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    <title>Iain McGilchrist: Re-enchanting the Brain's Hemispheres — The Beautiful Truth</title>
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[via Mo Bitar:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h9dgeM_KuB8 ]]]></description>
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<dc:subject>palantir alexkapro tcsottek adirobertson 2026 evil siliconvalley surveillance deregulation rulingclass civilization society sociopathy power darioamodei petehegseth ai artificialintelligence militarism technofascism nerdreich bureaucracy democracy governance government billionaires policy pluralism west culture</dc:subject>
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    <title>AI got the blame for the Iran school bombing. The truth is far more worrying | Iran | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-29T02:52:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/2026/mar/26/ai-got-the-blame-for-the-iran-school-bombing-the-truth-is-far-more-worrying</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["LLMs-gone-rogue dominated coverage, but had nothing to do with the targeting. Instead, it was choices made by human beings, over many years, that gave us this atrocity"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/03/11/on-labels-and-kids-and.html">
    <title>Sara Hendren - on labels and kids and schools</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-12T04:38:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/03/11/on-labels-and-kids-and.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I need to write a long post about the many parents I know who come to me for advice about accepting an ADHD/related dx and the requisite IEP or 504 bureaucracy for their very average kids. It’s a well-meaning move from all parties to “do everything we can to help” by intervening. But the longitudinal data on labels [https://sites.ucmerced.edu/files/laura-hamilton/files/metzgerhamiltonadhd.pdf ] is pretty damning and on medication [https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2023/0300/lown-right-care-adhd-overdiagnosis.html ] is mixed at best. Again: good intentions from everyone. But parents need to be ruthlessly honest with themselves: Will intervening and saddling kids with labels really enhance the child’s school experience? Or will it salve a parent’s need to have a self-concept of Good Parent, one who Fights for the Child? Or will it solve a teacher’s (sometimes justified) need to have an optimized classroom? Those questions have very different protagonists. So much of parenting requires tolerating the inner uncertainty about how to attend closely to one’s individual children, including the attendance that is the most challenging and vital: watching, listening, and waiting."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.democracynow.org/2026/1/27/alec_karakatsanis">
    <title>From George Floyd to Alex Pretti: “Copaganda” Author on Myths About Immigration, Crime &amp; Policing | Democracy Now!</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-27T17:05:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.democracynow.org/2026/1/27/alec_karakatsanis</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As calls grow to defund and abolish ICE, author Alec Karakatsanis warns that activists should take care to not fall for “copaganda,” which “takes ordinary people who are outraged over what’s happening and converts them into supporting meaningless reforms that actually don’t reduce the size or power or budget of these bureaucracies.” Karakatsanis is the author of Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News. He breaks down many of the myths about crime and policing that arose in the wake of Black Lives Matter protests over the past decade, including the reformist myth of police body cameras and the so-called crime wave. Police-tracked crime, “contrary to what you have been told in the news every single day for the last several years, is actually down,” says Karakatsanis, but fearmongering mainstream media narratives are “designed to make people so afraid that they support repressive institutions that infringe on their own liberty, that don’t make them safer, but that give people in power in our society more ability to control and manipulate.”"

[video on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DSGMmfuUfo8 ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://sarahendren.com/2026/01/25/ambivalence-and-authority/">
    <title>ambivalence and authority | sara hendren</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T21:55:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sarahendren.com/2026/01/25/ambivalence-and-authority/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have plenty of disagreement with George Scialabba’s new book — especially on MacIntyre and Taylor so far, which I hope to write more about — but he is so brilliant on Christopher Lasch that I have to just capture this passage (originally from Only A Voice):

<blockquote>Lasch’s work is an extended quarrel with modernity, defined as the advance of an overlapping, mutually reinforcing phalanx of political centralization, mass production, expanded consumption, automation, geographic mobility, the bureaucratization of education, medicine, and family life, moral cosmopolitanism, and legal universalism. Against this barrage of abstractions, Lasch insisted on the fact of human scale.

    The human creature has a specific evolutionary endowment and gestational history. As a result, the human infant has a powerful and threatening fantasy life, which it can only outgrow gradually, through a range of close-up interactions, involving both authority and love, with the same caregivers over many years. The bureaucratic rationalization of work and intimate life plays havoc with this scheme of development, producing a weak self, stripped of traditional skills, tools, and autonomy, entirely dependent on large forces beyond its comprehension, much less control, and crippled by ambivalence toward remote, impersonal authority. What sustained the strong pre-modern self was the virtue of hope; what sustains the weak modern self is the ideology of progress."</blockquote>]]></description>
<dc:subject>sarahendren christopherlasch georgescialabba modernity humanism scale humanscale ideology progress hope ambivalence authority love bureaucracy work life living skills autonomy tools comprehension abstraction universalism cosmopolitanism education medicing familylife morality centralization politics massproduction production productivity consumerism consumption charlestaylor alasdairmacintyre</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://undark.org/2026/01/21/opinion-climate-sufficiency-politics/">
    <title>Who Gets to Decide How Much Is ‘Enough’ to Live a Good Life?</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T03:39:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://undark.org/2026/01/21/opinion-climate-sufficiency-politics/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The concept of setting sustainable limits on consumption faces a political challenge as it begins to influence policy."

...

"Studies show that opposition to climate policies such as fuel and carbon taxes is often driven less by climate skepticism than by distrust in institutions and perceptions of unfairness. When environmental limits are experienced as top-down mandates, they can provoke anti-authoritarian resistance, even when the environmental goals themselves enjoy broad support.

Air travel brings these tensions into sharp focus. Aviation accounts for roughly 2.5 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions, with its contribution to warming rising to around 4 percent once certain atmospheric effects such as contrails are included. Flying is also deeply unequal. A small minority of frequent flyers is responsible for a disproportionate share of aviation emissions, while much of the world’s population never flies at all.

From a sufficiency perspective, aviation is an obvious candidate for reduction. Policy proposals include frequent-flyer levies that raise the cost of each additional flight taken in a year, as well as personal flight budgets designed to curb excessive travel while protecting occasional and essential trips. But the challenge is not only how to reduce emissions. It is how to decide which trips are legitimate, and who gets to make that call."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 sustainability petersutoris consumption sufficiency enough climate climatechange climatecrisis construction transportation agriculture policy environment bureaucracy politics aviation inequality emissions covid-19 pandemic coronavirus uk eu travel frequentflyers unfairness institutions resistance overreach</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.americananthropologist.org/geopolitical-lives/dua">
    <title>Geopolitical Times: Timeliness and Being out of Time, by Samar al-Bulushi (UC Irvine) and Kristin Peterson (UC Irvine) — American Anthropologist</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T17:18:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.americananthropologist.org/geopolitical-lives/dua</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In hindsight, Yusuf probably ended up on the wrong boat. In 2015, when the airstrikes started in Yemen, Yusuf and his brother first contemplated leaving. Following the Arab Spring in 2011, an uprising in Yemen forced the country’s long-term president Ali Abdullah Saleh to cede power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. However, Hadi’s government failed to bring stability to Yemen and was ineffective in dealing with numerous threats, ranging from the Houthi rebellion in northern Yemen to food insecurity and the continuing influence of Saleh in Yemeni politics. In 2014, Houthi rebels seized control of parts of northern Yemen, including the capital, Sanaa, and forced President Hadi into exile. In March 2015, a coalition of states, led by Saudi Arabia and backed by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, carried out airstrikes against Houthi strongholds in the north. Saudi Arabia and its allies claimed that the Houthis were a proxy of Iran and part of Iran’s attempt to gain influence over Yemen. “When things started getting worse, we made our way down to Taiz and stayed with some family before so we could take a boat across the Red Sea. In those days, boats were leaving every day from Mocha and other places on the coast to Obock and Tajdoura [ports in Djibouti],” said Yusuf.

Geopolitics is a story about place, the “geo” a reminder that the realm of the political referenced here is one of claims over territory. In this story, certain places and people matter and others don’t. An important critique of geopolitics has emphasized this unequal and racialized distribution of concern, about whose lives are grievable and the geographies of indifference that shape the political (Butler 2009; Povinelli 2011; Wynter 2003). But the geopolitical is also about grievability as a temporally circumscribed notion. As mandates end, once embassies are evacuated, the temporality of geopolitics renders places and people out of time. The very language of geopolitics, with its emphasis on “crisis,” “flashpoints,” and “flare-ups,” is one that privileges this immediacy of attention. The geopolitical is a tale of timeliness, and as I reflect on here, being out of time. 

Prior to 2014, a steady traffic of boats had operated in the other direction. Young men (this was mostly, though not always, a journey undertaken by men) would walk for days, weeks, and months from places as far afield as the Ogaden region in Ethiopia to the desolate coastline of Djibouti and Somalia. From there, they would embark on tahrib, a journey across the Red Sea to port cities in Yemen and then to Saudi Arabia, Dubai, or Europe. These boats operated adjacent to fishing skiffs, dhows, cargo ships, and navy vessels. When the Yemen civil war started, families—first the Somali families that had fled to Yemen during the Somali civil war and then others—found themselves on boats leaving the coast of southern Yemen and heading to ports in Djibouti and Somalia. Yusuf and his brother had hoped to travel together to Djibouti and eventually end up in Dearborn, Michigan, where distant cousins had settled. “The man who was making arrangements told us that we couldn’t go on the same boat; so, I let my younger brother go first and would follow him a week later.” Soon after his brother left under the cover of a moonless, humid night, rumors circulated that the Saudis would be blockading the coast and restricting all sea traffic. “In the days after he left, it became clear that I wouldn’t be able to make it to Djibouti. From where I was staying I could see the road from Taiz making its way down the mountains to Hudaydah [on the coast]. Every night, I would see a steady stream of lights twinkling on the road as cars and trucks with families started arriving to try and leave in time.” Yusuf found himself out of time. A few days after his brother had fled Yemen, the Saudi-led coalition blockaded the coast of Yemen, ostensibly in retaliation for missile attacks by Houthi rebels on Riyadh. Navigating the Bab-el-Mandeb all of a sudden became even more treacherous. “The cost to travel almost doubled, so I decided to take whatever boat I could afford.” Yusuf ended up on a boat to Bosaso, the largest port in Puntland, an autonomous region in northern Somalia.

It was just after Eid al adha in 2019, and we were sitting at the restaurant where Yusuf worked in Bosaso. Over the past few years, a number of Yemeni restaurants had opened up throughout Puntland. The deliciously sharp smell of fenugreek from the freshly made hilbeh and sabayad (Yemeni bread) baking in the front drew me to his restaurant. We met regularly and chatted about Yemeni food and Dearborn. Like many Yemenis in Puntland, Yusuf was struggling to get the right paperwork to travel onward. “When we came, people welcomed us. They prayed for us and raised money for us at the mosque. We found work, some with importers and exporters, others worked at restaurants like I am doing. But the goal was to stay only for a little while, before finding a way to America.” He explained that his brother had landed in Obock and made his way down to Djibouti City and got papers to travel to Europe. When he tried at the refugee resettlement offices in Puntland, he was refused and told that too much time had passed. “The UN people are suspicious that we are Arab Salah [Yemeni-descended communities in Somalia] and just trying to leave Somalia by falsely claiming we came recently from Yemen.” 

Yusuf, like numerous others, found himself unable to successfully navigate the whims and vagaries of humanitarian bureaucracies. As many have eloquently written (Feldman 2007; Khosravi 2010; Ticktin 2011), these humanitarian orders ensnare, capture, and abandon those fleeing to safety. Yusuf also found himself constantly out of time. When he first arrived in Puntland, the civil war in Yemen was regularly on the news, and Yusuf described encountering a steady stream of well-wishers and those curious about the world he had fled. “In the mosque, at the mafrish, people talked about Yemen all the time, especially with the Saudi-led blockade and whether Somalia would have to choose sides between the Saudis and the Qataris.” Yet, this recognition did not extend to some of the humanitarian-assistance offices. With mandates aimed at assisting those leaving the Horn of Africa, Yusuf’s journey from Yemen to the Horn of Africa was not legible. He had applied too early, and by the time mandates had expanded to include Yemenis arriving in Somalia, his journey was seen as having occurred before the cutoff time for assistance. 

These temporal traps are central, if at times unrecognized, to the management of populations and various practices of state and supra-state recognition. It is often time, as opposed to intent, that is the distinction between the refugee and the migrant, between those who can escape to safety and those left behind. Jurisdiction and recognition (the very building blocks of geopolitics) are not merely territorial contests but also structured within particular temporalities.

There was another sense in which Yusuf was out of time. By 2019, the civil war in Yemen had very much receded into the background. Yusuf and others stuck in Somalia found themselves struggling to make themselves legible to various international actors, as their lives and world no longer retained urgency as “geopolitical flashpoints.” This was not simply a case of imperial indifference or compassion fatigue (those are certainly at play), but a sense that one’s time had passed. As one of my interlocutors in Puntland remarked, “When I see the Yemenis at mosque on Friday prayers, I find myself surprised that they are still here. Not wanting them to leave necessarily, but still surprised that they are still around.” The Yemenis would also speak of their surprise. As Yusuf said, “I never thought I would still be here, but here I am.” His brother, on the other hand, had arrived at the right place and, importantly, at the right time. This was something he constantly brought up.

This timeliness maps onto an understanding of temporality—for both imperial agents and critics—as one where geopolitical time unfolds in a linear progression. Geopolitical time is epochal; it is built on notions of stages and linear transitions. From kingdom to state, from sail to steam, from land to sea to air. To make claims about the geopolitical invites this form of linearity (reflect here on the frames available to think through the China-Africa question that all seem to replicate the “new imperialism” idea). Geopolitical time privileges the self-representation of empire and relegates all others to the “waiting room of history” (Chakrabarty 2000).

Geopolitics produces in its wake those rendered out of time. Engaging geopolitics then becomes a form of engaging in this politics of timeliness (and being out of time). But there are other scales at which the geopolitical becomes legible, especially as it morphs into a tale of geo-temporal socialities. Here it is not linear time that is at stake but a kind of geopolitical unfolding that is recursive. Time folds in on itself, things return and reappear, but they do so in ways that are not the same. This is what makes geopolitics simultaneously familiar, and we can see forms and patterns that appear and reappear—Saigon 1975 reappears as Kabul 2021—but each reappearance creates a new possibility. This is not contingency as a hopeful modality of change, but also contingency as evasion as a way for imperial systems to morph and strengthen. 

Yusuf recognized how the temporality of geopolitics had rendered him out of time. “I never thought I would still be here, but here I am” is a recognition that one still endures in a time that they were not meant to inhabit. For Yusuf, there is no resilience to be valorized in this statement, no reservoir of courage or strategy of mobility to be celebrated, but instead a tired yet persistent insistence on disrupting the temporalities of indifference that constitute geopolitical time."]]></description>
<dc:subject>jatindua time timeliness anthropology yemen houthis aliabdullahsaleh geopolitics via:javierarbona concern djibouti somalia ethiopia ogaden saudiarabia bureaucracy hornofafrica qatar samaralbulushi kristinpeterson ansarallah 2025 ansarullah</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.economist.com/united-states/2025/12/11/american-doctors-are-rich-and-miserable">
    <title>American doctors are rich and miserable</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-22T06:11:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.economist.com/united-states/2025/12/11/american-doctors-are-rich-and-miserable</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A recent study shows they are world leaders in burnout"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/lD1uu ]

"Look around a physicians’ car park in Dallas, Texas, and the rewards from years slogging away in training are evident. “It looks like a German-car dealership,” says Scott Yates, a doctor, from behind the wheel of his BMW. He reels off all the luxury-car brands he can see. Yet he worries that his peers are still unhappy. “We all went to medical school to practice medicine,” he says, “not to deal with insurance companies, not to fill out paperwork.” This burden lies at the heart of a confounding statistic: American family doctors are among the best paid in the world and also some of the most miserable.

In a recent international survey by The Commonwealth Fund, a think-tank, of 11,000 doctors, 43% of American respondents reported feeling burnt out, more than in any of the other nine peer-countries polled (see chart). In Britain, just over a third of general practitioners in the bedraggled NHS reported being “physically or emotionally exhausted”, despite earning about half of the $242,000 taken home by the average American primary-care doctor. “Burnout is sometimes like a dirty little secret,” says Revathi Ravi, an internist and paediatrician in Boston. The American health-care system has all “the ingredients for it”. Her own experiences of burnout were so intense she considered quitting.

[Chart]

Paperwork is the driving force behind this misery, says Celli Horstman, one of the Commonwealth study’s authors. “There are just so many administrative tasks—on top of spending time with patients—that US physicians are expected to do.” Ms Hortsman cites elaborate charting, in-boxes teeming with patient messages and fighting with insurance companies.

Doctors are particularly aggrieved by the rise of electronic health records. Studies show that family doctors spend, on average, just under an hour every day answering patient messages alone. The use of remote-contact and communication apps spiked during the covid pandemic, reports Tait Shanafelt, a doctor at Stanford who studies burnout, “leading to a tsunami of inbox messages for physicians”. Although he emphasises their potential for improved treatment, “it’s all just extra work.”

This angst is not just a problem for doctors. Burnt out physicians are twice as likely to make a mistake. They are also more likely to quit, which can produce staggering costs. One analysis from 2019 found that turnover and hours lost to burnout costs roughly $7,600 per employed doctor, or $4.6bn each year.

Some solutions to burnout are straightforward. Researchers point to Australia, which created a centralised platform for health bureaucracy, cutting down endless form-filling. Jen Brull, the chair of the American Academy of Family Physicians, a trade association, hopes that artificial intelligence might help too, especially for “routine tasks like charting, coding and note-taking”. “A decade ago, maybe people would have said, ‘the clinician should do more mindfulness practices’,” says Dr Ravi, the Boston physician. Now there is more recognition of the need to reduce workloads. In the meantime, she leads classes and coaches doctors to avoid and withstand burnout, just as she did."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us doctors medicine health healthcare burnout 2025 bureaucracy australia</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/@el.compay.nando/upzoning-fantasies-84cb748ae3d2">
    <title>Upzoning Fantasies. Last week I invited a market-rate… | by Fernando Martí | Dec, 2025 | Medium</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-05T07:35:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/@el.compay.nando/upzoning-fantasies-84cb748ae3d2</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Last week I invited a market-rate developer as guest speaker in my graduate housing class at the University of San Francisco. I told him that invariably a student would ask him about the Mayor’s so-called “family” upzoning plan. His answer to the students was that it’s essentially just political posturing, and won’t have much impact on increasing supply. He’s a developer, he knows: development is all about costs and interest rates and financing.

San Francisco’s family zoning plan is politicians pretending to be doing something, gaining political points from their YIMBY and tech donor allies, and attacking their labor and tenant opponents who didn’t support their campaigns, because the real things they should be focusing on — interest rates, costs, and financing, they either can’t (interest rates), or don’t want to (costs), or it’s too hard (financing).

When I consulted for a housing co-op which is considering developing on their property, we brought in a development financial adviser, and, not surprisingly, they told the co-op members that basically it’s going to be another ten years, if not more, before it makes financial sense to build higher than 85’ anywhere outside of downtown, and even that was iffy. Look around — where are the cranes?

On the smaller development scale, another housing friend ran into one of the residential builder guys, the ones who build medium sized buildings in the West side, and they are pissed off about the whole thing. They already have a hard time buying land to build on — much of it is being bought up by outside investors — and the rezoning is simply making the land more valuable, making it harder for them to acquire development properties.

Zoning is not the primary constraint to construction today — not in SF where it costs $800,000 or more to build a unit of housing. Nor is environmental review or planning approvals. If these were the constraints to production, then we wouldn’t have tens of thousands of already approved market-rate units unable to get construction financing (54,394 to be exact, stuck waiting for Wall Street to decide the time is ripe again to make 20% returns on their San Francisco housing investments).

One more zoning story: two years ago, my family was fortunate to move into a brand-new Habitat for Humanity middle-income development in Diamond Heights — after a three-year eviction fight from the apartment we had lived in for 24 years. The new 8-unit building is next to a row of single-family Eichlers. There was no opposition from the neighbors — only support! And there was no need for a rezoning: the current zoning was exactly what was needed to build stacked 3-bedroom family flats, three residential stories over garage with solar on the roof. Had they built higher, they could have gone to four residential stories, but that would have required an elevator, creating excessive costs just to serve a few units; had they gone even higher, they would have needed to build in concrete, too expensive for the size of the site. Or had there been density decontrol, they could have packed the site with micro-units, but their mission was to build for families.

Zoning changes that promote real family housing and affordable and workforce housing on corner lots and one-story commercial corridors, on parking lots and church sites, throughout the west and north of the city, that understands the interaction between site size and height and construction costs, are absolutely needed as part of a real housing plan. San Francisco has done rezonings with deep community engagement and participation from the communities most impacted: the Eastern Neighborhoods Mission Area Plan, the Western SOMA plan, etc., that resulted in plans that increased affordability and financing for infrastructure costs. Not perfect, but not just a landowner giveaway either.

But making zoning changes alone will NOT result in any new investment from private Wall Street funds. Zoning is not the constraint. Zoning does not create investment. The immediate impact of upzoning is to raise land values: if a zoning change allows 10 units when before you could only build 5, voilá, your land value just doubled, with no work on your part. In fact, upzoning may even slow down production: raising land values and changing heights for smaller sites above 65’ that require more expensive concrete construction not supported by project financing will lead landowners to hold on to their investment sites for decades waiting for a magical day when the west side rents are high enough to justify building. So the rezoning plan — the way it is being done, in big swaths that don’t account for lot size or rent-controlled units — may in fact SLOW DOWN development. Which is why you don’t see many actual real live developers pushing for this.

You might see some marginal new construction come out of this: developers targeting commercial buildings with the lowest rents and apartments with the most vulnerable lowest income renters, for demolition and rebuilding as micro-unit tech dorms. But even that will probably have to wait to the next post-AI boom and increase in rents. Just ask the HAC boy. Right now, it’s all magical zoning bullshit, pushed by politicians without the guts to address the real issues of financing and costs, done simply with the goal of rousing their base, scoring political points, and attracting tech donors.

What would a real FAMILY zoning plan do if you were really doing it to encourage development and not just for the political drama and tech donors? First, exclude all the rent-controlled buildings. The planning department already says that they didn’t count new units from those buildings, because they are in fact hard to demolish (but not impossible — it’s just the cost of doing business). But eliminating densities and increasing height limits in those buildings will add to their values, will bring in investors with a business plan based on evict and demolish, causing hell for tenants, and more vacancies, even if ultimately it’s hard to demolish. Why pick a fight you don’t need to? Because this plan is NOT about building housing — it’s about politics and attacking your enemies. That would still leave a huge number of one-story commercial sites, car washes, banks and groceries with parking lots, etc. Those you could increase heights depending on the lot size. Bring in real developers to say what they would build. 50’-65’ is probably the sweet spot for wood-frame buildings in the outer neighborhoods, maybe 85’ max if the sites are big enough to justify it. Third, make this real “family” housing. We should be measuring bedrooms, not “units,” as our goal. Sure, eliminate densities based on number of units per lot size, but require a unit mix that more accurately reflects San Francisco’s needs: at least 50% two-bedroom or larger (similar to what cities like Emeryville require). Finally, have a real affordable housing plan. The State HCD and the City’s own Housing Element both predict that only about 43% of future households will be able to afford new construction market-rate rents (though the reality was that when we were actually building a lot of new units in 2017–2020, only the top 20% could afford new rental units, and only the top 10% could afford new condos, but, hey, let’s dream that some trickle down actually works). We need to account for the other 57%. This plan actually LOWERS the affordable requirements! You need to set aside the land for the needed affordable sites. So identify a number of lots over 10,000 square feet, say all the publicly-owned lots, all the church lots, banks and grocery stores and car washes with parking lots, and apply the upzoning there ONLY for projects that build at least 50% affordable, from low to moderate income — still far below the actual “need,” but given where the market is now, they would probably be the first projects to actually get built. That’s the zoning piece.

