and aligned org. with modern #makermovement. we host civichackathons there. #mainekidscode class is in same room that held free drawingclass 100y ago

So you can see why Light's talk has my brain totally buzzing. After all, @Open_Maine  has been dreaming of #civicisland, an experiential #civictech summer camp! Were currently applying to @MozOpenLeaders to develop open source experiential civictech curricula we could use for it.

Next steps here: I want to write an article about the "usable past" concept for #civictech. So if your brigade is engaged with history I wanna talk to you. @JBStephens1 was it you talking about the rotary club model on slack? @CodeForPhilly didnt you make a history timeline?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://architecture.mit.edu/computation/lecture/playing-city-building">
    <title>Playing at City Building | MIT Architecture</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-01T22:46:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://architecture.mit.edu/computation/lecture/playing-city-building</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A century ago, American children regularly played at city building in schools and youth serving institutions. Much of this activity took the form of “junior republics” – miniature cities, states, and nations run by kids. With supervising adults in the background, the young officials made laws, took civil service exams, paid taxes, ran restaurants, printed newspapers, and role played other civic activities. This talk, which draws on my forthcoming book States of Childhood, explores the historical and contemporary significance of these participatory simulations. I'll argue that the history of the republic movement helps to make visible children’s widespread contributions to American city building, and how their varied contributions were rendered invisible through an earlier era’s discourse about simulation and play. I'll also discuss the republic movement's resonances with a range of contemporary techniques and technologies from role playing and gamification to virtual worlds and augmented reality games, and suggest how recent work in the history of computing and information technology is making available new bodies of theoretical and empirical research for scholars and practitioners seeking a “usable past.”

Playing at City Building
A century ago, American children regularly played at city building in schools and youth serving institutions. Much of this activity took the form of “junior republics” – miniature cities, states, and nations run by kids. With supervising adults in the background, the young officials made laws, took civil service exams, paid taxes, ran restaurants, printed newspapers, and role played other civic activities. This talk, which draws on my forthcoming book States of Childhood, explores the historical and contemporary significance of these participatory simulations. I'll argue that the history of the republic movement helps to make visible children’s widespread contributions to American city building, and how their varied contributions were rendered invisible through an earlier era’s discourse about simulation and play. I'll also discuss the republic movement's resonances with a range of contemporary techniques and technologies from role playing and gamification to virtual worlds and augmented reality games, and suggest how recent work in the history of computing and information technology is making available new bodies of theoretical and empirical research for scholars and practitioners seeking a “usable past.”

Jennifer Light

Director of the Program in Science, Technology, and Society; Bern Dibner Professor of the History of Science and Technology; Professor of Urban Studies and Planning
Jen Light’s eclectic interests span the history of science and technology in America over the past 150 years. She is the author of three books as well as articles and essays covering topics from female programming pioneers, to early attempts to organize smart cities, to the racial implications of algorithmic thinking in federal housing policy, to the history of youth political media production, to the uptake of scientific and technical ideas and innovations across other fields. Professor Light is especially fascinated by smart peoples’ bad ideas: efforts by well-intentioned scientists and engineers to apply scientific methods and technological tools to solve social and political problems—and how the history of their failures can inform contemporary scientific and engineering practice. 

Light holds degrees from Harvard University and the University of Cambridge. She has been a member of the Institute for Advanced Study and the Derek Brewer Visiting Fellow at Emmanuel College, University of Cambridge. Her work has been supported by the Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and honored with the Catherine Bauer Wurster Prize from the Society for American City and Regional Planning History and an honorary doctorate from the Illinois Institute of Technology. Light serves on the editorial boards IEEE Annals of the History of Computing; Information and Culture; Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences; and Journal of Urban History. Professor Light was previously on the faculty of the School of Communication and the Departments of History and Sociology at Northwestern University."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://shass.mit.edu/news/election-insights-2018-jennifer-light-social-media-and-youth-political-engagement">
    <title>MIT SHASS: Election Insights 2018 - Jennifer Light - On Social Media and Youth Political Engagement</title>
    <dc:date>2018-12-01T22:36:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://shass.mit.edu/news/election-insights-2018-jennifer-light-social-media-and-youth-political-engagement</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Young people in the United States have always been politically active and have long been early adopters of new technologies. Kids of all ages, including those too young to vote, have been making political media for at least the past 150 years."

…

"These past patterns foreground important choices to be made about media policy and the design of media systems — choices that will determine whether youth political participation in the digital age follows a different path. Examining these patterns also reminds us that history can be an unexpectedly valuable resource for thinking about the future of technology in the United States."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jenniferlight civics youth children teens history politics us activism technology media policy democracy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/28/us/civics-rhode-island-schools.html">
    <title>Are Civics Lessons a Constitutional Right? This Student Is Suing for Them - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2018-11-30T17:26:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/28/us/civics-rhode-island-schools.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Many see the lack of civics in schools as a national crisis. A federal lawsuit says it also violates the law."

…

"Aleita Cook, 17, has never taken a class in government, civics or economics. In the two social studies classes she took in her four years at a technical high school in Providence, R.I. — one in American history, the other in world history — she learned mostly about wars, she said.

Left unanswered were many practical questions she had about modern citizenship, from how to vote to “what the point of taxes are.” As for politics, she said, “What is a Democrat, a Republican, an independent? Those things I had to figure out myself.”

Now she and other Rhode Island public school students and parents are filing a federal lawsuit against the state on Thursday, arguing that failing to prepare children for citizenship violates their rights under the United States Constitution.

They say the state has not equipped all of its students with the skills to “function productively as civic participants” capable of voting, serving on a jury and understanding the nation’s political and economic life."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2018 civics publicschools democracy law legal schooling schools education economics voting</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/elemveee/status/1034137694799110146">
    <title>lalitha vasudevan on Twitter: &quot;Overhearing tutoring session between adult tutor &amp; suburban hs student. I despair at the extensive focus on relatability (between student &amp; text) as strategy for responding to comprehension questions and essay writing, where</title>
    <dc:date>2018-08-27T18:32:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/elemveee/status/1034137694799110146</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Overhearing tutoring session between adult tutor & suburban hs student. I despair at the extensive focus on relatability (between student & text) as strategy for responding to comprehension questions and essay writing, wherein to relate to have personally experienced. 

1/

Being able to relate, in and of itself, isn't the cause of my despair. It's the over-reliance on experience to the exclusion of other ways of creating conditions for understanding that worries me. This bent away from the traps of "cultural literacy" began w/good intentions;

2/

but this response -- understandably, in resistance to the hyper-testing mania that overtook and still dominates much of the schooling landscape -- may err too far in the direction of allowing some young people to never have to stray too far from their own thoughts. 

3/

I want to know what young people think, what they notice and see, how they navigate and experience the world. AND, I want their insights on what others notice, see, conclude, design, and decide; for that, too, concerns young people -- 

4/

not only in their immediate, local, kinship networks, but about how they perceive others' perceptions of the they things they have noticed, or not. They are civic beings, active in their citizenry, and to deny this and allow otherwise is educational malpractice.

