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    <title>A speechwriter-turned-welder’s radical gospel of localism | Aeon Videos</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T08:31:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aeon.co/videos/a-republican-speechwriter-turned-welders-radical-gospel-of-localism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Karl Hess first glimpsed political power as a speechwriter for the US senator Barry Goldwater’s failed 1964 presidential campaign. Hess found the experience deeply disenchanting, transforming this former ‘Cold Warrior’ who’d helped launch the conservative magazine National Review into an idiosyncratic political philosopher who viewed any powerful institution with intense scepticism. In Karl Hess: Toward Liberty, which won the Academy Award for Best Documentary Short Subject in 1981, the US filmmakers Roland Hallé and Peter Ladue trace this transformation. Hess describes how, after his time in elite circles, he reinvented himself as a libertarian thinker who, having taken up welding and built his own home, came to embody his values of self-reliance and localism. While his views don’t easily map on to contemporary US partisan politics, they comment on our current world – including debates over AI, energy and education – in often prescient and penetrating ways."

[video on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gmKI7psLnd4 ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>skepticism libertarianism anarchism 1981 ronaldhallé peterladue philosophy politics barrygoldwater 1964 elites ai artificialintelligence energy education karlhess</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://buymeacoffee.com/ayjay/in-which-i-make-mighty-vow">
    <title>In Which I Make a Mighty Vow — ayjay</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T05:05:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://buymeacoffee.com/ayjay/in-which-i-make-mighty-vow</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I'm going to begin this report — have y'all noticed that I do one of these each month? — by giving you a long quotation from a post by Anil Dash [https://www.anildash.com/2026/03/27/endgame-open-web/ ]:

</blockquote>The open web is something extraordinary: anybody can use whatever tools they have, to create content following publicly documented specifications, published using completely free and open platforms, and then share that work with anyone, anywhere in the world, without asking for permission from anyone. Think about how radical that is.

    Now, from content to code, communities to culture, we can see example after example of that open web under attack. Every single aspect of the radical architecture I just described is threatened, by those who have profited most from that exact system.

    Today, the good people who act as thoughtful stewards of the web infrastructure are still showing the same generosity of spirit that has created opportunity for billions of people and connected society in ways too vast to count while — not incidentally — also creating trillions of dollars of value and countless jobs around the world. But the increasingly-extremist tycoons of Big Tech have decided that that's not good enough.

    Now, the hectobillionaires have begun their final assault on the last, best parts of what's still open, and likely won't rest until they've either brought all of the independent and noncommercial parts of the Internet under their control, or destroyed them.</blockquote>

There’s a lot of bad news in that post, but I recommend the whole thing. 

I’ve written a good deal over the years about my love for and commitment to the open web, so I won’t re-hash all that here. I’ll just make two points. The first is that my affection for the open web has grown more passionate as I have become more interested in anarchism, that is, in bottom-up collaborative social practices, negotiated among equals — Acts 2 kinda stuff, for those who are into the whole Bible thing. Like Anil Dash, I think the open web is a miracle of unstructured collaboration; it’s a treasure we should work desperately to preserve. 

The second point is a more uncomfortable one. Look: I really hate Substack. I especially loathe the way it has turned itself into a social network that essentially replicates the web within a paywalled platform. (Have you noticed that Substackers almost always just “restack” other writers on the platform and rarely show any awareness of what’s being published outside their Sub-walls? The platform’s architecture really promotes that, to the degree that I wonder if, like Elon’s X, they shadowban outbound links.) In short: Hate hate hate. 

And yet … 

… I have never quite brought myself to the point of saying I will never move to Substack. The reason? Because I know I could make a lot more money on Substack than I make by using Buy Me a Coffee. Indeed, people remind me of this! My friend Freddie deBoer wrote to me recently to say that a post of mine would have done gangbusters on Substack — which would have meant a lot of people impulse-buying subscriptions. That’s the thing about being in that platform ecosystem: thanks to network effects, you get the impulse buyers. That does not happen on Buy Me a Coffee. You all have had to be really intentional about supporting me, which is a great thing. 

Why is it a great thing? Because by writing on the open web and merely asking for support, I have wholly escaped the pressures that come when people have paid money to see your writing and therefore have certain expectations for what you say and how you say it. Also escaped: that other kind of pressure that comes when people really like one particular post and show their liking with money — which plants the idea in the back of your head that you need to write more posts like that … whether you really want to or not. By contrast, y’all have supported me because you see what the whole package is, and know what you’re getting and are likely to continue to get. That’s really wonderful. So I have every reason to keep writing for the open web and merely requesting/hoping for your contributions.

Well, every reason but one, anyway. Why haven’t I forsworn Substack? Simple: I’m afraid that when I retire next year and take a big financial hit, I’ll be poor, or significantly poorer anyway, unless I hawk my wares on that platform. Which is pathetic. That attitude is unworthy of a mature Christian man. 

So — taking a deep breath here — I solemnly affirm before God and my fellow humans that I will never write on Substack. There, I said it. If no one supports my writing I’ll work as a greeter at Walmart — but as for my personal online writing, I pledge my troth to the open web! You heard it here first."]]></description>
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    <title>A Serious Man | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-03T07:14:41+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The militant mysticism of Charles Péguy"]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/anarchist-calisthenics">
    <title>Anarchist calisthenics - A Working Library</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-01T00:22:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aworkinglibrary.com/writing/anarchist-calisthenics</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Arriving in Germany in the summer of 1990, James C. Scott is surprised to find that Germans seem entirely unwilling to jaywalk across a narrow road, even when no cars are evident for miles. On the occasions when he or someone else dares to do so, they are met by clucks of disapproval by pedestrians waiting patiently for the light to change. Determined not to let this get to him, he jaywalks anyway:

<blockquote>As a way of justifying my conduct to myself, I began to rehearse a little discourse that I imagined delivering in perfect German. It went something like this. “You know, you and especially your grandparents could have used more of a spirit of lawbreaking. One day you will be called on to break a big law in the name of justice and rationality. Everything will depend on it. You have to be ready. How are you going to prepare for that day when it really matters? You have to stay ‘in shape’ so that when the big day comes you will be ready. What you need is ‘anarchist calisthenics.’ Every day or so break some trivial law that makes no sense, even if it’s only jaywalking. Use your own head to judge whether a law is just or reasonable. That way, you’ll keep trim; and when the big day comes, you’ll be ready.” [Scott, Two Cheers for Anarchism, page 4]</blockquote>

Scott goes on to note that lawbreaking has a storied history: it played a large role in the defeat of the Confederacy, as Confederate soldiers deserted their posts to return to their farms. It crippled Napoleon’s war efforts when whole towns organized to evade the draft, hiding potential conscripts from officers in search of them. And in England, it slowed the enclosure of the commons for centuries:

<blockquote>Quiet, anonymous, and often complicitous, lawbreaking and disobedience may well be the historically preferred mode of political action for peasant and subaltern classes, for whom open defiance is too dangerous. For two centuries from roughly 1650 to 1850, poaching (of wood, game, fish, kindling, fodder) from Crown or private lands was the most popular crime in England. By “popular” I mean both the most frequent and most heartily approved of by the commoners. Since the rural population had never accepted the claim of the Crown or the nobility to “the free gifts of nature” in forests, streams, and open lands (heath, moor, open pasture), they violated those property rights en masse repeatedly, enough to make the elite claim to property rights in many areas a dead letter. And yet, this conflict over property rights was conducted surreptitiously from below with virtually no public declaration of war. It is as if villagers had managed, de facto, defiantly to exercise their presumed right to such lands without ever making a formal claim. It was often remarked that the local complicity was such that gamekeepers could rarely find any villager who would serve as state’s witness. [Scott, Two Cheers for Anarchism, page 11]</blockquote>

That is, not only is this mode of resistance safer than direct action against the empire, it’s also more effective. It requires no coordination and has no leader who can be deposed. All it takes is a quiet, calm, and collective no.

We’re trained in obedience and rule-following from a very young age. We need equivalent practice in breaking rules, in recognizing when a rule or law is unjust and needs to be broken, and in acting in accord with that recognition. We need this all the time, but damn if we don’t need it especially now. One day, possibly soon, we will be called on to break a big law in the name of justice and rationality. Be ready."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism mandybrown jamescscott rules law laws 2026 germany disobedience</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4FZy1lBNykA">
    <title>The Richest Country Is Pretty Mid Now - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-28T22:50:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4FZy1lBNykA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[""Leveragism" is a term I made up, and it describes what the American economy is increasingly heading towards. As you will see, this is really bad news. 

0:00 - About Capitalism
3:53 - Political Leverage
6:01 - The Gold Trap
8:00 - The Rug Pull
11:34 - The Bond Trap
15:23 - Classical Leverage
19:00 - Debts R' Us
20:32 - AI Circlejerk
22:45 - My Awesome Trip To Israel 
29:09 - Authoritarian Leverage
35:01 - Siphoning Your 401K
39:02 - Time and the Smokescreen of Numbers"]]></description>
<dc:subject>bennjordan leveragism capitalism internet online google gemini ai artificialintelligence aibubble journalism rugpulls authoritarianism elonmusk donaldtrump spacex israel gaza anarchism economics economy integrity finance ip intellectualproperty well-being wellbeing precarity gold debt politics us bigtech spotify suno streaming law legal happiness fuckyoumoney inequality money labor wealth laborreflexivity growth borders border privateequity libertarianism tescreal nerdreich peterthiel billackman rulingclass transhumanism extropianism singularitarianism singularity xenophobia inflation extraction rationalism oligarchy larryellison markzuckerberg jeffbezos effectivealtruism longtermism governance government democracy poverty work police policing iranwar austerity retirement maga trumpism muskism wallstreet stockmarket nasdaq indexfunds 401k leverage power policy autonomy obesity surveillance survival fear ice bronnieware life living courage death guatemala coca-cola unions wisdom pollution environment humanrigh</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5JEJ_L_Zjg">
    <title>The Problems With Democracy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-18T02:37:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5JEJ_L_Zjg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does democracy really mean? What are its flaws? And what might it take to move beyond democracy and toward freedom?

Introduction - 0:00
Defining Democracy - 1:48
"Real Democracy" - 8:30
What's Wrong With Democracy? - 15:51
Enter: Anarchy - 30:44

Sources & Resources:
From Democracy to Freedom by Crimethinc - https://crimethinc.com/2016/04/29/feature-from-democracy-to-freedom
On Democracy by Robert Dahl - https://newuniversityinexileconsortium.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Robert-A.-Dahl-On-Democracy-1998-1.pdf
Anarchy After Leftism by Bob Black - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/bob-black-anarchy-after-leftism
Remaking Society by Murray Bookchin
Fragments of An Anarchist Anthropology by David Graeber - https://www.eleuthera.it/files/materiali/David_Graeber_Fragments_%20Anarchist_Anthropology.pdf
There Never Was a West Or, Democracy Emerges From the Spaces In Between by David Graeber
Anarchism, Marxism and the Future of the Left by Murray Bookchin
Anarchists Against Democracy by Various - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/various-authors-anarchists-against-democracy
The Soul of Man under Socialism by Oscar Wilde - https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/wilde-oscar/soul-man/
Statism and Anarchy by Mikhail Bakunin - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/mikhail-bakunin-statism-and-anarchy
Revenge of the Return of Anarchy and Democracy (Revisited) by Shawn P. Wilbur
Anarchy Alive! by Uri Gordon
Debunking Democracy by Bob Black
A Day in the Life of a Socialist Citizen by Michael Walzer, found in Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War, and Citizenship by Michael Walzer
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Council-of-Five-Hundred-ancient-Greek-council
We Don’t Agree On Capitalism by Frank Miroslav - https://wedontagree.net/essays/we-dont-agree-on-capitalism-essay/
Nightmares of Reason by Bob Black
Why Democracy Is Not Compatible With Anarchism by Lazar M - https://www.reddit.com/r/DebateAnarchism/comments/1pz3tok/i_felt_inspired_today_and_decided_to_try_to_write/
A New Glossary by Shawn P. Wilbur - https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/glossary/a-new-glossary/
The Abolition Of Rulership Or The Rule Of All Over All? By William Gillis - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/william-gillis-the-abolition-of-rulership-or-the-rule-of-all-over-all
The Difference by Scott E Page
C4SS Mutual Exchange Symposium: Anarchy and Democracy - https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/center-for-a-stateless-society-anarchy-and-democracy "]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewism 2026 democracy anarchy anarchism society athens mikhailbakunin williamgillis davidgraeber socialism murraybookchin robertdahl freedom bobblack scottpage shawnwilbur oligarchy authoritarianism dictatorship urigordon statism state stateviolence left leftism representativedemocracy andrewsage consensus decisionmaking zapatistas authority decentralization participatory participation governance government lorenzokom'boaervin wayneprice kevincarson lucyparsons pierre-josephproudhon proudhon oscarwilde rulership power rule autonomy hierarchy</dc:subject>
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    <title>Anarchism, Again • Ill Will</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-17T09:49:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://illwill.com/anarchism-again</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://autonomies.org/2025/12/josep-rafanell-i-orra-again-anarchism/ ]

"In December of 2025, a new journal appeared in France entitled À bas bruits [Under the Radar]. In the opening article of its first issue, Josep Rafanell i Orra argues that anarchism has always functioned as an escape route for communities fleeing the iron cage of society. Among the many competing conceptions of what an anarchist politics today could or should look like, Rafanell’s stance is anti-social, yet non-nihilist. On the one hand, he rejects as internalized domination any affirmation of the social identities thrust upon us by commodity society and the state. This rejection demands that we abandon any quest for hegemony within the so-called public sphere, which always devolves into a sad clamoring over credit within today’s “reputation economy.” It also entails a refusal of any model of organizing premised on the noisy self-promotion of entrepreneurs masquerading as political avant-guards. The light of the Spectacle only blinds, and never clarifies. This negativist posture is, however, counterbalanced by the author’s insistent affirmation of the experience of community, which he sees as overlapping worlds in a process of becoming. Offering the example of a longstanding experimental mutual aid project in a proletarian neighborhood of Paris, Rafanell envisions self-organization as the elaboration of insurgent environments and territories operating in the opaque zones of everyday life, whose mode of existence involves a continuous detachment from the policed premises of metropolitan society. Even in a major French city, he argues, anarchic forms are not primarily social in nature, but cosmological: what is in question is a tissue of attachments, practices of sharing and reciprocal encounter that give a common form to their environment, while remaining nonidentical with themselves. If there are ungovernable futures that lie ahead for us, insurrections still to come, they emerge from this "patchwork" of conflictual practices and bonds that inhabited cities foster. Rather than struggling for control over a hostile public sphere, which only destroys the spaces of community that matter the most, Rafanell calls us to produce an "archive of communal forms," a cartography of divergent, migratory potentials within the uncertain contours of everyday life. It is here that the ethical and the practical reunite, allowing mutual aid to engender combative conspiracies.