But none of that answers the real questions, which are financing and costs. That’s what’s keeping those tens of thousands of ALREADY APPROVED units from getting built. You have to have public financing, because the Wall Street investors that market-rate developers depend on all have their heads deep in AI’s ass, and aren’t going to come back to building housing for a decade or more. You need to get a public bank off the ground and capitalize it, you need to work out the tax issues to make project revenue bonds work for workforce housing, and you need to begin thinking of the city as a builder of housing, just like it builds sewers and water systems and sea walls with a long-term capital bonding plan. Social housing. Start land banking those sites that make sense for low-income and workforce housing — BEFORE you upzone it to make it much more expensive to buy! The construction cost issue is tougher — my developer friend talks about how he’s building for $100K less per unit in South City. There’s got to be some deep conversations with the GCs who charge an SF premium and the building trades about moving the whole cost issue so you can actually get people building rather than waiting for the next boom. Countries that really care about housing (from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Ireland to Singapore) have construction cost controls — knowing that is a monopoly constraint to housing supply and affordability. But nowhere in the US. Viva la Capitalism. Just deregulate baby, and magical thinking will provide!

There are really only three ways to build $800K units in SF: 1) low-income housing requiring deep up-front public subsidies, 2) market-rate luxury housing dependent on equity investors who demand 20% returns and build only when the rents are soaring, or 3) social housing dependent on shallow up-front subsidies and low-interest permanent loans. That’s it. And zoning won’t solve that. We do the first one relatively well in SF, though only meeting about 50% of need. We do the second one ONLY when Wall Street says “go,” which is only when there is a tech boom. And we’ve never done the third.

My YIMBY friends will say it’s a pipe dream to imagine that we can build a social housing system in SF (never mind that Seattle is already starting to do it). That’s not a pipe dream: that’s identifying a problem — how to build housing needed to keep a city functioning and livable for current and future generations — and then working for real solutions to make it happen. If they were actually serious about building enough housing for all who need it, that is what they would be putting their efforts into. But public financing for housing does not fit their tech libertarian deregulation and austerity ideology. They are trapped in their own world-view with no way out except empty upzoning dreams. They end up pushing false solutions and making arguments that even developers don’t think will amount to anything. It’s a failure of political will — and a failure of imagination."]]></description>
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    <title>What MacIntyre Meant | Stories | Notre Dame Magazine | University of Notre Dame</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-22T20:04:19+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Many competing movements claimed the late, eminent moral philosopher, whose encompassing critique of modernity made him an outsider despite his outsized influence."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/relationships/how-to-turn-the-bureaucratic-grind-of-life-into-a-party-7205f690">
    <title>How to Turn the Bureaucratic Grind of Life Into a Party - WSJ</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-20T06:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/relationships/how-to-turn-the-bureaucratic-grind-of-life-into-a-party-7205f690</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We all feel it: the growing stream of administrative tasks sapping our time, spirits and social lives. Admin Night represents a tiny, nerdy resistance."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/UfdqM ]

"Six years ago, after watching my circle of friends surrender one too many evenings to insurance wrangling and doctor portals and DMV confusion, I emailed them a proposal: Come over next Tuesday. Grab a six pack. And bring your bills, your credit-card statements, your school forms, the streaming services you need to unsubscribe from, the airline miles you need to manage, the expenses app you need to figure out. I’d be throwing the lamest party ever.  

At the heart of this party was a truth that has gone under-acknowledged in recent years: We’re all sinking. We’re sinking into a quicksand of tiny, dumb administrative tasks. It is the most tedious quicksand imaginable. 

Tasks once accomplished with a quick phone call now require logging into a new website, which requires remembering yet another password. Disputing a charge means arguing with a chipper chatbot, or submitting to an hour of brain-melting hold music—call volume higher than expected!—only to be disconnected. 

These obligations have swollen beyond petty annoyance into their own distinct sphere of activity, neither work nor not-work. Meanwhile, our days still revolve around those two primary modes. In that disconnect has blossomed a growing depletion, with social and civic and familial costs I don’t believe we’ve reckoned with.

Thirty-seven percent of adults aged 18–40 say they are overwhelmed by the devices and subscriptions they need to manage, according to a 2023 Deloitte study. In the U.K., a 2023 report from the Citizens Advice service, a nonprofit that helps people manage everyday concerns, estimates that British consumers spent more than 49 million hours that year attempting to fix problems caused by deceptive digital design tactics.

Looking at the proliferation of do-it-yourself online tasks, the software company Liferay calculated this year that 82% of adults in the U.S. find themselves doing work once handled by an employee.

Lina Khan, the former head of the Federal Trade Commission, told me that her time at the agency showed her people beset by exhaustion and distrust—drained not just of time but of faith that the system works. “People increasingly feel like they have to gear up for battle just to go about the most mundane day-to-day transactions,” she said.

Bring me your tired, your confused, your huddled masses yearning to complete insurance prior-authorization forms.

But I’m not here to talk about policy. I’m here to recruit. 

I called my nerdy little party Admin Night. The premise: deal with the stuff we’ve been putting off, help each other when possible (“anyone have luck connecting with Comcast?”) and make a fun evening of something onerous. 

Wendy might organize her desktop as Chas investigates a mysterious bank charge. Perhaps Maria plunges into her yearlong effort to secure long-term care for her mom—getting the insurance company to talk to the third-party records handler, who won’t talk to Kaiser and so forth. After half an hour, we crack a beer and shoot the breeze. Then we dive back in. Home by 10.

Right away we marveled at how productive we were. Having friends hammer away beside you, faces lighted by the same bureaucratic glow, somehow makes dreaded tasks manageable. Little projects postponed for years—closing a checking account, updating a will—become approachable when you’ve got a squad. We even start sharing wisdom: how to roll over a 401(k), how to get that refund. (Guessing a CEO’s email address, we’ve found, can be surprisingly effective.)

But soon it became clear something larger was happening—a kind of awakening. Between sessions, conversation inevitably turns to how things got this way: the fracturing of the consumer landscape, the rise of the subscription model, the corporate pivot from “service” to “self-service.”

Admin Night is refreshingly bipartisan in this polarized era—turns out nobody likes that chipper chatbot. And we all agree that the institutions—unions, regulators, community groups—that once shielded us from bureaucratic load and consumer abuse have lost the ability to do so. So, within our patch of common ground, all kinds of civic muscles start twitching again.

What would a society look like if it valued our time as much as our data? If we can organize our inboxes together, what else might we organize—a food drive, a boycott, a march? And how can the work of Admin Night be more evenly distributed? (Maria’s endless effort to secure care for her mother is galling in its own right; it is unconscionable in what it implies for those without the time or resources to fight like this for their mothers.)

Finally, Admin Night takes aim at the isolation fanned by our collective overwhelm. Our slow collective drift from one another isn’t just about screens, after all, but the endless micro-obligations that keep us tethered to them. I’m not quite ready to blame our national loneliness epidemic on two-factor authentication and automated help desks. But grinding away at the kitchen table night after night with an increasing amount of paperwork represents a profound shift from how life used to be. 

So join me. Invite some folks over, have them bring refreshments and bills, school forms, jury-duty summonses—whatever looms. The only rules I recommend: no doing your actual job, and no talking on the phone. It’s OK—very little gets accomplished that way anymore anyway. 

Admin Night won’t restore all our stolen hours. (When I first christened it, I told myself I’d come up with a cleverer name once I had free time. I’m still waiting.) It also won’t solve things at a structural level. But it wakes us up to the need for those solutions, and it turns our private drudgery into communal solidarity and gives us back the only commodity that ever really mattered: our time.

Chris Colin’s writing has appeared in the Atlantic, the New York Times Magazine, and “Best American Science and Nature Writing.” He lives in San Francisco."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aeon.co/essays/victorian-diary-writers-kicked-off-our-age-of-self-optimisation">
    <title>Victorian diary-writers kicked off our age of self-optimisation | Aeon Essays</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-17T17:48:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/essays/victorian-diary-writers-kicked-off-our-age-of-self-optimisation</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Our cursed age of self-monitoring and optimisation didn’t start with big tech: as so often, the Victorians are to blame"

...

"Beatrice Webb (1858-1943), the pioneering socialist and co-founder of the London School of Economics, used her diary to record her attempts at self-education in psychology, philosophy and sociology. The eighth child of a wealthy businessman, as a young woman Beatrice frequently worried that she was wasting her time – and, thus, her life. In a typical diary entry, on 30 April 1883 she lamented: ‘the time rushes and I accomplish nothing,’ and later in June that year she confessed: ‘Wretchedly wasted week. No hard work done. Sick headache from over-eating and under-exercising.’

The pressure to achieve self-mastery and constantly improve could create a sense of continual failure – a sentiment many of us share with our Victorian forebears. As Steinitz wryly notes: ‘if one reached the goal of the fully improved, disciplined, controlled self, there would be no reason to write the self-improving, disciplining, controlling diary.’ Diarists were often unable to sustain the discipline of daily entries, especially those who favoured longer, descriptive entries, so they occasionally produced retrospective entries to maintain the illusion that they wrote daily. Often Victorian diaries are a record of failure, containing apologias for missed entries and confessions of moral transgressions. In 1852, the teenage Nunns recorded his many unauthorised absences from the chapel at Marlborough. Gladstone interpreted his daughter Agnes’s illness in September 1847 as the will of God but criticised his own failure to accept it, commenting that ‘everyone behaves well but me’. His ‘rescue work’ with prostitutes and intense struggles with the temptations of pornography and infidelity are constant preoccupations after 1840. As his biographer H C G Matthew wrote in 1988, these meetings with sex workers ‘became not merely a duty but a craving … an exposure to sexual stimulation which Gladstone felt he must both undergo and overcome.’ Diaries reveal the weaknesses, vices, doubts and insecurities that plagued 19th-century writers as they ultimately failed to live up to contemporary ideals of industry, piety, respectability and progress.

Nineteenth-century diaries show a growing middle class engaged in a constant quest for self-mastery and productivity. With the invention of printed commercial diaries came a new way of looking at life and new organisational possibilities. The future could be mapped out, goal-oriented, solution-focused. The Victorians were great innovators, but progress was Janus-faced. For every leap forward, a renewed pressure to go further, and faster, to do better, be better. The age of progress was also an age of anxiety.

While the Victorian diary might initially seem strange to us – the lists of books read, the constant references to religion, the fact that family members and spouses would exchange these private texts – contemporary social media accounts display the same tendencies towards performative self-improvement. In fact, the cultural obsession with self-improvement and ‘habit-tracking’ has intensified. Technology companies have successfully monetised this deep-rooted urge to better ourselves, providing new ways to document and compare our daily lives, which can create a perpetual sense of failure. The act of sharing stories about ourselves is no longer confined to a trusted circle of intimate friends and relatives. Instead, social media platforms function as multimedia diaries with an immediate, global audience who provide constant feedback on our choices and activities. As technology continues to improve our ability to mark and measure our own progress, we should learn from the Victorians and their diaries and ask ourselves: are we actually improving our lives or just finding new ways to criticise ourselves?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>victorians quantifiedself diaries measurement monitoring self-monitoring optimization time bigtech history elenamary technology self self-improvement self-quantification quantification productivity capitalism consumption samuelsmiles industrialization imperialism bureaucracy meetings appointments finance transactions timetables almanacs johnletts johnbeadle puritans salvation religion christianity johnevelyn samuelpepys queenvictoria petergay rebeccasteinitz gossip arguments georgegrossmith weedongrossmith charlespooter williamgladstone anne-mariemillim robertnunns charlesdarwin sharonmarcus princessvictoria text elizabethcollins annelister elizaraine philippelejeune society stfancollini habits trains greenwichmeantime standardization standards wrgreg beatricewebb psychology philosophy sociology hcgmatthew anxiety progress speed darwin</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html">
    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thecuttingfloor.substack.com/p/popups-and-pipes-how-the-network">
    <title>Popups and Pipes: How the Network State Already Exists in Asia</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-02T22:03:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thecuttingfloor.substack.com/p/popups-and-pipes-how-the-network</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The network dreamed of exit; the planet dreamed of endurance. Between them hums the civilisation we’re already building."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chorpharn networkstate asia singapore 2025 via:javierarbona balajisrinivasan popups brettonwoods ethereum zuzalu coinbase basecamp próspera honduras nuanu bali abudhabi elsalvador incubators seasteading movement innovation china japan korea rajeevmantri india infrastructure hefi suzhou anji crypto cryptocurrencies building changsha community communities society startups ecosystems prototyping metabolism benhorowitz palau marshallislands microstates niallferguson tylercowen brunomacaes colonialism colonization imperialism empire disembodiment tescreal transhumanism synthesis civics competence vampires west sanfrancisco zoning ai artificialintelligence daos leakage computation computing datacenters cloud theology navalravinkant vitalikbuterin arthurhayes nasdaily andrewhuberman deregulation libertarianism governance government investment andreessenhorowitz sezs zedes industrialparks freedomcities brunomaçães noahsmith mythology edgecity polychain pronomos lightness sovereignty citizenship citizenry soi</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-the-left-can-protest">
    <title>Monopoly Round-Up: Does the Left Have Trouble with Making Things in America?</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-26T05:14:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thebignewsletter.com/p/monopoly-round-up-the-left-can-protest</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Let’s go back to the Sharpie marker example. What Newell did with Sharpie markers, investing in factories to juice productivity, is how America has always operated. Historically, America had the highest wages in the world from the 1750s to the 1980s. We had higher wages and higher productivity precisely because our policy framework ensured that we invested in machine tooling and productivity-enhancing technologies to keep us competitive with lower wage nations, and then we had labor protections of various forms to allow people to “keep the fruits of their labor.” A high-productivity, high-wage, and high business formation model was how we operated. In the 1950s, the U.S. exported a lot of garments, and somehow, contra the view that it’s all labor arbitrage, did so with the highest wages in the world.

Why did that change? It wasn’t some inherent globalization quasi-Marxist story of commodification, it was *policy.* We explicitly traded away U.S. garment jobs to support development in other countries. George Ball, for instance, undersecretary of State on economic affairs for JFK, suggested we should lose garment/textile jobs in the South, because “we Americans could afford to pay some economic price for a strong Europe.” U.S. policy on textiles and footwear were dictated by Cold War interests. Kissinger fought for increased imports and displacement of U.S. workers, for fear of “new gains for the Communists in Italy since shoe (and textile) production is centered in the ‘red belt.’” Judith Stein’s book Pivotal Decade: How the U.S. Traded Factories for Finance goes into this story in depth. But the point is that offshoring production *was* a choice based on policy, which often included things like tariffs, import quotas, and so forth.

By and large what we’re dealing with now is not a Cold War story, it’s a 1990s NAFTA/WTO story. We made clothing in the U.S. until the 2000s. U.S. national strategy under Clinton and then Bush was to focus policy on finance, design, and R&D, and to consolidate economic power in the hands of Wall Street banks through financial deregulation, tighter patents, and lax antitrust. We’d pursue a “capital light” model of production, and let people in East Asia do the grubby work of making things while we did the high-end cool stuff we could patent/copyright. That’s the story in everything from textiles to semiconductors to Hollywood. It’s also a choice abroad; every other nation had higher tariffs than the U.S., because they wanted to take our industries. No one has a de minimis of $800 except America, that level of duty-free access is an anomaly based on our own weird delusions about the ability to continually import.

One consequence of this post-Cold War strategy was the collapse of industrial ecosystems in the U.S., as well as the growth of bloated monopolies. Another consequence is a dramatic decline in capital investment to improve productivity. What’s happened, in other words, is not that robots are substituting for labor, it’s that monopoly profits are pooling on Wall Street and pushing down both labor share and capital investment. It’s all rent extraction.

And it’s not, as economists often imagine, commodification. After all, if that theory of economics is right, and everything gets commodified, then stuff would be cheap in America. But it’s not. We do not live in a consumer’s paradise. In fact, prior to the neoliberal revolution, we did have the lowest prices in the world for a host of goods and services, but that’s flipped. It turns out low wage low productivity also means high prices, not low ones.

Take the observation about Hanes t-shirts for $2. I looked on Amazon, and Hanes retail for $45 for a 5-pack, which is $9/apiece. I’m guessing the production cost is $2, or less, but most of the *actual* cost is the marketing and distribution in the U.S. That’s a function of endless layers of private bureaucracy that emerge when you get rid of open and competitive markets and substitute corporate monopolies. That’s why land and production in the U.S. is costly vis-a-vis other countries, it’s not that labor is more expensive when accounting for productivity, it’s that the various tolls you have to pay to Wall Street make everything super costly.

And now we get to the nub of the problem. If the labor issue in garments is representative of a broader labor dynamic, and it is, then we have to ask the question of whether it’s possible to make even high-end stuff here under our traditional neoliberal policy framework. And the answer is no. The view that the U.S. should have legions of high-skill garment workers may or may not be a good idea in the abstract, but it’s very obvious that it would not work as long as U.S. policy is biased *against* people who work for a living and against people who want to invest in productivity-enhancing capital goods instead of McKinsified pricing games.

A good example of the failure of this theory is Hollywood, where we have the most skilled craftspeople in the world making specialized bespoke goods, and yet L.A.’s entertainment industry is getting absolutely decimated. High end skilled labor isn’t exempt from the trends affecting low wage labor.

There is a basic question here, which is how America is able to have a high standard of living without making very much ourselves. We import $1 trillion+ more than we export. That makes no sense, on some level, we’re a giant global welfare queen. How do we do it? Well, the answer is that we are the provider of dollars to the rest of the world, sort of like an oil-exporter, only our export is pieces of paper that facilitate commerce. That’s the national strategy initiated under neoliberalism, and it’s profoundly anti-production, anti-labor, and anti-business. It’s pro-monopoly and pro-Wall Street. That’s what’s driving the offshoring, not high wages or low skills.

The justification for this neoliberal order is not that it’s good, it is that it’s inevitable. We operate in a global marketplace, so goes the story, and U.S. labor just isn’t competitive, unless it’s low wage immigrant labor. Americans demand low consumer prices. And any attempt to interfere with the natural workings of the market by having production here will be counterproductive, and is racist, xenophobic, and protectionist.

The truth though, of course, is that consumer prices in the U.S. are high, global trading arrangements are set by policy choices across governments, and high overhead is a result of a massively bloated financial sector that demands a piece of every transaction in the U.S. And the anger from people in America displaced by private equity ripping apart their lives and offshoring production isn’t a result of racism or xenophobia, it’s just legitimate economic grievance.

What I dislike about the “offshoring is good” approach is not that it won’t work, though it won’t. It’s that under the cover of some sort of cosmopolitan anti-racist rhetoric is the same old story that concentrated capital likes. We can’t have nice things. We can’t make things here. This is all inevitable, the economists say it, the robots won’t help, Americans don’t have the skills, they are parochial, et al. America is doomed. Just get rid of all tariffs, and give Wall Street what it wants, and treat Americans like the lazy consumers they are.

The thing is, whether we have a functional society based on honoring work is a *choice.* Some have just decided that it’s inevitable, we can’t fix our society, and so we shouldn’t even try. But in fact, we can build things here if we want, and making a functional culture and society means we have to get back to doing that, by pushing Wall Street financiers out of the way. We can choose differently, if we want. But to believe that we have a choice, we must start by believing there’s a “we.” And that’s where the left/liberals get confused, because it’s hard for them to acknowledge that America exists as a political community primarily to help Americans.

A few years ago, I wrote a piece on July 4th called The Long Annoying Tradition of Anti-Patriotism. In it, I laid out what I think is the origin of this problem: a certain vision of America as a place where the people must be ruled by their betters. There’s a fear coursing from John Adams to modern-day Atlantic editors to Wall Street Democrats like Peter Orzag of popular control of a society. They dislike the idea that ordinary Americans would or could or should have political power, and their view of this nation is one that resists such democratic impulses, and where elites rule over a global population of morally equal souls. They use a malleable set of arguments, the most popular recent one being identitarian - it’s why Posen could derisively use the term “white man,” though what he really meant was American-born. Here’s a good headline that makes the anti-democratic point."]]></description>
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    <title>What billionaire Peter Thiel said in his private ‘Antichrist lectures’ - The Washington Post</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-16T17:48:50+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Washington Post reviewed leaked audio from four off-the-record lectures the tech investor delivered in San Francisco over the past month that fused beliefs about religion and technology."]]></description>
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    <title>The holy hypocrisy of Peter Thiel’s Armageddon</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-06T17:28:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sf.gazetteer.co/the-holy-hypocrisy-of-peter-thiels-armageddon</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When the billionaire tech investor talks about the Antichrist, we should take him seriously, not biblically"]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:44:35+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["the hoe-scaring renaissance-heretic style esoteric thinking behind contemporary tech oligarch conservatism"]]></description>
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    <title>The simplest, hardest way to &quot;live like a local&quot;</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-30T18:21:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://andrewsamtoy.substack.com/p/ten-ways-to-live-like-a-local-anywhere</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Recently, people have sent me messages asking for travel insight about specific cities I have either lived in or been to. Often, these messages ask me if I have any advice about how the sender can “live like a local.” The wording and intent are always the same: the sender wants to avoid “touristy” things and, instead, experience the destination as a long-term resident would.

The thing is, nobody ever actually wants to “live like a local” when they are traveling. Instead, they want to live like a romanticized, idealized version of a local that they have in their head, which generally means that they want advice on how to have a luxurious, personal experience that makes them feel like they are in a dream culture while they are away from their normal lives for a few precious days. In addition, they generally don’t want to be reminded of their utter foreign-ness; really, they want to be separated from other foreigners.

But for anyone who really wants to “live like a local,” the real anwser to these requests is simple, but not easy. Here are ten universal tips for how to actually live like a local no matter where you go.

[image: "Local transportation, Kerala, India"]

1. Get a Visa that allows you to work, preferably with a route to citizenship.

If you want to understand local life, you will need to work, which means you will first need to get a visa that allows you to work legally.* One wonderful result: this will also allow you to stay in a place longer than a typical tourist. This visa could be a skilled worker visa, temporary worker visa, training or research visas, remote worker visas - you get the idea. Besides work, this visa will generally allow you to open a bank account, sign a lease for an apartment or house, pay taxes, and maybe even get a driver’s license. By hook or by crook, then, you need to get a visa that allows you to stay and make a living.

[image: "Stamford Raffles Statue, Singapore. He was a migrant worker."]

2. Use the Visa to get at least one job.

In most of the places I have gone, locals have at least one job, and, sometimes, two or three. Some of them are simply making money to survive; some are pursuing their passions; others are working multiple side hustles (backyard chickens for eggs, taking in sewing, etc.) to just make a few extra cents, knowing that a diversified income stream might help in hard times. To really live like a local, you need to do the same - get a job, no matter what that job might be (as long as it’s local - remote working for a “distributed” company doesn’t count). Having at least one source of income will also help you better understand things like local taxes, payment systems, work culture, bargaining, and the financial pressures that locals face. Plus, you get to make money! Whatever the job, working a local job is the second step to really living like a local.

[image]

3. Work really, really hard.

In London, people hustle two jobs just to be able to afford a closet-sized room; floor space that extends beyond the foot of their bed is often a sign of a connection to organized crime (or oil money). In New York, banks are under pressure to cap their junior worker office hours to something like 70 hours a week; in China, and indeed in much of Asia, 70 hours a week sitting at a desk sounds like a cute vacation compared to the drudgery of their low-paid factory jobs. In Cairo and Chicago, Lusaka and Luanda, Boston and Bangkok, people keep their noses to proverbial (and sometimes literal) grindstones.