5/

I want young people to be seen and engaged as real interlocutors, not discursive window dressing to be written into curricula and grant proposals as the "participatory" element. I don't just want to hear what they think; I want to think with them, toward new questions.

6/

So, I return to a familiar, frustrating thought: My, how standardization, answer-driven teaching, & the greedy pursuit of efficiency-driven uniformity has royally screwed over kids & schools. 
And (some) big data efforts want to help do more of the same.

7/7
#smalldatabigmoments"]]></description>
<dc:subject>lalithavasudevan education standardizedtesting standardization experience relatability teaching learning schools schooliness kinship perception culturalliteracy howweteach howwelearn comprehension essays writing howwewrite teachingreading teachingwriting noticing civics citizenship democracy democratic malpractice participatory participation unschooling deschooling pedagogy uniformity efficiency bigdata testing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.gardnercampbell.net/blog1/?p=2809">
    <title>“The Moral Crisis of the University” | Gardner Writes</title>
    <dc:date>2018-04-08T18:38:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.gardnercampbell.net/blog1/?p=2809</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Michael B. Katz is a new discovery for me (h/t Roving Librarian). His scholarship on the history of public education in the U.S.is fascinating, troubling, and revelatory. I’m sure his conclusions are contested–whose aren’t?–but at times the clarity and forcefulness of his insights take my breath away.

“The Moral Crisis of the University,” reprinted in Katz’s last book, Reconstructing American Education (1987), is full of such insights. The essay doesn’t make for happy reading, but every time I read it I come away with a renewed understanding of what will be lost if  higher education centered on the life of the mind and nurtured by a strong sense of civic obligation disappears. In many cases, this has already happened. The change Katz describes in 1987 has accelerated in ways that may go beyond his worst nightmare. Along with that acceleration, of course, is a great deal of business as usual, as there always is. We look here when the real erosion is happening there. It’s hard to know where to look, even when there are no distractions–and there are always distractions.

There’s an old joke about going broke, credited to Hemingway: Q: “How did you go bankrupt?” A: “Little by little, then all at once.” During the little by little stage, people who sound various alarms risk being called cranks, or worse. And it’s true: a premature or mischievous cultivation of outrage may damage or destroy what little semblance of community may be left.

And yet, the little by little becomes greater every year. Michael Katz gives me a way to see that. With that clarity also comes hope, the hope that recognizing problems really is the first step toward addressing them, managing them, perhaps even solving them.

Here, then, for Week 7 of Open Learning ’18, my last week as hub director, is some Michael Katz for us to consider together.

<blockquote>[W]hat is it exactly that makes a university distinct from other social institutions? [Robert Paul] Wolff offered a compelling definition based on a conception of the ideal university as a “community of learning.” The ideal university, he argued, should be “a community of persons united by collective understandings, by common and communal goals, by bonds of reciprocal obligation, and by a flow of sentiment which makes the preservation of the community an object of desire, not merely a matter of prudence or a command of duty.” Community implies a form of social obligation governed by principles different from those operative in the marketplace and state. Laws of of supply and demand lose priority; wage-labor is not the template for all human relations; the translation of individuals into commodities is resisted. The difficult task of defining common goals or acceptable activity is neither avoided nor deflected onto bureaucracy….

For all their problems, universities and their faculties remain immensely privileged. They retain a freedom of activity and expression not permitted in any other major social institution. There are two justifications for this privilege. One is that it is an essential condition of teaching and learning. The other is that universities have become the major source of moral and social criticism in modern life. They are the major site of whatever social conscience we have left…. If the legitimacy of universities rested only on their service to the marketplace and state, internal freedom would not be an issue. But their legitimacy rests, in fact, on something else: their integrity. Like all privileges, the freedom enjoyed by universities carries correlative responsibilities. In their case it is intellectual honesty and moral courage. Modern universities are the greatest centers of intellectual power in history. Without integrity, they can become little more than supermarkets with raw power for sale. This is the tendency in the modern history of the higher learning. It is what I call the moral crisis of the university.</blockquote>

I firmly believe that these large questions are essential foundations for any effective change or conservation in higher education. For always some new things must be invented, some things will benefit from change, and some things must be conserved. Some core principles must remain non-negotiable. I agree with Katz: tenured faculty in higher education are the last, best hope for addressing these large questions of common goals and acceptable activities.

It may not yet be too late."]]></description>
<dc:subject>gardnercampbell via:lukeneff 2018 lifeofthemind liberalarts highered highereducation colleges universities community learning civics robertpaulwolff michaelkatz 1987 howwelearn purpose meaning bureaucracy interdependence collectivism understanding responsibility integrity morality ethics neoliberalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/baratunde/status/964629209183326208">
    <title>Baratunde on Twitter: &quot;Ok. I made it through the indictment. Yes I was hoping to see Donald Trump Jr's stupid face in there proving he was knowingly wiring money to the Russians. Didn't get that. Instead found a more frightening reality: we got hacked big</title>
    <dc:date>2018-02-20T04:36:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/baratunde/status/964629209183326208</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ok. I made it through the indictment. Yes I was hoping to see Donald Trump Jr's stupid face in there proving he was knowingly wiring money to the Russians. Didn't get that. Instead found a more frightening reality: we got hacked bigtime. Based on known vulnerabilities.

We build a giant deception machine called marketing and advertising, and an adversary used it against us.

We build a giant influence machine called social media, and an adversary used it against us.

We left open, unreconciled divisions in our society, and an adversary used it against us.

We weakened our press such that all the phony conflict inspired by this information warfare campaign was reported in real-time with little to no vetting, and an adversary used it against us.

We allowed our democracy to become so corrupted by money and self-serving, power-hungry folks that we already didn't trust it, and an adversary used it against us.

If the election had turned out differently, would we even know half of what we do? We only got Robert Mueller because Trump is president but also bad at wielding his power.

And even though the Russians amplified divisions to be greater than they are, those divisions are real now. There is a basic level of trust we have to have in our environment to act appropriately, and that's severely broken.

On top of that, one-half of the political establishment (the republican half) is completely uninterested in acknowledging, investigating, or responding to this sophisticated act of information warfare. They've done NOTHING to prepare us for the next campaign.

The president still hasn't imposed the Russia sanctions that Congress passed overwhelmingly. And everybody's just acting like, "Meh. TRUMP WILL BE TRUMP! Undermining national security is just his THING ya know?"

And Facebook. Oh Facebook. So happy to monetize the destruction of our civil fabric. They made $7B in the 3rd quarter of 2016. Zuckerberg smugly said 99% of posts are "authentic." We cannot trust this company to do what's best for us. Not just FB btw.