***

[original in French: https://abasbruit.org/2025/12/01/a-nouveau-lanarchisme-2/ ]

Let's start at the beginning — which is to say, from the middle. Take, for example, a neighborhood marked by exile, migration, and transience: early in the morning at the Jardin d'Éole in Paris’s 18th arrondissement, a plot of land fenced off by local authorities to prevent exhausted migrants — condemned to wandering the streets — from settling there, a space bordered by an urban farm with a handful of sheep to add an eco-friendly touch to this neighborhood where exiles loiter, but also crackheads wandering like zombies, both groups harassed by police evictions. There's also an annex to the Théâtre de la Villette, barricaded behind wire-mesh walls plastered with portraits purporting to represent "the neighborhood’s diversity,” a clumsy attempt to convey the cultural facility's integration into this working-class area. It's here, inside yet another fence, that migrants gather for breakfast. There stands a heavy Algeco prefab unit, its ugliness concealed as best as possible by a coat of paint. Inside, shelves are stocked with foodstuffs, hygiene products, along with a sink and a worktop with an electric hotplate. And then there's Latifa, in her fifties, in front of a large cooking pot, overseeing the meal preparation, surrounded by others preparing the breakfasts that will be served this morning. Outside, in the bitter February cold, under an insistent drizzle of rain, a group of Afghans are busy setting up tents under which the food distribution will take place. Young men and women from the neighborhood, members of various collectives, some traveling from a fair distance away, set about arranging the food, fruit, and thermoses of coffee and tea on the tables, donated by nearby businesses. The meal is served, and conversations begin among this small crowd of migrants, squatters, and volunteers. Someone turns on the speaker on their cell phone, and music from other worlds inspires a few impromptu dances. This has been going on for nearly a decade. A whole constellation of connections has taken root, built upon the palimpsest of the neighborhood's history, its struggles and solidarity, its tradition of mutual aid. But there remains a troubling asymmetry, the terrible risk of instituting the abjection of a charity system.

“The life of a neighborhood that remains vital consists of ‘influence peddling,’” as Isaac Joseph cleverly remarks in the preface to Ulf Hannerz's Exploring the City. It’s a composition of determinations that thwart preestablished social repertoires. Forms of community made breathable by the figure of the stranger, inscribed in the interstices of existential geographies. Ungovernable futures emerge from this stubborn weaving that forms a patchwork of relationships, affections, bonds, places, practices, forms of survival, conflicts, mutual aid and attentions — from which the shifting regimes of sensibility that make up the texture of an inhabited city emerge. There are always potential counter-cartographies that silently resist the suffocation of administered and policed space. And there lie new forms of knowledge that our investigations can bring to light, if we cross the thresholds between disparate worlds. Knowledge that’s not about identities and their representations, but about modes of experiencing existence, where attachments and interdependencies form despite adversity. And where, sometimes, suddenly, an uprising bursts forth with brilliance.

If we speak of knowledge here, it’s a migratory knowledge that is in question.1 The kind that emerges within constantly shifting borders: a "mosaic of small worlds," where the transitions from one world to another unravel the social totality. A “society of societies," as Landauer put it; the resurgence of the community that slumbers within the enclosures of the social body, with its assignments and its subjects. It is the pornography of representation that is thus conjured. It is the imagination that is thus revitalized. For what is imagination, if not the experience of becoming-other, of metamorphoses, undoing identity to and for oneself, when we encounter those who make us strangers to ourselves? What an inestimable advantage it is to be able to become strangers in this world, overrun as it is by the frenzied proliferation of connections between atomized selves, where the overexposure of images rests on the negation of presence, annihilating the experience of sharing that brings spaces of community into being, the ethopoïetics of living worlds.

In these worlds still taking form, if we choose to engage with them, it’s always a matter of bringing them to life — a place where we can forge a soul through encounters with other souls. But to do so, we must twist free from the detestable familiarity imposed by representation, which hinders the becoming of what we are not yet.

To avoid ceding our world to representable subjects, we must break loose from the clutches of identity. Disidentification becomes the condition for a community in which we can become an “ambulant people of relayers,” as Deleuze and Guattari put it.2

Deleuze and Guattari also warn us: when thought draws its form from the model of the state, it remains captive to the two poles of the foundation of its sovereignty — poles that might appear to be in tension, but are in fact complementary: mythos, the archaic foundation that operates through magical capture; and the pact or contract between "reasonable people," that is, those subject to the rationality of the state ("always obey, for the more you obey, the more you will be masters..."). This is a kind of fascism that lies dormant. Yet neither pole can exist without an "outside" traversed by nomadic thoughts that disperse the two universals: that of totalization as the horizon of being, and that of the Subject as the condition for subjugation (or the "being-for-us" of the social contract).

But there are also other beginnings to be found, the emergence of other times that drift off course. Such was the case with the Yellow Vests uprising, during the hundreds of blockades across France. Those moments when countless occupied roundabouts became wild assemblies where people gathered, shared stories, built narratives and shelters, aided one another, and hatched conspiracies.

December 1, 2018: as in the weeks before and after, tens of thousands of people descend upon the capital's affluent neighborhoods. By early morning, a myriad of gatherings formed. The same was true in dozens of other cities, with no organization having issued any instructions other than a surge of haphazard calls that spread like wildfire. The Champs-Élysées drew jubilant crowds. Luxury stores are looted; burning barricades punctuate the unplanned wanderings. At times people stroll, other times racing frantically, facing or fleeing police charges amid air saturated with tear gas and the deafening explosion of stun grenades and flash-ball rounds. People chat, tell stories, sing, shout; jokes fly; thousands of graffitis offer a visual record of this tidal wave. The Arc de Triomphe is ransacked. Elsewhere, everywhere, buildings are attacked, set on fire, looted: prefectures, toll booths, gendarmerie stations, stores and supermarkets... During this insurrectionary movement, which lasted several months, tens of thousands of rounds of ammunition were fired at protesters and rioters. The number of people maimed by police weapons steadily rose. In Marseille, Zineb Redouane, an 80-year-old woman, was killed by CRS officers3 when a grenade struck her in the face. Since then, as we know, the embers have not gone out; the riot lies dormant. It could flare up at any moment, as it did in the summer of 2023 following the police murder of Nahel Merzouk. Or in New Caledonia, where a recent uprising resulted in the murder of at least ten Kanaks.

Neo-fascism. Liberal-fascism. Capitalo-fascism. Techno-feudalism. Cyberfascism... The semantic field keeps expanding, as it struggles to respond to growing disbelief concerning the upheavals plunging our world into a monstrous cacophony, and the sensational stunts and brutal eccentricity of the figureheads who reign supreme on the stages of power. There are, of course, national atavisms that give these new fascisms their unique character; but the fact remains that the logics of destruction, on every latitude, carry with them forms of homogenization — a new contract, neatly summarized by the word "occupation.” The absolute occupation of the Earth by commodities destroys the many singular ways of inhabiting it; but so does the occupation of souls, which turns them into beings preoccupied with themselves, captive to a mad restlessness.

There's no doubt that our epoch is adept at prolonging its terminal phase. In the liberal world, the social contract has been hacked by socio-technical mechanisms, while the neo-Nazis at the helm attempt to revive a phantasmal archē. The international legal order has become the mop with which we no longer even bother to clean the floor where the slaughtered lie. The old coordinates of political discourse, the orderly conventions of the public communication regime are collapsing. Have we not heard that the Gaza Strip, transformed into a field of ruins by heavily armed psychopaths, after the tens of thousands of people massacred, after the impending deportation of its inhabitants, could be transformed into an amusement park, a new investment plan for a deranged planetary bourgeoisie?

Masses of atomized people are falling prey to identity-based consolidations across the globalized world. Even the French Socialist Party, never one to shy away from disgrace, not long ago proposed to debate the identity of the French people. The old antagonisms, driven by a class-based subject and capable of instituting divisions, have evaporated; this, despite the self-proclaimed emancipators who wriggle around in their media jars, stubbornly imposing their fantasized narratives upon a devastated social landscape in a desperate attempt to remain relevant. But in the game of propaganda, cybernetic fascism will always have the upper hand, from here on out. A word to neo-leftists: it's a lost cause to try to compete with Elon Musk and his cronies in the flashy terrain of representation, via digital platforms, the new demented polis where recognitive processes play out, absorbed by the predatory logics of a reputation market.

It might be that the political arena always carried within it the seeds of its own decay. That the Greek polis was, from its very origins, haunted by predators — those "programmed citizens," as Marcel Detienne tells us in The Gods of Orpheus, "trained to kill one another around their bloody altars." Today, the demos, with its sacrificial altars, unfolds behind a mesmerizing touchscreen in the mad rush for followers, in practices of seduction that perforate fragments of public space, that purport to be political but ultimately do nothing but contribute to a universal isolation. An absolutist realm of a politics of communication, a metapolitics that assassinates language and presence, with its zones of opacity. In their obsession with mimetic communication, the new leftists thus condemn themselves to abandoning the realms where the languages of the people, those of the community, unfold — "all that shadow, that sense of indeterminacy and nuance, that kind of thrill that can only be expressed in the language of the people and the language of the heart.”4 With all due respect to the neo-Bolshevik apparatchiks, community can only exist if it is pluralistic. 

We must break free from the presentism imposed by governmentality, with its projections toward a future that is already present. The bankrupt projections of the decrepit and crumbling institutions of the State, the failures of planning, have been replaced by those of algorithmic machines that depopulate the world, transforming it into a monstrous trash heap where clichés pile sky high. We must break free from the prison of what is, to rediscover what differs. And in doing so, to venture into "the border of time that surrounds our presence, which overhangs it, and which indicates it in its otherness,” where untimely becomings are born that dispel the identity "in which we are pleased to look at ourselves."5

Forms of life become anarchic modes of existence when they cease to claim their foundation, when they refuse the deterministic chain of causes and effects and no longer take pleasure in the morbid circularity of their status as the dominated — in sum, when they confront their dispossession, and thus venture into the transitional zones of experience between beings, where what is proper to them — their relational properties — becomes singular, and where regions of sensibility are established during encounters that allow a multiplicity of times to be woven anew.

We need an archive of communal forms wherein ways of being intertwine, interdependencies that alone will enable us to escape the epoch of vectorized disaster. How can we make their legacy possible? How can we gather up the traces of things that were unable to take shape, of what might have been — building, where possible, upon the wake of what was, in order to rediscover its virtuality? To remain awake, despite the blindness induced by an excess of light projected onto the world, which makes us close our eyes. Jean-Christophe Bailly evokes these singular cartographies — partly erased, partly to come — that emerge when we look at a gaze. Here is where community is established: a "community of gazers" whose gazes bring fragments of the world into being, inviting us to cross boundaries — beginning with the boundaries of the self — and engage in the becoming of what we are not yet. As old as revolutionary thought itself, the world's untimely and radical plurality can resurface if we pay attention to it, if we take care of it. But these lines of plural time, with their bifurcations that bring singular living environments into being, are not simply given to us: they are to be created. It's this work, forever unfinished, that we call (once again) anarchism. A relation to the world, between beings, that draw neither an origin nor a commandment from any reason that precedes us. The actualization of revolutionary virtualities today, as it was in the past, depends upon gestures of desertion from what the machinery of government aims to consign us to: the identity of our status as subjects.

Resurgences and insurgencies once again begin to take shape. This has been the story of anarchism, whose eruptions have pierced the flow of time and ushered in new beginnings. But it is also the story of the slowness of communal forms, of transmission, of bonds created sparingly against the ruthless socialized brutality that tends only toward atomization and obedience. We must test out the means at our disposal to inherit this legacy, in an era where the Earth's habitability itself stands in danger. We affirm that anarchic forms of life will no longer be social. They will instead be cosmological: populated by an infinite variety of beings and environments. Inhabited by strangers and foreigners [des étrangers], emigrants who carry with them a plurality of worlds populated by forms of other-being that subvert the reproduction of the same. It's in the half-light of shadows, far from the clarity claimed by our representatives, with their catechisms and clichés, that new ways of relating, new sensibilities, are born.

    My sense is that true struggles are always struggles with the shadow. There are no other struggles than the struggle with the shadow. Clichés abound. They are everywhere, in my head, within me.6

In 1919, the year Landauer was brutally murdered, Martin Buber, in an essay on community, recalled the words of Ferdinand Tönnies, invoked to acknowledge the death of culture — a culture that had succumbed to the combined effects of commodity exchange and state apparatuses, leading to industrialized massacres. But he also spoke of his hope: that of a new culture quietly blossoming from the scattered seeds of community — buried, but still alive. Here we are, once again: cultivating this quietness. The chatter about monumental social theories is over. We want nothing to do with the noisy scenes of the avant-garde that political entrepreneurs seek to resurrect. We want to cultivate attention toward the vulnerable experience of community that resides in ordinary, shifting worlds that cannot be represented. And it is in this experience, through presence, sharing, mutual aid, and pooling our resources, that we will bring to life places worth inhabiting.