You get the idea. Locals often work extremely hard to survive wherever they are living. If you want to live like a local, you will have to as well. The third step, then: hustle as hard as you do back at home to make a living.

[image: "I met this guy at 11 p.m. in Kochi, India. He was selling vegetables in a market. He also had a day job in a shop, and was a lead actor in a local television show - his moustache helped him land a role as a gullible police chief."]

4. Learn the language

Learning the local language is non-negotiable. It’s not enough to have a few key words or phrases poorly memorized from a guidebook - you’ll need to be able to plead with a parking officer to not give you a ticket, ask the butcher how spicy the sausages are, understand what the bus driver is telling you to do with your shopping bags when the bus is crowded, and be a part of the inside jokes at work. Even if your job is to speak your native tongue, you need to learn to communicate in a different one; learning the local language is critical to going to a new place and “living like a local.”

[image]

5. Know where to shop

Harrod’s, Liberty, Selfridges - I don’t have the numbers, but I would bet that these stores aren’t profitable because London residents shop at them. Instead, their broadest customer base is likely tourists who want to walk out of their storied doors with ostentatious shopping bags that show others that they have shopped somewhere fancy. I’d bet the same applies to the Hermes and Louis Vuitton stores in Paris, or the Prada and Zegna stores in Milan; the clerks won’t be speaking English or Mandarin by accident.

When people want to live like a local, they want to be told to go to the fancy shops, because they often imagine that locals - at least in Europe - have extravagant lifestyles. But. The bulk of Londoners won’t get onions at Fortnum and Mason, and the majority of actual Parisians aren’t walking around with Birkin bags. Instead, for food, they will go to Tesco or Carrefour; for clothes, they probably shop at H&M or Mango. Perfume? Sephora, or maybe just whatever is available at the local pharmacy. Other daily needs? Sigh…probably Amazon.

The lesson: if you really want to live like a local, avoid luxury shopping binges; they won’t serve you. Instead, follow the crowds and go mass-market. It’s what the locals do.

[image: "Bangkok. The most wonderfully friendly and delicious fruit stand I have ever been to."]

6. Get stuff.

I don't mean, have things that you collect – I mean, accumulate, accumulate, accumulate. We live in an age of material abundance, and people everywhere, whether we're talking about California or Crete or Cambodia, accumulate lots of stuff, and don't get rid of it. If you want to really live like a local, forget about traveling light, or minimizing your footprint. When you find those local stores, go into debt supporting them.

7. In your free time, don’t go out. Instead, drink at home while binge-watching Netflix.

The vast majority of people, no matter where they are, spend a huge amount of their free time at home, staring at screens, regardless of whether they are with their families or alone. They don’t read books; they don’t go to exhibitions; they don’t join clubs. They look at their screens, often watching videos made by people who live completely different lives thousands of miles away.

If you really want to live like a local, try as much as possible to do the same – don't go out to the theatre, don't go to museums, don't go on tours to learn anything. Opportunity to engage with real people? Skip it. Chance to build a community, however temporary? Pass. Instead, buy a couple of bottles at the grocery store around the corner, take them home, and focus on a screen.

(Like the one you’re looking at right now.)

[image]

8. Walk down the street staring at your phone.

Similar to six: none of this “seeing the world around you” or “interacting with other people” malarky. No matter where you are, no matter what the culture is, hordes of people now walk down the street staring at the their phones, ignoring everyone and everything around them. You might be in the most beautiful, vibrant, interesting place in the world, and you can bet that people are not paying attention to it because of social media. If you want to live like a local, do the same. You get bonus points if you also have noise-cancelling headphones on so that sound and sight - the two most important senses for perceiving danger - are mostly taken away from you.

[image]

9. Rage against bureaucracy and an inefficient government.

Local and national governments everywhere seem to be run by complete morons, people who should not be trusted with their own credit cards, much less a sizeable budget or real power over others. You’ll soon start seeing problems with potholes, trash collection, public transportation, construction corruption - the list goes on and on. It’s important to know exactly what the problems are with wherever you are so that you can move on to step ten…

[image]

10. Leave.

Of the fifty people I was closest to from high school in San Diego, California, I know of four who stayed in the 619 area code. When I lived in LA, my closest friends planned to go to Portland, Chicago, Boston, and New York for more sophisticated culture or more interesting work, forgetting that half of the people in California are refugees from these colder cities. In Barcelona, people talked openly about going to Berlin or London (or, secretly, Madrid), where there was more opportunity; people in Berlin and London dream of moving to Barcelona for the weather and lifestyle. In Cleveland, people wanted to live two hours south, in Columbus, which they believed (accurately) was safer and more prosperous; when I visited Columbus, people talked longingly of moving to Cleveland, which they believed (accurately) was way more fun and interesting. People in Budapest couldn’t believe I was from California; why didn’t I stay there, in such a beautiful place? And people in Scotland regularly ask why I left America, while Americans think I am a genius to get out and establish a life in a place that isn’t batshit crazy.

No matter where people are, it seems that they want to leave, that the grass is always greener. So, if you want to really be like a local, ignore the good things about where you live. Don’t love where you are and don’t appreciate what you have. Instead, covet whatever it is that people have elsewhere, and do whatever you can to go somewhere else for at least a while - and possibly forever, if you can get the right visa.

That’s it. If you really want to live like a local someplace you are traveling, it’s a simple path, but not always easy. Thoughts? Pop them below. "]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-09-29T19:32:51+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A deleted chapter from More Than Words: How to Think About Writing in the Age of AI"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture">
    <title>from counterculture to cyberculture (ft. fred turner)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T01:36:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/from-counterculture-to-cyberculture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Stewart Brand, accelerationism, dating apps"

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TNg34K85-8

"Today's guest is Fred Turner, a Professor of Communication at Stanford and probably the best historian of Silicon Valley culture over the past 100 years
.
His book, From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism, is my favorite book on Silicon Valley's history, focusing on how hippies and hackers came together from the 60s to the 90s.

Fred is also one of the warmest, most enthusiastic storytellers I know—the kind of history teacher everyone wishes they had. You’ll leave this listen with a bunch of fun facts about the Whole Earth Catalog, Burning Man, and the Italian futurists; but more importantly, a deep appreciation for what humans and the humanities can offer.

01:00 The two types of Bay Area hippies
10:59 Military tech since the Vietnam War 
22:59 Disembodiment and dating apps
45:30 Zuckerberg, Chappell Roan, and the free market
1:02:50 Accelerationism from Mussolini to now
1:30:03 Teaching the humanities in 2025"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredturner jasminesun 2025 stewartbrand siliconvalley datingapps history markzuckerberg chappellroan mussolini hippies californianideology miliary vietnamwar humanities teaching howweteach benitomussolini toddgitlin newleft berkeley marissavio newcommunalists haight-ashbury thehaight politics psychedelics lsd janisjoplin left escape communalism sharedconsciousness computers computing technology military vietnam 1960s 1970s wiredmagazine buckminsterfuller decentralization hierarchy hierarchies geodesicdome bureaucracy individualism counterculture burningman design liberation kenkesey apple wholeearthcatalog tescreal immateriality class war singularity singularitarianism transhumanism dematerialization online internet web abstraction disembodiment combat bodies veterans iraq iraqwar militaryindustrialcomplex stanford italianfuturists italianfuturism futurism information godcomplex stevejobs cybernetics immaterial philosophy networks networkedthinking cyberculture google catalogs race segregation racism privilig</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:56ace5aeab77/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://jasmi.news/p/dictionary">
    <title>are you high-agency or an NPC? - by Jasmine Sun</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-25T23:54:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jasmi.news/p/dictionary</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["AI anxiety and the new lexicon of silicon valley"

[See also:

"The Clean-Living Kids Fueling San Francisco’s AI Gold Rush"
https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/san-francisco-ai-boom-artificial-intelligence-tech-industry-kids.html
https://archive.ph/fVUsf ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>jasminesun siliconvalley sanfrancisco ai agency artificialintelligence human humans culture technology goldrush aigoldrush bigtech zoomers genz generationz npcs economics motivation samaltman paulgraham demishassabis pentamind llms garrytan intelligence meghano'gieblyn turingtest lsat autonomy efficacy civilization society sambowman hardikpandya capitalism niccarter chatgpt openai claude anthropic lukedrago rudolflaine agi underclass work labor carceralurbanism urbanism 996 startups hahnbeelee dakshgupta burningman chinese996 surveillance marcandreessen taste saas doomers doomerism scifi sciencefiction dystopia davidsacks nvidia bureaucracy noahsmith michaëltrazzi medicine health birthrates gender venturcapital faang yimby yimbyism yimbys gaza ice politics 2025 absurdity aibubble scaryshit artificialgeneralintelligence workculture explotation techbubbles hype h1-b disinterest inequality aihype venturecapital vc rickrubin deceleration decelerationists class precarity us economy foundermode</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:370fa39b902d/</dc:identifier>
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    <title>Silicon Valley’s Reading List Reveals Its Political Ambitions</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-23T01:22:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/silicon-valleys-reading-list-reveals</link>
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    <title>Unredacted Tonight: The Dems' &quot;Abundance Movement&quot; is a Psy-Op! - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-07T19:29:02+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["[Episode 24]  The Dems' "Abundance Movement" is a Psy-Op!

Is the “Abundance Movement” the future of the Democratic Party—or just a new label for the corporate destruction of the world? 

In this fast, punchy episode of Unredacted Tonight, Lee Camp breaks down the Abundance Movement, which is taking the Democrats by storm. From housing and energy to regulations and labor, we dig into what “build more” really means, who benefits, and how public frustration gets redirected away from corporate power."]]></description>
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    <title>How Wikipedia survives while the rest of the internet breaks | The Verge</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-04T19:08:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theverge.com/cs/features/717322/wikipedia-attacks-neutrality-history-jimmy-wales</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The world’s largest encyclopedia became the factual foundation of the web, but now it’s under attack."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/dAe0V ]

"Trolls who repeatedly refuse to follow the process eventually get banned, but initial infractions are often met with explanations of how Wikipedia works. Several of the editors I spoke with began as vandals only to be won over by someone explaining to them how they could contribute productively…

Over the years, Wikipedia has developed an immune response to outside grievances. When people on X start complaining about Wikipedia’s suppression of UFO sightings or refusal to change the name of the Gulf of Mexico to Gulf of America, an editor often restricts the page to people who are logged in and puts up a notice directing newcomers to read the latest debate. If anything important was missed, they are welcome to suggest it, the notice reads, provided their suggestion meets Wikipedia’s rules, which can be read about on the following pages. That is, Wikipedia’s first and best line of defense is to explain how Wikipedia works."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z2W3tmCBEnE">
    <title>Gil Duran on Trump, Tech, and “The Nerd Reich” - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-25T02:16:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z2W3tmCBEnE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Join journalist Gil Duran as he explores the rise of a new ideology—what he dubs “tech fascism” or the “Nerd Reich”—that’s influenced significant figures in tech and politics, including Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, and more, through a non-partisan forum hosted by the Commonwealth Club.

In this compelling talk, Gil Duran reveals:

How Silicon Valley elites adopted extremist political ideas from controversial thinkers like Curtis Yarvin, advocating for CEO-led governance

🎯 Why This Talk Matters
Timely insight into the moral & ideological impact of Silicon Valley’s “tech fascists”

Learn about Curtis Yarvin’s influence, the concept of “Network States,” and the fusion of private empire with public power

Gain media literacy—understand how narratives crafted by elites translate to civic consequences"

[See also:
https://www.thenerdreich.com/democrats-urged-to-bow-down-to-tech-fascism/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/why-switzerland/9667009B2C7A3BE99A63C9E06DF708F7#fndtn-information">
    <title>Why Switzerland? by Jonathansteinberg</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-10T03:38:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/why-switzerland/9667009B2C7A3BE99A63C9E06DF708F7#fndtn-information</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Revised and completely updated edition of Jonathan Steinberg's classic account of Switzerland's unique political and economic system. Why Switzerland? examines the complicated voting system that allows citizens to add, strike out, or vote more than once for candidates, with extremely complicated systems of proportional representation; a collective and consensual executive leadership in both state and church; and the creation of the Swiss idea of citizenship, with tolerance of differences of language and religion, and a perfectionist bureaucracy which regulates the well-ordered society. This third edition tries to test the flexibility of the Swiss way of politics in the globalized world, social media, the huge expansion of money in world circulation and the vast tsunamis of capital which threaten to swamp it. Can the complex machinery that has maintained Swiss institutions for centuries survive globalization, neo-liberalism and mass migration from poor countries to rich ones?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>switzerland 2015 politics government governance economics voting votingsystems society globalization neoliberalism massmigration migration citizenship language religion bureaucracy</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.techdirt.com/2025/07/08/who-goes-maga/">
    <title>Who Goes MAGA? | Techdirt</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-12T00:03:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.techdirt.com/2025/07/08/who-goes-maga/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With apologies to Dorothy Thompson, whose 1941 essay in Harper’s, “Who Goes Nazi?” remains a worthwhile read on the cultural archetypes of who is drawn to fascism, and who would never go down such a path. It felt like it could use a modern updating, however.

It is an interesting and somewhat macabre social media game to play while scrolling through your feeds: to speculate who in your network would go full MAGA. By now, I think I know. I have gone through the experience many times—watching the 2016 election, the pandemic, January 6th, and now Trump’s return. I have come to know the types: the born MAGAs, the MAGAs whom social media criticism has created, the certain-to-be fellow-travelers. And I also know those who never, under any conceivable circumstances, would fall for the grift.

It is preposterous to think that they are divided by any obvious characteristics. Rural Americans may be more susceptible to MAGA than most people, but I doubt it. College graduates are supposedly inoculated, but it is an arbitrary assumption. I know lots of PhD holders who are born MAGAs and many others who would don the red hat tomorrow morning in response to some perceived slight. There are people who have repudiated their own principles in order to become “Honorary Patriots”; there are lifelong Democrats who have enthusiastically entered Trump’s orbit. MAGA has nothing inherently to do with geography, education, or even stated political beliefs. It appeals to a certain type of mind.

It is also, to an immense extent, the disease of a generation—the generation that grew up online, that learned to mistake engagement for truth, that confused being heard with being right. This is as true of suburban millennials as it is of rural boomers. It is the disease of the algorithmically poisoned.

Sometimes I think there are direct digital factors at work—a type of media consumption, a pattern of social validation, and a form of tribal identity that has produced a new kind of citizen with an imbalance in their nature. They have been fed rage and filled with grievances that are beyond their capacity to process rationally. They have been subjected to forms of propaganda that have released them from the constraints of empirical reality. Their emotions are vigorous. Their reasoning is childish. Their civic education has been almost completely neglected.

At any rate, let us look through the feeds."

...

"The Contrarian Intellectual"

...

"The Wellness Influencer"

...

"The Centrist Politician"

...

"The LinkedIn Though Leader"

...

"The Crypto Enthusiast"

...

"The Facebook Mom"

...

"The venture Capitalist"

...

"The Legacy Media Reporter"

...

"The Business Owner"

...

"The Normie"

...

"The Ones Who Won’t"

Take the small-town Republican from Ohio who should be MAGA by every demographic marker—pickup truck, church every Sunday, straight GOP for twenty years. But her childhood best friend came out as trans, and suddenly the culture war had a face she loved. Now she’s at city council meetings defending the very people she once thoughtlessly condemned. The MAGA crowd calls her a traitor. She calls it friendship.

There are others in the feeds who will never go MAGA, no matter what. They’re not necessarily the most educated or the most politically engaged. They’re not defined by their demographics or their stated beliefs.

They’re the ones who have something the MAGA-susceptible lack: a genuine comfort with complexity and nuance, an ability to tolerate uncertainty, and a fundamental respect for other people’s humanity. They don’t need to believe they’re special or superior. They have the same insecurities others have, but they don’t blame others for them. They don’t need enemies to blame for their problems. They don’t need simple answers to complicated questions.

They’re the teacher who posts about her students’ achievements without making it about herself. They’re the small business owner who pays his workers well because he knows it’s right and actually better for business, not because he has to. They’re the veteran who talks about service without wrapping it in nationalism. They’re the parent who worries about their kids without blaming teachers for everything.

They’re the people who can say “I don’t know” without feeling diminished. They’re the ones who can admit they were wrong without feeling attacked. They’re the ones who can see others succeed without feeling threatened.

The Pattern

The pattern is clear once you know what to look for. MAGA appeals to people who need to feel special, who need enemies to blame, who need simple answers to complex problems. It attracts those who mistake confidence for competence, who confuse being loud with being right, who think that admitting uncertainty is weakness.

It’s not about education or geography or even politics. It’s about character. It’s about whether you can tolerate complexity, whether you can admit mistakes, whether you can see other people as fully human.

The scary thing about MAGA isn’t that it’s obviously evil—it’s that it’s appealing to people who think they’re good. It offers them a way to feel righteous about their resentments, patriotic about their prejudices, and principled about their selfishness.

But the good news is that character isn’t fixed. People can change. They can learn to tolerate uncertainty, to admit mistakes, to see others as human. They can develop the emotional and intellectual tools to resist fascist appeals.

The question is whether they will—and whether the rest of us will help them, or just watch them scroll deeper into the darkness.

The game continues. The stakes keep rising. And the feeds keep feeding us exactly what we want to hear."]]></description>
<dc:subject>maga mikemasnick substack politics humanism fascism contrarianism wellness influencers centrism centrists moderation moderates apologia apologists linkedin thoughtleaders crypto cryptocurrencies bitcoin blockchain facebook meta venturecapital media journalism massmedia mainstreammedia capitalism dorothythompson nazis socialmedia twitter platforms algorithms news attention mediaconsumption propaganda poison entrepreneurship entrepreneurialism humanity empathy culturewars fragmentation polarization superiority meritocracy specialness complexity simplification character mistakes fallibility vulnerability selfishness resentment patriotism prejudice prejudices bigotry racism homophobia principles uncertainty darkness evil blame scapegoating supremacy jordanpeterson rural democrats reality civics education academia rationalization eugenics bookbans freespeech censorship votersupression oppression antivax vaccines vaccination rfkjr robertkennedyjr elitism conspiracytheories fluoride plandemic pandemic covid-19 coron</dc:subject>
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    <title>That Dropped Call With Customer Service? It Was on Purpose. - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-04T23:08:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/06/customer-service-sludge/683340/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Endless wait times and excessive procedural fuss—it’s all part of a tactic called “sludge.”"

[See also (cited within):

"The CIA’s WWII Guide to Creating Organizational Dysfunction Perfectly Describes Your Toxic Workplace" (2015)
https://slate.com/human-interest/2015/11/how-the-cia-encouraged-citizens-under-occupation-to-sabotage-their-workplaces-during-world-war-ii.html ]]]></description>
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    <title>peter thiel on some esoteric freak stuff #peterthiel | peter thiel | TikTok</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-27T20:24:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tiktok.com/@aidanetcetera/video/7520477762071678230</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9kUFBXrw0DU">
    <title>What Makes &quot;Andor&quot; Left-Wing? | Interesting Times with Ross Douthat - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-25T02:05:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9kUFBXrw0DU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The “Star Wars” spinoff “Andor” has succeeded in being both original and smartly political in a Hollywood that is often neither, Ross Douthat, the host of "Interesting Times" argues in this conversation with the show's showrunner Tony Gilroy.

Read the full transcript here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/05/opinion/film-hollywood-andor-politics.html (archived : https://archive.ph/g632g )

02:10 The political world of ”Andor”
07:39 Tony Gilroy's syllabus for “Andor”
09:59 Is “Andor” a left-wing show?
16:43 What makes Hollywood progressive or liberal?
24:34 Debating the politics of “Michael Clayton”
30:04 Why aren't there more movies for grown-ups?
32:44 “There are no movie stars anymore.”
37:03 How is A.I. changing the movie business
40:57 Tony Gilroy's advice for future filmmakers"

[via:
https://kottke.org/25/06/an-interview-with-andors-creator-tony-gilroy 

"In this interview with conservative NY Times’ columnist Ross Douthat, series creator Tony Gilroy nails why the show was so interesting:

<blockquote>The five years that I have been given are extremely potent. You have the Empire really closing down, really choking, really ramping up. The emperor is building the Death Star.

They are closing out corporate planets and absorbing them into the state. They are imperialistically acquiring planets and taking what they want. The noose is tightening dramatically.

There still is a Senate. There are senators that are speaking out impotently.

The Senate has been all but completely emasculated by the time this five-year tranche is over.

And there are revolutionary groups, rebellious groups, and people who are acting rebelliously, who wouldn’t even know how to describe themselves as part of any movement. There is a completely wide spectrum of unaffiliated cells and activists that are rising independently across the galaxy.

At the same time, you have a group of more restrained politicians who are trying to make an organized coalition of a rebellion on a place called Yavin, which will end up being the true end of the true victory of the Rebel Alliance.

I wanted to do a show all about the forgotten people who make a revolution like this happen — on both sides — and I want to take equal interest and spend as much time understanding the bureaucrats and the enforcers of the rebellion. I think one of the fascinating things about fascism is that, when it’s done coming after the people whose land it wants and who it wants to oppress and whoever it wants to control, by the time it gets rid of the courts and the justice and consolidates all its power in the center, it ultimately eats its young. It ultimately consumes its own proponents.</blockquote>

The rest of the interview is very much worth a read as well, particularly the bits where, for example, Douthat presses Gilroy on Andor being a “left-wing show”, Gilroy says no, Douthat scoffs, and, sensing Douthat is telling on himself, Gilroy fires back, “Do you identify with the Empire? Do you identify with the Empire?” And Gilroy continues later:

<blockquote>You could say: Why has Hollywood for the last 100 years been progressive or been liberal? I think it’s much larger. I’ll go further and say: Why does almost all literature, why does almost all art that involves humans trend progressive?

Let’s stick with Hollywood. Making a living as an actor or as a writer or a director — without the higher degree of empathy that you have, the more aware you are of behavior and all kinds of behavior, the better you’re going to be at your job. We feed our families by being in an empathy business. It’s just baked in. You’re trying to pretend to be other people. The whole job is to pretend to be other, and what is it like to look from this? People may be less successful over time at portraying Nazis as humans, and that may be good writing or bad writing, and there may be people that have an ax to grind. But in general, empathy is how I feed my family. And the more finely tuned that is, the better I am at my job.

That is what actors do: I’m going on Broadway, I’m playing a villain for six months. I got to live in that. I’m playing the slave, I’m playing the fisherman, I’m playing the nurse, I’m the murderer — you have to get in there. You have to live lives through other people. I think that the simple act of that transformation and that process automatically gives you what I would describe as a more generous and progressive point of view. It just has to.</blockquote>

Like I said, well worth a read/listen."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>andor starwars rossdouthat tonygilwory left imperialism empire progressive progressivism ai artificialintelligence michaelclayton politics rebellion resistance hollywood power fascism revolution authoritarianism sacrifice colonialism colonization bureaucracy oppression freedom corporations corporatism extraction extractivism democracy protest protests guerillas revolutionaries justice injustice benitomussolini tyranny autodidacts stefanzweig marieantoinette emilianozapata frenchrevolution hilarymantel russianrevolution olivercromwell gestapo coenbrothers hermanmelville masculinity mccarthyism guillermodeltoro rodsteiger theshapeofwater tildaswinton forestwhitaker jonathankeeperman localism libertarianism mussolini</dc:subject>
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    <title>Catherine Liu: the Psychology of Liberalism | Doomscroll - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-01T20:55:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=22eh9bHVeTc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My returning guest is Catherine Liu ‪@CLiuAnon‬ a professor of film and media studies at UC Irvine. She is the author of "Virtue Hoarders: the Case Against the Professional Managerial Class".