This indictment isn't just about Trump. It's about us needing a better vision for how we do this whole "society" thing. What forms of power get held accountable. What voices we listen to. This is ultimately about reality and our collective agreement on what THAT is. /END"]]></description>
<dc:subject>baratundethurston donaldtrump 2018 politics russia hacking marketing elections facebook civics division infowarfare deception advertising socialmedia republicans democrats power corruption news media medialiteracy robertmueller money</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-views/we-need-make-connection-between-teaching-education-and-democracy">
    <title>'The connection between education and democracy should be clear'</title>
    <dc:date>2018-02-10T21:42:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tes.com/news/school-news/breaking-views/we-need-make-connection-between-teaching-education-and-democracy</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Simon Creasey meets the academic calling for teachers to revolt against the ‘pedagogy of oppression’ and demand due payment for their overlooked role in underpinning democracy

Henry Giroux wants teachers to mobilise. He wants them to rise up and launch a revolutionary movement in order to eradicate what he calls a “pedagogy of oppression” that has permeated the education system, both in the UK and in his native US. Teachers and teachers’ unions should work with parents to pressure governments to focus education on creating “informed citizens”, he says, not learning-by-rote simply to get students to pass their exams and become workforce-ready.

This is a push for change that Giroux has been working on for some time. He currently holds the McMaster University chair for scholarship in the public interest, in Ontario, Canada. But he has been an education academic for decades and penned numerous books. He’s insistent on this course of action because “you cannot have a democracy without an informed citizenry”.

“We live in a culture that thrives on ignorance, refuses to invest in education, flees from the obligations of shared citizenship and ignores what it means to provide a decent life for everyone, especially children,” says Giroux.

“[In this environment,] politics degenerates into a pathology and education is reduced to a form of training.”

'We need to have a dialogue'
To emphasise his point, he cites the election of Donald Trump – a president who is on record claiming that he “loves the poorly educated”.

“[Trump’s election win] is not just about a crisis of politics; it’s about the crisis of education, it’s about the crisis of civic literacy,” he says. So, how do teachers contribute to putting this right?

As a starting point, he thinks a discussion needs to be had about the true purpose of education. “We need to have a dialogue about what teachers can do to, in a sense, ensure that education is viewed as a public good and that it is tied to a democratic project that would be used to prepare students to be engaged, critical and informed citizens,” Giroux says. “We’ve got to ditch this notion that the only purpose of education is basically to educate people for the workforce or that the most important aspect of education is learning 25 different ways to teach. That’s just silly, it’s reductionistic and it turns teachers into automatons.

“This type of educational reform is really about deskilling teachers and turning education into an adjunct of the corporate workplace. It kills any notion of the imagination, and what we usually end up with is people teaching for the test. We end up with people basically implementing what I call ‘pedagogies of oppression’.”

Giroux explains that a pedagogy of oppression is one that essentially “assaults” a student’s imagination. “It often emphasises memorisation; it places a strong emphasis on harsh forms of discipline; it can result in enormously unproductive and poisonous forms of racism; it usually teaches for the test,” he says. “It embraces standardisation as a measure of knowledge and it does everything it can to basically shut down any sense of curiosity and any sense of teaching students – and teachers for that matter – what it means to exercise a degree of civic courage, to take risks, to doubt, to in some way be critically conscious of the world, to explore the full capacity of their imagination, and to open the world and themselves in a way in which they can embrace and expand their capacity to be real social-political agents.”

Giroux believes that we should educate educators in a way that enables them to fulfil the “civic purpose” of education.

“I think that increasingly gets lost in the commercialisation, the corporatisation, the commodification and the standardisation of education,” he says. “These are forces that have been highly influenced by a corporate state that doesn’t really recognise the relationship – and doesn’t want to recognise the relationship – between education and democracy, and I think teachers need to seize upon and develop a new language for understanding the purpose of education.”

Giroux identifies another issue: the things that children are being taught in schools typically bear no relation to the world in which they live – a world that is heavily influenced by social media, popular culture and mainstream media.

“To me, this is tragic because when that happens, schools often translate into dead zones of education and spaces of abandonment,” he argues. “They become places that seem irrelevant to young people. They seem to have no meaning except for an elite who need the credentials to get into Oxford, Cambridge, Yale or Harvard.”

He is similarly depressed by what he perceives to be a “deskilling” of teachers that has been brought about by the “audit culture” that pervades the education system in the US and UK. Educators, he believes, should push against or ignore it.

“Teachers can’t just close their door and say ‘I’m going to do everything I can to avoid this’,” says Giroux. “They need to organise collectively. They need to bring the power of a collective teacher’s union, and the power of working with parents and young people, to begin to put pressure on governments because in the final analysis what is at stake here is changing policy. That is, changing policies that are oppressive and endlessly put into play.”

‘Great social movement’

What is important, he says, it that such a reaction is not politically aligned. Giroux explains that “the notion of creating informed and critical students cuts across ideological lines” and that it “should be attractive to anyone who believes that schooling is crucial to creating informed citizens”.

To do this, teachers need to have a clear idea of their larger role in society and this role needs to be self-defined. “Teachers have to become part of a great social movement in which they define themselves as a public resource,” says Giroux.

He argues that, as part of this movement, teachers should fight for policies that advocate more funding for education, more autonomy for teachers and higher pay.

“Teachers should be paid like doctors and they should be professionalised in ways that suggest they are a valued part of any society, which is what they are,” says Giroux. “Schools matter in a democracy and teachers should be one of the most valued groups of people that we have in our society, yet at the same time they are the most belittled, the most dehumanised and the most exploited among professionals – and I think that’s because we have no faith in democracy.

“We can’t seem to make the connection between teaching, education and democracy, and I think that teachers need to make that connection and they need to make it loud and clear. They need to talk about public schools and higher education as democratic public spheres and they need to make clear that what they do is absolutely vital to the nature of society itself – and they need to fight for it.”

Picking sides

Although he concedes that he is “utterly pessimistic” about the changes that have taken place to the education system in the US since the 1980s – the public schools sector in particular – he is quietly optimistic about the future. “I think we’ve reached a breaking point where many people are refusing to accept what we call the ‘school to prison’ pipeline,” says Giroux.

“They’re refusing to accept the racism that goes on in schools with kids being expelled and thrown out of schools, and we have also seen this huge revolt in the US against teaching for the test. More and more people are now realising that education is one of the few protected spaces and battlefronts left over which we can defend any notion of a liberal education. An education that is engaged in creating critical citizens and furthering the parameters of a democratic society.”

Regardless of whether this change is happening as quickly as Giroux feels it must, he is clear that we are at a point where teachers need to pick sides.