Community is not about exceptionalism; it is a web of connections that can be fully lived out only in ordinary worlds. But it is also about hospitality: welcoming the anomalous, the irregular, the foreign, and that which makes it different. How could we fail to notice the shared commitment that keeps an exhausted medical team going after a night spent in the emergency room of a hospital in Seine-Saint-Denis? Or the caregiver who, having fled a blood-soaked Haiti and after ten years of struggling to obtain her papers, cares for the elderly at the end of their lives in a nursing home run by a mafia that contributes to the CAC 40?7 Or to the child shattered by domestic violence who mobilizes a small crowd of social workers baffled by her strange trance-like seizures? Or to those eccentric madmen who wander the city, having escaped the clutches of the psychiatric system? Or to that Kabyle bar on the corner of a street in my neighborhood, where a silent old man, with long white hair and the air of a prophet, has found a place to live — a substitute for a psychiatric institution that would have confined him to his status as a schizophrenic, deadening him with antipsychotics?

We must bear witness to the worlds that allow us to begin "reclaiming our relationships" (Landauer), precisely so as to "seize hold of something external and foreign" (William James). We must pay attention to what diverges within the uncertain contours of everyday life: it is here that we find the migratory potentials that form the backdrop to insurrections.

It's not a matter of invoking a mystique of community, but rather the power of generative bonds in place of the social reproduction of atomized subjects. It's about convening hospitable communities, caring for vulnerability, and cultivating an attention to what makes them different — communities that flee and ward off the social cages into which we are meant to be confined. In anarchic landscapes, alliances can form without any condition of identity. Differences communicate with one another through differences of differences, as Deleuze says. "Crowned anarchies are substituted for the hierarchies of representation; nomadic distributions for the sedentary distributions of representation."8 Cultivating relationships with otherness means learning that others always have their own others. That our here will always have its own elsewheres, with their own elsewheres. And so on...

This is how open communities are born, rendering the world habitable.

    Anarchy, however, is neither as easily achievable, nor as morally harsh, nor as clearly defined as these anarchists would have it. Only when anarchy becomes, for us, a dark, deep dream, not a vision attainable through concepts, can our ethics and our actions become one.9 

First published in À bas bruit, December 1, 2025. 

Translated from the French by Ill Will. 

Images: Robin Tutenges
Notes

1. David Lapoujade, Fictions du pragmatisme, Minuit, 2008.  ↰

2. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, “Treatise on Nomadology,” in A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi, Minnesota, 1987, 377: “The problem of the war machine is that of relaying, even with modest means, not that of the architectonic model or the monument. An ambulant people of relayers, rather than a model society.” ↰

3. [The CRS is the French riot police. —trans.]↰

4. Gustav Landauer, “Lernt kein Esperanto.” [In this case, we have translated the selected passage directly from the author’s French rendering in order to preserve its contextual meaning. The standard English rendering can be found in Landauer, “Do Not Learn Esperanto,” in Revolution and Other Writings: A Political Reader, edited and translated by G. Kohn, PM Press, 2010, 278. —trans.] ↰

5. Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge, trans. A.M Sheridan Smith, Routledge, 1989, 147.↰

6. Gilles Deleuze, On Painting (Courses, March–June, 1981), translated by C.J. Stivale, Minnesota, 2025, 40. ↰

7. [CAC stands for Cotation Assistée en Continu, or "continuous assisted trading." It refers to automated trading system introduced when the Paris Bourse modernized in the 1980s. The “40” represents the forty largest publicly traded French companies by market capitalization. —trans.]↰

8. Gilles Deleuze, Difference and Repetition, trans. P. Patton, Columbia, 1994, 278.↰

9. Gustav Landauer, "Anarchic Thoughts on Anarchism," in Revolution and Other Writings, 91.  ↰"]]></description>
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    <title>Twenty Five Years After Imagined Worlds, What World Are We Living In? | THR Web Features | Web Features | The Hedgehog Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-07T00:41:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/twenty-five-years-after-imagined-worlds-what-world-are-we-living-in</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Our surprisingly Napoleonic twenty-first century."

[via: https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/twenty-five-years-after-imagined-worlds-what-world-are-we-living-in ]

"Erik J. Larson

Erik J. Larson is author of The Myth of Artificial Intelligence: Why Computers Can't Think the Way We Do (Harvard University Press, 2021). His forthcoming book is Machineland: How the Myth of Artificial Intelligence Has Shaped the 21st Century So Far.

***

This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of famed scientist and author Freeman Dyson’s Imagined Worlds. The book, fashioned from a series of lectures Dyson gave in Jerusalem in 1995, is partly a historical discussion about why technologies—some familiar, like nuclear power, others not, like airships—succeed or fail in what he called a Darwinian process of selection. It’s also an enjoyable piece of futurism. He delighted in the possible, and in Imagined Worlds he speculated boldly about space colonization and an entirely new species evolved from future humans. Dyson was aware of the difficulties of prediction—Imagined Worlds fails to anticipate the rise of the Internet or World Wide Web—yet like H.G. Wells, whom Dyson admired, he leaves us with a sense of having encountered important ideas on a journey led by someone who knows the terrain.  

Imagined Worlds was Dyson’s attempt to explore, as he put it, “the interaction of technology with human affairs.” Like the philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn, he thought science “moved ahead along old directions” until a conceptual revolution. Unlike Kuhn, he thought scientific revolutions could also be driven by tools, by technology. He explained that science and technology entered “Napoleonic” phases, when big institutions with deep pockets set research agendas, and “Tolstoyan” periods, when scientists engage more in tinkering and exploration. Napoleonic was “rigid organization and discipline”; Tolstoyan was “creative chaos and freedom.” Where are we now?

Science and technology today are Napoleonic. Silicon Valley is now Big Tech, the age of garage start-ups being long behind us. Neuroscience is pursued with “exascale” supercomputers and big data. Ditto physics, which also relies on billion-dollar particle accelerators like CERN’s seventeen kilometer long Large Hadron Collider. Consumers—you and me—now provide data to cloud servers, centralized repositories (“cloud” is a misnomer) of massive datasets owned by a relatively small number of governments and organizations. If anyone is “tinkering” with science and technology these days, they are not making the news. We live in Napoleonic times.

The world circa 2000 was not Napoleonic. Little more than two decades ago people were experimenting madly with technologies, business models, and seemingly everything else. Business theorists predicted that industries would demassify and disintermediate, old media gatekeepers would fall, products like encyclopedias would simply disappear, and entire industries would revamp, collapse, reshape, and emerge. Not just the tech world but the entire world seemed to be in a constant state of flux. Venture capital flowed out of a cornucopia. The NASDAQ hit 5,000 in March 2000, though the dot-com bubble burst roughly a year later. 

In the years before that setback, when Imagined Worlds was published, ideas about the future direction of science and technology were diverse, interesting, and abundant. Kevin Kelly, co-founder of Wired magazine, predicted in his 1998 hit New Rules for the New Economy that computer networks would replace the PC as the dominant feature of information technology. He missed the iPhone, understandably, but he saw the future of the Web not as PCs with modems but as a vast network of devices. In essence, he predicted the Internet of Things. Kelly envisioned the coming networked world, the new web, as “ground up,” amounting to a kind of revolution in business and society in which, instead of corporate bosses sitting atop hierarchies executing plans, networks of people would conjure and promote ideas in waves of unpredictable innovation. New Rules for the New Economy reads like a paean to creativity and human freedom, all made possible by liberating society from the old stodgy big business models and yesterday's tech and ideas. Kelly was foretelling a Tolstoyan future, Dyson’s “creative chaos and freedom.”

But surprising to many, big business made a reappearance in the “new economy.” In her now famous 2002 book Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital, business theorist Carlota Perez argued that investment frenzy and stock market crashes precede periods of technology maturation, in which the promise and fruits of a tech revolution become evident. Technology revolutions have an installment phase, she wrote, followed by a deployment phase. Then (if conditions are right) comes a “golden age” marked by growth, employment, and successful consolidation of new businesses and industries. Like Google. And Facebook. Perez's analysis—applicable to earlier golden ages, such as those of steel and electricity, oil, and mass production—accurately predicted what would happen to the Web as it matured in the new century.

What Perez didn't see—or didn't discuss—was the connection between the Napoleonic changes in society and culture and the maturing phases of a tech revolution. She described this calcification in terms of the economy—dwindling profits, unemployment. Dyson described it in terms of the minds of scientists and practitioners—a loss of creative chaos and freedom. A rigidified status quo. Today’s status quo is data-driven AI and Big Tech. Google, Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. If Kelly’s “new economy” at the turn of the century was a soft drink, the world we inhabit today is a 7-11 Big Gulp. Kelly and others of his ilk assumed networking meant Tolstoyan freedom. Like others, he assumed a “power-to-the-people” movement would derail big corporations and gate keepers and empower Everyday Joes. Big Brother was supposed to disappear, not return on steroids.

Enter the new Napoleonic. Predictably, tech pundits and critics have largely abandoned bottom-up rhetoric for worries about top-down big data collection, housed in server farms owned by big tech companies. Our imagined world has become a kind of bureau of statistics for government and big business (and science), which treat digital data as intelligence and value, not as something connected to billions of humans and their ideas.

We can’t lay the blame on Big Tech alone. The data-centric model was an irresistible path to profits and growth. The Web was bound to mature commercially one way or the other, and large—not small—companies were the likely result.

But the “bureau of statistics” mindset is now a problem. It dominates thinking everywhere, not just in technology businesses aiming for sticky ads and more captive users. Nearly every institution one can point to today, from government to science, media, medicine, insurance, and many others, embraces a centralized, data-capture model requiring massive computing resources and actively downplaying human ingenuity in favor of number crunching and prediction. More troubling perhaps, is the way this has shaped the zeitgeist. Confidence in human smarts and imagination seems at an all-time low. Entire books are written now on how people are, in effect, cognitively biased, limited, and indeed stupid. Given this cultural climate, Dyson’s time of “creative chaos and freedom” seems not only distant but beyond recovery.

Dyson called the Cold War science of the 1950s and 1960s Napoleonic because research occurred mostly in huge companies like RAND and involved teasing out the implications of earlier scientific results from brilliant Tolstoyan tinkerers like Max Plank or Albert Einstein. As in our present time, results were achieved through the investment of huge sums of money, and were typically conservative in scope, reflecting already formed interests and agendas. Much of the money during that time was spent on making larger fission, then fusion bombs. The math was already done. That time and ours both correspond to Perez’s depiction of a fully matured technology revolution showing signs of slowdown and decay. We seem to have wandered into the 1950s again, this time with Web companies instead of IBM and General Motors.

Artificial intelligence has become thoroughly Napoleonic as well. It is a textbook case in calcification. Large, central repositories of data now power ubiquitous artificial intelligence algorithms, which are great for self-navigating drones and automated surveillance cameras but frustratingly poor at basic conversation and other cherished facets of human intelligence. Among other worries, data-centric AI today requires massive amounts of old-fashioned electricity, still largely supplied by conventional fossil fuels. And the central data version of AI is adept at various forms of malfeasance, as everyone now knows. We are increasingly caught in fake news and deep fakes of facial and other unreal images, generated by today’s Big Data AI. Depressingly, the seventy-plus-year program of artificial intelligence is largely equated with centralized data repositories and statistical number crunching today. Younger generations probably don’t know that Napoleonic, Big Data AI is only one approach, one way of conceiving machine intelligence. Big Data AI makes sense in a fully matured technology world, with big players like Google and Facebook. It doesn’t make sense for Tolstoyan tinkerers, who have no access to supercomputers or petabytes of others’ personal data.

Fortunately, the twenty-first century is still young. A little over two decades into the last century was—true—a midway point between two catastrophic wars. But scientists were enjoying Tostoyan freedom. Relativity and then quantum mechanics were discovered, without the supervision or control of big science or big business. Henry Ford was mass producing automobiles, but automobiles would enjoy decades of further Tolstoyan tinkering. Tellingly, computers had not arrived in 1922, and no one anticipated the revolution they would bring. We can only wonder what imagined, and unimagined, worlds still await us in this century.Our surprisingly Napoleonic twenty-first century.

[via: https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/twenty-five-years-after-imagined-worlds-what-world-are-we-living-in ]

Erik J. Larson

Erik J. Larson is author of The Myth of Artificial Intelligence: Why Computers Can't Think the Way We Do (Harvard University Press, 2021). His forthcoming book is Machineland: How the Myth of Artificial Intelligence Has Shaped the 21st Century So Far.



This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of famed scientist and author Freeman Dyson’s Imagined Worlds. The book, fashioned from a series of lectures Dyson gave in Jerusalem in 1995, is partly a historical discussion about why technologies—some familiar, like nuclear power, others not, like airships—succeed or fail in what he called a Darwinian process of selection. It’s also an enjoyable piece of futurism. He delighted in the possible, and in Imagined Worlds he speculated boldly about space colonization and an entirely new species evolved from future humans. Dyson was aware of the difficulties of prediction—Imagined Worlds fails to anticipate the rise of the Internet or World Wide Web—yet like H.G. Wells, whom Dyson admired, he leaves us with a sense of having encountered important ideas on a journey led by someone who knows the terrain.  

Imagined Worlds was Dyson’s attempt to explore, as he put it, “the interaction of technology with human affairs.” Like the philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn, he thought science “moved ahead along old directions” until a conceptual revolution. Unlike Kuhn, he thought scientific revolutions could also be driven by tools, by technology. He explained that science and technology entered “Napoleonic” phases, when big institutions with deep pockets set research agendas, and “Tolstoyan” periods, when scientists engage more in tinkering and exploration. Napoleonic was “rigid organization and discipline”; Tolstoyan was “creative chaos and freedom.” Where are we now?