We explore the psychological significance of “trauma” and “care” within the liberal discourse today. Liu describes a moral panic among elites where the language of personal therapy attempts to right social and historical wrongs. These topics will be part of her forthcoming book "Traumatized!", to be published by Verso Books early next year. 

0:00 Intro
1:02 Virtue & care
5:14 Maturity vs vibes
10:09 Affect theory & cultural studies
19:46 New age vs reason
28:27 Liberalism vs democracy
38:40 Doctrinal purity
48:04 Executive power
54:02 Anarchy & horizontalism
59:22 Professional managerial class
1:13:51 Brahmin left
1:18:14 Catherine’s work"]]></description>
<dc:subject>joshuacitarella 2025 catherineliu virtue care pmc professionalmanagerialclass brahminleft class anarchy anarchism horizontality purity doctrine power liberalism democracy affecttheory culture culturalstudies vibes maturity confrontation contradiction left leftism communitarianism californianideology fragility capitalism morality caring dwwinnicott donaldwinnicott farright vigilance performative virtuesignaling christianity donaldtrump mothering nagging maternalism superficiality infantilization kant enlightenment gatekeeping norms rationality reason decolonization decolonialism foucault michelfoucault deleuze gillesdeleuze bodies immaturity mortality affect feeling sharedreality economics inequality corruption vibing collectivism collectivity solidarity academia highered highereducation analysis critique criticism illiberalism counterculture colleges universities boomers silentgeneration race racism antiimperialism edwardsaid canon raymondwilliams vietnamwar politics culturalrevolution redguard shakespeare sa</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8hcICHEjX08">
    <title>Why the Left Should REJECT Ezra Klein's &quot;Abundance&quot; Garbage - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-29T18:39:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8hcICHEjX08</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This abundance panel, which been weeks in the making, is well timed: A new poll shows that voters prefer populist messaging to "abundance" messaging by a significant margin, throwing advocates of Abundance -- a new book by Ezra Klein & Derek Thompson--  into a tizzy. So what is "Abundance" anyway, & why has left-twitter been so antagonistic to the ideology? Are pro-Abundance advocates like Matt Yglesias, Ezra Klein, & Derek Thompson right when they say the left's critiques are only vibe based, or is the left raising legitimate concerns about a corporate-backed, astro-turfed campaign intended to syphon off genuine populist anger? We've assembled the authors of three of the best abundance-critical op-eds to discuss. It's the most comprehensive and specific explanation of why the left should reject the "abundance" framing you're likely to hear."]]></description>
<dc:subject>abundance 2025 ezraklein derekthompson neoliberalism redistribution economics mattyglesias sandeepvaheesan aaronregunberg isabellaweber markets ecomomics trickledowneconomics trickledown liberals liberalism regulation renewables cleanenergy zephyrteachout left corporations corporatism greed deregualtion economy politics politicaleconomy democrats democracy progressivism progressive workingclass berniesanders oligarchy maga donaldtrump resistance fascism antifascism zoning healthcare medicareforall affordability populism fossilfuels ai artificialintelligence bigtech reaganism lexfridman profits billionaires yimby yimbys yimbyism labor work workers nimby nimbyism osha nimbys pollution health education environmentaljustice socialjustice rightwing farright bureaucracy technocracy us china hsr highspeedrail texas california privatesector privatization government governance elonmusk spacex nasa infrastucture tesla newdeal history nuclearenergy nepa lobbying utilities monopolies policy extraction extractivism fdr pu</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:54db5fdeb729/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.late-review.com/p/against-the-fleeing-to-europe-industrial">
    <title>against the fleeing to europe industrial complex</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-27T00:20:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.late-review.com/p/against-the-fleeing-to-europe-industrial</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>katewagner 2025 migration europe us flight fleeing expats immigration emmigration privilege power money eu bureaucracy fascism donaldtrump mobility portugal porto airbnb exile language languages class families slovenia ptuj</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:23762bd8bc10/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://danmcquillan.org/decomputing.html">
    <title>Decomputing</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-15T23:06:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://danmcquillan.org/decomputing.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[direct link to video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WCnSCB19l7A ]

"One of the concepts I introduce in this talk is the idea of 'decomputing', as a 50:50 hybrid of decolonial and degrowth approaches.

"Decomputing challenges the expansionism of scale that AI brings to its technical form, to its environmental demands and to its social impacts. This expansionism is AI's version of 'growth', and it's empty metrics echo GDP in the ways they conceal the underlying destructiveness. Decomputing takes the idea of ‘computing within limits’ to refer not only to the scale of computational machinery but to limits of extractive and colonial logics, limits to a biosphere’s ability to recover, limits to our Western knowledge systems and limits to tech solutionism.

Decomputing is the reassertion of relationality over abstraction, and of the vernacular, as Ivan Illich would put it, over scale; that is, of vernacular forms-of-living that presuppose limits to property, limits to technology, and limits to scarcity. It's a logic for resisting datacentres, a way of cutting through the climate-washing and a way of extending those struggles. It's a rationale for more collective action to constrain computing which is out of balance with social & environmental justice.""]]></description>
<dc:subject>danmcquillan 2024 computers computing decomputing ivanillich growth ai artificialintelligence gdp economics colonialism colonization extraction expansionism relationships relational abstraction vernacular scale small slow living life scarcity limits technology property resistance luddism neoluddism luddites neoluddites balance environmentaljustice socialjustice datacenters environment climate climatechange nvidia fascism ecology ethics algorithms crises science necorpolitics chatgpt openai technopsychopathy uk us education schools schooling infrastructure teachers teaching healthcare virtuality nurses nursing generationalai context livedexperience bureaucracy cruelty thatcherism alorithms wallstreet identity control criticalthinking bureaucraticcruelty bubbles accountability shockdoctine finance greatrecession globalfinancialcrisis microfasicisms gillesdeleuze deleuze&amp;guattari félixguattari effectivealtruism eugenics inequality globalsouth surveillance border borders gaza palestine genocide ethniccleansing</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:4bfd6a0cd45b/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jsWMFIVg2tU">
    <title>Three Reasons Propaganda Works BETTER on Liberals Than On Anyone Else - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T03:45:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jsWMFIVg2tU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why is propaganda particularly effective on liberals? Alec Karakatsanis, author of “Copaganda,” explains how selectively true anecdotes presented for false, misleading purposes work better than outright lies. Katie and Alex discuss how propaganda functions, from local TV news reports about “rising crime” to milquetoast NYT coverage about Israel’s genocide.

00:00 Media gets the "cause" of crime wrong
01:16 How to mislead without (technically) lying
04:38 Why are liberals the most susceptible to propaganda?
08:19 How propaganda around Israel is different

Alec Karakatsanis is a Civil Rights lawyer and the founder of Civil RIghts Corps. He is the author of Usual Cruelty: The Complicity of Lawyers in the Criminal Injustice System (2019) and Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News (2025)"

[see also:

"New York Times Calls KIDNAPPING "Deportation" "
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_46oy8wIgQ

"Katie talks to Civil Rights Lawyer Alec Karakatsanis about his book Copaganda and the way the The New York Times lies about crime and "both sides" Trump's clearly illegal and fascist immigration policies.

00:00 Alec’s Twitter thread on the New York Times’ coverage of Bukele
01:08 We have been fed this idea that crime is soaring
01:51 The false idea that immigrants commit more crime
03:40 Ignorant or dishonest? Lying or duped? Libs who adopt right-wing framing
05:09 Many people within the elite institutions that get it, it’s the people at the higher levels who are misleading on purpose
06:38 We are creating a society where kidnapping people and sending them to torture prisons is totally normalized
08:00 If this is allowed to stand, it is the most consequential moment in US constitutional history in modern times
08:57 The framing of the Times article is totally normalizing some of the most shocking and serious threats to our well-being in modern history

Alec Karakatsanis is a Civil Rights lawyer and the founder of Civil Rights Corps. He is the author of Usual Cruelty: The Complicity of Lawyers in the Criminal Injustice System (2019) and Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News (2025)"

[Full interview:

"Oliver Stone On JFK Files, Alec Karakatsanis On 'Copaganda' "
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KoO5I0IYans

"Katie talks to the Academy-Award winning director Oliver Stone and JFK researcher and author Jim Di Eugenio about the JFK files which they testified about in Congress. 

Then Katie talks to Civil Rights Lawyer Alec Karakatsanis about his book Copaganda and the way the media lies about crime. 

00:00:00 Katie introduces Oliver Stone and Jim Di Eugenio
00:05:17 Oliver Stone explains how he got interested in JFK in the first place through Jim Garrison
00:06:15 Oliver Stone on the making of 1991’s JFK movie with Kevin Costner
00:08:30 The chain of custody on the rifle and bullets
00:10:00 Attacked by Max Boot!
00:12:30 JFK Revisited and the new AARB Evidence
00:18:50 The fingerprints story
00:22:10 What’s in the JFK files newly released by Donald Trump? Stories about Fidel Castro
00:27:20 The three women witness who debunk the official narrative
00:32:10 Oliver Stone’s take on the newly revealed big massive evidence of collusion
00:35:40 Alec Karakatsanis explains what copaganda is
00:42:00 The fallacies that Karakatsanis’s book debunks, better ways money can be spent
00:46:00 How does medicaid expansion relate to crime? And how to be misleading without lying
00:50:45 Why are liberals the most susceptible to propaganda?
00:54:45 How propaganda around Israel and Hasbara is different
00:57:00 The most important chart to help people see through copaganda
00:58:30 Bukele, Trump and the propaganda around El Salvador and Venezuela
01:03:30 Lying or duped? Does it matter how bad faith the spreading of propaganda is?
01:07:10 Why the New York Times spreading of propaganda is so dangerous
01:10:15 NBC’s coverage of Abrego Garcia, propaganda for the Trump administration
01:18:00 What the news could look like to win back people’s trust?
01:27:30 How victims and marginalized communities are treated as a monolith and used to prop up the carceral state
01:29:50 Gavin Newsom sucks
01:36:00 Katie pays her respects to The Pope

Oliver Stone is an Award-winning director, producer, screenwriter whose films include , Snowden, Savages, Untold History, Platoon, Wall Street, JFK and the documentary JFK Revisited. He is the author of Chasing the Light.

Jim DiEugenio is a researcher and writer who focuses on the political assassinations of the 1960s, including the killing of JFK. He is the author of two books, Destiny Betrayed (1992/2012) and The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today (2018), co-author of The Assassinations, and co-edited Probe Magazine (1993-2000). 

Alec Karakatsanis is a Civil Rights lawyer and the founder of Civil RIghts Corps. He is the author of Usual Cruelty: The Complicity of Lawyers in the Criminal Injustice System (2019) and Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News (2025)"
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA">
    <title>Late Fascist Aesthetics [Katie Ebner-Landy]: A Theory of the Online Forum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-24T20:25:28+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nRVtCXqtvA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When we think of “early fascist” aesthetics, we think of uniforms, visual symbols, and crowds. “Late fascist” aesthetics – though not without symbols and crowds – has another tool at its disposal: the online forum. Join us to examine the use of the online forum by the contemporary far right to move from fiction to reality in ways that other political aesthetics have long dreamed of."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://washingtonmonthly.com/2025/03/17/an-abundance-of-ambiguity/">
    <title>An Abundance of Ambiguity | Washington Monthly</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-18T02:51:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://washingtonmonthly.com/2025/03/17/an-abundance-of-ambiguity/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson argue that a world of plenty awaits us if we reform zoning and environmental laws and everyone moves to San Francisco. But that can’t be the whole plan, right?"

...

"As a result, it would be very easy to take their critique as a muffled call for deregulation writ large; if they are not careful, the ambiguity could be used by big financial interests to make abundance a bible for a Ronald Reagan–style deregulatory juggernaut. 

The zoning reform example ends up revealing that the authors are burdened by the very scarcity mind-set they diagnose. They seek to dismantle the zoning rules and some of the procedural hurdles that require local input in residential building. Let’s assume that reforming rules on setbacks, parking, single-family zoning, and local input would achieve what they desire (the evidence is not straightforward; cities that have these reforms have lower costs, but they are rising at the same rate as in other cities). It would still seem relatively small-bore as a novel solution: Half of the 10 biggest cities in America—many in Texas—already have a zoning and procedural regime fairly close to what Klein and Thompson want. Are they simply arguing that Dems embracing Texas zoning approaches would transform national politics? That can’t be it. 

Or is it? It emerges that the examples they give from New York and San Francisco are not examples at all. Instead, they and a few other coastal cities are the whole object of reform. These cities seem to bear almost magical capacities for the authors, who cite research that purportedly shows that they are more productive than other places. But rather than ask what policies have drained wealth away from such once-vibrant centers of innovation as St. Louis or Cincinnati, they presume that if only more people moved to New York or San Francisco the nation’s productivity would soar, and that the only big obstacle to this happening is exclusionary zoning and burdensome building permit requirements. 

Doctor, heal thyself! They seem to be blinded by their own scarcity mind-set. When it comes to the resources of humans and places, they imagine that only a few places can be the engines of the country. I live in New York City now, and I love New York City, but the “fiery creation of the new” does not only happen here or in one of a few supercities. Frozen food, the radio, the airplane, were all created far from any major urban hub. As for for productivity and contributions to GDP, places like Rockford, Illinois; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Ann Arbor, Michigan; Des Moines, Iowa; and Cleveland, Ohio, were all among the 25 richest metro areas as recently as the mid-1960s. 

It cannot be that people need to move to a handful of elite coastal cities to produce abundance. The growth of regional inequality of opportunity that the authors’ own scarcity mind-set represents is a real problem, and has little to do with land use regulation and everything to do with the deregulatory push from the 1970s to the 2020s and the resulting concentration of power and shift of resources from the real economy to the financial sector. 

The 40-year stagnation of wages, and the drop in small and medium-sized businesses, is a supply-side story that they simply don’t engage—one that, as the former chair of the FTC Lina Khan and many others have recognized, is a direct result of monopolization and financialization. 

If they took their own “stop the scarcity mind-set” medicine, they’d realize that the industrial policy of the 1980s to 2020, not zoning, was what caused the scarcity of opportunity throughout the country—and we can change that policy. During the most productive and innovative era in American history, places like Corning, New York, known as a glassware technology powerhouse, and St. Louis, which once had 22 Fortune 500 companies and a thriving “creative class,” were the centers of the dynamism. If we just got out of the modern coastal-scarcity mind-set and took on the real bureaucratic behemoths of today—the private equity cartels and the monstrous platform monopolies like Google and Meta—we would unlock far more innovation and creativity and vitality. 

I can’t tell after reading Abundance if the authors are seeking something fairly small-bore and correct (we need zoning reform) or nontrivial and deeply regressive (we need deregulation), or if there is room in the book for anti-monopoly politics and a more full-throated unleashing of U.S. potential.

There’s some language that casually evokes economies of scale hinting at a Chicago School efficiency and consumer welfare framework of economic productivity, but also some praise of Bidenomics, which directly confronted and rejected the efficiency paradigm. For instance, they trace America’s decline in semiconductor manufacturing and argue that ceding ground to Taiwan and South Korea was not due to inevitable economic forces but rather a failure to have a long-term industrial policy. They highlight Joe Biden’s CHIPS and Science Act as a belated attempt to reverse this trend, and argue persuasively that interventions must be sustained and expanded if the U.S. is to reclaim its leadership in critical industries.

Which is to say, I still can’t tell after reading Abundance whether Klein and Thompson are seeking something fairly small-bore and correct (we need zoning reform) or nontrivial and deeply regressive (we need deregulation) or whether there is room within abundance for anti-monopoly politics and a more full-throated unleashing of American potential. 

It happens that I have a personal affinity for the language of abundance. My very first speech in my very first campaign for public office was about abundance and scarcity, and how we needed to reject Andrew Cuomo’s scarcity mind-set, which was holding back New York’s economy. 

My view then, and now, is that to transform a bloated corporate feudal system into a dynamic one, we need to break up feudal power, unlock the brilliance that accompanies human freedom, and allow small and medium-sized businesses to prosper. We have to stop thinking of economic development as giving out big grants to big donors. Instead, we need to start thinking about it as building platforms for entrepreneurs and new ideas
to flourish. 

This position has a long lineage and is currently at the center of major public debates on industrial policy. After finishing Abundance, however, I’m unclear about where the authors stand on those debates. I know what they think about permitting reform, NEPA, and the NIH, and I know they think we need to be more solution oriented. But I don’t know what their agenda requires outside of that."
]]></description>
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    <title>SFSU Art students create an extraordinary exhibition exploring the ordinary | SF State News</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-25T05:15:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://news.sfsu.edu/news/sfsu-art-students-create-extraordinary-exhibition-exploring-ordinary</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["SFSU Fine Arts Gallery showcases findings from grant-funded Office for the Study of the Ordinary 

In these extraordinary times, we can learn something by stepping back and exploring the ordinary. At San Francisco State University, about 100 students led by an artist-in-residence have investigated the everyday, creating new works of art in a “fake” department called The Office for the Study of the Ordinary.  

A culminating exhibition in the SFSU Fine Arts Gallery showcases the processes, artifacts and printed material compiled over the past year by 150 overall participants. “Objects of Inquiry: The Office for the Study of the Ordinary” is on display Saturday, Feb. 22 – Saturday, April 5. Admission is free. 

“Bureaucracy and art seemingly wouldn’t mesh. Put them together and something weird comes out,” said Liz Hernández, the Harker Artist-in-Residence at SFSU, a position made possible by the Harker Fund at the San Francisco Foundation. “The ordinary can be extraordinary if you shift your focus.” 

Hernández worked alongside students in their classes for one to two weeks at a time to create collaborative art projects. Supplied with lab coats, magnifying glasses and measuring tape, students strolled the campus and took pictures of their observations. They created ID cards with fictional job titles for themselves: fantastical daydreamer, termite enthusiast, dust collector and so on.

About 12 students in an art studio work on a sculpture of an alligator surrounded by flowers and laying on a stretcher
Photo by Liz Hernández

Student Nanako Nirei has contributed an acrylic drawing for a large-scale comic about SFSU’s mascot, depicted as a fictional character named Al the Gator. Nirei is enrolled in the Art 619 “Exhibition Design” course that is responsible for installing and promoting “Objects of Inquiry.” 

“This is the first time I’ve been part of a big show,” she said. “I’m honored being in it and helping put everything up.” 

Upon entry to “Objects of Inquiry,” visitors are greeted at a reception desk assembled with old furniture from campus storage. They are then led on a self-guided tour highlighted by a false tale involving student protests against inhumane treatment of an alligator housed on the SFSU campus. (For the record, this never actually happened; fakeness and subversion are hallmarks of Hernández’s art). Hernández created a life-sized sculpture of an alligator with angel wings, laying on a stretcher.   

“I wanted to show the legacy of student-led protests at SF State. I was surprised that so many students didn’t know about it,” Hernández said. “I like to tell stories to the world through fiction in a way that doesn’t damage anyone, but gets you to think.” 

Collaborating with students has been the most rewarding part of Hernández’s residency, she says: “I’ve learned so much from the students. There are small moments of tenderness and vulnerability. I’d never expect students to open up that way.” 

An opening reception for “Objects of Inquiry” will be held Feb. 22, 1 – 3 p.m. Regular hours for the Fine Arts Gallery are Tuesdays – Fridays, noon – 4 p.m."]]></description>
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    <title>&quot;Crack-Up Capitalism&quot;: Historian Quinn Slobodian on Trump, Musk &amp; Movement to &quot;Shatter&quot; the State - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-23T17:17:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YIPWekMahXc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Who are the minds behind DOGE, and what do they really believe? Historian Quinn Slobodian says three strains of conservatism have converged to form the second Trump administration's anti-democratic coalition: finance-backed corporate interests previously friendly to the Democratic Party, Christian conservative think tanks who have long advocated for the end of the administrative state, and the online-driven movement of reactionary extremists who traffic in white supremacist and neo-Nazi rhetoric. Meanwhile, says Slobodian, "Trump is a person who doesn't believe in much, but he believes in money," leaving him willing to enact the political visions of these three pro-capitalist projects. Slobodian, an expert in German history, also discusses the connections between the Trump sphere and Germany's far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, supported by Musk and Vice President JD Vance."

[See also:
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/2/20/quinn_slobodian_maga_doge_capitalism 
https://www.nybooks.com/online/2025/02/15/speed-up-the-breakdown/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconversation.com/firing-civil-servants-and-dismantling-government-departments-is-how-aspiring-strongmen-consolidate-personal-power-lessons-from-around-the-globe-249089">
    <title>Firing civil servants and dismantling government departments is how aspiring strongmen consolidate personal power – lessons from around the globe</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-23T00:18:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconversation.com/firing-civil-servants-and-dismantling-government-departments-is-how-aspiring-strongmen-consolidate-personal-power-lessons-from-around-the-globe-249089</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>authoritarianism fascism ericatrantz andreakendall-taylor joewright tulsigabbard rfkjr robertkennedyjr elonmusk donaldtrump policy government governance politics economics democracy bureaucracy patricetalon hungary venezuela hugochávez nicolásmaduro zaire drc congo pri mexico viktororbán benin mobutuseseseko</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://helenbeetham.substack.com/p/the-audrey-watters-episode">
    <title>The Audrey Watters episode - by Helen Beetham</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-03T20:27:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://helenbeetham.substack.com/p/the-audrey-watters-episode</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As we sink further into the pit that is the Musk/Trump presidency, who better to survey the hellscape on the way down than Audrey Watters, ed tech’s sharpest and toughest commentator? If you don’t know Audrey’s work, you really should. You’ll find her Second Breakfast newsletter in the shownotes, along with a link for her book, Teaching Machines, and plenty more that came up in our discussion. It’s the first imperfect x breakfast cross-over on the pod, and I hope it won’t be the last.

Audrey’s newsletter, Second Breakfast: https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/

Audrey’s book Teaching Machines https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262546065/teaching-machines/

Simone Brown on the origins of surveillance in the management of plantation labour: https://journals.kent.ac.uk/index.php/klr/article/view/1100

Emily Bender and Timnit Gebru (et al’s) famous paper: On the dangers of stochastic parrots: https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1145/3442188.3445922

Recent critique of this paper from a posthumanist perspective, referenced by Helen: https://posthumanism.co.uk/jp/article/view/3287

Meredith Whittaker on Babbage, computers and plantation labour: https://logicmag.io/supa-dupa-skies/origin-stories-plantations-computers-and-industrial-control/

Reid Hoffman ‘AI will empower humanity’ in the NYT, referenced by Audrey: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/25/opinion/ai-chatgpt-empower-bot.html

The article is paywalled but there is an interview with similar takes here: https://techcrunch.com/2025/01/26/why-reid-hoffman-feels-optimistic-about-our-ai-future/

A recent Guardian UK article on the ‘Paypal Mafia’: https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/jan/26/elon-musk-peter-thiel-apartheid-south-africa

Peter Thiel’s argument that freedom and democracy are incompatible, referenced by Audrey: https://www.cato-unbound.org/2009/04/13/peter-thiel/education-libertarian/. This is also referenced by Curtis Yarvin and Nick Land in support of their Dark Enlightenment neo-reactionary movement: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dark_Enlightenment

Links between Palantir (Peter Thiel’s company) and the US military: https://www.palantir.com/offerings/defense/air-space/

Helen’s original substack post on Faculty AI (a new one follows shortly): https://helenbeetham.substack.com/i/139080460/safer-ai-round-two

AI Snake Oil, blog of the book by Arvind Narayanan and Sayash Kapoor, discussed by Audrey and Helen:
https://www.aisnakeoil.com/ "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://orionmagazine.org/article/in-distrust-of-movements/">
    <title>In Distrust of Movements - Orion Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-27T00:47:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://orionmagazine.org/article/in-distrust-of-movements/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have had with my friend Wes Jackson a number of useful conversations about the necessity of getting out of movements—even movements that have seemed necessary and dear to us—when they have lapsed into self-righteousness and self-betrayal, as movements seem almost invariably to do. People in movements too readily learn to deny to others the rights and privileges they demand for themselves. They too easily become unable to mean their own language, as when a “peace movement” becomes violent. They often become too specialized, as if finally they cannot help taking refuge in the pinhole vision of the institutional intellectuals. They almost always fail to be radical enough, dealing finally in effects rather than causes. Or they deal with single issues or single solutions, as if to assure themselves that they will not be radical enough.