“Democracy is in crisis around the world and to address that crisis, education needs to be reclaimed as a moral and political project willing to address the future with a degree of civic courage and educated hope,” he says. “In this case, the struggle to reclaim the democratic function of education is not an option, it is a necessity.”"]]></description>
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    <title>25 small ways to make SF a better place - Curbed SF</title>
    <dc:date>2018-01-26T06:42:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sf.curbed.com/2018/1/25/16920444/get-involved-local-politics-volunteer-sf</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When it comes to making change at the local level, sometimes the tiniest actions can spark the biggest changes—and in San Francisco, where the options for helping the greater good can seem overwhelming, starting with small daily tasks is the best place to start. As more wealth pours into the city and the economic divide grows wider than ever before, it’s important to help out your fellow San Franciscan, zip code and tax bracket be damned.

For San Franciscans looking to make their hometown a better place, we present these small, but substantial, ways that you can help make a difference.

From your home

1. Stay informed about local news. It’s hard not to be aware of national news these days, but to get a sense of what’s changing in your immediate surroundings, soak in some local news by making local papers and blogs a part of your daily media diet. The San Francisco Chronicle is, of course, important, but other SF outlets can help you stay informed—from hyperlocal blogs (Richmond SF Blog, Mission Local, etc.) to established sources (Hoodline, San Francisco Magazine, etc.) and even more. Oh, and don’t forget Curbed SF.

2. Compost. Don’t believe the malodorous lies! Composting is easy and a great way of helping the environment from your kitchen. If your building or home does not yet have a green composting bin, the city will send you one free of charge.

3. Follow these pro-housing advocates and journalists on Twitter: Kim-Mai Cutler, Liam Dillon, Victoria Fierce, SF YIMBY, Laura Foote Clark, and YIMBY Action will keep you abreast of both anti-growth hypocrisy and action items that will help abate the California housing crisis.

4. Remember reusable bags. They’re easy to compile, but difficult to remember once you’re at Whole Foods. The cost of plastic and paper bags, both environmental and economical, are too much to bear. Stick a few reusable bags by your front door so you remember to bring them to your next shopping trip.

5. Donate, don’t discard, your old clothes. For those of you who simply cannot bear the thought of wearing last year’s jeans (perish the thought!) or want to whittle down your wardrobe to a minimalist offering, don’t trash your old clothes. Shelters like the St. Anthony Foundation can redistribute clean clothing to homeless San Franciscans. If you have professional women’s attire to toss, consider give them to Dress for Success. And Larkin Street Youth accepts gently worn clothing for at-risk, runaway youths.

In your neighborhood

6. Learn about your neighborhood’s history. Did you know the Castro used to be an Irish-American working-class neighborhood? Or that South of Market used the be called South of the Slot, which later became a novella by Nobel Prize-winning scribe Jack London? And who knew that Presidio Terrace was originally designed as a whites-only neighborhood? Take a deep dive into your neighborhood’s past, good and bad. After all, the city isn’t a blank slate.

7. Donate old books. Grab a handful (or trunkload) of books from your home library and add some inventory to the nearest Little Free Library. There are dozens in San Francisco and hundreds in the Bay Area. If you’d rather donate to the library, take your books to the Friends of the San Francisco Public Library. It’s a tax write-off!

8. Take care of a neighbor’s pet at PAWS. For some people, especially those who are chronically ill, frail, and isolated by disease or age, animal companionship is crucial to their health and well-being. Volunteer with PAWS (Pets Are Wonderful Support) to get paired one-on-one with members of the community (who may be LGBT seniors or people living with HIV, Hepatitis C, or cancer) who need help caring for their pet. Ideal for animal lovers with no-pet rental agreements!

9. Attend neighborhood meetings. The best way to find out about what’s up in your neighborhood is to attend public meetings organized each month by your local community association. Here’s a good place to start.

10. Wave to tourists when they pass you on cable cars or tour buses. They freakin’ love that.

Along your route

11. Take public transit. It’s the best way to get to know your city. Learn Muni and BART routes along your most-traveled roads and hop on. And you’d be surprised how convenient the cable cars and F lines are.

12. Put foot to pedal. San Francisco is one of the most bike-friendly cities in the country. Here’s a beginner’s guide to help you get started.

13. Be kind to the homeless. It’s going to take great leaps and bounds from the city to solve its chronic homeless problem. In the meantime, there are small things that you can do to empower those who need help. For starters, remember that people become homeless for a number of reasons—so leave the stereotyping or judgmental attitudes behind.

14. Document your city. One of the best ways to get to know the city is to shooting photos. Better yet, post them on Instagram. You will discover thousands of photographers also share your love of the city’s many neighborhoods. It’s a great way of take a closer look at your hood and getting to know your neighbors. Just don’t forget to geotag.

15. Be a conscientious pedestrian. From moving over to the right when using your phone to helping fellow pedestrians with strollers, there are a lot of ways to improve your two-foot mode of transportation around town. Because it’s 2018 and there’s no excuse for blocking a sidewalk. Here’s a pedestrian etiquette guide to help sharpen your two-step game.

In your community

16. Say hello to people/ask people how they’re doing. San Francisco can feel like a big small town, and its residents know it. If you’re walking around a neighborhood, or stopping into a local store, say, “Hello.” Stop being rude to service industry workers. Do not order with your phone attached to your ear. It’s dehumanizing. Be friendly.

17. Be a poll worker on election day. Looking for a way to up your voting game? Become a poll worker. It takes roughly 3,000 workers on election day to bets all the ballots processed. And with this upcoming June election being a crucial one, the city could use your help. (Psst, you will also get a $195 stipend.)

18. Fight hunger in the community. The uptick in foodie trends and prices have made nourishment seem like a privilege for the lucky and well-to-do. Not so. People are still starving in the city. Get involved with groups like San Francisco Food Bank, GLIDE Church, and Project Open Hand to make sure everyone in the community has food on the table.

19. Volunteer with the San Francisco Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs. The department’s Pathways to Citizenship Initiative program always needs volunteers, interpreters, and legal professionals to assist with their bi-monthly naturalization workshops.

20. Get off Nextdoor. Beginning with good intentions, Nextdoor has turned into a cesspool of racism and bigotry for a lot of San Francisco residents.

With a group

21. Hook up with the Friends of the Urban Forest. See how you can help add foliage to San Francisco’s streets with this choice nonprofit. They organize everything from neighborhood tree plantings to sidewalk landscaping.

22. Dedicate your time to volunteering at one of the two Friends of the San Francisco Public Library bookstores. All proceeds benefit the public library system in San Francisco.

23. Host a letter-writing party. Written letters get more traction than email or @’ing your local lawmaker. If there’s an issue you feel strongly about, it’s more than likely you’re not the only one, and a letter-writing party is a great way to organize your community for a positive cause. Best of all, you can add a few bottles of wine and turn it into a real party.

24. Volunteer at Animal Care and Control. ACC receives roughly 10,000 animals every year and rely on volunteers to help out. These pets don’t get the luxe treatment found at nearly SF SPCA, so they could use all the love they deserve.