Science and technology today are Napoleonic. Silicon Valley is now Big Tech, the age of garage start-ups being long behind us. Neuroscience is pursued with “exascale” supercomputers and big data. Ditto physics, which also relies on billion-dollar particle accelerators like CERN’s seventeen kilometer long Large Hadron Collider. Consumers—you and me—now provide data to cloud servers, centralized repositories (“cloud” is a misnomer) of massive datasets owned by a relatively small number of governments and organizations. If anyone is “tinkering” with science and technology these days, they are not making the news. We live in Napoleonic times.

The world circa 2000 was not Napoleonic. Little more than two decades ago people were experimenting madly with technologies, business models, and seemingly everything else. Business theorists predicted that industries would demassify and disintermediate, old media gatekeepers would fall, products like encyclopedias would simply disappear, and entire industries would revamp, collapse, reshape, and emerge. Not just the tech world but the entire world seemed to be in a constant state of flux. Venture capital flowed out of a cornucopia. The NASDAQ hit 5,000 in March 2000, though the dot-com bubble burst roughly a year later. 

In the years before that setback, when Imagined Worlds was published, ideas about the future direction of science and technology were diverse, interesting, and abundant. Kevin Kelly, co-founder of Wired magazine, predicted in his 1998 hit New Rules for the New Economy that computer networks would replace the PC as the dominant feature of information technology. He missed the iPhone, understandably, but he saw the future of the Web not as PCs with modems but as a vast network of devices. In essence, he predicted the Internet of Things. Kelly envisioned the coming networked world, the new web, as “ground up,” amounting to a kind of revolution in business and society in which, instead of corporate bosses sitting atop hierarchies executing plans, networks of people would conjure and promote ideas in waves of unpredictable innovation. New Rules for the New Economy reads like a paean to creativity and human freedom, all made possible by liberating society from the old stodgy big business models and yesterday's tech and ideas. Kelly was foretelling a Tolstoyan future, Dyson’s “creative chaos and freedom.”

But surprising to many, big business made a reappearance in the “new economy.” In her now famous 2002 book Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital, business theorist Carlota Perez argued that investment frenzy and stock market crashes precede periods of technology maturation, in which the promise and fruits of a tech revolution become evident. Technology revolutions have an installment phase, she wrote, followed by a deployment phase. Then (if conditions are right) comes a “golden age” marked by growth, employment, and successful consolidation of new businesses and industries. Like Google. And Facebook. Perez's analysis—applicable to earlier golden ages, such as those of steel and electricity, oil, and mass production—accurately predicted what would happen to the Web as it matured in the new century.

What Perez didn't see—or didn't discuss—was the connection between the Napoleonic changes in society and culture and the maturing phases of a tech revolution. She described this calcification in terms of the economy—dwindling profits, unemployment. Dyson described it in terms of the minds of scientists and practitioners—a loss of creative chaos and freedom. A rigidified status quo. Today’s status quo is data-driven AI and Big Tech. Google, Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. If Kelly’s “new economy” at the turn of the century was a soft drink, the world we inhabit today is a 7-11 Big Gulp. Kelly and others of his ilk assumed networking meant Tolstoyan freedom. Like others, he assumed a “power-to-the-people” movement would derail big corporations and gate keepers and empower Everyday Joes. Big Brother was supposed to disappear, not return on steroids.

Enter the new Napoleonic. Predictably, tech pundits and critics have largely abandoned bottom-up rhetoric for worries about top-down big data collection, housed in server farms owned by big tech companies. Our imagined world has become a kind of bureau of statistics for government and big business (and science), which treat digital data as intelligence and value, not as something connected to billions of humans and their ideas.

We can’t lay the blame on Big Tech alone. The data-centric model was an irresistible path to profits and growth. The Web was bound to mature commercially one way or the other, and large—not small—companies were the likely result.

But the “bureau of statistics” mindset is now a problem. It dominates thinking everywhere, not just in technology businesses aiming for sticky ads and more captive users. Nearly every institution one can point to today, from government to science, media, medicine, insurance, and many others, embraces a centralized, data-capture model requiring massive computing resources and actively downplaying human ingenuity in favor of number crunching and prediction. More troubling perhaps, is the way this has shaped the zeitgeist. Confidence in human smarts and imagination seems at an all-time low. Entire books are written now on how people are, in effect, cognitively biased, limited, and indeed stupid. Given this cultural climate, Dyson’s time of “creative chaos and freedom” seems not only distant but beyond recovery.

Dyson called the Cold War science of the 1950s and 1960s Napoleonic because research occurred mostly in huge companies like RAND and involved teasing out the implications of earlier scientific results from brilliant Tolstoyan tinkerers like Max Plank or Albert Einstein. As in our present time, results were achieved through the investment of huge sums of money, and were typically conservative in scope, reflecting already formed interests and agendas. Much of the money during that time was spent on making larger fission, then fusion bombs. The math was already done. That time and ours both correspond to Perez’s depiction of a fully matured technology revolution showing signs of slowdown and decay. We seem to have wandered into the 1950s again, this time with Web companies instead of IBM and General Motors.

Artificial intelligence has become thoroughly Napoleonic as well. It is a textbook case in calcification. Large, central repositories of data now power ubiquitous artificial intelligence algorithms, which are great for self-navigating drones and automated surveillance cameras but frustratingly poor at basic conversation and other cherished facets of human intelligence. Among other worries, data-centric AI today requires massive amounts of old-fashioned electricity, still largely supplied by conventional fossil fuels. And the central data version of AI is adept at various forms of malfeasance, as everyone now knows. We are increasingly caught in fake news and deep fakes of facial and other unreal images, generated by today’s Big Data AI. Depressingly, the seventy-plus-year program of artificial intelligence is largely equated with centralized data repositories and statistical number crunching today. Younger generations probably don’t know that Napoleonic, Big Data AI is only one approach, one way of conceiving machine intelligence. Big Data AI makes sense in a fully matured technology world, with big players like Google and Facebook. It doesn’t make sense for Tolstoyan tinkerers, who have no access to supercomputers or petabytes of others’ personal data.

Fortunately, the twenty-first century is still young. A little over two decades into the last century was—true—a midway point between two catastrophic wars. But scientists were enjoying Tostoyan freedom. Relativity and then quantum mechanics were discovered, without the supervision or control of big science or big business. Henry Ford was mass producing automobiles, but automobiles would enjoy decades of further Tolstoyan tinkering. Tellingly, computers had not arrived in 1922, and no one anticipated the revolution they would bring. We can only wonder what imagined, and unimagined, worlds still await us in this century."]]></description>
<dc:subject>eriklarson freemandyson 1995 2022 web internet online computers computing centralization decentralization bigtech thomaskuhn siliconvalley neuroscience bigdata napoleon google facebook instagram twitter freedom creativity liberty carlotaperez tolstoy anarchism openweb anarchy innovation society liberation kevinkelly 1998 coldwar rand maxplank alberteinstein ai artificialintelligence henryford quantummechanics quantumtheory quantumphysics</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://social.ayjay.org/2026/06/06/freeman-dyson-it-often-happens.html">
    <title>“The open web and the world of hobbyist and small-scale devices (often built on the Raspberry Pi) are our remaining refuges of Tolstoyan computing.” - Alan Jacobs</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-07T00:34:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://social.ayjay.org/2026/06/06/freeman-dyson-it-often-happens.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Freeman Dyson (1997) [Imagined Worlds: https://archive.org/details/imaginedworlds00dyso ]:

<blockquote>It often happens that a scientific revolution is accompanied by a change in style. I like to use the names of Napoleon and Tolstoy to symbolize two contrasting styles: rigid organization and discipline represented by Napoleon, creative chaos and freedom represented by Tolstoy. In the world of computers, Napoleon is the massive IBM main-frame; Tolstoy is the humble Macintosh. The computer revolution was an escape from the Napoleonic ambitions of von Neumann to the Tolstoyan anarchy of the Internet. Future revolutions will bring more such escapes.</blockquote>

The big AI companies are the apotheosis — literally, in the view of many who work for them — of Napoleonic science. The open web and the world of hobbyist and small-scale devices (often built on the Raspberry Pi) are our remaining refuges of Tolstoyan computing. See also: Erik Larson reflecting on Dyson in 2022 [https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/twenty-five-years-after-imagined-worlds-what-world-are-we-living-in ]."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alanjacobs freemandyson 1997 computers computing centralization decentralization anarchism tolstoy raspberrypi internet web online ai artificialintelligence llms eriklarson 2022 mac apple ibm openweb hobbyists hobbies tinkering</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://prismreports.org/2026/04/28/leftist-movement-mosaic-russell-maroon-shoatz/">
    <title>We need a mosaic movement, not fragmented ‘leftism’</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-28T05:34:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prismreports.org/2026/04/28/leftist-movement-mosaic-russell-maroon-shoatz/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Instead of a call for resentment-filled “unity” or traditional fronts, we can look to what former Black Panther, Black Liberation Army member, and political prisoner Russell Maroon Shoatz called “the mosaic”"

[via:

"'We Don’t Have a Functional Left' Today: William C. Anderson"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3KZ-lsFXfc

"In 2026, fascism in the US is rising while “the left” descends further into powerlessness, goofiness, and irrelevance—but, author William C. Anderson argues, it doesn’t have to be or stay that way. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, Anderson returns to the show for an unflinching conversation with former political prisoner and host Mansa Musa about the state of the political left today and the lessons organizers and everyday people can learn from the Black Liberation Movement and figures like the late Russell Maroon Shoatz. "]]]></description>
<dc:subject>williamcanderson williamanderson russellmarronshoatz organization organizing left 2026 anarchism leftists leftism rudolfbahro socialism power powerlessness radicalism junejordan blackliberationarmy us marxism praxis self-determination situationist algeria 1965 ideology revolutionaries</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://prismreports.org/author/william-c-anderson/">
    <title>William C. Anderson, Author at Prism</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-28T05:02:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prismreports.org/author/william-c-anderson/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via:

"'We Don’t Have a Functional Left' Today: William C. Anderson"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3KZ-lsFXfc

"In 2026, fascism in the US is rising while “the left” descends further into powerlessness, goofiness, and irrelevance—but, author William C. Anderson argues, it doesn’t have to be or stay that way. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, Anderson returns to the show for an unflinching conversation with former political prisoner and host Mansa Musa about the state of the political left today and the lessons organizers and everyday people can learn from the Black Liberation Movement and figures like the late Russell Maroon Shoatz. "]]]></description>
<dc:subject>williamcanderson anarchism left organizing williamanderson</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3KZ-lsFXfc">
    <title>'We Don’t Have a Functional Left' Today: William C. Anderson - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-28T04:27:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3KZ-lsFXfc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In 2026, fascism in the US is rising while “the left” descends further into powerlessness, goofiness, and irrelevance—but, author William C. Anderson argues, it doesn’t have to be or stay that way. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, Anderson returns to the show for an unflinching conversation with former political prisoner and host Mansa Musa about the state of the political left today and the lessons organizers and everyday people can learn from the Black Liberation Movement and figures like the late Russell Maroon Shoatz. 

Editor's Note: This conversation was recorded on May 1, 2026."

[See also:
https://therealnews.com/the-world-is-in-crisis-william-c-anderson-sees-a-way-out

"Another Way Out: We need a mosaic movement, not fragmented ‘leftism’
Instead of a call for resentment-filled “unity” or traditional fronts, we can look to what former Black Panther, Black Liberation Army member, and political prisoner Russell Maroon Shoatz called “the mosaic”"
https://prismreports.org/2026/04/28/leftist-movement-mosaic-russell-maroon-shoatz/

"The Dragon and the Hydra: A Historical Study of Organizational Methods" by Russell Maroon Shoatz
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/russell-maroon-shoats-the-dragon-and-the-hydra

https://prismreports.org/author/william-c-anderson/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://jacobin.com/2026/05/commons-enclosure-working-class-history">
    <title>Capitalism Was Built on the Ruins of the Commons</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-11T00:36:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://jacobin.com/2026/05/commons-enclosure-working-class-history</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Industrial Revolution’s chief product was not goods but a new class of laborers who owned nothing and worked to survive. Historian Peter Linebaugh traces the creation of this working class through the violent enclosure of the commons they once relied on."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM">
    <title>Vicky Osterweil on Disney, Intellectual Property and Storytelling - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-03T19:43:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=StrpSp8anQM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, we’re featuring a recent, live interview that I did at Firestorm books with Vicky Osterweil, anarchist writer and worker, author of In Defense of Looting and more recently The Extended Universe: How Disney Killed The Movies and Took Over the World (Haymarket, 2026). Vicky is a member of the Collective of Anarchist Writers (CAW), and you can also find her on Bluesky and what she's thinking about what she's watching at Letterboxd.

During the chat Vicky talks about intellectual property and how it overlaps between entertainment and other elements like technology and medicine, the shaping and limiting effects IP has on popular culture and imagination, the film industry and more."

[See also:

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil" (2021)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWxjrTRDbio

"In Defense of Looting with Vicky Osterweil This week we are getting the chance to air a conversation that I had with writer, anarchist, and agitator Vicky Osterweil about her recently published book  In Defense of Looting, a Riotous History of Uncivil Action published  (Bold Type Press, August 2020). We get to talk about a lot of different topics in this interview, how the book emerged from a zine written in the middle of the Ferguson Uprising of the summer of 2014, its reception by the far right and by comrades, her process in deciding what to include in this book, the etymology of the word “loot” and ensuing implications thereof, why you should totally transition if that’s the right thing for you to do, and many more topics!"

and 

"The Interregnum: Roundtable with Vicky Osterweil" (2022)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a3MRLe0Gcno

"This week we are pleased to present something a little bit new for TFS listeners. This is a kind of informal round table discussion that co host Scott and I had alongside Vicky Osterweil, who has been on the show before to speak on her book In Defense of Looting; A Riotous History of Uncivil Action. We all sat down to talk about a short and thought provoking article which was published in January of 2022 called “The Interregnum: The George Floyd Uprising, the coronavirus pandemic, and the emerging social revolution” which was published on the Haters Cafe and we will link to it in the show notes for anyone interested in reading it.