And so I must declare my dissatisfaction with movements to promote soil conservation or clean water or clean air or wilderness preservation or sustainable agriculture or community health or the welfare of children. Worthy as these and other goals may be, they cannot be achieved alone. They cannot be responsibly advocated alone. I am dissatisfied with such efforts because they are too specialized, they are not comprehensive enough, they are not radical enough, they virtually predict their own failure by implying that we can remedy or control effects while leaving causes in place. Ultimately, I think, they are insincere; they propose that the trouble is caused by other people; they would like to change policy but not behavior.

The worst danger may be that a movement will lose its language either to its own confusion about meaning and practice, or to preemption by its enemies. I remember, for example, my naive confusion at learning that it was possible for advocates of organic agriculture to look upon the “organic method” as an end in itself. To me, organic farming was attractive both as a way of conserving nature and as a strategy of survival for small farmers. Imagine my surprise in discovering that there could be huge “organic” monocultures. And so I was not too surprised by the recent attempt of the United States Department of Agriculture to appropriate the “organic” label for food irradiation, genetic engineering, and other desecrations of the corporate food economy. Once we allow our language to mean anything that anybody wants it to mean, it becomes impossible to mean what we say. When “homemade” ceases to mean neither more nor less than “made at home,” then it means anything, which is to say that it means nothing. The same decay is at work on words such as “conservation,” “sustainable,” “safe,” “natural,” “healthful,” “sanitary,” and “organic.” The use of such words now requires the most exacting control of context and the use immediately of illustrative examples.

Real organic gardeners and farmers who market their produce locally are finding that, to a lot of people, “organic” means something like “trustworthy.” And so, for a while, it will be useful for us to talk about the meaning and the economic usefulness of trust and trustworthiness. But we must be careful. Sooner or later, Trust Us Global Foods Inc., will be upon us, advertising safe, sanitary, natural food irradiation. And then we must be prepared to raise another standard and move on.

As you see, I have good reasons for declining to name the movement I think I am a part of. I call it The Nameless Movement for Better Ways of Doing—which I hope is too long and uncute to be used as a bumper sticker. I know that movements tend to die with their names and slogans, and so I believe that this Nameless Movement needs to live on and on. I am reconciled to the likelihood that from time to time it will name itself and have slogans, but I am not going to use its slogans or call it by any of its names. After this speech, I intend to stop calling it The Nameless Movement for Better Ways of Doing, for fear it will become NMBWD and acquire a headquarters and a budget and an inventory of bumper stickers.

Let us suppose that we have a Nameless Movement for Better Land Use and that we know we must try to keep it active, responsive, and intelligent for a long time. What must we do?

What we must do above all, I think, is try to see the problem in its full size and difficulty. If we are concerned about land abuse, then we must see that this is an economic problem. Every economy is, by definition, a land-using economy. If we are using our land wrong, then something is wrong with our economy. This is difficult. It becomes more difficult when we recognize that, in modern times, every one of us is a member of the economy of everybody else. Every one of us has given many proxies to the economy to use the land (and the air, the water, and other natural gifts) on our behalf. Adequately supervising those proxies is at present impossible; withdrawing them is for virtually all of us, as things now stand, unthinkable.

But if we are concerned about land abuse, we have begun a profound work of economic criticism. Study of the history of land use (and any local history will do) informs us that we have had for a long time an economy that thrives by undermining its own foundations. Industrialism, which is the name of our economy, and which is now virtually the only economy of the world, has been from its beginnings in a state of riot. It is based squarely upon the principle of violence toward everything on which it depends, and it has not mattered whether the form of industrialism was communist or capitalist or whatever; the violence toward nature, human communities, traditional agricultures, local economies has been constant. The bad news is coming in, literally, from all over the world. Can such an economy be fixed without being radically changed? I don’t think it can.

The Captains of Industry have always counseled the rest of us “to be realistic.” Let us, therefore, be realistic. Is it realistic to assume that the present economy would be just fine if only it would stop poisoning the air and water, or if only it would stop soil erosion, or if only it would stop degrading watersheds and forest ecosystems, or if only it would stop seducing children, or if only it would quit buying politicians, or if only it would give women and favored minorities an equitable share of the loot? Realism, I think, is a very limited program, but it informs us at least that we should not look for bird eggs in a cuckoo clock.

Or we can show the hopelessness of single-issue causes and single-issue movements by following a line of thought such as this: We need a continuous supply of uncontaminated water. Therefore, we need (among other things) soil-and-water-conserving ways of agriculture and forestry that are not dependent on monoculture, toxic chemicals, or the indifference and violence that always accompany big-scale industrial enterprises on the land. Therefore, we need diversified, small-scale land economies that are dependent on people. Therefore, we need people with the knowledge, skills, motives, and attitudes required by diversified, small-scale land economies. And all this is clear and comfortable enough, until we recognize the question we have come to: Where are the people?

Well, all of us who live in the suffering rural landscapes of the United States know that most people are available to those landscapes only recreationally. We see them bicycling or boating or hiking or camping or hunting or fishing or driving alone and looking around. They do not, in Mary Austin’s phrase, “summer and winter with the land.” They are unacquainted with the land’s human and natural economies. Though people have not progressed beyond the need to eat food and drink water and wear clothes and live in houses, most people have progressed beyond the domestic arts—the husbandry and wifery of the world—by which those needful things are produced and conserved. In fact, the comparative few who still practice that necessary husbandry and wifery often are inclined to apologize for doing so, having been carefully taught in our education system that those arts are degrading and unworthy of people’s talents. Educated minds, in the modern era, are unlikely to know anything about food and drink, clothing and shelter. In merely taking these things for granted, the modem educated mind reveals itself also to be as superstitious a mind as ever has existed in the world. What could be more superstitious than the idea that money brings forth food?

I am not suggesting, of course, that everybody ought to be a farmer or a forester. Heaven forbid! I am suggesting that most people now are living on the far side of a broken connection, and that this is potentially catastrophic. Most people are now fed, clothed, and sheltered from sources, in nature and in the work of other people, toward which they feel no gratitude and exercise no responsibility. There is no significant urban constituency, no formidable consumer lobby, no noticeable political leadership, for good land use practices, for good farming and good forestry, for restoration of abused land, or for halting the destruction of land by so-called “development.”

We are involved now in a profound failure of imagination. Most of us cannot imagine the wheat beyond the bread, or the farmer beyond the wheat, or the farm beyond the farmer, or the history (human or natural or sacred) beyond the farm. Most people cannot imagine the forest and the forest economy that produced their houses and furniture and paper; or the landscapes, the streams, and the weather that fill their pitchers and bathtubs and swimming pools with water. Most people appear to assume that when they have paid their money for these things they have entirely met their obligations. And that is, in fact, the conventional economic assumption. The problem is that it is possible to starve under the rule of the conventional economic assumption; some people are starving now under the rule of that assumption.

Money does not bring forth food. Neither does the technology of the food system. Food comes from nature and from the work of people. If the supply of food is to be continuous for a long time, then people must work in harmony with nature. That means that people must find the right answers to a lot of hard practical questions. The same applies to forestry and the possibility of a continuous supply of timber.

People grow the food that people eat. People produce the lumber that people use. People care properly or improperly for the forests and the farms that are the sources of those goods. People are necessarily at both ends of the process. The economy, always obsessed with its need to sell products, thinks obsessively and exclusively of the consumer. It mostly takes for granted or ignores those who do the damaging or the restorative and preserving work of agriculture and forestry. The economy pays poorly for this work, with the unsurprising result that the work is mostly done poorly. But here we must ask a very realistic economic question: Can we afford to have this work done poorly? Those of us who know something about land stewardship know that we cannot afford to pay poorly for it, because that means simply that we will not get it. And we know that we cannot afford land use without land stewardship.

One way we could describe the task ahead of us is by saying that we need to enlarge the consciousness and the conscience of the economy. Our economy needs to know—and care—what it is doing. This is revolutionary, of course, if you have a taste for revolution, but it is also a matter of common sense. How could anybody seriously object to the possibility that the economy might eventually come to know what it is doing?

Undoubtedly some people will want to start a movement to bring this about. They probably will call it the Movement to Teach the Economy What It Is Doing—the MTEWIID. Despite my very considerable uneasiness, I will agree to this, but on three conditions.

My first condition is that this movement should begin by giving up all hope and belief in piecemeal, one-shot solutions. The present scientific quest for odorless hog manure should give us sufficient proof that the specialist is no longer with us. Even now, after centuries of reductionist propaganda, the world is still intricate and vast, as dark as it is light, a place of mystery, where we cannot do one thing without doing many things, or put two things together without putting many things together. Water quality, for example, cannot be improved without improving farming and forestry, but farming and forestry cannot be improved without improving the education of consumers—and so on.

The proper business of a human economy is to make one whole thing of ourselves and this world. To make ourselves into a practical wholeness with the land under our feet is maybe not altogether possible—how would we know?—but, as a goal, it at least carries us beyond hubris, beyond the utterly groundless assumption that we can subdivide our present great failure into a thousand separate problems that can be fixed by a thousand task forces of academic and bureaucratic specialists. That program has been given more than a fair chance to prove itself, and we ought to know by now that it won’t work.

My second condition is that the people in this movement (the MTEWIID) should take full responsibility for themselves as members of the economy. If we are going to teach the economy what it is doing, then we need to learn what we are doing. This is going to have to be a private movement as well as a public one. If it is unrealistic to expect exploitative and wasteful industries to be conservers, then obviously we must lead in part the public life of complainers, petitioners, protesters, advocates, and supporters of stricter regulations and saner policies. But that is not enough. If it is unreasonable to expect a bad economy to try to become a good one, then we must go to work to build a good economy. It is appropriate that this duty should fall to us, for good economic behavior is more possible for us than it is for the great corporations with their miseducated managers and their greedy and oblivious stockholders. Because it is possible for us, we must try in every way we can to make good economic sense in our own lives, in our households, and in our communities. We must do more for ourselves and our neighbors. We must learn to spend our money with our friends and not with our enemies. But to do this, it is necessary to renew local economies, and revive the domestic arts. In seeking to change our economic use of the world, we are seeking inescapably to change our lives. The outward harmony that we desire between our economy and the world depends finally upon an inward harmony between our own hearts and the originating spirit that is the life of all creatures, a spirit as near us as our flesh and yet forever beyond the measures of this obsessively measuring age. We can grow good wheat and make good bread only if we understand that we do not live by bread alone.

My third condition is that this movement should content itself to be poor. We need to find cheap solutions, solutions within the reach of everybody, and the availability of a lot of money prevents the discovery of cheap solutions. The solutions of modern medicine and modern agriculture are all staggeringly expensive, and this is caused in part, and maybe altogether, because of the availability of huge sums of money for medical and agricultural research.

Too much money, moreover, attracts administrators and experts as sugar attracts ants—look at what is happening in our universities. We should not envy rich movements that are organized and led by an alternative bureaucracy living on the problems it is supposed to solve. We want a movement that is a movement because it is advanced by all its members in their daily lives.

Now, having completed this very formidable list of the problems and difficulties, fears and fearful hopes that lie ahead of us, I am relieved to see that I have been preparing myself all along to end by saying something cheerful. What I have been talking about is the possibility of renewing human respect for this earth and all the good, useful, and beautiful things that come from it. I have made it clear, I hope, that I don’t think this respect can be adequately enacted or conveyed by tipping our hats to nature or by representing natural loveliness in art or by prayers of thanksgiving or by preserving tracts of wilderness—although I recommend all those things. The respect I mean can be given only by using well the world’s goods that are given to us. This good use, which renews respect—which is the only currency, so to speak, of respect—also renews our pleasure. The callings and disciplines that I have spoken of as the domestic arts are stationed all along the way from the farm to the prepared dinner, from the forest to the dinner table, from stewardship of the land to hospitality to friends and strangers. These arts are as demanding and gratifying, as instructive and as pleasing, as the so-called “fine arts.” To learn them is, I believe, the work that is our profoundest calling. Our reward is that they will enrich our lives and make us glad."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newrepublic.com/article/148137/wendell-berry-wants">
    <title>What Wendell Berry Wants | The New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-27T00:34:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/article/148137/wendell-berry-wants</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Can an environmentalist avoid political movements and the big, structural solutions they offer?"

...

"It would be as reductive to call Wendell Berry a conservationist as it would be to call him an essayist. In the 31 pieces collected in The World-Ending Fire: The Essential Wendell Berry, the National Humanities Medal-winning poet, novelist, essayist, conservationist and farmer expounds on topics that range from farming, technology, economics, man’s proper relationship to nature, government, and social movements, to industrial disasters, marriage, the human acquisition of knowledge, drowning, labor, animal husbandry, eating, education, the Bible, Huckleberry Finn, and pleasure. Written between 1968 and 2011, all of the essays are ultimately about the same thing: how to live a rightly-ordered life.

Berry is not the type of chipper environmentalist who believes that capitalism can persist unabated as long as we install more solar panels. Nor is he the type of cerebral climate catastrophist who considers all action futile, opting instead to mutter into his wine glass about the anthropocene. In his view, the rightly-ordered life respects nature’s ability to give us sustenance and to destroy us, as it brings both the yearly flowering of bluebells and the deadly currents of the flooded Kentucky River. Topsoil is “Christ-like in its passivity and beneficence.” Nature is, in the words of the poet Edmund Spenser, “the greatest Goddesse… the ‘equall mother’ of all,” who “knittest each to each, as brother unto brother.’” She operates as God’s deputy to mete out earthly justice. And she has a warrant out for us.

Perhaps it makes sense for a man whose outlook is based on a kind of mysticism to eschew political categories and to be leery of social movements. The World-Ending Fire includes the 1998 essay “In Distrust of Movements,” in which Berry claims that political movements are ineffective because they tend to focus myopically on single issues instead of on structures, and because their language is often co-opted by corporations. He claims elsewhere that large-scale solutions inevitably ignore the particularities of local cultures and local ecosystems. “My own inclination,” he told Sarah Leonard in a 2012 interview for Dissent, “is not to start with a political idea or theory and think downward to the land and the people, but instead to start with the land and the people, the necessity for harmony between local ecosystems and local economies, and think upward to conserving policies such as those of the 50-Year Farm Bill.”

On the whole, this political ambivalence works to Berry’s advantage, allowing him a kind of broad appeal that few anti-capitalists or conservationists enjoy. He has a large conservative and Christian readership that is drawn to his promotion of housekeeping, agriculture, humility, and devotion to community. He is also admired by proponents of farm-to-table eating like Mark Bittman, who calls him “the soul of the real food movement.” Berry and his wife Tanya famously run a farm in Port Royal, Kentucky which relies on horse-drawn plows. In “The Making of a Marginal Farm,” from 1980, he describes “producing nearly everything that we ate: fruit, vegetables, eggs, meat, milk, cream, and butter.” In “The Pleasures of Eating,” from 1989, Berry urges readers to grow and prepare their own food, at least to the extent that it’s possible. “I like to eat vegetables and fruits that I know have lived happily and healthily in good soil, not the products of the huge, bechemicaled factory-fields,” he writes.

The trouble is, most of the essays in The World-Ending Fire deal with with topics that are, at heart, political. In “Economy and Pleasure,” from 1988, he writes about incipient American inequality in the aftermath of the Farm Credit Crisis and two rounds of Reagan tax cuts:

The ideal of competition always implies, and in fact requires, that any community must be divided into a class of winners and a class of losers. The losers simply accumulate in human dumps. The idea that the displaced and dispossessed “should seek retraining and get into another line of work” is, of course, utterly cynical. There is no limit to the damage and the suffering implicit in this willingness that losers should exist as a normal economic cost.

The danger of the ideal of competition is that it neither proposes nor implies any limits. It proposes simply to lower costs at any cost, and to raise profits at any cost. It does not hesitate at the destruction of the life of a family or the life of a community. It pits neighbor against neighbor as readily as it pits buyer against seller. Every transaction is meant to involve a winner and a loser. And for this reason the human economy is pitted without limit against nature.

At times it is frustrating that political categories and ideologies as such rarely figure into his work, though he examines their effects. Wary of large-scale solutions and “government planning,” in World-Ending Fire, Berry repeatedly rails against “bureaucrats.” “We have failed to produce new examples of good home and community economies,” he writes in “Word and Flesh,” from 1989. “Without examples, we are left with theory and the bureaucracy and meddling that come with theory.” Writing, here, in the wake of the Exxon Valdez oil spill, he finds the environmental movement lacking; the best way to make a disaster like this less likely to happen again, he argues, is for individuals to become less dependent on fossil fuels. Never mind that one of the reasons so many individuals are dependent on fossil fuels is that fuel companies in the United States contrived to kill public transit and make American communities car-dependent.

Today’s most pressing environmental threats require large-scale solutions. Alyssa Battistoni has made the case that a universal basic income could lay the groundwork for an economy not centered on growth but on respect for nature’s limits. And Ryan Cooper has proposed that the most effective way to address climate change would be through a “green New Deal.” Both of these solutions are big and centralized, and would require government intervention, which would require building broad public support—through the work of politics. To take big solutions off the table is a kind of giving up.

But Berry reminds us that to take small solutions off the table is also a kind of giving up. Some conservationists believe that because ecological problems are structural, there is no point in growing and cooking your own food, in setting down roots in a community, in being kind to your neighbors. Because you don’t personally own an oil corporation or an agribusiness concern, because you are but one interchangeable unit in a system that doesn’t care if you live or die, you may as well drive as much as you want, waste paper towels, and buy meat from corporations that keep pigs in excrement-coated cages. Berry reminds us that to live this way is to forfeit our souls. It is important—no matter what is going on at a macro level—to be kind to your family, your neighbors and the land."]]></description>
<dc:subject>wendellberry 2018 environment activism coletteshade environmentalism conservation capitalism action anthropocene mysticism movements srahleonard politics markbittman competition community class displacement dispossession alyssabattistoni greennewdeal defeatism local kindness land ryancooper ubi universalbasicincome government climatechange globalwarming fossilfuels planning bureaucracy economics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.anarsec.guide/posts/nophones/">
    <title>AnarSec | Kill the Cop in Your Pocket</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-23T08:33:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.anarsec.guide/posts/nophones/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Do You Really Need a Phone?
Phones have colonized everyday life because people have been instilled with the belief that they need synchronous communication in every moment. Synchronous means that two or more parties communicate in real time, as opposed to something asynchronous like email, where messages are sent at different times. This "need" has become normalized, but it is worth resisting within the anarchist space. Anarchy can only be anti-industrial. We must learn to live without the conveniences sold to us by the telecom companies, we must defend (or rekindle) our ability to live without being connected to the Internet at all times, without algorithmic real-time directions, and without the infinite flexibility to change plans at the last minute.

If you decide to use a phone, in order to make it as difficult as possible for an adversary to geotrack it, intercept its messages, or hack it, use GrapheneOS. If we can agree to only use encrypted communications to communicate with other anarchists, this rules out flip phones and landlines. GrapheneOS is the only smartphone operating system that provides reasonable privacy and security.

To prevent your movements from being tracked, treat the smartphone like a landline and leave it at home when you are out of the house. Even if you use an anonymously purchased SIM card, if it is linked to your identity in the future, the service provider can be retroactively queried for geolocation data. If you use the phone as we recommend (as a Wi-Fi only device that is kept in airplane mode at all times), it won't connect to cell towers. It's not sufficient to only leave the phone at home when you're going to a meeting, demo or action because that will be an outlier from your normal pattern of behaviour and serve as an indication that criminal activity is taking place in that time window.

You may choose to live without phones entirely, if you don't feel that you need an "encrypted landline". The following strategies for minimizing the need for phones rely on computers, where synchronous communication is also possible but more limited."

...

"Appendix: Against the Smartphone
From Fernweh (#24)

It's always with us, always on, no matter where we are or what we're doing. It keeps us informed about everything and everyone: what our friends are doing, when the next subway leaves, and what the weather will be like tomorrow. It takes care of us, wakes us up in the morning, reminds us of important appointments, and always listens to us. It knows everything about us, when we go to bed, where we are and when, who we communicate with, who our best friends are, what music we listen to, and what our hobbies are. And all it asks for is a little electricity now and then?

When I stroll through an area or take the subway, I see it with almost everyone, and no one can last more than a few seconds without frantically reaching for their pocket: the cell phone is whipped out, a message is sent, an email is checked, a photo is liked. It is put away again, a short break, and here we go again, skimming through today's news and checking out what all the friends are up to...

It's our companion when we're on the toilet, at work or at school, and it apparently helps to fight boredom while we're waiting or working, etc. Is this perhaps one of the reasons for the success of all these technological devices, that real life is so damn boring and monotonous that a few square centimeters of screen is almost always more exciting than the world and the people around us? Is it like an addiction (people definitely have withdrawal symptoms...) or has it even become part of our body? Without it, we no longer know how to orient ourselves and feel that something is missing? So it is no longer just a tool or a toy, but a part of us that also exerts a certain control over us, to which we adapt, for example, by not leaving the house until the battery is fully charged? Is the smartphone the first step in blurring the line between human and robot?

When we see what technocrats of all kinds are prophesying (Google Glasses, implanted chips, etc.), it almost seems as if we are heading towards becoming cyborgs, people with implanted smartphones that we control through our thoughts (until our thoughts themselves are finally controlled). It is not surprising that the media, the spokesmen of domination, show us only the positive aspects of this development, but it is shocking that almost no one questions this view. It's probably every ruler's wildest dream: to be able to monitor everyone's thoughts and actions at all times and to intervene immediately in case of any disturbance. Totally controlled and monitored worker bees who are allowed to have some (virtual) fun as a reward while a few profit.

With the vast amounts of data now so readily available from anyone and everyone at any time of day, social control and surveillance has also reached a whole new level. This now goes far beyond tapping cell phones or sifting through messages (as during the 2011 UK riots). With access to an incredible amount of information, intelligence agencies are able to define what is "normal." They can determine which locations are "normal" for us, which contacts are "normal," etc. In short, they can quickly establish and almost in real time if people are deviating from their "normal" behavior. This gives some people enormous power, which is used whenever there is an opportunity to take advantage of that power (i.e. to surveil people). Technology is part of power, it comes from power and needs power. It takes a world in which people have extreme power to enable the production of something like the smartphone. All technology is a product of the current oppressive world, is part of it, and will reinforce it.

In today's world, nothing is neutral. To date, everything that has been or is being developed is designed to extend control and to make money. Many of the innovations of recent decades (such as GPS, nuclear power, or the internet) even come directly from the military. Most of the time these two aspects go hand in hand, but the "welfare of mankind" is certainly not a motivation, especially when it is developed by the military.