25. Show up. When people come together—especially in times of great need—they can do amazing things. This was especially true during the AIDS crisis and of the moments following the Loma Prieta earthquake. Go to protests. Attend rallies. Fight for others’ rights. Relish the fact that you live in a city that, in one way or another, however dim it seems at times, seeks for the betterment of all humans."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.reasonstobecheerful.world/">
    <title>Reasons To Be Cheerful</title>
    <dc:date>2018-01-22T02:04:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.reasonstobecheerful.world/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m starting an online project here that is an continuation and extension of some writing and talks I’ve done recently.

The project will be cross-platform—some elements may appear on social media, some on a website and some might manifest as a recording or performance… much of the published material will be collected here.

What is Reasons To Be Cheerful?                      

I imagine, like a lot of you who look back over the past year, it seems like the world is going to Hell. I wake up in the morning, look at the paper, and go, "Oh no!" Often I’m depressed for half the day. It doesn’t matter how you voted on Brexit, the French elections or the U.S. election—many of us of all persuasions and party affiliations feel remarkably similar.

As a kind of remedy and possibly as a kind of therapy, I started collecting good news that reminded me, "Hey, there's actually some positive stuff going on!" Almost all of these initiatives are local, they come from cities or small regions who have taken it upon themselves to try something that might offer a better alternative than what exits. Hope is often local. Change begins in communities.

I will post thoughts, images and audio relating to this initiative on whichever platform seems suitable and I’ll welcome contributions from others, if they follow the guidelines I’ve set for myself.                                     

These bits of good news tend to fall into a few categories: 

Education
Health
Civic Engagement
Science/Tech
Urban/Transportation
Energy                        
Culture

Culture, music and the arts might include, optimistically, some of my own work and projects, but just as much I hope to promote the work of others that has a proven track record.

Why do I do this? Why take the time? Therapy, I guess, though once in awhile I meet someone who has the connections and skills but might not be aware of some of these initiatives and innovations, so I can pass the information on. I sense that not all of this is widely known.

Emulation of successful models- 4 guidelines

I laid out 4 guidelines as I collected these examples:

1. Most of the good stuff is local. It’s more bottom up, community and individually driven. There are exceptions.

2. Many examples come from all over the world, but despite the geographical and cultural distances in many cases others can adopt these ideas—these initiatives can be utilized by cultures other than where they originated.

3. Very important. All of these examples have been tried and proven to be successful. These are not merely good IDEAS; they’ve been put into practice and have produced results.                               

4. The examples are not one-off, isolated or human interest, feel-good stories. They’re not stories of one amazing teacher, doctor, musician or activist- they’re about initiatives that can be copied and scaled up.

If it works, copy it                        

For example, in an area I know something about, there was an innovative bike program in Bogota, and years later, I saw that program become a model for New York and for other places.

The Ciclovia program in Bogota"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.curbed.com/2017/12/7/16746468/design-parks-skateboarding-teens">
    <title>How teen-focused design can help reshape our cities - Curbed</title>
    <dc:date>2018-01-07T05:51:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.curbed.com/2017/12/7/16746468/design-parks-skateboarding-teens</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sometimes it seems like there is nowhere for teens to be. Here’s what they are doing about it"

…

"A decade ago, skateparks also tended to be bounded, purpose-built environments that skaters nicknamed “exercise yards.” Today the boundaries are often more fluid, at least between a public park and the skate park. In Tacoma, rather than a 10,000-square-foot skatepark, the city built a few skate spots in a park and, in downtown Wright Park, made the semi-circular benches around the “sprayground” skateable with steel edges rather than defending them with steel knobs. In Emeryville, California, there’s a skate path, with bowls, bumps and rails spread out over a recreational corridor (provoked, it must be said, by the demolition of a DIY skate park).

These designs simulate the thrill of the streets where skateboarding began and, some skateboarders insist, it belongs. In Red Hook, the new park will stay connected to the city, and be protected by more eyes, because it will still serve as a pass-through for residents walking north.

******

Many of the teens’ suggestions, coast to coast, just seem like good sense for people of any age: seating, green space, recreation zonesclose to public transportation, an adult nearby should something happen (but not operating under a state of constant surveillance), longer and later hours. Teens are people too! These projects harness their energy, their ideas and their persuasive powers so that the education goes both ways: teens learn how to advocate for themselves on the city stage, adults learn what it is that a famously uncommunicative demographic needs.

I like Rich’s formulation of teenagers as a febrile, emotional version of adults, not yet disappeared inside a carapace of car, phone, job, gym. The skateboarders and the snackers, the watchers and the players are all alive to the built environment."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexandralange architecture design urbanism urban skateboarding skateboards skating teens youth urbanplanning cities activism civics publicspace edhook nyc booklyn emeryville skateparks parks</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.longviewoneducation.org/when-the-narrative-breaks/">
    <title>When the narrative breaks - Long View on Education</title>
    <dc:date>2017-11-12T20:24:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.longviewoneducation.org/when-the-narrative-breaks/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So, here’s one way to look at the whole narrative about education systems failing to provide skills of the future for employers:

Maybe schools should cultivate creativity & critical thinking not because the ‘jobs of the future’ demand these skills that are necessary for an educated citizenry, but because most jobs restrict these human capacities?

Often, the more we work in jobs with machines the more machine-like we need to become.

Yet, maybe some of the least recognize and most important work – caring for others – is precisely where we find creativity, critical thinking, collaboration, and all the others skills that are apparently so desirable. That is, the ‘jobs of the future’ narrative has duped us on another level: because it never talks about care work, it seems as if that work is unimportant and low-skill. In a story on Vox, a support worker named Nathan Auldridge says that though “the pay is shit”, “You can’t make a robot do what I do.”"

…

"The ‘jobs of the future’ narrative is broken beyond repair: there’s no skills gap that education needs to fill, nor do the vast majority of the jobs that actually require many of the 21c skills pay very well. Why is that? The Vox article continues:

<blockquote>Caregiving — a low-paid, low-status job — is also most often done by disadvantaged workers. One in 10 working black women are employed in direct care; more than a quarter of direct care workers are black women. In contrast, while white women make up 35 percent of these jobs, only one in 37 working white women is employed in direct care. Latina women, as well as immigrant women, are also disproportionately represented.</blockquote>

Since women of color are disproportionately represented in these growing jobs of the future, why are they not represented in the forecasts about the future? In an article called Where are the Black Futurists?(2000), the author (listed as ‘Black Issues’) reflects on an all white male C-SPAN futurist panel:

<blockquote>“there are too many people talking about the future without considering the future of African Americans and other people of color.

By not considering us, is the majority implicitly suggesting that we don’t matter? Do they think that as America ages, we will continue to play the traditional service and support roles for their communities? When I hear estimates from the U.S. Department of Labor that we’ll need nearly a million home health aides in the next decade, and I know that most home health aides now are Black and Brown women, I conclude that unless the wage structure changes, the future implications for those women and their families are frightening.