An interregnum is defined as being a period of discontinuity in a government, organization, or social order, and it typically points to time frames at which there isn’t a clear monarch or reigning body in a given place. This article points to the many ways the George Floyd uprising, the covid 19 pandemic, the rise of anti-work, and what the article calls the Great Refusal (a pivot from the ‘Great Resignation’ nomenclature of some mass media) have all created the conditions for a possible broadscale social revolution. Also stay tuned to the end of this episode where we chat briefly about what books we’re reading right now. We hope you enjoy this chat!

((note to listeners, I’m now using the name I use in real life for this radio project, which is Amar. It’s become more and more important to me to be as fully acknowledging of my culture and ethnicity as possible, and this is one way I’m choosing to do that))"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://yasminnair.com/whos-left-a-taxonomy-of-sorts/">
    <title>Who's Left?: A Taxonomy of Sorts - Yasmin Nair</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-12T23:49:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://yasminnair.com/whos-left-a-taxonomy-of-sorts/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I often find myself using terms like “the left,” or “progressives,” or “liberals.”  While I have a specific understanding of what each category represents, the words swirl around differently in the world. For instance, I once found myself rolling my eyes at something going on in the world and muttering about “those liberals.” One of the people at the table drew herself up and sniffed, “Well, I’m a liberal.”  I shot back, “Yes, well, that’s a problem.”

People sometimes don’t understand what I mean by “the left,” especially since I hold political positions on matters like gay marriage and immigration that seem counter to everything that good, decent folk believe. So, I thought this taxonomy might be useful.  I’ve styled it around a basic premise: in times of crisis, people will act in accordance with their political beliefs, and those beliefs dictate their relationship to others around them and reveal what they think of the possibility of change (who should benefit, and how do we distribute resources and keep others safe?)   I’ve loosely based all this on the apocalyptic scenario of The Walking Dead, the television show about a world overrun by zombies. As an amorphously formed group of survivors makes its way around a devastated world, we find out more about them as they respond to the crisis.  For example, Rick Grimes (Andrew Lincoln) is always concerned about making sure everyone is safe (at least at the beginning).  Daryl Dixon (Norman Reedus) is primarily a loner, but will still step up for the group when needed.  Neegan (Jeffrey Deene Morgan), an arch-villain, is a psychopath who keeps order in his group with an unspeakable amount of brutality. All of them change over time, but the show is premised on the idea that a person’s perspective on how to operate in the world will determine how they navigate the worst of circumstances.

The list is, absolutely, in order of worst to best. I do very sincerely believe, as I’ve said here, in “Mariann Budde Is Not a Hero,” that liberalism needs to be killed and buried if personkind is to survive. 

I will add to this over the years.  Some might wonder why “neoliberal” isn’t included here as an identity: it’s a slightly complicated one because all the categories listed here can also be folded into neoliberal ideology.  For more on that, see Walter Benn Michaels on left and right neoliberals. 

I have left out all conservative groups because I don’t believe that they are the problem: the problem is with a left that refuses to stand up for what it believes, as I wrote in “What Is the Point of Politics without Ideology?” and “A Manifesto.”  I want to think about how to bring about a more consistent and powerful left, and to do that we have to recognise the quirks and characteristics of each subset in the broadly conceived left—to understand when and how to dispense with some of them at critical moments. 

Liberals.  These are the people you want ahead of you, because the whole goddamn apocalypse is their fault and you should let the zombies eat them: just pretend you couldn’t rescue them in time when you heard their cries for help. Liberals ignored all the warning signs of disaster, including the fact that their neighbours in the slightly less expensive neighbourhood some blocks away were disappearing or eating their children right on the street.  Because, “America,” and “We are never like that.”  Their cousins and former classmates owned all the media, which is why you didn’t know about the damn zombies until they showed up, sniffing, on your porch.  Also, liberals hoard all the can openers (which now have the same value as gold in the old world), won’t share, and they keep stopping for brunch, convinced that every zombie kill means that the entire apocalypse is over. No one will blame you if you accidentally kill a few along the way, “mistaking” them for zombies. 

Libertarians. Oh, sod them.  Fuckers don’t believe in anything but satiating their own desires, and they’re not motivated by the common good but with whether or not they can get away with literal, actual murder without intervention from the state.  The apocalypse is the best thing that happened, in their eyes, and they keep trying to create their own breakaway groups—and have to keep returning because they can’t survive on their own in the wild.  Just do yourself a favour and peel away from them as quickly as you can. 

Progressives.  Progressives are liberals who wants to be seen as leftists, but can’t bring themselves to actually give up on basic liberal ideas (other nations need our wisdom, we are “better than this,” armed struggle is a bad idea unless it’s American troops killing people in other countries to bring about peace, and so on).  They tend to talk a lot, and, when criticised for not doing their bit, will always remind anyone in earshot about the one time they (entirely by accident) saved someone’s life. They refuse to give up on the American Dream, even as they pick their way through corpses and ruins. 

Marxists. Useful, if you want a history of past times and insurrections, but useless with any practical advice.  For example: they spent a couple of centuries talking about wealth and class, but never really got the hang of how money actually worked outside of the nineteenth century (offshore accounts bewildered them, right up to the very end of the banking system).  They will try to “means of production” their way out of every argument (and, boy, do they argue, all the time; it’s a major reason they keep getting found by zombies, and why their numbers are dwindling).  But they never had any real sense of why the world was ending when it did. To them the coming zombie apocalypse was something to be excited about, at first, because it proved some shaky theory about the end of the world. But they are genuinely eager to work: it’s best to get them to do what they can, but not talk with them too much. Also, they’re sexist jerks, even more so than the Libertarians.  Luckily for the women they keep condescending to, there are no rules anymore and no one is going to miss a few headless Marxists. 

Crunchy Granola People.  They are slightly annoying, with all their talk about Mother Earth, but they are, at heart, good people and genuinely care about others.  Also, they have figured out how to grow things in weird and unlikely spots.  This is a great talent, especially if you find a place, like an abandoned house or barn, to hang on to for a while. Keep them around, but just be aware that they have a habit of guilelessly making friends with dangerous people and, sometimes, poisonous animals. 

Anarchists.  The only ones who will survive the end times. Here, we mean real anarchists, not the white college boys who picked up black clothes and fingerless gloves at Target and posed dramatically for some hipster magazine, circa 2003. These are the real deal, and they will most definitely not travel with the others, because they have their own rules and ways of working and don’t want to be fucked up by the silly, inane fights of other groups.  You will never see them but, should you ever need their help in fighting a particularly large group of invading zombies, they will show up and kill more than you can imagine. They are all tight with each other, reveal nothing about themselves, and you will never know where they live.  Because they’re not stupid: they know that you will probably try to eat their cats and kill them all."]]></description>
<dc:subject>yasminnair 2025 left liberals liberalism progressive progressivism anarchism marxism hippies libertarianism politics</dc:subject>
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    <title>Black Anarchism in the US: William C. Anderson - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-06T18:27:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zkT4GNXOLRg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When state violence and systemic denial of full citizenship by the state makes true belonging impossible for Black people, Black anarchists have envisioned and fought for a free life beyond the state. In this episode of Rattling the Bars, author William C. Anderson explores the rich, radical tradition of Black anarchism and its connection to prison abolitionist movements."]]></description>
<dc:subject>williamcanderson williamanderson 2026 anarchism blackanarchism us abolition abolitionism stateviolence</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson">
    <title>Millennials Are Killing Capitalism: The Revolt Eclipses Whatever The World Has to Offer with Idris Robinson</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-04T18:20:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://millennialsarekillingcapitalism.libsyn.com/the-revolt-eclipses-all-the-world-has-to-offer-by-idris-robinson</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we are joined by Idris Robinson to unpack his book, The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer [https://massivebookshop.com/products/9781635902433?_pos=1&_sid=db620e222&_ss=r ], a searing meditation on race, revolt, civil war, and the psychic wreckage of American life.

Reflecting on the 2020 uprisings, Robinson challenges the myth of Black leadership, reframes racial violence through the lens of a “morbid libidinal economy,” and argues that revolution is as much a transformation of the human spirit as it is a political event. Drawing on the legacies of Black insurgency, Robinson interrogates liberalism, identity politics, and the hollowing out of American cities—while pondering on what it would take to make life human again in a society built to dehumanize. He argues that racial violence, especially spectacular acts of white supremacist brutality. cannot be adequately explained by frameworks like identity politics, intersectionality, or privilege theory. Instead, these acts emerge from repressed desires and psychic forces intrinsic to white supremacy. The 2020 uprisings, in this sense, exposed both emancipatory and repressive violence rooted in these deeper libidinal dynamics.

Robinson also reflects on his personal trajectory, from Occupy Wall Street through development as a theorist, where he grounds his meditation on revolt as humanizing forces. He argues that American capitalism produces profound isolation, psychic damage, and undead social beings, hollowed out by commodification. Uprisings momentarily restore humanity by breaking atomization and re‑creating collective meaning.
 
On strategy, Robinson challenges traditional socialist models of seizing the “means of production,” arguing instead that modern revolt must focus on logistics and infrastructure: transport hubs, electrical grids, supply chains, and urban circulation. He emphasizes blockades, control of space, and understanding the built environment as key to sustaining insurrection in a post‑industrial economy. We devote substantial attention to Robinson’s provocative argument that civil war is not a future possibility but a current condition in the United States. Drawing on classical theory, Black radical thought, and historical analogy, he frames civil war as the collision of public (political) and private (libidinal, racial, familial) spheres. While acknowledging its violence and trauma, Robinson argues that fracture and decentralization may paradoxically make revolutionary transformation more achievable, pointing to Reconstruction after the U.S. Civil War as the most emancipatory period in American history.

Idris Robinson is a philosopher from the New York hinterlands. For over a decade, he has written extensively on crisis and revolt. He is the author of The Revolt Eclipses Whatever the World Has to Offer (MIT Press / Semiotext(e)) and Escritos desde la tierra baldía (Irrupción Ediciones). He is currently an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Texas State University, where he is completing a monograph-length study on the progression of Ludwig Wittgenstein’s philosophy. He is currently undergoing a legal battle with TSU after the school violated his constitutional rights by ending his contract after he gave an off-campus Pro-Palestine talk [https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine ]. 
 
If you like what we do and want to support our ability to have more conversations like this. Please consider becoming a Patron at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. You can do so for as little as a 1 Dollar a month. 
 
Links:

Order the book from Massive Bookshop
https://massivebookshop.com/pages/about-us

IdrisRobinson.me 
https://idrisrobinson.me/

About Idris Robinson's case against Texas State University
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/25/professor-texas-state-university-israel-palestine

Support Idris Robinson's Legal Fund
https://www.givesendgo.com/GKRFR "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PC2595wCeA">
    <title>Lucy Parsons and the Legacy of Black Anarchism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T06:48:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PC2595wCeA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Born into slavery and forged in the fire of the 19th-century labor movement, Lucy Parsons became one of the most dangerous women in America. In this Women’s History Month special, Rattling the Bars Mansa Musa and guest William C. Anderson, author of The Nation on No Map, honor Parsons, the "Goddess of Anarchy," and trace her journey from former slave to militant activist on the front lines of the class war. 

Producer / Videographer / Editor: Cameron Granadino"]]></description>
<dc:subject>lucyparsons anarchism blackanarchism labor work workers 2026 activism militancy williamcanderson williamanderson organizing history civildisobedience redscare directaction communism socialism</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttTnmTvwv9Q">
    <title>Dios y el Estado: El principio de autoridad según Bakunin. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-21T21:57:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttTnmTvwv9Q</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“Dios (o más bien la ficción de Dios) es la consagración de todas las autoridades que existen sobre la Tierra, y éstas no serán eliminadas hasta que se haya extinguido la creencia en un amo celeste”

Este video no es para convencerte de creer o no creer en divinidades, la idea es ir más allá: ¿por qué y a quién obedecemos? Mijaíl Bakunin escribió este breve pero incómodo texto llamado “Dios y el Estado” para desentrañar la idea misma de “autoridad” y saber qué entendemos por “Libertad”. Bakunin sostiene que la autoridad divina justifica la autoridad terrenal y ambas se basan en la sumisión, por lo que son enemigas absolutas de la libertad.

------------------------

0:00 Introducción
1:46 Colabora con el canal
2:15 Capítulo 1.- Bakunin, el coloso ruso
11:04 Capítulo 2.- Autoridad divina/política
17:05 Capítulo 3.- Escuela de sumisión
26:31 Capítulo 4.- Contra las abstracciones. 

-----------------------

≛ Fuentes consultadas:
⁜ Bakunin, Mijaíl. “Dios y el Estado”. Varias ediciones disponibles (texto escrito entre 1870–1871, publicado póstumamente en 1882).
⁜ CrimethInc. (2024). Visita virtual a Priamukhino: finca y museo de la familia Bakunin.  
⁜ CrimethInc. (2019). Recordando a Tatiana Bakunin y a todas las demás mujeres invisibles para la historia
⁜ Velasco Criado, Demetrio. "Ética y poder político en Bakunin" (1993)"]]></description>
<dc:subject>escupamoslahistoria 2026 anarchism mikhailbakunin authority anarchy</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nYjlbOn_Zqc">
    <title>Football and Politics in Argentina - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-13T04:56:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nYjlbOn_Zqc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Preview extract of our bonus episode about the history and politics of football culture in Argentina. Part of our miniseries on the 2001 Argentina uprising, which toppled the government, and saw the spread of neighbourhood assemblies and factories taken over by workers. In conversation with Tomas Rothaus, a participant in the uprising and author of Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias (https://shop.workingclasshistory.com/products/argentina-a-tale-of-two-utopias-anarchism-soccer-neoliberalism-tomas-rothaus.) .