Perhaps taking the example of architecture can better illustrate something as complex as technology: let's take an empty and disused prison, what should be done with this structure except to tear it down? Its very architecture, its walls, its watchtowers, its cells, already contain the purpose of this building: to imprison people and destroy them psychologically. It would be impossible for me to live there, simply because the building is oppressive.

It is the same with all the technologies of today that are presented to us as progress and as something that makes life easier. They were designed with the intention of making money and controlling us, and will always carry that. No matter how many supposed benefits your smartphone brings you, those who get rich by collecting your data and monitoring you will always benefit more than you.

If in the past it was said that "knowledge is power", today it should be said that "information is power". The more rulers know about their flocks, the better they can dominate them — in this sense, technology as a whole is a powerful tool of control to predict and thus prevent people from coming together to attack what oppresses them.

These smartphones seem to need a little more than just a little electricity... In our generation, which at least knew a world without smartphones, there might still be some people who understand what I'm talking about, who still know what it's like to have a discussion without looking at their phone every thirty seconds, to get lost and discover new places by doing so, or to debate something without immediately asking Google for the answer. But I don't want to go back to the past, even though it wouldn't be possible anyway, but the more technology penetrates our lives, the harder it becomes to destroy it. What if we are one of the last generations able to stop this evolution of human beings into completely controlled robots?

And what if at some point we will be unable to reverse this development? Humanity has reached a historically new stage with technology. A stage where it is able to annihilate all human life (nuclear energy) or to modify it (genetic manipulation). This fact underlines once again the need to act today to destroy this society. To do this, we need to encounter other people and communicate our ideas.

Isn't it obvious that if instead of talking to each other, we only communicate in messages of five sentences or less, there will be long-term effects? Apparently not. First of all, the way we think influences the way we speak, and vice versa — the way we speak and communicate influences the way we think. If we are only able to exchange the shortest and most concise messages, how can we talk about a completely different world? And if we can't even talk about another world, how can we reach for it?

Direct communication between autonomous individuals is the basis of any shared rebellion, it is the starting point of shared dreams and common struggles. Without unmediated communication, a struggle against this world and for freedom is impossible.

So let's get rid of the smartphones and meet face to face in an insurgency against this world! Let's become uncontrollable!"]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2025-01-13T19:52:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/the-cruel-reality-of-public-assistance-programs/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I tried to overhaul a system meant to help people in need, but it was designed to fail."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://forwardartsfoundation.org/in-conversation-with-harmony-holiday/">
    <title>In Conversation with Harmony Holiday - Forward Arts Foundation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T22:29:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://forwardartsfoundation.org/in-conversation-with-harmony-holiday/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["FORWARD ARTS FOUNDATION: When did you start writing poetry and what drew you into it?

HARMONY HOLIDAY: I started experimenting with language when I was really young, fuelled by witnessing my father compose music and sing. I just thought it was part of being human, to communicate in some form of sound grammar outside of the mundane daily rhythms and speech patterns. I guess exposure to that much music when you’re also learning to talk can make it seem like something you’re supposed to learn if you want to communicate your needs, the way learning to speak and building a vocabulary feels for a child, just an added dimension of that, an augmented sense of the visceral urgency of language becomes inevitable. By high school I was deep into studying French, had developed an interest in the language from studying ballet and modern dance throughout my childhood, and had a French lit class alone, so got to delve into Baudelaire and Rimbaud and learn about a country with a literary culture that seemed to value poets. I ended up editing my high school literary magazine and contributing to it and entering college poised to study the arts in as interdisciplinary a way as I could. I was lucky to encounter poets like Robert Hass and Lyn Hejinian in undergrad, and to witness the poet/artist as citizen in a way that hadn’t yet outside of the home and books and French lit. Their encouragement gave me permission to decide to become a poet without much doubt and fear, or to decide to be who I am and not second guess it.

FAF: Please talk about your development as a writer of poems. Tell us when you first felt you were a poet and how it went from there.
HH: Because of my upbringing I never really separated poetry from music and music from the body and dance, from ways of moving through space and time. So my writing developed alongside Jazz, Blues, Soul, and Hip Hop music and in that followed the telos of carving out an autonomous and sometimes double-coded vernacular that black music in the West follows. The music reminds you of your form, the body you’re in and how it operates naturally or at its most primal versus how it’s mechanised and forced to operate in a capitalist society built on using black bodies as capital. Writing and moving in solidarity with black music breaks the psychic bondage that causes black men and women here to deem everything we make or desire either some semblance of savage or inadequate, it relocates our creativity as a birthright and not a privilege that the white world can either grant or revoke. I first faced that I was a poet when I found myself writing as a basic need or mode of surviving intact, of accessing the ecstatic in very personal way, not to impress anyone or get into anything or turn in to any organised body or workshop, when I realised that I had a deep yearning to write the way my father had needed to make music, yes it was a career, but it was a career based on a physical and spiritual need. It takes getting out of school to realise how you’ll function as a civilian regardless of institutional pressure. From there getting my first book published and realising that I could also write to complete work, could maintain that level of discipline with or without anyone looking over my shoulder, told me I had what it takes to do this professionally, whatever that really means. For me it just means not becoming disembodied when the demand to produce is higher, not becoming afraid to take creative risks when they’re more visible and more is at stake.

FAF: What does being shortlisted for the Forward Prizes mean for you?
HH: Being shortlisted came as a complete surprise, and a thrill. For me, because of the poem’s content, it’s more for Billie Holiday and for all of the black women who, like Billie, were made into examples of both the heights of excellence and the depths of wretchedness, and treated as if their excellence was contingent upon their suffering, as if suffering is what makes us special, is a talent, has value, and therefore is an inevitable aspect of any black artist’s legacy. The ability to convert pain into sublime beauty does not justify the abuse that members of her specific and rare breed endure, nor their erasure and fetishisation. I once debated for hours with a white peer in college who announced one Sunday when I was playing Billie Holiday and reading something ridiculous like Lacan alongside her blues, he blurted “no one really listens to Billie Holiday,” as if the music I needed to even endure an education full of Lacan and void of Fanon was some kind of relic, pure idea like the critical theory we were being taught to revere and depend on to think. As if an education can demand we read theory but condescend our music. I needed Billie Holiday to help me think and feel my way to my own true consciousness, far more than I needed Lacan. I’m always looking for ways to redeem heroes like her by inserting them into narratives of the present, placing them in concert with this era wherein, especially highly educated ‘liberals’ feel like cultural appropriation and erasure have somehow been resolved between the Voting Rights Act and now, which is false but allows for a lot of the prevailing misunderstanding and dishonesty about race relations as they exist today. Also heroin addiction is on the rise again, so it seems fitting to examine how it was treated in the past, like an aesthetic condition, almost abstractly, in hopes that we don’t repeat that mistake. Most of all I’m just grateful that this work resonates in ways I hadn’t even expected, and outside of the US. I’m grateful that people do listen to our music and our stories, and not just for cultural capital.

FAF: Please tell us about the genesis of your shortlisted poem. Is it part of a collection or sequence? Where can a reader find more by you?
HH: I read Billie Holiday’s biography last year and around the same time learned about the FBI’s elaborate surveillance of her in Harlem, how a black agent was sent to court her, fell in love with her, and ended up throwing her in court and then in jail instead of getting her to the rehab she needed. How is anyone meant to recover in a country that treats so-called citizens with that much disdain while affording white celebrities all the support they need to protect the sanctity of their reputations? This was around the time Sandra Bland was thrown in jail and did not survive it, and I was working on my book Hollywood Forever a collection of poems and essays designed in the idiom of one of those absurd race tabloids from the 60s and exploring the legacy of fame as a kind of assassin or thief of black consciousness and talent that feeds to propaganda machine while starving the artists, a kind of volunteered slavery. Billie Holiday’s story had to be a part of it, because the empty iconography of her brand is due its true substance and black feminine resilience deserves its day in the sun.

FAF: Which poets do you admire most and what do you value in their work?
HH: Jean Toomer, Helene Johnson, Ai, Amiri Baraka, Fred Moten, O’Hara, Hart Crane, Sun Ra, Jeanne Lee, Clarice Lispector, and so many others. I fall in love with poets who are authentically themselves, who have a sound the way Lester Young has a sound, and who don’t sound like anyone else or seem to be baiting the critics for praise or doing any lyric grandstanding. Usually that means they have a strong command for nuance, for pace, can make a world run on their one-of-a-kind rhythm for the length of each poem and collection. That kind of chivalry and inevitability makes my spirit dance. Poets who achieve it are usually healers.

FAF: What is next for you as a poet?
HH: I’m working on a biography of Jazz singer Abbey Lincoln, establishing a venue for jazz poetry where I’ll house my jazz poetics archive and record poets, hold events and panels and generally stretch out. I’m also working on a collection of poems called M a a f a , the term for the Afrikan Holocaust. In this collection the experience is personified and M a a f a is a woman and all that’s been visited upon her body in this antique future is explored, and how she may be redeemed. In addition, this summer I’m choreographing what I’m calling an AfroBallet for Hollywood Forever, which I’ll debut in Hudson this August.

FAF: What advice would you give to anyone starting out in poetry today?
HH: Listen. Maybe read Lacan while listening to Billie Holiday one Sunday, or listen to Rahsaan Roland Kirk’s version of ‘Come Sunday’ and then Future’s ‘New Illuminati’, and diversify in this way to remain alert, keep your linguistic reflexes advancing. And hopefully avoid getting trapped in any massive bureaucracies while you’re at it, and if you do end up a bureaucrat or at the mercy of one, because we all are on some level, try not to make peace with it, try and overthrow whatever it is the way only a poet can, one orphaned phonetic at a time. And remain brave enough to write the books you need but can’t find maybe because they don’t exist, even it’s risking a certain mask of equanimity, because someone else probably needs it too, the book that peels away any mask of complicity or contingency."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://culanth.org/fieldsights/crafting-the-state">
    <title>Crafting the State: An Interview with José Ciro Martínez and Omar Sirri | Society for Cultural Anthropology</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-10T21:32:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://culanth.org/fieldsights/crafting-the-state</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This post builds on the research article “Bureaucraft: Statemakers in Amman and Baghdad” by José Ciro Martínez and Omar Sirri, which was published in the August 2023 issue of the Society’s peer-reviewed journal, Cultural Anthropology. [https://journal.culanth.org/index.php/ca/article/view/5339 ]

***

In their article, “Bureaucraft: Statemakers in Amman and Baghdad,” José Ciro Martínez and Omar Sirri explore how the state comes into being through the skilled practices of those people implementing policy on the ground. Through an “unlike comparison” of bakers and soldiers, they invite readers to look beyond the bureaucratic sphere in any conventional sense. Instead, they turn their view towards wider bureaucratic assemblages. Developing the concept of bureaucraft, Martínez and Sirri draw attention to the role of technique and skill in making the state. In this interview, they reflect on their research trajectory, collaborative process, as well as on analytical, methodological, and political implications of their research."]]></description>
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    <title>‘It does not have to be this way’: the radical optimism of David Graeber | Books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-13T18:28:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2024/nov/07/david-graeber-optimistic-anarchist-rebecca-solnit</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As a new collection of his writing is published, Rebecca Solnit remembers her friend, the late activist and anarchist who believed ordinary people had the power to change the world"

...

"David Graeber was a joyful, celebratory person. An enthusiast, voluble, on fire with the possibilities in the ideas and ideologies he wrestled with. Every time we met – from New Haven in the early 00s to London a few years before his death in 2020 – he was essentially the same: beaming, rumpled, with a restless energy that seemed to echo the constant motion of his mind, words tumbling out as though they were, in their unstoppable abundance, overflowing. But he was also much respected in activist circles for being a good listener, and his radical egalitarianism was borne out in how he related to the people around him.

He was always an anthropologist. After doing fieldwork among traditional peoples in Madagascar, he just never stopped, but he turned his focus to his own society. Essays such as Dead Zones of the Imagination: On Violence, Bureaucracy, and ‘Interpretive Labor’ and his book Bullshit Jobs came from using the equipment of an anthropologist on stuff usually regarded as boring, or not regarded at all – the function and impact of bureaucracy. His 2011 bestseller on debt reminded us that money and finance are among the social arrangements that could be rearranged for the better.

He insisted, again and again, that industrialised Euro-American civilisation was, like other societies past and present, only one way of doing things among countless options. He cited times when societies rejected agriculture or technology or social hierarchy, when social groups chose what has often been dismissed as primitive because it was more free. And he rejected all the linear narratives that present contemporary human beings as declining from primordial innocence or ascending from primitive barbarism. He offered, in place of a single narrative, many versions and variations; a vision of societies as ongoing experiments, and human beings as endlessly creative. That variety was a source of hope for him, a basis for his recurrent insistence that it doesn’t have to be this way.

As Marcus Rediker wrote in his review of David’s posthumous book Pirate Enlightenment, “Everything Graeber wrote was simultaneously a genealogy of the present and an account of what a just society might look like.” He was concerned about inequality of all kinds, including gender inequality in this society and others, and the violence that enforces inequality and unfreedom, as well as how they might be delegitimised and where and when societies might have escaped them. He focused, in short, on freedom and its impediments.

He was often credited with coining the Occupy Wall Street slogan “We are the 99%”, but he insisted on paring his credit down to having contributed the 99% part to a phrase so compelling that “the 1%” remains a widely used description of the uppermost elite. “The 99%” is a hopeful phrase, in opposition to the old layer-cake description of the working, middle, and upper classes. It’s an assertion that the great majority of us are working, and often financially struggling or precarious; that most of us have a lot in common – and a lot of reasons to oppose the super-rich.

David took joy in his work, and in how that work intersected with actualities on the ground – especially with the radical movements of the late 1990s and the new millennium, including the anti-corporate-globalisation movement that peaked with the shutdown of the World Trade Organization ministerial conference in Seattle in 1999, the Zapatista uprising in Mexico that began in 1994, and the many forms of radical egalitarianism manifesting as direct-democracy experiments and resistance to unjust institutions and governments, especially 2011’s Occupy Wall Street, in which he was deeply involved.

That joy: maybe this is how everyone should feel about ideas and the ways that they open up or close off possibilities. The way that, as he wrote, “The ultimate hidden truth of the world is that it is something we make and could just as easily make differently.” If you truly believe that, if you perceive a world that is constructed according to certain assumptions and values, then you see that it can be changed, not least by changing those assumptions and values.

We have to recognise that ideas are tools that we wield – and with them, some power. David wanted to put these tools in everyone’s hands, or remind them that they are already there. Which is part of why he worked hard at – and succeeded in – writing in a style that wasn’t always simple but was always as clear and accessible as possible, given the material. Egalitarianism is a prose style, too. Our mutual friend the writer, film-maker, and debt abolitionist Astra Taylor texted him: “Re-reading Debt. You are such a damn good writer. A rare skill among lefties.” He texted back that August, a month before his demise: “Why thanks! Well at least I take care to do so – I call it ‘being nice to the reader,’ which is an extension of the politics, in a sense.”

In order to believe that people can govern themselves in the absence of coercive institutions and hierarchies, anarchists must have great faith in ordinary people, and David did. A sentence Lyndsey Stonebridge wrote about Hannah Arendt could apply equally well to him: “To fixate on her exceptional mind is to miss something that is important about her lessons in thinking: thinking is ordinary, she teaches; that is its secret power.”

He had a strained academic career, despite his brilliance and originality – or because of them. In the first book of his that I read, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, a tiny book bursting with big ideas, he wrote, “In the United States there are thousands of academic Marxists of one sort or another, but hardly a dozen scholars willing openly to call themselves anarchists … It does seem that Marxism has an affinity with the academy that anarchism never will. It was, after all, the only great social movement that was invented by a PhD, even if afterwards, it became a movement intending to rally the working class.” And then he argues that anarchism was not, by comparison, an idea created by a few intellectuals; instead, “the basic principles of anarchism – self-organisation, voluntary association, mutual aid” – have been around “as long as humanity.”

David’s recurrent rallying cry as both a scholar and an activist was: “It does not have to be this way.” Where academia can be cool and guarded, pulling away from direct engagement, he was warm and enthusiastic, wanting to see ideas lead to actions that could change the world. Taylor notes: “While he despised the tedium of academic bureaucracy, he loved activist meetings, savouring the ideological debates and revelling in various forms of planning, scheming, and mischief.” He was hopeful, not foolishly so, but due to the evidence he had amassed that human societies have taken myriad forms, that the people who are supposedly powerless can together wield quite a lot of power, and that ideas matter. One of my favourite scraps of information in Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology is about Madagascar’s Sakalava people, who officially revere dead kings – but these kings make their wishes known “through spirit mediums who are usually elderly women of commoner descent.” That is, a system officially led by elite men is controlled by non-elite women.

Hope is a tricky business among intellectuals and activists. Cynicism, though it’s often inaccurate about both human nature and political possibilities, gives the appearance of sophistication; despair is often seen as sophisticated and worldly-wise while hopefulness is seen as naive, when the opposite is not infrequently true. Hope is risky; you can lose, and you often do, but the records show that if you try, sometimes you win.

His essay Despair Fatigue opens: “Is it possible to become bored with hopelessness?” David’s superpower was being an outsider. He did not proceed from widely shared assumptions but sought to dismantle them, urging us to see they’re arbitrary, confining and optional, and inviting everyone into the spaces this opens up (while saluting those already there). So much of his writing says, in essence, “What happens if we don’t accept this?” – if we dissect it to see its origins and impacts, or if we reject it, if we lift it off like some burden we don’t have to carry, some outfit we don’t have to wear? What happens is we get free."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://psyche.co/ideas/bureaucracy-and-other-civic-bullshit-can-be-good-for-us">
    <title>Bureaucracy and other civic bullshit can be good for us | Psyche Ideas</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-16T21:14:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://psyche.co/ideas/bureaucracy-and-other-civic-bullshit-can-be-good-for-us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["No one enjoys waiting in stuffy buildings or on congested roadways, but there’s an upside to our fellowship of frustration"
]]></description>
<dc:subject>bureaucracy psychology joelcox solidarity frustration 2024 traffic fellowship connection society citizenry</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7e7406b02895/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/administrivia/">
    <title>administrivia – The Homebound Symphony</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-03T01:35:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/administrivia/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I haven’t been writing here much lately. I’ve been busy with teaching, of course, but that I’m used to. No, I have been absent from the blog because of an avalanche of administrivia — forms to fill out, mandatory Zoom meetings, online “trainings.”"

[long list]

"Obligations of this kind increase every year, and the only general goal I can discern is the gradual transformation of an academic position into a bullshit job. But whatever the purpose, such tasks make writing in-term nearly impossible."

[See also:
https://blog.ayjay.org/teachers-at-the-margins/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>administrativebloat bureaucracy alanjacobs bullshitjobs paperwork 2024 academia highered highereducation howweteach teaching education schools schooling schooliness</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mauro_Bonaiuti">
    <title>Mauro Bonaiuti - Wikipedia</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-19T20:14:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mauro_Bonaiuti</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Following on from his books on bioeconomics, Bonaiuti's latest monograph is entitled 'The Great Transition' (Routledge 2014). Tapping into the intuitions of several early twentieth-century biologists, and in particular Joseph Tainter's analysis of the collapse of complex societies, Bonaiuti puts forward the theory that advanced capitalist societies have been entering, and ever more so since the 1970s, a phase of "diminishing marginal returns."

Bonaiuti's research began in 2006 with the gathering of a large quantity of empirical evidence from various disciplines. It offers an original interpretation of the phenomenon of so-called 'secular stagnation', or, as someone has also termed it, 'the end of growth'. Nearly ten years on from the Great Recession, notwithstanding that the panic has dispelled and the financial markets have started to recover, there is still no clear evidence of a return to growth in the West.

As illustrated in his book, this is not linked to normal oscillations in the economic cycle, but rather is systemic in nature, and in particular is connected to the growing complexity of social organizations (military forces, bureaucracies, health services, education, research). Bonaiuti says the West's failure to return to growth is also linked to the fall in yields of its new tertiary economy as well as to increasing costs of energy and raw materials. In other words, it is a process that is, by nature, progressive and one that takes place over a longer period of time. This would go to explain the impotence and ineffectiveness of remedial measures that have been adopted until today, all born of traditional forms of economic policy."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://x.com/drblackdeer/status/1811606632880828603">
    <title>Dr. BlackDeer on X: &quot;So many 'professionals' entire personality, concept of self, and entire worldview is centered on their job. Thus, any critique of the workplace's systems, bureaucracy, and complicity are perceived as personal attacks to the individual</title>
    <dc:date>2024-07-15T05:39:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://x.com/drblackdeer/status/1811606632880828603</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["So many 'professionals' entire personality, concept of self, and entire worldview is centered on their job. Thus, any critique of the workplace's systems, bureaucracy, and complicity are perceived as personal attacks to the individual. 

Organizations say they want critical employees to move them forward, push their thinking, bring them up to speed. Yet as soon as the critique comes up, they feel attacked and move to discredit their new hire with the critical perspective they said they wanted.

What's worse is that just like white supremacy is upheld by more than just white folks, these problematic organizations are upheld by the very people that just said they want to be better. These well-meaning "nice" employees quickly become the bullies.

It's not enough to viciously defend the organization's outdated and harmful tactics, but they take it to a personal level against the new voice they thought they wanted. Whisper networks run rampant, especially with the already established employees vs new hires.

How dare we speak out of turn. How dare we say there is a different way of doing things. Look how aggressive that new employee is. Why are they always so angry? Etc. Etc.

Slowly but surely, there's no way forward for these new hires in the organization. They're painted as the problem. They quickly become the scapegoat. They're responsible for our discord, and the organization push out begins. See ya later, newbie.

A few years pass, maybe different folks come into leadership, and they'll start to think - Hey, we should change some things around here. So they start hiring for those "new voices," and the cycle begins all over again. Wash, rinse, repeat."]]></description>
<dc:subject>organizations professionals professionalization unschooling deschooling change 2024 identity personality self work bureaucracy systems stasis thinking howwethink criticism whitesupremacy bullying whispernetworks establishment</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/from-tech-critique-to-ways-of-living">
    <title>From Tech Critique to Ways of Living — The New Atlantis</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-12T02:51:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/from-tech-critique-to-ways-of-living</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neil Postman was right. So what?"

[See also from Alan Jacobs himself (2024):
https://blog.ayjay.org/excerpt-from-my-journal/

"I want to write a post about why my “Cosmotechnics” essay ended up being a dead end for me. Though I need to think harder about just why I believe that’s the case. I was looking for a way to think about technology that did not involve critique or enthusiasm but rather a kind of ironic detachment. But having made that point I think I exhausted the relevance of Daoism to me. Daoism could teach me ironic detachment from Technopoly but it could not teach me how to get from such detachment to the love of God and my neighbor. 

N. B. I’m posting this excerpt instead of writing that post."]]]></description>
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    <title>Opinion | A Lesson From Covid on How to Destroy Public Trust - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2024-06-08T18:29:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/08/opinion/covid-fauci-hearings-health.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Big chunks of the history of the Covid pandemic were rewritten over the last month or so in a way that will have terrible consequences for many years to come.

Under questioning by a congressional subcommittee, top officials from the National Institutes of Health, along with Dr. Anthony Fauci, acknowledged that some key parts of the public health guidance their agencies promoted during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic were not backed up by solid science. What’s more, inconvenient information was kept from the public — suppressed, denied or disparaged as crackpot nonsense.

Remember the rule that we should all stay at least six feet apart? “It sort of just appeared,” Fauci said during a preliminary interview for the subcommittee hearing, adding that he “was not aware of any studies” that supported it. Remember the insistence that the virus was primarily spread by droplets that quickly fell to the floor? During his recent public hearing, he acknowledged that to the contrary, the virus is airborne.