But the futurists mainly seem to be predicting what an aging society will need without predicting who will provide it.”2
</blockquote>"]]></description>
<dc:subject>benjamindoxtdator 2017 care caring future jobs education sfsh collaboration creativity human tcsnmy cv machines technology humanities humanism criticalthinking civics citizenry democracy work labor stem steam economics caregiving race racism futurism sciences</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://incisive.nu/2017/writing-well-about-terrible-people/">
    <title>Writing Well about Terrible People | Incisive.nu</title>
    <dc:date>2017-09-25T03:40:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://incisive.nu/2017/writing-well-about-terrible-people/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I suspect that Nellie Bowles, who is a longtime tech reporter, is not at all interested in carrying water for James Damore and his merry band of throwbacks. I assume that she and her editors are well-intentioned journalists trying to cover an emotionally charged story in a Times-y way. But their intentions don’t matter here, any more than they matter when the Times (and most other major papers in the US) offer similarly context-free coverage of Donald Trump and Richard Spencer.

Informing the reader means finding ways to tie even short articles to the seething complexity—and even scientific facts—that underlie necessarily simplified and abbreviated quotations and paraphrases. Eschewing context means the reader must assemble it for herself or risk assuming that the various views presented in a neutrally framed article are roughly equal in reason and virtue. Offering too much context, even in a neutral framing, can make an article feel dry. Many journalists appear to fear the latter a bit more than the former, which results in conventions of coverage that drain important topics of their real weight and life.

This balancing act is an enormous challenge, and I’m grateful that my daily work doesn’t involve wrestling with it. But this article, and so many like it, fail to accomplish a centrally important aspect of making sense of the world, and I think that matters."]]></description>
<dc:subject>publishing journalism civics ethics 2017 erinkissane</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3e3ca67b9b70/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://99percentinvisible.org/episode/mexico-68/">
    <title>Mexico 68 - 99% Invisible</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-29T16:57:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://99percentinvisible.org/episode/mexico-68/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The clear iconography of the Metro system is a reminder of a complicated and sometimes terrible period in Mexico City’s history. It’s a simple design that invites you to explore the massive and complex metropolis. It is a graphic design system that assures that, if you get lost, no matter where you’re from, or what language you speak, you can find your way around, and see the city for yourself."

[See also: http://www.hermanmiller.com/why/talking-pictures.html ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>design graphicdesign 1968 olympics mexico graphics mexicocity df mexicodf lancewyman petermurdoch opart art history typography luiscastañeda color mexico68 government civics metro transportation subways worldcup 1970 tolisten</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6fa91454766e/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.ciudademergente.org/">
    <title>Ciudad Emergente | Laboratorio para el Urbanismo Ciudadano</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-14T05:58:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.ciudademergente.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["CEM es un Laboratorio de Tácticas y Herramientas para el Urbanismo Ciudadano. Buscamos construir colectivamente las ciudades para hacerlas más vivibles."

…

"Ciudad Emergente es un productor de innovación urbana que busca mejorar la calidad de vida en ciudades en desarrollo a través de la gestión de plataformas de información y proyectos participativos de alto impacto. Fundado en 2011 Ciudad Emergente busca ser el principal Centro Latinoamericano especializado en tácticas urbanas y aplicaciones web que permiten recolectar, difundir, socializar y coordinar información valiosa relativa a la calidad de vida en ciudades y barrios en desarrollo.

Nuestra misión es combinar tácticas de activación ciudadana con herramientas de intercomunicación social 2.0 para identificar, construir, validar y mantener sets de indicadores relevantes y atingentes para toda ‘comunidad emergente’. Ciudad Emergente se dedica a desarrollar, adaptar e implementar instrumentos y servicios análogos y digitales de colaboración cívica que faciliten la comunicación efectiva entre tomadores de decisión y sociedad civil, articulando procesos locales de activismo ciudadano y fortaleciendo el capital social de las comunidades."]]></description>
<dc:subject>urban urbanism cities activism chile nyc santiago civics latinamerica development</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wired.com/story/apple-campus/">
    <title>What's Wrong with Apple's New Headquarters | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2017-06-13T22:36:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wired.com/story/apple-campus/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["But … one more one more thing. You can’t understand a building without looking at what’s around it—its site, as the architects say. From that angle, Apple’s new HQ is a retrograde, literally inward-looking building with contempt for the city where it lives and cities in general. People rightly credit Apple for defining the look and feel of the future; its computers and phones seem like science fiction. But by building a mega-headquarters straight out of the middle of the last century, Apple has exacerbated the already serious problems endemic to 21st-century suburbs like Cupertino—transportation, housing, and economics. Apple Park is an anachronism wrapped in glass, tucked into a neighborhood."

…

"Apple Park isn’t the first high-end, suburban corporate headquarters. In fact, that used to be the norm. Look back at the 1950s and 1960s and, for example, the Connecticut General Life Insurance HQ in Hartford or John Deere’s headquarters in Moline, Illinois. “They were stunningly beautiful, high modernist buildings by quality architects using cutting-edge technology to create buildings sheathed in glass with a seamless relationship between inside and outside, dependent on the automobile to move employees to the site,” says Louise Mozingo, a landscape architect at UC Berkeley and author of Pastoral Capitalism: A History of Suburban Corporate Landscapes. “There was a kind of splendid isolation that was seen as productive, capturing the employees for an entire day and in the process reinforcing an insular corporate culture.”

By moving out of downtown skyscrapers and building in the suburbs, corporations were reflecting 1950s ideas about cities—they were dirty, crowded, and unpleasantly diverse. The suburbs, though, were exclusive, aspirational, and architectural blank slates. (Also, buildings there are easier to secure and workers don’t go out for lunch where they might hear about other, better jobs.) It was corporatized white flight. (Mozingo, I should add, speaks to this retrograde notion in Levy’s WIRED story.)

Silicon Valley, though, never really played by these rules. IBM built a couple of research sites modeled on its East Coast redoubts, but in general, “Silicon Valley has thrived on using rather interchangeable buildings for their workplaces,” Mozingo says. You start in a garage, take over half a floor in a crummy office park, then take over the full floor, then the building, then get some venture capital and move to a better office park. “Suddenly you’re Google, and you have this empire of office buildings along 101."

And then when a bust comes or your new widget won’t widge, you let some leases lapse or sell some real estate. More than half of the lot where Apple sited its new home used to be Hewlett Packard. The Googleplex used to be Silicon Graphics. It’s the circuit of life.

Except when you have a statement building like the Spaceship, the circuit can’t complete. If Apple ever goes out of business, what would happen to the building? The same thing that happened to Union Carbide’s. That’s why nobody builds these things anymore. Successful buildings engage with their surroundings—and to be clear, Apple isn’t in some suburban arcadia. It’s in a real live city, across the street from houses and retail, near two freeway onramps.