[part 2:

"Argentina: From Uprising to Popular Power"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u5H_vxiczJg

"Part 2 of a double episode about the 2001 uprising in Argentina, which toppled the government, and saw the spread of neighbourhood assemblies and factories taken over by workers. In conversation with Tomas Rothaus, a participant in the uprising and author of Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias: Anarchism, Soccer, Neoliberalism"]]]></description>
<dc:subject>argentina 2011 history economics politics tomasrothaus tomásrothaus workingclasshistory anarchism neoliberalism economy</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C-mER19j3-4">
    <title>It's Time To Rethink Religion - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-12T06:54:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C-mER19j3-4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What exactly is “religion?” How has it affected the way we relate to nature and each other? And for people fighting for the present and future, what role might religion play in our lives?  Anarchists have long proclaimed “no gods, no masters.” But is there still room for religion in anarchy? Should we start our own “solarpunk religion?” 

Introduction - 0:00
What is Religion - 1:51
Animism, the Original Religion? - 4:55
The Rise of States (And Dualism) - 9:49
My Problems with Religion* - 16:54
The Appeal of Religion - 21:12
Should We Start A New Religion? - 21:58
Atheopaganism, A Solarpunk Religion? - 23:10
Conclusion - 29:13"]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewism religion animism solarpunk atheopaganism 2026 states dualism anarchism anarchy andrewsage</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7EKs25Oxe4">
    <title>How To Resist An Alien Invasion - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-12T06:21:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R7EKs25Oxe4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When an occupying authority appears to outman and outgun all resistance, what methods might one employ to resist such an “alien” invasion?

Introduction - 0:00
Why Insurgency? - 2:21
Understanding Insurgency - 3:10
Organising Insurgency - 8:48
Understanding Counterinsurgency - 12:02
Beyond Insurgency - 16:49"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives">
    <title>Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives | History books | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-25T03:25:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/books/2025/dec/23/capitalism-by-sven-beckert-review-an-extraordinary-history-of-the-economic-system-that-controls-our-lives</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account"

...

" This article is more than 1 month old
Review
Capitalism by Sven Beckert review – an extraordinary history of the economic system that controls our lives
This article is more than 1 month old

The Harvard professor provides a ceaseless flow of startling details in this exhaustively researched, 1000-year account
Dorian Lynskey
Dorian Lynskey
Tue 23 Dec 2025 02.00 EST

In the early 17th century, the Peruvian city of Potosí billed itself as the “treasure of the world” and “envy of kings”. Sprouting at the foot of the Cerro Rico, South America’s most populous settlement produced 60% of the world’s silver, which not only enabled Spain to wage its wars and service its debts, but also accelerated the economic development of India and China. The city’s wealthy elites could enjoy crystal from Venice and diamonds from Ceylon while one in four of its mostly indigenous miners perished. Cerro Rico became known as “the mountain that eats men”.

The story of Potosí, in what is now southern Bolivia, contains the core elements of Sven Beckert’s mammoth history of capitalism: extravagant wealth, immense suffering, complex international networks, a world transformed. The Eurocentric version of capitalism’s history holds that it grew out of democracy, free markets, Enlightenment values and the Protestant work ethic. Beckert, a Harvard history professor and author of 2015’s prize-winning Empire of Cotton, assembles a much more expansive narrative, spanning the entire globe and close to a millennium. Like its subject, the book has a “tendency to grow, flow, and permeate all areas of activity”. Fredric Jameson famously said that it was easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. At times during these 1,100 pages, I found it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of Capitalism.

“No religion, no ideology, no philosophy, has ever been as all-encompassing as the economic logic of capitalism,” Beckert claims, defining it as “the ceaseless accumulation of privately controlled capital”. Accounting for it therefore feels like explaining water to fish. Adam Smith, “the hero of capitalism’s triumphant self-remembrance”, attributed it to benign self-interest. Beckert, however, calls it a revolution, centuries in the making, which depended on things that Smith downplayed: “power, violence, the state”. Far from natural or inevitable, it has always been “unstable and contested”, proceeding by jolts.

The word “capitalism” originated in France in the 1840s, around the same time as its antagonists “socialism”, “communism” and “anarchism”, but the system was much older. “Capitalism is a process,” Beckert writes, “not a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end”. He begins tracking the process in the port of Aden in 1150. This vibrant trade hub between Asia and the Middle East, in what is now Yemen, was one of several “islands of capital” which formed a “capitalist archipelago”. Inventing new trades like accountancy and insurance, its “strikingly modern” residents were in the vanguard of a global insurgency. But their accumulation of profit for its own sake was regarded with suspicion by rulers, religions and ordinary people alike. They enjoyed wealth without power or prestige: “capitalists without capitalism”.

What they needed was the state’s collaboration. This developed during the “Great Connecting” between 1450 and 1650, when the discovery of the Americas (named after a slave-owning merchant) finally enabled European traders to challenge Asia and the Middle East while making themselves indispensable. In the era of “war capitalism”, new trade routes and territorial seizures triggered conflict, which trade then financed. Colonialism established capitalism’s “connected diversity”, which is to say, think global, act local.

Like silver, sugar reconfigured the world. On the then uninhabited island of Barbados, just 74 sugar planters used “American lands, African labour and European capital” to create a private slave colony – the new capitalist avant garde. Across the Americas, millions of enslaved people represented trillions of dollars in unpaid labour. Even after Britain abolished slavery in 1833, there were no clean hands. An ordinary European who began his day with a cigarette and a cup of sweetened coffee was already complicit in three branches of the slave trade. The Industrial Revolution, capitalism’s Great Leap Forward, required less explicit forms of coercion and exploitation. One luminary described Victorian Manchester as “the chimney of the world … the entrance to hell realised”. Meanwhile, envy of America’s vast territories and abundant resources inspired Europe’s dismemberment of Africa, which one French newspaper called “America at our doorsteps”.

Beckert enjoys shredding capitalism’s self-flattering myths. He calls the notion of the free market “nothing more than a figment of scholars’ and ideologues’ imaginations”. The Protestant work ethic was deployed to justify child labour at home and forced labour abroad. “It is necessary to use methods that best can shake their idleness and make them realise the sanctity of work,” was how the Belgian King Leopold II rationalised working millions to death in Congo Free State. And yet, impossible though it was to imagine at the time, capitalism outlasted both slavery and empire.

Capitalism’s “permanent revolution”, Beckert writes, produces both dynamism and instability. Similarly, its “connected diversity” cuts both ways – when one crucial region or commodity catches a cold, the whole world sneezes. Crisis is in its DNA. Some emergencies, like the long depressions of the 1870s and 1930s, appeared terminal. Karl Marx, of course, believed that capitalism had an expiration date, but so did the conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, who asked in 1942: “Can capitalism survive? No. I do not think it can.” Yet every Jeremiah underrated its remarkable survival instincts. Infinitely adaptable, agnostic about nations and creeds, and essentially amoral, it keeps on going.

If anyone comes out of this story looking good then it’s John Maynard Keynes, who sought to save capitalism from itself. Combined with thriving labour movements, the challenge of communism and the double shock of war and depression, his prescription for state intervention tamed capitalism’s worst instincts during three decades of extraordinary growth and relative equality after 1945. Call it capitalism with a human face. But then the neoliberal counterrevolution, Beckert argues, spurred capitalism towards its endgame: the commodification of everything. In 2025 it would be foolish to argue that capitalism goes hand in hand with liberal democracy.

The scope of Beckert’s research is mind-boggling. He visits Barbados, Samarkand and Phnom Penh. He quotes cultural texts from Abba to Zola. He profiles emblematic figures such as the Bavarian merchant Jakob Fugger (possibly the richest man who ever lived), Chile’s General Pinochet (“the Lenin of neoliberalism”), the Indian nationalist and industrialist Ardeshir Godrej and the German steel magnate and war criminal Hermann Röchling. He manufactures a ceaseless, and sometimes exhausting, flow of startling details.

The question that Beckert never quite answers is: why capitalism? While it’s hard to argue with his copious evidence of capitalism’s poisonous offspring, from scientific racism to climate change, and the numerous efforts to resist its advance, there must be more to it than war, slavery, imperialism and inequality. Even Marx and Engels gave the devil his due in The Communist Manifesto: for all its savagery, it had “accomplished wonders”. Beckert is so good at decrying the sticks that he downplays the carrots: longer lives, higher living standards, labour-saving innovations, new vistas of experience. In this story, capitalism is the answer to every question, the root of every ill, yet the histories of feudalism and communism suggest that cruelty and exploitation are not unique to one economic system.

If Adam Smith was wrong to see capitalism as human nature manifest, then Beckert overcorrects by presenting it as anti-human: a “rogue artificial intelligence”, an invasive species, an alien force, a supernatural hunger. It is insatiable and unkillable. Beckert calls his book an “actor-centred history” about a phenomenon “made by people”, but it is ultimately a kind of horror story about a monster that eats men."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqtzjoY36W8">
    <title>The Future of Unions - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-15T02:01:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqtzjoY36W8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Once, unions shook nations and promised a better future for working people. Some even sought radical social transformation. But today, their once booming voice has felt more like a whisper. Their mass mobilisation has retreated into passive bureaucracies. All while their hard-won gains are rolled back by the most powerful ruling class in history. Are unions still our best hope?

Introduction - 0:00
What Happened To Unions? - 2:48
The Problems with Unions - 4:48
What is Anarcho-Syndicalism? - 7:48
Beyond the Limits of Anarcho-Syndicalism - 9:39
Nobody Wants To Be Working Class - 12:24"]]></description>
<dc:subject>unions labor organizing work workers workingclass andrewism anarchism anarchosyndicalism 2026 andrewsage</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u4YDDhC8wkU">
    <title>Anarchists At War in Spain, Myanmar and Rojava (with James Stout) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-11T23:58:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u4YDDhC8wkU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, we’re pre-releasing an interview with James Stout on his upcoming AK Press book: Against The State: Anarchists and Comrades at War in Spain, Myanmar, and Rojava, due out early January. You may recognize James as a contributor to the Cool Zone podcast It Could Happen Here (including the recent four parter, "Darién Gap: One Year Later" December 1-4th episodes, 2025), distributed by IheartMedia. For this episode, we talk about the idea of anarchist armies, discuss those three conflicts, left libertarian approaches to formalized armed resistance beyond a guerrilla unit, some of the novel technologies and international solidarities that have developed and a lot more.

Other podcasts James has worked on  Migrating To America: A Dream Worth Dying For Myanmar: Printing The Revolution  Reports Related To Child Soldiers and Conscription among the SDF 
https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/10/02/northeast-syria-military-recruitment-children-persists 
https://snhr.org/blog/2025/10/08/condemning-the-widespread-detention-for-forced-conscription-by-the-syrian-democratic-forces-in-raqqa-and-deir-ez-zor-since-29-september-2025/ "

[playlist of Final Straw episodes on Rojava:
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLlIVGS-bKpyWYq2Wd2F6LI598cqj4DWao ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>spain españa myanmar rojava jamesstout anarchism 2026 finalstraw dariéngap davidgraeber zomia jamescscott loserleft left war mutualaid organizing opensource spanishcivilwar durruticolumn weapons technology resistance guerillas armedresistance solidarity internationalsolidarity conscription coercion state dariengap anarchosyndicalism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/01/01/oligarchy-xiv-thoughts-on-the-anarchism-of-dorothy-day/">
    <title>Oligarchy XIV: Thoughts on the Anarchism of Dorothy Day - CounterPunch.org</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-10T22:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/01/01/oligarchy-xiv-thoughts-on-the-anarchism-of-dorothy-day/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have a few thoughts in response to what seems like an uptick in interest in Dorothy Day (1897-1980) in recent years. When I first read Dorothy Day, the first thing that stood out to me was her continuity with a long tradition of Christian anarchism in America. Yet as a Catholic, she seemed to represent a split from the main line of Christian anarchism in America, which is distinctly Protestant (though not exclusively so, and who knows how to classify Tolstoy’s religion). In any case, I kept running into her name after years of studying and steeping in the Christian anarchism and non-resistance of folks like Adin Ballou, William Lloyd Garrison, and Henry Clarke Wright, among others. Many of the individualist anarchists received theological instruction and were ordained ministers (for example, Joshua K. Ingalls, William B. Greene). Day resembled these Protestants of the American libertarian tradition in her deep personal commitment and her total rejection of political action, which, as we will discuss, entails explicit renunciation of core features of our political life, for example, voting, paying taxes, and obeying unjust laws. The historian Anne Klejment helps us understand Day’s ideas within this context:

<blockquote>The seedbed of her pacifism extended back into her Protestant young adulthood. Her familiarity with the Bible remained a significant part of her spirituality and informed her pacifism. Back then, the Catholic laity was discouraged from Bible reading. It would take a convert like Dorothy to advance biblical nonviolence as an essential Catholic teaching. She placed enormous emphasis on the commandment to love God and love neighbor. She understood it as the core teaching of Jesus and pondered over it from adolescence until her death.</blockquote>

Many of the American Christian anarchists/non-resistants follow in a long tradition of antinomians, arguably going back to the Antinomian Controversy in New England and before. These episodes left an established tradition of challenging authority and hierarchical power. Day’s Christian anarchism stands out in its delicate location within the Catholic tradition. Indeed, hers was a stance that angered many in both the Church hierarchy and in her old left-wing circles. She recalled at the end of her life that many of her radical friends had felt betrayed by her conversion:

<blockquote>One who had yearned to walk in the footsteps of a Mother Jones and an Emma Goldman seemingly had turned her back on the entire radical movement and sought shelter in that great, corrupt Holy Roman Catholic Church, right hand of the Oppressor, the State, rich and heartless, a traitor to her beginnings, her Founder, etc.</blockquote>

Just as she was a poor fit with the narrow-minded college socialists (more on that below), she was also an awkward fit in a movement defined by people like Proudhon, whom she frequently discussed, and Bakunin. Day’s personalism is another distinctive feature of her approach to anarchism. This is the idea, grounded in a basic belief in the dignity of every human being, that each person must take personal responsibility on every level: that there is a duty to one’s neighbors and coworkers, and we cannot look to others, including large institutions, which are themselves the key offenders and impediments to change. Day often talked about how she was changed after the experience of seeing neighbors come to each other’s aid in the wake of the 1906 San Francisco earthquake. In an article in 1936, Day explained:

<blockquote>We are Personalists because we believe that man, a person, a creature of body and soul, is greater than the State, of which as an individual he is a part. We are Personalists because we oppose the vesting of all authority in the hands of the state instead of in the hands of Christ the King. We are Personalists because we believe in free will, and not in the economic determinism of the Communist philosophy.</blockquote>

Remarking on the 1927 murder of Italian immigrants and anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, Day noted that anarchism “is the word, or label, which confuses many of our readers (especially the bishops?)” Day saw anarchism, as a philosophy of mutual respect and voluntary cooperation, as a natural extension of Christian spiritual practice and fellowship. She argued that there is no human law applicable to those who love and follow Jesus, and that “anarchism means ‘Love God, and do as you will.’” From the moment it became aware of the Catholic Worker movement, the U.S. government has treated it with suspicion, targeting and spying on Day and the movement as supposedly subversive elements. Day’s activism drew the attention of the FBI, and she is said to have enjoyed reading her FBI files.