As for the repeated assertion that Covid originated in a “wet market” in Wuhan, China, not in an infectious diseases laboratory there, N.I.H. officials were privately expressing alarm over that lab’s lax biosafety practices and risky research. In his public testimony, Fauci conceded that even now there “has not been definitive proof one way or the other” of Covid-19’s origins.

Officials didn’t just spread these dubious ideas, they also demeaned anyone who dared to question them. “Dr. Fauci Throws Cold Water on Conspiracy Theory That Coronavirus Was Created in a Chinese Lab” was one typical headline. At the hearings, it emerged that Dr. David Morens, a senior N.I.H. figure, was deleting emails that discussed pandemic origins and using his personal account so as to avoid public oversight. “We’re all smart enough to know to never have smoking guns, and if we did we wouldn’t put them in emails and if we found them we’d delete them,” he wrote to the head of a nonprofit involved in research at the Wuhan lab.

I wish I could say these were all just examples of the science evolving in real time, but they actually demonstrate obstinacy, arrogance and cowardice. Instead of circling the wagons, these officials should have been responsibly and transparently informing the public to the best of their knowledge and abilities.

Their delays, falsehoods and misrepresentations had terrible real-time effects on the lives of Americans. Failure to acknowledge the basic facts of Covid transmission led the authorities to pointlessly close beaches and parks, leaving city dwellers to huddle in the much more dangerous confines of cramped and poorly ventilated apartments. The same failure also delayed the opening of schools and caused untold millions of dollars to be wasted on plexiglass barriers (that likely made things worse) rather than effective air filters that would have helped kids to return to one another’s company.

Beaches and schools are open again, but the most severe ramifications of these failures may last for decades, because they gave people cause to doubt the word of scientific and public health authorities.

If the government misled people about how Covid is transmitted, why would Americans believe what it says about vaccines or bird flu or H.I.V.? How should people distinguish between wild conspiracy theories and actual conspiracies?

I started reporting on Covid in February 2020. It was already clear that a catastrophe was hurtling toward us. But people who took that fact seriously were often pooh-poohed as alarmist, doomers or preppers because many health officials were, at that point, downplaying the threat.

The next month, startled by the official claims that masks were harmful, I begged the authorities to level with the public about the potential benefits of masking rather than seemingly tailoring their message to avoid panic over the supply shortage. That strategy, I noted, was sure to backfire — as it did.

The questions around masks led me to the six-foot rule and the debate over how Covid was spread. “FACT CHECK: Covid-19 is NOT airborne,” the World Health Organization declared on social media — even though SARS, a virus very much like Covid, had long since been understood to be airborne. Frustrated scientists pleaded with the C.D.C. and the W.H.O. to take into account the new evidence. By the way, as of this writing, that “FACT CHECK” post is still up.

I later implored the authorities to open parks (that was April 2020) as well as to recognize airborne transmission and the protective effect of ventilation and to stop shaming people for going to the beach (both July 2020). I even joined some of those scientists to write articles in peer-reviewed scientific journals.

But as I reported on these topics, one theme kept coming up: High-level officials were afraid to tell the truth — or just to admit that they didn’t have all the answers — lest they spook the public.

It emerged during these congressional hearings that U.S. scientific authorities had no idea what viruses the Wuhan lab was using or what work it was doing. So how could they issue all those confident assurances?

The hearings occasionally turned into a clown show, with some lawmakers looking to score cheap political points. But others pulled their punches, no doubt worried about validating the misinformation that swirls around these issues. This attitude reflects a fundamental and very dangerous misunderstanding.

Misinformation is not something that can be overcome solely by spelling out facts just the right way. Defeating it requires earning and keeping the public’s trust.

During Fauci’s testimony this week, Representative Kweisi Mfume brought up the Tuskegee experiment, in which Black men with syphilis were denied treatment so doctors could study how the disease progressed. Ironically, he claimed they were deliberately injected with syphilis — which is false, and a conspiracy theory, but that fact check is irrelevant to the main question: Can vulnerable populations trust that the medical establishment will inform and protect them?

During the pandemic, research showed that many African Americans were reluctant to get vaccines, but it wasn’t because they were all Covid denialists. Many were continuing to take precautions such as wearing masks and avoiding crowds. They just didn’t trust that scientists had leveled with the public about the risks of vaccination.

When I visited London in 2021, I was amazed that people didn’t generally know which vaccine they had taken or when they would get their booster. They answered my question with a shrug and said they would just go whenever they were told they had an appointment. They, too, had a polarizing, Trump-like leader and the usual swirl of social media conspiracies. But they rolled up their sleeves when the National Health Service called because it was cashing in the trust it had built over decades.

It was the same for me, here in the U.S.: When I broke my strict isolation to volunteer at a vaccine clinic early in the pandemic and later, when I gleefully rolled up my own sleeve, I was elated but not because I had personally verified every single claim about vaccines. Instead, I felt I had reason to trust that the manufacturer hadn’t cheated in the trials, that the scientists overseeing the process weren’t corrupt and that if something untoward had happened, it wouldn’t have been covered up. I trusted that the vials were properly filled and handled, and that the nurse had injected them appropriately.

Trust, not information, was the key. But just when it was needed most, some of the officials in charge of our Covid response undermined it. And as Deborah Ross, a Democratic member of the House from North Carolina, said during the hearings, “When people don’t trust scientists, they don’t trust the science.” And studies have shown that once people lose trust in institutions, they become more open to conspiracy theories — not just about whatever specific topic might be in dispute, but across the board.

Opportunists and “do your own research” chaos agents will take advantage of these lapses for a long time to come, fueling conspiracy theories and bad ideas of every stripe. The newest one I’ve heard is that Covid is ravaging people’s immune systems on a mass scale comparable to that of H.I.V. On what authority can such a falsehood now be debunked?

As the expression goes, trust is built in drops and lost in buckets, and this bucket is going to take a very long time to refill.

I hope the pandemic, both as lived experience and now as rewritten history, has proved that paternalistic, infantilizing messaging backfires. Transparency and accountability work.

In the four-plus years since Covid emerged, millions of people died, but so did something harder to quantify: the trust of a great many people in the science of public health. The authorities will have to live with the consequences, and so, unfortunately, will all the rest of us."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/">
    <title>Behind the Ivy Intifada | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-10T03:31:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Shafik’s appointment as the 20th president of Columbia University in 2023 was historic. She is the first woman to occupy that role, and its first leader “of Arab Muslim origin.” According to identitarian logic, Shafik’s gender and her ethnic, religious, and immigrant background should have rendered her especially sensitive to social-justice concerns and uniquely capable of responding to the crisis in a constructive way.

But Shafik is far more than an immigrant woman of Arab and Muslim background. She is also, for one thing, a literal baroness. And prior to her role at Columbia University, she served as the vice president of the World Bank, the deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, the deputy governor of the Bank of England, and the vice chancellor of the London School of Economics. This background is much more essential for understanding how events have played out at Columbia University than Shafik’s ethnicity, faith, or gender.

In light of her professional history and affiliations, it would be easy to view someone like Shafik as endowed with extraordinary power and freedom. It would be easy to assume she has wide discretion in shaping how events play out on campus and beyond. This is true, in a sense. But it isn’t the full story. 

The sociologist Max Weber argued that while bureaucrats wield impressive power and social prestige, the influence and honor they enjoy is never truly theirs to possess. Instead, it typically derives from their office. If they are pushed out of their position or institution, their wealth and status tend to vanish precipitously, as well. In order to avoid this outcome, Weber concluded, bureaucrats tend to avoid alienating anyone with the capacity to strip them of their rank and prestige (even to the point of compromising their integrity or alienating large swaths of the rest of society to ingratiate themselves with elite gatekeepers).

Another great 20th-century sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, described people like Shafik as the “dominated faction of the dominant class.” They are elites, to be sure, but their position is contingent on continued patronage from wealthy people or the state—and on association with prestigious institutions, such as universities or media outlets, that themselves are dependent on patronage from other elites and the government. As a consequence, although some dominated elites may regard themselves as rebels or speakers of uncomfortable truths—and in some cases, they leverage their clout to push elites or institutions in particular directions—they also tend to know their limits, and generally take care not to cross any lines that would result in their expulsion from the corridors of influence. 

Insofar as she is eager to cling to her position at Columbia and advance to other comparably prestigious posts later in her career, Shafik isn’t free. She has little choice but to go, hat in hand, and prostrate herself before lawmakers and donors. When Democratic lawmakers called on her and the trustees to clear the encampments or resign, and President Biden condemned the students occupying Hamilton Hall, Shafik knew what she had to do. And she acted as she was expected to on the day these calls went out. 

In responding to the protests as she did, Minouche Shafik wasn’t acting as an individual following whatever convictions she may (or may not) have held. She was acting as an agent of Columbia University, which serves a very particular set of functions in society. Columbia University is many things. Some have described it as a massive hedge fund with a world-class research university attached to it. Superficially, this isn’t far from the truth. Nearly half of Columbia’s $13.6 billion endowment is invested in equities, with another third in hedge funds. Another 14 percent of the endowment is invested in real estate, rendering Columbia the largest private landowner in the Big Apple. Put simply, Columbia University is a vast enterprise. However, its main business is not speculating on stocks and real estate—that’s more of a side hustle.

Columbia’s core product is the reproduction and legitimation of social inequality. This is the source of the university’s multibillion-dollar endowment, derived primarily from donations by alumni and their families, who are invested in that enterprise’s success. Universities in general, and elite schools in particular, exist largely to launder wealth into perceptions of “merit.” They help the children of wealthy and well-connected families reproduce their social position and feel like they “earned” it. 

As my academic adviser Shamus Khan has powerfully illustrated, students from non-traditional elite-school backgrounds—like me—play an important role in this legitimation scheme. As long as at least some are attending because of their exceptional grit or talent, the children of privilege who make up the majority of the student body can come to believe that they are at a school like Columbia because they are geniuses and scrappy bootstrappers, too—because those are apparently the type of people the university selects for. These same impressions then allow elite institutions to primarily hire the rich kids who graduate from these schools under the auspices of “merit”: By virtue of graduating from Columbia, they must be especially gifted (and not merely privileged). 

As I detail in my forthcoming book, the truth is that elite institutions like Columbia primarily select for highly conscientious and capable conformists. If you are sufficiently talented and prolific, the conformity expectations can be slackened slightly (a win-win that helps other conformists understand themselves and the institution as more “edgy” than they really are); and if you are sufficiently wealthy, deficits in capability or conscientiousness can be overlooked or worked around. But the modal student is not an idiosyncratic genius or a billionaire kid who failed his way to the top.

Instead, as Noam Chomsky pointed out decades ago, colleges and universities—and consequently, the symbolic professions—are overwhelmingly composed of the kind of people who showed up to school every day and on time, had the right kinds of extracurriculars, turned in their assignments punctually and according to the instructions, mastered regurgitating the information that the teachers provided in a form that said teachers found aesthetically pleasing. The kids who craved approval from teachers and other authority figures, who took pride in their grades, believing that their academic records say something meaningful about themselves. Those who did well on standardized tests, often believing (again) that their high scores say something meaningful about themselves. Those who were willing to delay gratification virtually indefinitely.

This is how such students end up with the sterling attendance and disciplinary records, the high GPA, and the glowing letters of recommendation that ease their path to selective colleges. These same dispositions allow them to flourish in college and, later, in the symbolic professions. As economist Bryan Caplan has demonstrated, the main signal telegraphed to employers by college degrees is that these are the kind of people who are willing to endure drudgery, degradation, and busy work (such as is required to obtain a college degree); who see things through to completion (which is why a degree, even an associate’s degree, gives a bigger boost on the job market than several years of schooling without a degree); who will follow the rules; who will complete tasks on time and according to specifications.

These selection patterns, which define higher education writ large, are most pronounced of all at top-tier institutions. Places like Columbia are filled with people who have spent little to no time outside of what Daniel Markovits called The Meritocracy Trap (the title of his 2019 book on the subject). Everything is a competition. Everything is a chance to build one’s brand. Everything is a risk or opportunity to move up or down the ladder. Even social-justice activism. 

I say all this as someone who received a doctorate from Columbia. And I must confess, I loved my time there, and continue to feel a deep affection and gratitude toward the institution. While enrolled, I was offered unparalleled resources. My mentors and colleagues were truly excellent. The undergraduates I worked with were bright, earnest, ambitious, and highly invested in getting good grades (if markedly less committed to learning—and unaware of and unbothered by their ignorance). For all these reasons, it has been heartbreaking to see the campus riven by conflict, locked down, and purged. Compared to most other campuses, the way things played out at Columbia was extreme. However, as my mentor Saskia Sassen emphasizes, extreme cases can “make sharply visible what might otherwise remain confusingly vague.”"

...

"Comparatively, most of the people castigating the demonstrators seem largely indifferent to the catastrophe in Gaza and seem to possess an even less coherent vision of social change. President Biden, for instance, stated that although peaceful protest is protected in America, “dissent must never lead to disorder.” But Stonewall, now widely celebrated by Democratic politicians, was a literal riot, and ostensibly “nonviolent” civil-rights campaigns have always had an intimate relationship with violence and coercion. The idea that social change primarily occurs through positive, pleasant, and non-disruptive means is silly and out of step with most of human history."

...

"In truth, there is very little at stake on any side of the struggles at Columbia University, and ultimately, everyone will be just fine. Sooner or later, most of the students will proceed to their well-remunerated jobs—protesters, counter-protesters, and neutral parties alike. Whether Shafik manages to hold on at Columbia or ultimately gets pushed out, she will spend the rest of her days filthy rich. Likewise, even in the unlikely event that Davadai is terminated for his many indiscretions, he already has a promising second career lined up as a right-aligned influencer. Columbia, too, will fare well. The school is older than America, and it isn’t going anywhere anytime soon. All those people vowing not to send their kids to the Ivies are lying to others and possibly themselves (or perhaps their offspring were unlikely to gain admission in the first place).

The French philosopher Jean Baudrillard observed that “behind every image, something has disappeared.” The Ivy League Intifada is no exception. The only people in this story who face genuine suffering have been almost completely absent from “the discourse” over the last several weeks: namely, the people of Gaza.

While Americans obsess over tents on the Columbia quad, hundreds of thousands of displaced people are sleeping in tents in Rafah. They are not “unsheltered” because the university revoked their access to the campus, but because their homes and communities were leveled by a campaign of destruction with few analogs in modern history. And even their tents are being bombed.

It isn’t even possible in theory for Gazans to carry out campus demonstrations, because every single university in Gaza has been destroyed by Israel. Instead of dealing with the inconvenience of being unable to access the dining hall or hang out on the quad—and rather than stressing out over whether they’ll land their dream job or if others are saying mean things about them (that make them feel emotionally “unsafe”—the people of Gaza are witnessing their loved ones killed in front of their eyes, are undergoing amputations without anesthesia, and literally starving to death. There is nowhere left for them to flee, but a ground invasion seems imminent despite Hamas ostensibly agreeing to a ceasefire.

It is obvious why Biden, House Republicans, and others determined to support Benjamin Netanyahu’s war would rather talk about student protesters instead of the fate of Gaza. Mainstream media outlets, meanwhile, recognize that campus culture-war stories get far more clicks and are far easier to produce than responsible reporting on bleak international events. 

For their part, the student activists seem to genuinely want to raise awareness about the plight of Gazans—albeit ideally in a way that enhances their own clout. In a recent editorial for The Guardian, leaders of the Columbia protest movement urged everyone to listen to their perspectives, and elevate their voices, so they might raise the salience of the crisis in Gaza. The actual conflict they are ostensibly trying to end received only a single oblique mention in the last sentence of the piece. The rest of the article was focused on the struggles Columbia students have faced and calls for them to get still more attention relative to other stakeholders. In truth, Columbia students don’t need your attention. They don’t need your support. They don’t need your solidarity.

Attention is finite. Energy is finite. Time is finite. Resources are finite. Save your concern and your efforts for the crisis in Gaza. Don’t let the farce at Columbia obscure the tragedy that the protests were supposed to call attention to in the first place."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hammerandhope.org/article/boomer-zionism">
    <title>The Rise and Fall of Baby Boomer Zionism</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-21T22:32:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hammerandhope.org/article/boomer-zionism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Zionism has long been the tip of a spear aimed at the heart of a multiracial left."]]></description>
<dc:subject>darrylli zionism israel multiculturalism 2024 us left palestine liberation supremacy liberalism liberalzionism electoralpolitics politics meritocracy art arts journalism media highered highereducation colleges universities corporations liberals government governance bureaucracy nonprofits charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex philanthropy culture culturewar boomers donaldtrump thomasfriedman stevenpinker henrylouisgatesjr joebiden alandershowitz tehodorherzl history antisemitism judaism anticommunism race racism imperialism 1990s 200s syria cuba iraq yugoslavia barackobama condoleezzarice colinpowell georgewbush azizrana thirdworldism adl blacklivesmatter gaza rachelglimer harvard claudinegay billackman larrysummers elisestefanik antidefamationleague henrylouisgates christopherrufo vietnam vietnamwar miltonfriedman centrism iraqwar war military militaryindustrialcomplex ows occupywallstreet christianzionism audrelorde colonialism colonization settlercolonialism chrisrufo culturewars baby</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://overthefield.substack.com/p/where-you-are-is-where-you-are">
    <title>Where You Are Is Where You Are - by Hadden Turner</title>
    <dc:date>2024-02-20T19:22:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://overthefield.substack.com/p/where-you-are-is-where-you-are</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It is worth repeating that by failing to realise, appreciate, and accept that we are where we are, we overlook what is right in front of us — the very things which should be of upmost importance. These are the objects and realities, the people and places, and norms and institutions that make up our every day. They directly influence our lives, and we, through the relationships and actions we form, directly influence them. The health (or otherwise) of our local community and local wildlife significantly affects and directly concerns us. We must realise that their health or degeneracy is, in part, caused by our local actions. Our responsibility for those things, peoples and creatures that make up our place should be obvious — bluntly so. These are the relationships by which our life will be judged, these are the places, buildings, stories, and habitats we will hand down to the next generation, and these are the places and things which bear our name. But, in this modern, rootless age we too easily forget this. And our eyes, oh, how they do wander…

Wander, they do, to where we think we primarily are (or more accurately, want to be). They drift to the greener pastures of elsewhere: to the lofty heights of the city lights — the places of importance, wealth, power (that make the 10 o’clock news, and the 5 o’clock, 2 o’clock and so on), or to the picture-postcard rural idyll, with the perfect community, perfect garden, and perfect cottage.

These are the places we wish we were, the places that we like to think would fulfil us or complete us, or at least provide more spark and life than where we currently are. Even if we do not wish to live elsewhere, the importance and power of other places catches our attention and concern until we become preoccupied with what happens “over there” and not here where we are. A good benchmark of ascertaining where our focus lies is to examine our news reading habits. Do we know more about what is happening at a global or national level than what is happening in our local community? Probably.5 Too easily then are we addicted what really does not concern us, that which we have not the power to change, and that which will be replaced tomorrow by more irrelevant but oh, so important sounding news.

Our governments and national corporations fuel this sense of ‘dislocated rootlessness’6 by eroding our sense of the local and replacing it with a national vision: “The national is all important” they say, “we all need to come together and grow our national GDP and we all need to come together to contribute to solving our national problems”. And if you haven’t got the message, posters paid for by the government will constantly remind us of our national-scale duties and the primary importance of our big economy-boosting cities.

They have been remarkably successful. For many of us, the national has supplanted the local in our imaginations and affections regardless of the fact that local concerns are: more likely to match our own concerns, are concerns that more directly influence us, and finally are problems that we have the power to do something about. And the tragedy is that all this — the national governmental spin, the reprogramming and re-entering of our locational affections, and the centralisation efforts — goes on while the very policies our governments churn out at best neglect, or at worse, positively harm, our local areas in favour of those big-name players and big-name places in the national economy. Governments will rush to the rescue of a bank or a big city — but our local pub, the bulwark of the community and perhaps the only social meeting place for many? Forget it.7

But we mustn’t stop at the national level. When we listen to the global institutions, we find our responsibilities are even bigger than what our governments tell us. In our modern, hyper-connected world, we all need to play our part in the “the burden of world saving”. Our planet is under threat from economic downturn, climate change, ballooning poverty, and global diseases — and you, dear reader, are expected to play an instrumental part in saving it…

This, my friends, is a crippling and intolerable burden.

***

The place where this intolerable burden is placed most eagerly upon others’ shoulders is at the graduation ceremonies of every self-respecting university. No grandiose ceremony is complete without the standard trope from the vice-chancellor: “Go out, make us proud, and change the world!” I myself have been the recipient of this plea — and at the time I did not detect the incredible amount of hubris contained within this burden. The world is immense, and its needs and unique contexts innumerable. It can be guaranteed that the 'education’ obtained over the course of three years of study has only scratched the surface of what is needed to even attempt to positively change a single region let alone the world. That is a severe knowledge deficiency; the scale mismatch is even starker. No individual can hope to change something which is so beyond his or her capacity — as fundamentally limited creatures we simply do not have the time, energy, or mental power to sometimes get out of bed in the morning let alone change the world. The intolerable and impossible nature of this burden may explain why some climate activists seem so hysterical and emotional. If they feel individually responsible for saving the planet and averting climate change, then the weight of this immense burden will cripple them mentally.8

I believe we were never made to have such global burdens on our shoulders. The world is not ours to save — and we can’t even if we tried with all our might.9 One in a million of us may make a world changing difference — finding a cure for cancer or discovering something as world-changing as electricity — but such men and women are few and far between. You, dear reader, are unlikely to be one of them and neither am I. The memory of most of us will be erased once the inscription on our tombstone has weathered away. But if that inscription told of a life faithfully lived towards God and man — a ripe life10 with duties faithfully discharged and accomplished, and a local area all the better for your presence — then all is as it should have been.

You are not responsible for the whole world — far from it. But you are responsible for the local places11 in front of you: the local people who you relate to, the unique buildings, art, and beauty that you enjoy every day, and the local environments and habitats that surround the place you dwell. Where you are is where you are — and what you are responsible for. This is a burden heavy enough for us. This is a burden that matches our limitations.12 This is a burden that we can faithfully discharge. And this is a burden that will present us with a lifetime of opportunities for doing good.

Some of our local actions will indeed have global ramifications for good and for bad — such is the nature of our tele-connected world. Pollutants spread, emissions add up, and buying locally and sustainable food means less demand for unsustainable food from elsewhere13. But we can be certain that all of our local actions will have a local effect. Buying from your local shop supports the livelihood of your local proprietor. Stewarding your local habitats helps to protect the specific creatures who live there. Campaigning to save the listed building helps preserve that which otherwise would be lost. If I don’t care for my local area who else will? There are millions of people looking to care for the globe, but few to care for the places that are right in front of them.

Local action, though, is often far from glamorous and won’t make you famous. What’s more, it is often beset with infuriating bureaucracy and setbacks, funding is always in short supply, and positive change can take a lifetime to become apparent. Coupled with the fact that the global advocates with their glaring adverts and slogans tell you day in day out that: “you are worth it”, “you can change the world”, “don’t waste your life on the small, insignificant, and the local” it can be very tempting to broaden our horizons and focus on the important issues of elsewhere. Chances are your neighbour is already doing so, and their neighbour too. There is always a shortage of local advocates, local workers, and rooted people — and there are never enough willing hands for the unglamorous work to be done. If this essay convinces you to be numbered among the willing hands, then I will count the hours invested into these words a success. “Be famous within 15 miles” a sage once said14. If more people took this to heart, the ground beneath our feet might just start to heal and our fractured and dilapidating communities might just start to revive.