Except the Ring is mostly hidden behind artificial berms, like Space Mountain at Disneyland. “They’re all these white elephants. Nobody knows what the hell to do with them. They’re iconic, high-end buildings, and who cares?” Mozingo says. “You have a $5 billion office building, incredibly idiosyncratic, impossible to purpose for somebody else. Nobody’s going to move into Steve Jobs’ old building.”"

…

"The problems in the Bay Area (and Los Angeles and many other cities) are a lot more complicated than an Apple building, of course. Cities all have to balance how they feel about adding jobs, which can be an economic benefit, and adding housing, which also requires adding expensive services like schools and transit. Things are especially tough in California, where a 1978 law called Proposition 13 radically limits the amount that the state can raise property taxes yearly. Not only did its passage gut basic services the state used to excel at, like education, but it also turned real estate into the primary way Californians accrued and preserved personal wealth. If you bought a cheap house in the 1970s in the Bay Area, today it’s a gold mine—and you are disincentivized from doing anything that would reduce its value, like, say, allowing an apartment building to be built anywhere within view.

Meanwhile California cities also have to figure out how to pay for their past employees’ pensions, an ever-increasing percentage of city budgets. Since they can’t tax old homes and can’t build new ones, commercial real estate and tech booms look pretty good. “It’s a lot to ask a corporate campus to fix those problems,” Arieff says.

But that doesn’t mean that it shouldn’t try. Some companies are: The main building of the cloud storage company Box, for example, is across the street from the Redwood City CalTrain station, and the company lets people downtown park in its lot on weekends. “The architecture is neither here nor there, but it’s a billion times more effective than the Apple campus,” Arieff says. That’s a more contemporary approach than building behind hills, away from transit.

When those companies are transnational technology corporations, it’s even harder to make that case. “Tech tends to be remarkably detached from local conditions, primarily because they’re selling globally,” says Ed Glaeser, a Harvard economist who studies cities. “They’re not particularly tied to local suppliers or local customers.” So it’s hard to get them to help fix local problems. They have even less of an incentive to solve planning problems than California homeowners do. “Even if they see the problem and the solution, there’s not a way to sell that. This is why there are government services,” Arieff says. “You can’t solve a problem like CalTrain frequency or the jobs-to-housing ratio with a market-based solution.”

Cities are changing; a more contemporary approach to commercial architecture builds up instead of out, as the planning association’s report says. Apple’s ring sites 2.5 million square feet on 175 acres of rolling hills and trees meant to evoke the Stanford campus. The 60-story tall Salesforce Tower in San Francisco has 1.5 million square feet, takes up about an acre, has a direct connection to a major transit station—the new Transbay Terminal—and cost a fifth of the Apple ring. Stipulated, the door handles probably aren’t as nice, but the views are killer.

The Future

Cupertino is the kind of town that technology writers tend to describe as “once-sleepy” or even, and this should really set off your cliche alarm, “nondescript.” But Shrivastava had me meet her for coffee at Main Street Cupertino, a new development that—unlike the rotten strip malls along Stevens Creek Blvd—combines cute restaurants and shops with multi-story residential development and a few hundred square feet of grass that almost nearly sort of works as a town square.

Across the actual street from Main Street, the old Vallco Mall—one of those medieval fortress-like shopping centers with a Christmas-sized parking lot for a moat—has become now Cupertino’s most hotly debated site for new development. (The company that built Main Street owns it.) Like all the other once-sleepy, nondescript towns in Silicon Valley, Cupertino knows it has to change. Shrivastava knows that change takes time.

It takes even longer, though, if businesses are reluctant partners. In the early 20th century, when industrial capitalists were first starting to get really, really rich, they noticed that publicly financed infrastructure would help them get richer. If you own land that you want to develop into real estate, you want a train that gets there and trolleys that connect it to a downtown and water and power for the houses you’re going to build. Maybe you want libraries and schools to induce families to live there. So you team up with government. “In most parts of the US, you open a tap and drink the water and it won’t kill you. There was a moment when this was a goal of both government and capital,” Mozingo says. “Early air pollution and water pollution regulations were an agreement between capitalism and government.”

Again, in the 1930s and 1940s, burgeoning California Bay Area businesses realized they’d need a regional transit network. They worked for 30 years alongside communities and planners to build what became BART, still today a strange hybrid between regional connector and urban subway.

Tech companies are taking baby steps in this same direction. Google added housing to the package deal surrounding the construction of its new HQ in the North Bayshore area—nearly 10,000 apartments. (That HQ is a collection of fancy pavilion-like structures from famed architect Bjarke Ingels.) Facebook’s new headquarters (from famed architect Frank Gehry) is supposed to be more open to the community, maybe even with a farmers’ market. Amazon’s new headquarters in downtown Seattle, some of 10 million square feet of office space the company has there, comes with terrarium-like domes that look like a good version of Passengers.

So what could Apple have built? Something taller, with mixed-use development around it? Cupertino would never have allowed it. But putting form factor aside, the best, smartest designers and architects in the world could have tried something new. Instead it produced a building roughly the shape of a navel, and then gazed into it.

Steven Levy wrote that the headquarters was Steve Jobs’ last great project, an expression of the way he saw his domain. It may look like a circle, but it’s actually a pyramid—a monument, more suited to a vanished past than a complicated future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.springer.com/us/book/9783319462295">
    <title>Learning the City - Cultural Approaches to Civic Learning in | Hari Sacré | Springer</title>
    <dc:date>2017-03-23T05:04:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.springer.com/us/book/9783319462295</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This book explores a cultural understanding of cities and processes of civic learning by scrutinizing urban educational topics from a cultural studies perspective. This book approaches the city as a cultural fabric that consists of social, material and symbolic dimensions, and describes how civic learning is not an accidental outcome of cities but an essential component through which citizens coproduce the city. Through a combination of theoretical development and methodological reflection the chapters in the book explore three interrelated questions addressing the relationships between culture, learning and the city: How does civic learning appear in urban spaces? How does civic learning take place through urban spaces? How are urban spaces created as a result of civic learning?"]]></description>
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    <title>John Berger: The Nature of Mass Demonstrations (Autumn 1968)</title>
    <dc:date>2017-01-02T21:03:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/isj/1968/no034/berger.htm</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Seventy years ago (on 6 May 1898) there was a massive demonstration of workers, men and women, in the centre of Milan. The events which led up to it involve too long a history to treat with here. The demonstration was attacked and broken up by the army under the command of General Beccaris. At noon the cavalry charged the crowd: the unarmed workers tried to make barricades: martial law was declared and for three days the army fought against the unarmed.

The official casualty figures were 100 workers killed and 450 wounded. One policeman was killed accidentally by a soldier. There were no army casualties. (Two years later Umberto I was assassinated because after the massacre he publicly congratulated General Beccaris, the ‘butcher of Milan.’)

I have been trying to understand certain aspects of the demonstration in the Corso Venezia on 6 May because of a story I am writing. In the process I came to a few conclusions about demonstrations which may perhaps be more widely applicable.