Day had joined the Socialist Party in Urbana, Illinois, as a teenage college student, but its “petty bourgeois” attitudes and lack of “the religious enthusiasm for the poor” left her cold. She was not one for posturing; her Christian anarchism was based on the idea that every person is “known and named,” and that the real movement for human freedom takes place where there is a human need to be satisfied. Day roundly rejected the value system and approach of rigid bureaucracies and hierarchies, either corporate or governmental, which treat people as case numbers within cold, detached systems of power. As Michael Kazin put it: “Like any good anarchist, Christian or not, Day had no faith whatsoever in the desire or ability of governing authorities to create a moral, egalitarian society.” Her political outlook was grounded in and expressed through the sharing of everyday acts of kindness, through up-close relationships rather than philosophical abstractions. Yet she was extremely well-read and capable of the most insightful and skillfully articulated engagements with advanced ideas. Day has a very particular way with words. There is a rare candor, which reflects her lack of pretenses and her vulnerability in sharing her full life in the most open and sincere way. Her columns go back and forth between the tragedy and the comedy of being human with real thought and skill. Some of the vignettes in her autobiography are as powerful and moving as anything written by any American, for my money. “In 2012, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops unanimously voiced its support for her sainthood,” and this cause is, as I understand it, pending. An anarchist Catholic saint would be something to see.

[photo: "Rose Hill Catholic Worker farm, Tivoli, New York. Photo: National Park Service."]

Day believed that we have the social and political question backwards, starting with abstractions, ideological camps, and grand plans, when what we should focus on what is personal and tangible, what can be done directly, immediately, and without “professional” intermediaries. I was drawn to Day’s writings first because her way of thinking about political and social questions is so categorically different from the one we get from both halves of the poisonous main currents of our discourse today. She rejected both versions of bloodthirsty twentieth century authoritarianism, capitalism and socialism, instead articulating a radical politics of the corporeal and close by. Nothing more complicated in policy terms than housing and feeding our neighbors, the most important work (we prefer conceptual complexity and institutional paralysis while oligarchs bleed the country). Her belief in the transformative power of community and hospitality at the most basic but most intimate scale led her to reject the way almost everyone of our age thinks about politics. Day’s politics were about love for and service to other people; her way of looking at the world, according to her granddaughter, focused on the idea that “what we can do is so little, but that is what we are given to do. That’s only what we can do, so let’s move forward and do what we each think that we can do.” She emphasized “the necessity of smallness,” encouraging a direct and hands-on approach to serving those in need. She could not accept any approach to activism or ministry that separated the theorizing from the doing. Contrast our culture of aloof contempt for the poor, workers, prisoners, migrants and refugees, etc. There is nothing lower than not having money in our anti-human culture and political system. It is thoroughly bipartisan and it will outlast every politician and political party. Rest assured that the state’s indifference toward the suffering of the poor will be there still when there is no more U.S. government.

In Day’s view, we are depriving ourselves of another political dimension in the notion that love is the only response to political moments like this one. Regardless of anyone’s opinions, if love and community are not reliable for us in the social and community context, then what are we talking about? If they aren’t starting with the people at the bottom, what are they building? Everyone seems to feel that the country is lost today. My suggestion is: do not try to find it. Dorothy Day’s example suggests that we find each other, face-to-face, and begin to relearn the lessons of solidarity and mutual aid. We do that and we don’t have to fuss with any of today’s counterfeit B.S. In the social reality that capital and the state are hawking, there is nothing for workers or the poor, nothing but getting shorted. Day saw the crises unfolding around her in terms of human suffering. She did not put herself in the position of judging or condemning; she did not hold out false solutions or panaceas. She asked people to follow her lead in taking personal responsibility and initiative. Among the goals of the House of Hospitality, she stated, was to “emphasize personal action, personal responsibility as opposed to political action and state responsibility.” As a social model, the House of Hospitality explicitly resists impersonal, bureaucratized forms of charity and deliberately puts givers and recipients on the same footing, creating genuine relationships and community life. Day lived a life of voluntary poverty and thought that one should try to “be close enough to people so that you are indifferent to the material.” Central to her thought was leading by example and in accordance with love for all people. Her life, her work, her politics, all inseparable, were based on the radical notion that Jesus meant what he said about loving each other, turning the other cheek, etc.

Day offers another way of thinking about what it means to be politically active within a broader network of movements for freedom, equality, and justice. We don’t need to play to the strengths of the ruling class by focusing our energies and resources back into the sources of hierarchy and domination. Day thought that we had things backwards when it came to political and social change: that is, she believed we are already where the action is, in that everything grows from the bottom up. The movement is where you are, and it exists within your power to take care of people in need. So this is obviously a way of thinking poles apart from the performative nonsense that is encouraged today. Her worldview was a wholesale rejection of today’s faux meritocracy and its ugly pretense that some people are worth more than others. She believed that there is a “a spirit of non-violence and brotherhood” in the Gospels that counsels anarchism in practice. She favored radical decentralization and recognized the principle of subsidiarity, or the idea that decision-making should take place at the most local possible level. In the United States, we have departed from this principle to our own peril, yet neither of our teams seem to understand the problem. Day did not mince words in providing a classically anarchist condemnation of government:

<blockquote>Eventually, there will be this withering away of the State. Why put it off in some far distant utopia? Why not begin right now and say that the state is the enemy. The state is the armed forces. The state is bound to be a tyrant, a dictatorship. A Dictatorship of the Proletariat becomes yet another dictatorship. (emphasis in original)</blockquote>

Day did not believe that we can effectively resist this system of poverty and social alienation by supporting politicians or by mimicking the coercive, bureaucratic style of elites. For her, it could not be a matter of voting, giving alms, or being a good member of some party. Day’s approach represents the opposite of the institutional distance and stuck-up elitism that characterize most of our systems. Day insisted on being there on the ground, sharing daily life in real human connections, resisting the state and consumerism through friendship and love rather than through government. This mode of politics can only be understood and practiced by one who is not interested in being there for others, not in her own opinions or in electing certain politicians, etc. This is the real revolution everyone has been talking about and waiting for, but Day’s isn’t a path most people are capable of walking. One of the mottos of the Catholic Worker movement is, “Conscience is supreme.” Day could not reconcile any politics of division or violence with her own conscience. Institutions that rely on violence – the state, for instance – could not help except by receding into the background; they are not there to help, but rather to create the conditions for widespread deprivation and poverty.

There may be no starker contrast to the hollow identitarian blather of our moment than the life and work of Dorothy Day. Today’s hideous and embarrassing elite-worship, its obsessions with maximums of speed and scale regardless of the social dangers or consequences, its institutional detachment and opacity, and its counterproductive GDPism all represent pervasive social decay and alienation within Day’s philosophy. They are not the visible signs of “progress.” By comparison, today’s PMC liberals appear to be deliberately authoritarian and parochial defenders of plutocracy. And our conservatives, particularly the churchgoing ones, seem to genuinely hate the people Day said we’re commanded to love. I think Professor Larry Chapp put it well, discussing the importance of Day’s politics of resistance to our current moment (now retired, Professor Chapp runs the Dorothy Day Catholic Worker Farm in Pennsylvania):

<blockquote>This is all modern Liberalism has to offer: blunt force and wealth. And what moral and spiritual weapons do we have that are not undermined by our own supreme hypocrisy? We all, rightly, recoil in horror at the sufferings inflicted by Putin’s insane military gambit to restore empire. But empire building is what Liberals do, and have done now for centuries, and so the moral condemnations of our political class rings hollow.</blockquote>

Day didn’t think it was all that difficult to see why our political culture and discourse continue to fail us, particularly those at the margins of our society. Political ideology totally abstracted from the real relations of ministering to the needs of the poor, from the real struggles of workers striving around the clock yet no further from the edges of social and economic oblivion. That is American liberalism today. The American right meanwhile offers an incoherent, unwholesome slop of racial and ethnic scapegoating, open thuggery and corruption, and in MAGA the treatment of the country as a cheap and trashy brand name for enriching the political mercenaries and shady billionaires around Donald Trump. But, fundamentally, the teams share a value system, and the poor are despised by that system. If they’re not blaming them for crime and social discord, politicians are trying desperately to ignore the poor and pretend they don’t exist. This is one of the bedrock values of our system, at least as it exists materially rather than in the purely imaginary fantasies of a PMC that proudly embeds itself in the military-industrial complex even as it scolds everyone.

Statists and imperialists of all kinds, including liberals, who try to appropriate Day should understand that she was not joking about anarchism and would not willingly cooperate with the government; her identity as an anarchist was inseparable from the rest of her life and work, which meant ignoring the law and living according to the law of conscience. Like many anarchists before and since, Day had run-ins with the law throughout her life. She was jailed several times, beginning in 1917, when she was arrested while picketing as part of the Silent Sentinels campaign. She was a fixture of the anti-war and anti-nuclear movements and was jailed several times in the 1950s for her refusal to take shelter during civil defense drills during that period (this protest seems to have been the brainchild of Ammon Hennacy, whom I discussed for the Cato Institute’s Libertarianism.org several years back). Responding to the nuclear mass murders in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, Day wrote with rare moral clarity against the death cult that still has our ruling class in its grip:

<blockquote>Jubilate Deo. We have killed 318,000 Japanese.

That is, we hope we have killed them, the Associated Press, on page one, column one of the Herald Tribune, says. The effect is hoped for, not known. It is to be hoped they are vaporized, our Japanese brothers – scattered, men, women and babies, to the four winds, over the seven seas. Perhaps we will breathe their dust into our nostrils, feel them in the fog of New York on our faces, feel them in the rain on the hills of Easton.

Jubilate Deo. President Truman was jubilant.</blockquote>

Day felt the truth in her bones. She understood that those dead families in Japan were our family – they were not evil foreigners. She protested through two world wars and saw firsthand every trick used by the state to stir up hatred and enthusiasm for war. Consider the attitudes of our putatively liberal elite on questions of war and empire today, and contrast them to those of Dorothy Day. Our corporate uniparty has two openly war-mongering and imperialistic wings, with differences only in emphases and vibes, and even there the degree of difference is smaller than is generally thought (respectable opinion in the District wants war, but with Russia and China, not Venezuela). Today, people who have made their entire careers pitching and overseeing disastrous wars of choice get in line for fancy fellowships and interviews on the supposedly progressive shows. Because the U.S. government manages a powerful empire, our political class is compelled by the agglomeration of interests around them to chaperone a politics of imperialism, with disagreement confined to the margins. Higher defense spending is popular with politicians of both parties, because war is the business the state is in. Violence is its key offering in economic terms, much as any lesser mafia. Virtually all members of Congress make their peace with it in one way or another, because this is what the overall system requires of them, and the system is very good at getting what it needs; whatever their reasons, both parties want and actively search for and recruit candidates that they know will be reliably pro-war, often those with connections to the Pentagon or the intelligence community, the major “defense” contractors of the federal government, or financial interests aligned with warfare and empire. Recall that the deepest and strongest connections between the two ways our ruling class shows itself, the state and capital, take place within the world of war. In our system, both always want war because they see it as a source of growth, but they were fused together even before the growth logic took over completely. That is the perversity of our system, which Day saw. She didn’t think one could escape complicity merely because they were positioned within bourgeois polite society; she called the scientists who worked on the bomb murderers, and she demanded accountability from the places of higher learning that allied themselves with “this colossal slaughter of the innocents.” To understand the perversity and degeneration of our politics and discourse, we just have to look at how quickly our simulacra of political participation set up a new enemy of the week, reincorporating the old enemies (e.g., the rehabilitation of George W. Bush) and using the energy and appearance of conflict to reaffirm the imperial system itself. Day understood that the state was a den of thieves and criminals regardless of who is in charge, and the source of positive social change has to be us, working together.