<blockquote>“A couple who make a good marriage, and raise a healthy, morally competent children, are serving the world's future more directly and surely than any political leader, though they never utter a public word. A good farmer who is dealing with the problem of soil erosion on an acre of ground as a sound grasp of that problem and cares more about it and is probably doing more to solve it than any bureaucrat who is talking about it in general. A man who is willing to undertake the discipline and the difficulty of mending his own ways is worth more to the conservation movement than a hundred who are insisting merely that the government and the industries mend their ways.”15</blockquote>"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.firstthings.com/article/2022/02/the-genius-of-ivan-illich">
    <title>The Genius of Ivan Illich by Brian C. Anderson | Articles | First Things</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-25T20:57:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.firstthings.com/article/2022/02/the-genius-of-ivan-illich</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The freedom unleashed by the “cosmic atmosphere” of the Incarnation is thus unstable. Nothing guarantees the chosen bond. A temptation then arises historically, Illich claims, to ensure the new Christian love—to institutionalize it and command it by law. The descent from best to worst ensues, starting after “the Church achieved official status with the Roman Empire.” First, the Church claims this power, serving as the social-services organization for the waning Roman Empire, and subsequently establishing the criminalization of sin in the high Middle Ages. The Church seeks—and finds—worldly might, with all the attendant abuses known to Western history. Over time, the Church becomes, as Cayley puts it, “a law-governed prototype of the modern state.” Secular institutions, taking over from the Church, seek secular forms of salvation. Tentacular modern institutions and their ceaseless campaigns of social engineering, both democratic and totalitarian, represent inversions of the New Testament. A “demonic night” paradoxically results from “the world’s equally mysterious vocation to ­glory,” says Illich.

Illich deems this long historical process “the mystery of evil.” The Church provided the “nesting place” for a shadow that follows the Incarnation—a darkness sometimes referred to as anti-Christ, which the early Church was aware of, Illich says, but mostly lost sight of. He felt that time had reached a decision point. The unacknowledged penetration of Christian conceptions, feelings, and ways of thought throughout modern ­societies made ours “the most obviously Christian epoch, which might be quite close to the end of the world.” Illich described the apocalypse as an unveiling: We had to awaken to the signs of the times, rediscover Christ’s radical message of free relatedness—and change our lives. Yet he never rejected the Catholic Church, “a divine bud that will flower in eternity,” in his beautiful formulation. The Church had preserved the precious kernel of the gospel across time.

In a 1972 essay, Illich provided an early key to his conception of the faith. Referring to the kingdom evoked by Jesus in the Gospels, he observed that to be Christian “means to live in the Spirit of the Maran Atha—the Lord is coming at this moment.” That is, a Christian “should live and enjoy living at the edge of time, at the end moment of time.” The kingdom is a form of communitarian life, informed by faith and hope. The Incarnation has already happened; history is the theater of salvation; it is up to us to do the rest.

Illich himself sought to live this way, as if the kingdom were already present among us. He liked to keep a candle burning at his frequent “living-room ­consultations” with friends and students, gatherings filled with conversation and ­loosened by inexpensive but decent wine. The candle served as a sign of Christ, reminding us that the community is always open. “­­Whoever loves another loves [Christ] in the person of that other,” Illich said. Christ was for Illich not just the object of love, Caley adds, but its medium. As Illich told Jerry Brown in 1996, “I do believe that if . . . something like a political life . . . remain[s] for us, in this world of technology, then it begins with friendship.”

Illich passed peacefully in 2002, and for many years this “errant pilgrim” of the Catholic Church was mostly forgotten. That has started to change, however, and not only with Cayley’s monumental study. A collection of Illich’s early essays, The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985, appeared in 2019, with a foreword by Agamben. Illich has won a new readership among critics worried about technology’s effects on human flourishing. And fortunately, a small British imprint, Marion ­Boyars Publishers, has kept many of his books available as inexpensive paperbacks.

David Cayley’s important book thus comes at a perfect moment for reassessing its subject. Illich sometimes lacked prudence. His view that the modern world as a whole was creating hell on earth was, and is, hyperbolic. The title of a Baffler article on Illich—“Against Everything”—captures this critical ferocity. Illich’s anti-­development strictures against industrial ­society and economic growth in defense of the vernacular wisdom of ­impoverished communities can be accused, with some justification, of ignoring the wishes of the poor themselves. Without growth, a ­zero-sum world ensues, shrinking alternatives and making ­untenable representative democracy, which needs “the give-and-take of ­win-win compromise,” in venture capitalist Peter Thiel’s words.

But Illich’s critical assessments of educational and medical bureaucracies offer vital lessons about reclaiming the freedom to learn, and to heal or confront our mortality. His philosophy of tools can help us imagine a technology-friendly tomorrow that enhances human life, instead of enslaving it with addictive games and narcissistic mirrors. And his call to renew Christian fellowship, to live the kingdom of God through free acts of love, is inspiring in its simple faith. Ivan Illich: An Intellectual Journey can itself be seen as an act of love, restoring Illich to his rightful place among the significant social and religious thinkers of our time."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhCYH95t768">
    <title>Ivan Illich/David Cayley Book Club #3 of 6 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-25T17:04:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhCYH95t768</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

"Four Illich Conversations, Part 1: Cayley/Hine"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nvbzuQdO19M

"Walking the Razor's Edge: Illich Conversation #2 with David Cayley and Sam Ewell"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IJOwHQXpMbQ

“One No, Many Yeses” – Sam Ewell & Dougald Hine in Illich Conversation #3"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Avh1AJ9sls

"Ave Maria/Sophia/Gaia: Katherine Bubel and Michelle Berry Lane on Illich and the Sacred Feminine" (Conversation #4)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=19q4pWKPlj0 ]]]></description>
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    <title>Long Land War w/ Jo Guldi · The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2023-10-02T15:32:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/long-land-war-w-jo-guldi/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Jo Guldi on the global history of the long land war—a war over everything from agrarian reform to tenant rights, from India and China to England and Ireland, from the late 19th century through the present—and into the future."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Llg4BoDBVU">
    <title>Imagina a un anarquista - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-10T06:53:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Llg4BoDBVU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["El anarquismo es un universo ideológico complejo y en Chile ha tenido una larga tradición, que ha estado ligada, más que a la violencia, a la solidaridad, al feminismo y al desarrollo cultural. Este capítulo es sobre anarquismo y, más precisamente, anarquismos. Sobre su historia en Chile y su presente. Participa el historiador Eduardo Godoy, autor del libro Llamaradas de rebelión: breve historia del anarquismo en Chile, 1890-2000 (Eleuterio, 2020); el músico y diseñador Joaquín Contreras, vocalista de la banda Marcel Duchamp; y Slavia Maggio, parte de Editorial Eleuterio, sello dedicado a la difusión del pensamiento ácrata."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://the-santiago-boys.com/">
    <title>The Santiago Boys</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-28T05:17:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://the-santiago-boys.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A wild tale of how Allende's engineers and a British management consultant dared challenge corporations and spy agencies - and almost won. Written and presented by Evgeny Morozov. For media inquiries, email info@the-santiago-boys.com."

...

"THE SANTIAGO BOYS
THE TECH WORLD THAT MAY HAVE BEEN

"As gripping as a Netflix thriller... Perhaps the most important political thriller of the last years...from one of the most important and critical theorists of digitalization..." --Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (Germany)

"Particularly attentive to the hidden, secret, and violent uses of technology... - the so-called Dark Tech." --La Lettura / Corriere della Sera (Italy)

"A rich podcast... a beautiful and important production that first and foremost shows how thoroughly political technology is..." --De Correspondent (Netherlands)

"Very, very good. Extremely relevant. Not a mere podcast...but a huge universe. If you are interested in technology, history, and politics, it's a must-hear" --Deutschlandfunk (German public radio)

***

The Santiago Boys is a nine-part podcast about a group of radical utopians around Salvador Allende, Chile's socialist president. Undeterred by the Cold War and machinations of their enemies and aided by an eccentric British consultant, they try to wrestle control over technology from multinationals and intelligence agencies and use it to create a more egalitarian economy. As their dream gets crushed by Pinochet's bloody coup, the Santiago Boys find an unexpected afterlife - and in Silicon Valley of all places."

[trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eka7wHag_ys ]

This project has been two years in the making and involved more than two hundred interviews and countless hours spent poring over historical documents. Given the immense importance of the topic - especially in light of our own contemporary struggles with and against Big Tech - we've decided to preserve the fruits of our research in the form of a website containing transcripts of the interviews that we conducted as well as pointers to readings, videos, and other historical materials that might enhance the listening experience. 

The podcast was written, researched, produced, and presented by Evgeny Morozov. It's a collaboration of Chora Media and Post-Utopia. 

Listen to the main music theme of The Santiago Boys composed by Luca Micheli."]]></description>
<dc:subject>chile history podcasts 2023 internet salvadorallende coldwar pinochet coup evgenymorozov cybersyn staffordbeer socialism economics technology georgehwbush un bigtech egalitarianism cia us johnmccone 1970s 1960s elections cuba cheguevara fidelcastro mir mapo education marxism cybernetics itt coca-cola dupont bankofamerica dowchemical generalelectric fordmotorrs chitelcorichardnixon henrykissinger democracy left darktech psyops surveillance mobilization control guatemala unitedfruitcompany santiago patriaylibertad facists authoritarianism chicagoboys fernandoflores utopia radicalism instability information informationsystems computers computing liberty freedom joangarcés netwworks computernetworks telex santiagoboys latinamerica management hierarchy horizontality autonomy bananarepublics orlandoletelier complexity planning guibonsiepe technocracy scientism elitism empowerment labor managerialism culture society consultants science technocrats bureaucracy golpe golpemilitar ge</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/render-unto-the-machine">
    <title>Render Unto the Machine - by L. M. Sacasas</title>
    <dc:date>2023-07-09T06:54:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/render-unto-the-machine</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My present thesis is something like this: The claim or fear that AI will displace human beings becomes plausible to the degree that we have already been complicit in a deep deskilling that has unfolded over the last few generations. Or, to put it another way, it is easier to imagine that we are replaceable when we have already outsourced many of our core human competencies.

Put somewhat differently, the message of the medium we are presently calling AI is the realization that modern institutions and technologies have been schooling people toward their own future obsolescence.

Indeed, we might go further and say that the triumph of modern institutions is that they have schooled us even to desire our own obsolescence. If a job, a task, a role, or an activity becomes so thoroughly mechanical or bureaucratic, for the sake of efficiency and scale, say, that it is stripped of all human initiative, thought, judgment, and, consequently, responsibility, then of course, of course we will welcome and celebrate its automation. If we have been schooled to think that we lack basic levels of latent competence and capability, or that the cultivation of such competencies and capabilities entails too much inconvenience or risk or uncertainty, then of course, of course we will welcome and celebrate the displacement of our labor, involvement, and care.

In the 1960s and 70s, the social critic Ivan Illich2 offered a sustained and blistering critique of industrial age institutions—including schooling, medicine, and transportation, you know, the ones we then to think of as “good”—precisely along these lines. What these institutions have chiefly taught us, Illich argued, is that we are, in ourselves, inadequate to the task of living together as human beings in the world. That we cannot get on without the products and services that they alone can supply. Such institutions are not interested in equipping or empowering us, only in confirming us in an indefinite state of dependence in a consumerist mode. The professions associated with such institutions Illich called “disabling professions.”

“People need new tools to work with rather than tools that ‘work’ for them,” Illich argued. But he also concluded that “the institutions of industrial society do just the opposite. As the power of machines increases, the role of persons more and more decreases to that of mere consumers.” In this regard, the present development of AI3 is of a piece with previous patterns of technological and institutional growth. The trend line is consistent, only now a new class and range of roles and activities are being outsourced for the sake of a system that was already “unaligned” with human values, as it is now fashionable to say, because it demanded the conformity of human beings to inhuman standards of scale, speed, efficiency, and profitability.

This line of institutional and technological development will proceed apace without some account, provisional and contested as it may necessarily be, of what it is good for people to do regardless of whether a machine can do it better according to certain parameters (faster, more cheaply, etc.). And if our institutions—be they political, cultural, or corporate—will not entertain such a conversation, we should at least have it for ourselves and with whatever community to which we might be fortunate enough to belong."]]></description>
<dc:subject>lmsacasas 2023 ivanillich ai artificialintelligence care caring ethanmollick work labor humanity humanism technology productivity efficiency speed scale slow small life living values purpose involvement obsolescence economics policy politics bureaucracy automation schooling unschooling deschooling medicine transportation institutions consumerism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/06/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-jennifer-pahlka.html">
    <title>Opinion | The Book I Wish Every Policymaker Would Read - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2023-06-18T20:55:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/06/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-jennifer-pahlka.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["My pitch for this episode is simple: Jennifer Pahlka has written one of the best policy books I’ve ever read.

Pahlka served as deputy chief technology officer in the Obama White House, and she’s the founder and a former executive director of Code for America, a nonprofit that works to enhance government digital services. Over the course of her career, Pahlka has become obsessed with an area of policy that is too often ignored by policymakers: implementation. She was part of the effort to rescue HealthCare.gov in 2013 and was tapped by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 to help fix California’s unemployment insurance system as it buckled under the weight of the Covid response.

It has become a common refrain that the U.S. government is often terrible at delivering even basic services. But Pahlka’s new book — “Recoding America: Why Government Is Failing in the Digital Age and How We Can Do Better” — puts forward a deeper theory of why government services are so awful, how policy implementation so often goes awry and what it would take to fix those systems so that government could better live up to its promises. It’s an argument that anyone who cares about government in the 21st century needs to take seriously.

Book Recommendations:

Implementation by Jeffrey L. Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky

Radical Help by Hilary Cottam


“Mandate for Leadership” (chapter 3), edited by Paul Dans and Steven Groves

This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Emefa Agawu. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris, Mary Marge Locker and Kate Sinclair. Mixing by Jeff Geld. Our production team is Annie Galvin, Jeff Geld, Roge Karma and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. And special thanks to Isaac Jones and Kristina Samulewski."

[See also (audio):
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-book-i-wish-every-policymaker-would-read/id1548604447?i=1000615839464

transcript:
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/06/podcasts/transcript-ezra-klein-interviews-jennifer-pahlka.html ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LQIxbwfMVlM">
    <title>Free Stuff is Good, Actually - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-05-10T04:01:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LQIxbwfMVlM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Chapters:
0:00 Intro
2:40 Free Stuff for Some, Miniature American Flags for Others
8:50 The 'Free Lunch' of Education
23:17 Universal Healthcare: the Affordable Dream
33:21 Healthcare as Social Insurance
50:13 Universal Based Income
1:07:53 Lumps in the Carpet"]]></description>
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    <title>Bard: Pictures from an Institution | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2023-05-10T03:09:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/29/pictures-institution</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the thirty-nine years that Botstein has been president of Bard, the college has served as a kind of petri dish for his many pedagogical hypotheses: that, as he has written, “the performing and visual arts are not a luxury in a free and democratic society” but “symptoms of its existence”; that public intellectuals are often better teachers than newly minted Ph.D.s are; that a liberal-arts education has the power to reduce prison recidivism. Botstein insists that Bard—alternative, creative, freethinking—is a cause as much as a college. It offers degree-granting programs abroad—in Russia, Germany, the West Bank, and Kyrgyzstan—as well as in six New York State correctional facilities. Under the Bard banner, Botstein, whose book “Jefferson’s Children” (1997) argued that the American high-school system is obsolete and infantilizing, has founded alternative public secondary schools in Manhattan, Queens, Newark, Cleveland, and New Orleans. Students begin college work two years early, attend seminar-style classes, and graduate with an associate’s degree."

...

"Botstein’s prolixity does not preclude conversational generosity: he compulsively credits you with making good points that were in fact his. And though he can strike people as a world-class egomaniac, one never feels condescended to. There is a buoyant presupposition of agreement, and his antipathy does not seem personal. In Botstein’s mind, it’s not you who deserve weary scrutiny; it’s the world."

...

"To an eighteen-year-old, Botstein’s self-generated glamour is at once intimidating and all too tempting to mock. His passions—besides classical music, he has a love of pocket watches—made him seem to us like a man neither of the twenty-first century nor of America. We referred to him among ourselves as “Leon” and spoke sarcastically of inviting him to our parties. Today, his four-decade tenure strikes me as self-evidently impressive, but back when I was in college it seemed freakish, maybe even a little suspect. I wondered why he hadn’t gone on to a bigger school or found himself some sort of political appointment."

...

"Botstein’s reaction to bureaucracy could best be described as allergic, or perhaps even adolescent. His attention span is gnat-short, and he appears physically pained when confronted with procedure. He is agonized by time’s nasty habit of protracting itself in moments of anguish or tedium. At assemblies he has been known to wrap his arms around himself and hunch over until almost in a fetal position."

...

"Geoffrey Sanborn, who was my adviser at Bard and is now an English professor at Amherst, regards his former boss with a mixture of exasperation and grudging respect. About an hour into a telephone conversation, he decided that the most efficient way to sum up Botstein would be by quoting Faulkner, and he put down the phone to search for a copy of “Absalom, Absalom!” Sanborn returned after a few minutes, cleared his throat, and read, “ ‘He had been too successful, you see; his was that solitude of contempt and distrust which success brings to him who gained it because he was strong instead of merely lucky.’ ”"

...

"Though his father discouraged only three occupations—his children were not to become financiers, lawyers, or rabbis—Botstein is the only member of his immediate family who isn’t a doctor or a scientist, and whatever professional confidence he projects today was earned through shame and discomfort. Botstein stuttered growing up, and his father sometimes called him Durachyok (Russian for “little fool”), and his early experience has ripened into a lifelong allegiance to underdogs. The objects of his sympathy are diverse. They include incarcerated men and women, immigrants, political exiles, Palestinian university students, and, in his role as a conductor, underperformed operas and orchestral works."

...

"Emily Fisher, the vice-chair of the board and the ex-wife of the late Richard Fisher, one of Bard’s major donors, told me, “Bard has always educated the kind of student that tends not to go to Wall Street. They haven’t made buckets of money.” Unlike the best-endowed liberal-arts colleges, such as Amherst, Williams, and Swarthmore, Bard has done little to foster links to the business community. On campus, this has its positive side: the atmosphere is intellectually idealistic and anything but pre-professional. But, unsurprisingly, an excess of critical-theory-reading photography majors doesn’t make for a promising donor pool.

“Until relatively recently, Bard was a safety school,” Fisher said. “Its alumni didn’t have a sense of pride and owing to the place.” Although Botstein has changed the school’s reputation beyond recognition, he remains suspicious of the tactics that other schools use to cultivate a sense of shared identity. Greek life at Bard is nonexistent, as are any athletic teams that one might take seriously. Botstein has written that “it is an embarrassment that so much time, effort, emotion, and money are expended on gladiatorial exhibitions.” But, for better or worse, such activities are at the heart of fund-raising. Noah Drezner, an associate professor of higher education at Teachers College, Columbia University, told me, “Studies have shown that former student athletes, even just those who participated in organized college sports, are more likely to give, and give at higher rates.”

No one I know from college owns a single item of Bard College merchandise—no sweatshirts, no umbrellas, no bumper stickers. If there are meet-ups for Bard alumni at financial-district bars, I don’t know about them. Bard’s ethos of quixotic unworldliness is appealing—it’s part of why I ended up there—but it’s never occurred to me to donate money to the place.

Instead of appealing to alumni, Botstein’s chief tactic has been to court a few exceptionally wealthy donors. “We’re in the business of looking for large investors,” he told me. “Basically, the people who created the college are Leon Levy, Dick Fisher, and George Soros.”"

...

"The Bard Prison Initiative (B.P.I.) was founded in 1999 by an undergraduate, Max Kenner, who was concerned about the extraordinary growth of the prison system and thought that Bard could do something to help. College-in-prison programs, though controversial and rapidly disappearing across the country (George Pataki, New York’s governor, made ending them a part of his agenda), had been shown to be the most inexpensive and effective way of reducing recidivism. Kenner saw an opportunity for Bard to show leadership. He scheduled a meeting with Botstein and, a few weeks later, found himself facing an audience of seven senior administrators. He gave a five-minute presentation suggesting that Bard figure out a way to extend the liberal arts to the growing population of incarcerated Americans. “Leon just said, ‘Let’s do it.’ There was literally not a pause,” Kenner recalled, laughing. “Most people in positions of authority look for reasons to say no, and Leon is really the opposite.”

B.P.I. has helped to establish college-in-prison programs across the country and is now active in nine states. Challenging common preconceptions about what education in prison should look like—remedial classes, G.E.D. prep, vocational programs—B.P.I. offers its students the same course of study that regular Bard students receive. Nearly three hundred incarcerated people are enrolled with Bard; roughly the same number have graduated. Wesleyan, Grinnell, and Goucher have launched programs under Bard’s guidance, and large universities, including Notre Dame and Washington University in St. Louis, are also involved.

Arlander Brown told me, “As you learn to be a better critical reader you learn to be a better self-critic, too.” He is now an editorial assistant at a publishing house in Manhattan and a student at Hunter College. I heard something similar from Anibal Cortes, who was in the first class at B.P.I. “If you put that kind of humanistic education into the inherently dehumanizing space of prison, you can restore a person’s individual agency,” he said. Cortes earned his B.A. in 2008, having written a senior thesis on infant mortality in early-twentieth-century New York City, and, in May, graduated from Columbia with a master’s in public health. He is now a family-services specialist at the Fortune Society.

Among Bard’s many projects, including the foreign campuses and the alternative high schools, B.P.I. is perhaps the signal success. But although it is now self-funding, such programs are a significant drain on Bard’s resources. The high schools, though largely government-funded, siphon off about two million dollars a year from the college itself, a small sum at many institutions but not at Bard."

...

"At the beginning of August, just before the new class of freshmen arrived on campus, I went to see Botstein’s horological collection, which he had described to me in animated detail. He believes that a well-made clock is the ultimate “triumph of art and engineering.” Botstein was biographically primed to catch the watch-collecting bug: his parents helped members of his mother’s family survive the Warsaw Ghetto by sending them watches from Switzerland, which they used for bartering with Nazi officers.

Botstein brought out an armful of cases containing some of his collection. Made of black leather with buckles, they resembled travelling backgammon boards. He opened the boxes one by one. Inside were golden grids, each pocket watch nestled in a small divot, like a truffle. Botstein extracted an eighteenth-century Swiss specimen, removed the back casing with a knife, and motioned for me to inspect its innards. He pulled out a watch by Charles Fasoldt, a German maker who immigrated to America in the middle of the nineteenth century and set up shop in upstate New York: “He was a maniac!” Botstein exclaimed. “He didn’t follow anybody’s rules!”

He opened more cases. One watch told the time to a quarter of a second, its hands spinning furiously; another, from the French Revolution, ran on decimal time. Botstein excitedly described a pocket watch he was considering trading for: it had been made for a maharaja, and had two sets of hands, one black and one gold, that swept around a single dial, in order to tell the time simultaneously in India and in England. He scoffed at the idea of a person wanting a watch that would tell the phases of the moon, and said that the most accurate watches did nothing but tell the time: “The more complications—it’s like the car that also swims and flies. Well, it might not be such a great car. ”

Botstein pointed out balance wheels, regulators, tourbillons. He demonstrated different chimes. With each passing second, he spoke faster, like a boy eager to show off a model airplane and impatient for you to share his enthusiasm. “I never have anything that doesn’t work,” he said. “I’m extremely allergic to things that don’t work.”"]]></description>
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