Mass demonstrations should be distinguished from riots or revolutionary uprisings although, under certain (now rare) circumstances, they may develop into either of the latter. The aims of a riot are usually immediate (the immediacy matching the desperation they express): the seizing of food, the release of prisoners, the destruction of property. The aims of a revolutionary uprising are long-term and comprehensive: they culminate in the taking over of State power. The aims of a demonstration, however, are symbolic: it demonstrates a force that is scarcely used.

A large number of people assemble together in an obvious and already announced public place. They are more or less unarmed. (On 6 May 1898, entirely unarmed.) They present themselves as a target to the forces of repression serving the State authority against whose policies they are protesting.

Theoretically demonstrations are meant to reveal the strength of popular opinion or feeling: theoretically they are an appeal to the democratic conscience of the State. But this presupposes a conscience which is very unlikely to exist.

If the State authority is open to democratic influence, the demonstration will hardly be necessary; if it is not, it is unlikely to be influenced by an empty show of force containing no real threat. (A demonstration in support of an already established alternative State authority – as when Garibaldi entered Naples in 1860 – is a special case and may be immediately effective.)

Demonstrations took place before the principle of democracy was even nominally admitted. The massive early Chartist demonstrations were part of the struggle to obtain such an admission. The crowds who gathered to present their petition to the Tsar in St Petersburg in 1905 were appealing – and presenting themselves as a target – to the ruthless power of an absolute monarchy. In the event – as on so many hundreds of other occasions all over Europe – they were shot down.

It would seem that the true function of demonstrations is not to convince the existing State authority to any significant degree. Such an aim is only a convenient rationalisation.

The truth is that mass demonstrations are rehearsals for revolution: not strategic or even tactical ones, but rehearsals of revolutionary awareness. The delay between the rehearsals and the real performance may be very long: their quality – the intensity of rehearsed awareness – may, on different occasions, vary considerably: but any demonstration which lacks this element of rehearsal is better described as an officially encouraged public spectacle.

A demonstration, however much spontaneity it may contain, is a created event which arbitrarily separates itself from ordinary life. Its value is the result of its artificiality, for therein lies its prophetic, rehearsing possibilities.

A mass demonstration distinguishes itself from other mass crowds because it congregates in public to create its function, instead of forming in response to one: in this, it differs from any assembly of workers within their place of work – even when strike action is involved – or from any crowd of spectators. It is an assembly which challenges what is given by the mere fact of its coming together.

State authorities usually lie about the number of demonstrators involved. The lie, however, makes little difference. (It would only make a significant difference if demonstrations really were an appeal to the democratic conscience of the State.) The importance of the numbers involved is to be found in the direct experience of those taking part in or sympathetically witnessing the demonstration. For them the numbers cease to be numbers and become the evidence of their senses, the conclusions of their imagination. The larger the demonstration, the more powerful and immediate (visible, audible, tangible) a metaphor it becomes for their total collective strength.

I say metaphor because the strength thus grasped transcends the potential strength of those present, and certainly their actual strength as deployed in a demonstration. The more people there are there, the more forcibly they represent to each other and to themselves those who are absent. In this way a mass demonstration simultaneously extends and gives body to an abstraction. Those who take part become more positively aware of how they belong to a class. Belonging to that class ceases to imply a common fate, and implies a common opportunity. They begin to recognise that the function of their class need no longer be limited: that it, too, like the demonstrations itself, can create its own function.

Revolutionary awareness is rehearsed in another way by the choice and effect of location. Demonstrations are essentially urban in character, and they are usually planned to take place as near as possible to some symbolic centre, either civic or national. Their ‘targets’ are seldom the strategic ones – railway stations, barracks, radio stations, airports. A mass demonstration can be interpreted as the symbolic capturing of a city or capital. Again, the symbolism or metaphor is for the benefit of the participants.

The demonstration, an irregular event created by the demonstrators, nevertheless takes place near the city centre, intended for very different uses. The demonstrators interrupt the regular life of the streets they march through or of the open spaces they fill. They ‘cut off these areas, and, not yet having the power to occupy them permanently, they transform them into a temporary stage on which they dramatise the power they still lack.

The demonstrators’ view of the city surrounding their stage also changes. By demonstrating, they manifest a greater freedom and independence – a greater creativity, even although the product is only symbolic – than they can ever achieve individually or collectively when pursuing their regular lives. In their regular pursuits they only modify circumstances; by demonstrating they symbolically oppose their very existence to circumstances.

This creativity may be desperate in origin, and the price to be paid for it high, but it temporarily changes their outlook. They become corporately aware that it is they or those whom they represent who have built the city and who maintain it. They see it through different eyes. They see it as their product, confirming their potential instead of reducing it.

Finally, there is another way in which revolutionary awareness is rehearsed. The demonstrators present themselves as a target to the so-called forces of law and order. Yet the larger the target they present, the stronger they feel. This cannot be explained by the banal principle of ‘strength in numbers,’ any more than by vulgar theories of crowd psychology. The contradiction between their actual vulnerability and their sense of invincibility corresponds to the dilemma which they force upon the State authority.

Either authority must abdicate and allow the crowd to do as it wishes: in which case the symbolic suddenly becomes real, and, even if the crowd’s lack of organisation and preparedness prevents it from consolidating its victory, the event demonstrates the weakness of authority. Or else authority must constrain and disperse the crowd with violence: in which case the undemocratic character of such authority is publicly displayed. The imposed dilemma is between displayed weakness and displayed authoritarianism. (The officially approved and controlled demonstration does not impose the same dilemma: its symbolism is censored: which is why I term it a mere public spectacle.) Almost invariably, authority chooses to use force. The extent of its violence depends upon many factors, but scarcely ever upon the scale of the physical threat offered by the demonstrators. This threat is essentially symbolic. But by attacking the demonstration authority ensures that the symbolic event becomes an historical one: an event to be remembered, to be learnt from, to be avenged.

It is in the nature of a demonstration to provoke violence upon itself. Its provocation may also be violent. But in the end it is bound to suffer more than it inflicts. This is a tactical truth and an historical one. The historical role of demonstrations is to show the injustice, cruelty, irrationality of the existing State authority. Demonstrations are protests of innocence.

But the innocence is of two kinds, which can only be treated as though they were one at a symbolic level. For the purposes of political analysis and the planning of revolutionary action, they must be separated. There is an innocence to be defended and an innocence which must finally be lost: an innocence which derives from justice, and an innocence which is the consequence of a lack of experience.

Demonstrations express political ambitions before the political means necessary to realise them have been created. Demonstrations predict the realisation of their own ambitions and thus may contribute to that realisation, but they cannot themselves achieve them.

The question which revolutionaries must decide in any given historical situation is whether or not further symbolic rehearsals are necessary. The next stage is training in tactics and strategy for the performance itself."]]></description>
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