Dorothy Day was an amazing person and a true rarity. She relentlessly downplayed her own importance and contributions to the Catholic Worker movement. During an interview in 1971, a week before her 74th birthday, Day discussed the movement’s humble beginnings and reiterated the centrality of small, personal scale and the face-to-face community to the mission:

<blockquote>You start in with a table full of people and pretty soon you have a line and pretty soon you’re living with some of them in a house. You do what you can. God forbid we should have great institutions. The thing is to have many small centers. The ideal is community.</blockquote>

Not long after, reminiscing at the age of 75, she referred to herself as “the housekeeper of the Catholic Worker movement.” It wasn’t the fake humility of today’s political tabloid show. To her, that work is as worthwhile and honorable as any honest service to other people. She passed away in 1980 at the Catholic Worker’s Maryhouse on the Lower East Side. She was 83. If radicals today are looking for a normative model or a plan of action, the life of Dorothy Day, the first hippie, in Abbie Hoffman’s words, will at least provide inspiration. Growing interest in Dorothy Day must not obscure the central facts of her anarchist politics, that the work to which she dedicated her life can’t ever be carried out by the authoritarian, bureaucratic state or by the professional-managerial class administering it. Her commitments were not those of our political class, and she was explicit about that. They point to forms of personal responsibility and solidarity that are structurally incompatible with the state and capitalism. To take her political ethic seriously is to move in a direction directly opposed to the logic and practices of both mainstream and elite politics today.

***

David S. D’Amato is an attorney, businessman, and independent researcher. He is a Policy Advisor to the Future of Freedom Foundation and a regular opinion contributor to The Hill. His writing has appeared in Forbes, Newsweek, Investor’s Business Daily, RealClearPolitics, The Washington Examiner, and many other publications, both popular and scholarly. His work has been cited by the ACLU and Human Rights Watch, among others."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_F4rEaRduk">
    <title>Gadgets For People Who Don't Trust The Government - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T17:41:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_F4rEaRduk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Kick off the new year by ripping data from weather satellites and talking to your friends through a lawn light. 

Timestamps:

0:00 - Intro
2:58 - Meshtastic Solar Light
10:44 - Flock Safety Detector
13:55 - Anarchism (Taborites)
15:30 - Weather Satellite Ripper
21:58 - Anarchism (Zapatistas)
27:03 - Stingray Detector
31:40 - Failed Spotify Alternative
35:17 - Anarchism (Goonan v Dempsey)"]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism anarchy bennjordan 2025 technology flock zapatistas taborites goonanvdempsey authority resistance markzuckerberg hierarchy institutions messaging meshtastic meshcore caseyrobertgoonan surveillance anarchocommunism tábor janhus weather noaa nationalweatherservice ezln nafta mexico zapatismo communityjustice chiapas indigeneity indigenous horizontality mutualaid caseygoonan daviddempsey</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:0c4ece91b697/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rh9URa_txGU">
    <title>5 Misconceptions About Friedrich Nietzsche (Will to Power, Übermensch, Fascism) with Devin Gouré - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-02T10:23:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rh9URa_txGU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this on-the-road episode of Acid Horizon, Craig is joined by Devin Gouré of the Moral Minority podcast for a wide-ranging conversation dismantling common misconceptions about Friedrich Nietzsche, including the will to power, slave morality, the Übermensch, fascism, race, and the myths surrounding his madness. Drawing on Thus Spoke Zarathustra, On the Genealogy of Morals, and Nietzsche’s late writings, the discussion reframes him as a thinker of forces, experimentation, and value-creation rather than domination or political dogma. The episode also addresses enduring legends from syphilis to the Turin horse while situating Nietzsche’s thought within contemporary political spectacle, nihilism, and cultural struggle. 

Devin Gouré appears on the Moral Minority podcast, which explores moral philosophy from a radical left perspective: https://pod.link/1728182343 "]]></description>
<dc:subject>acidhorizon 2025 nietzche philosophy devingouré willtopower power slavemorality morality ubermensch fascism race myths myth morals nihilism spectacle politics moralphilosophy antichrist judaism christianity religion culturalstruggle struggle napoleon rightwing farright institutions walterkaufmann state germany greatpolitics culture nationalism enlightenment maga donaldtrump europe us charliekirk grievance resentment curtisyarvin andrewtate wwi ww1 cruelty reactionaries virtue virtuesignaling vicesignaling vices class classconsciousness materialism consumerism bourgeoisie liberalism liberals liberaldemocracy left marxism hierachy breeding racism eugenics rankordering slavery greatness beauty labor work karlmarx society anarchism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/">
    <title>7 Principles of Zapatismo to Consider in Community Building - The Mixed Space</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T06:38:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On January 1, 1994, the concept of Zapatismo arrived when a resistance group took up arms and seized several towns in Chiapas, Mexico. The group primarily consisted of a band of separate and mixed Indigenous tribes with their own customs including Ch’ol, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolobal, Mam, and Zoque. The event made headlines worldwide and sparked a movement for Indigenous rights, autonomy, and social change.


The Zapatista Revolution’s uprising, which occurred on the day the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect, was a revolutionary movement led by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in the southern state of Chiapas, Mexico. Zapatistas, as they are commonly known, emerged from decades of organizing among Indigenous peoples to address the systemic issues of poverty, discrimination, and lack of representation faced by Indigenous communities in Mexico. They demanded that the government recognize their rights to land, autonomy, and self-determination and called for a new political and economic system that would benefit all Mexicans, not just the wealthy elite.


The Zapatistas’ uprising was a call to action for marginalized communities worldwide and continues to inspire movements for Indigenous rights and social change. Though their initial spark in 1994 came with physical conflict with the Mexican military, the Zapatistas have since focused their efforts on building autonomous communities that are centered around their Indigenous traditions while seeking to create what they refer to as “‘Un Mundo Donde Quepan Muchos Mundos’ (‘A World Where Many Worlds Fit’) by emphasizing the dignity of ‘others,’ belonging, and common struggle, as well as the importance of laughter, dancing, and nourishing children.”


There is much to learn from the Zapatista Revolution and movement, like the demand for equity and belonging and the honoring of all that is ancestral. Let’s take a closer look at the seven Zapatista principles and how they can be incorporated to make a more equitable and suitable world for everyone.

1. Obedecer y No Mandar (To Obey, Not Command)

This Zapatista principle emphasizes the importance of executing the will of the people, while holding a position of leadership. In Zapatista autonomous communities, leadership positions are short-lived. This reflects the need for leaders to obey the collective desires of the community rather than command them from a position of power.

2. Proponer y No Imponer (To Propose, Not Impose)

Humility is a key part of life for the Zapatistas and aligns with their practice of debate and self-reflection. Therefore this principle is birthed from Zapatista culture of proposing a path forward and not imposing one.

3. Representar y No Suplantar (To Represent, Not Supplant)

Deriving from the Zapatista understanding that before the colonizer arrived, Indigenous people governed themselves. This principle is guided by the importance of self-governance for the Zapatistas and is grounded in the collective trust of the community to represent what the community wants.

4. Convencer y No Vencer (To Convince, Not Conquer)

The principle to convince not conquer is important to the Zapatista practice of dialogue and assembly. For the Zapatistas convincing requires logical argument, reflection, consideration of many viewpoints, and open discussion.

5. Construir y No Destruir (To Construct, Not Destroy)

The fifth principle is rooted in an ethic of anti-destruction and an end to exploitation. This principle is a practice in creating the institutions and the world that we want. This includes the unique Zapatista view of both relationships to humans and the land.

6. Servir y No Servirse (To Serve Others, Not Serve Oneself)

A traditional value for the Indigenous people of Chiapas is humility. The Zapatista slogan, ‘Para todos todo, para nosotros nada’ (Everything for Everyone, Nothing for Ourselves), is at the core of this principle. Every Zapatista must find a balance in serving others for the collective while taking care of their individual family work.

7. Bajar y No Subir (To Work From Below, Not Seek To Rise)

In Zapatista communities ‘trabajo colectivo’ (collective work), is a way of life. This seventh principle aligns with the mentality of working at the grassroots level for the benefit of your community.

Overall, the principles of Zapatismo can serve as a guide for people to navigate complex social issues and strive for equality and justice. It is favorable to listen to and respect the voices of marginalized communities, engage in dialogue and collaboration, and strive for progress and unity rather than division and destruction. If you are seeking to adopt some of these principles for yourself, please internalize the words directly from the Zapatistas: “Zapatismo is not a new political ideology or a rehash of old ideologies. Zapatismo is nothing; it does not exist. It only serves as a bridge to cross from one side to the other. So everyone fits within Zapatismo, everyone who wants to cross from one side to the other. There are no universal recipes, lines, strategies, tactics, laws, rules, or slogans. There is only a desire – to build a better world, that is, a new world.”"

[via:
https://nonprofitquarterly.org/zapatismo-at-30-an-indigenous-rights-movement-faces-perilous-times/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://nonprofitquarterly.org/zapatismo-at-30-an-indigenous-rights-movement-faces-perilous-times/">
    <title>Zapatismo at 30: An Indigenous Rights Movement Faces Perilous Times | Nonprofit Quarterly | Civic News. Empowering Nonprofits. Advancing Justice.</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T05:57:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nonprofitquarterly.org/zapatismo-at-30-an-indigenous-rights-movement-faces-perilous-times/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Although the EZLN had its roots in Marxist insurgencies not unlike those seen elsewhere in Latin America, the movement has never fit neatly into an ideological mold. Its communiques are known to drift into poetry. Governance is based on communal participation and consent, and seven principles of mandar obedeciendo—which literally means “obeying by following,” but is more aptly described as servant leadership.

Specifically, these principles, described in greater detail in English here [https://www.themixedspace.com/7-principles-of-zapatismo-to-consider-in-community-building/ ], are as follows:

1. To obey, not command
2. To propose, not impose
3. To represent, not supplant
4. To convince, not conquer
5. To construct, not destroy
6. To serve others, not serve oneself
7. To work from below, not seek to rise"

["1. Obedecer y No Mandar (To Obey, Not Command)

This Zapatista principle emphasizes the importance of executing the will of the people, while holding a position of leadership. In Zapatista autonomous communities, leadership positions are short-lived. This reflects the need for leaders to obey the collective desires of the community rather than command them from a position of power.

2. Proponer y No Imponer (To Propose, Not Impose)

Humility is a key part of life for the Zapatistas and aligns with their practice of debate and self-reflection. Therefore this principle is birthed from Zapatista culture of proposing a path forward and not imposing one.

3. Representar y No Suplantar (To Represent, Not Supplant)

Deriving from the Zapatista understanding that before the colonizer arrived, Indigenous people governed themselves. This principle is guided by the importance of self-governance for the Zapatistas and is grounded in the collective trust of the community to represent what the community wants.

4. Convencer y No Vencer (To Convince, Not Conquer)

The principle to convince not conquer is important to the Zapatista practice of dialogue and assembly. For the Zapatistas convincing requires logical argument, reflection, consideration of many viewpoints, and open discussion.

5. Construir y No Destruir (To Construct, Not Destroy)

The fifth principle is rooted in an ethic of anti-destruction and an end to exploitation. This principle is a practice in creating the institutions and the world that we want. This includes the unique Zapatista view of both relationships to humans and the land.

6. Servir y No Servirse (To Serve Others, Not Serve Oneself)

A traditional value for the Indigenous people of Chiapas is humility. The Zapatista slogan, ‘Para todos todo, para nosotros nada’ (Everything for Everyone, Nothing for Ourselves), is at the core of this principle. Every Zapatista must find a balance in serving others for the collective while taking care of their individual family work.

7. Bajar y No Subir (To Work From Below, Not Seek To Rise)

In Zapatista communities ‘trabajo colectivo’ (collective work), is a way of life. This seventh principle aligns with the mentality of working at the grassroots level for the benefit of your community.

Overall, the principles of Zapatismo can serve as a guide for people to navigate complex social issues and strive for equality and justice. It is favorable to listen to and respect the voices of marginalized communities, engage in dialogue and collaboration, and strive for progress and unity rather than division and destruction. If you are seeking to adopt some of these principles for yourself, please internalize the words directly from the Zapatistas: “Zapatismo is not a new political ideology or a rehash of old ideologies. Zapatismo is nothing; it does not exist. It only serves as a bridge to cross from one side to the other. So everyone fits within Zapatismo, everyone who wants to cross from one side to the other. There are no universal recipes, lines, strategies, tactics, laws, rules, or slogans. There is only a desire – to build a better world, that is, a new world.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://hir.harvard.edu/township-rebellion-the-zapatista-movement-three-decades-later/">
    <title>Township Rebellion: The Zapatista Movement, Three Decades Later</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-16T05:54:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hir.harvard.edu/township-rebellion-the-zapatista-movement-three-decades-later/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“It is better to die on your feet than live on your knees.”

So reads the most famous quote attributed to Emiliano Zapata, a peasant farmer-turned-guerrilla who fought in the Mexican Revolution. His words are indicative of the drama and complexity of the destructive conflict, which lasted from 1910 to 1920. Although it killed more than a million civilians and soldiers, replaced one authoritarian government with another, and spilled over into the neighboring United States, the Revolution nevertheless remains a compelling symbol in Mexican politics. Revolutionary figures like Zapata and Pancho Villa are often portrayed as dashing folk heroes tragically cut down in their prime, and future president Claudia Sheinbaum urged supporters to “recover the essence of the Mexican Revolution” while campaigning in the 2024 presidential election.

While institutionalized actors in Mexican politics attempt to recover the revolution’s essence through policy, other groups have taken a radically different path. In the 1980s, Indigenous peasants in the southern state of Chiapas founded the leftist Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) to advocate for Indigenous rights and autonomy in Mexico. After a brief revolt in 1994, Zapatistas began experimenting with alternative governance structures by organizing so-called “autonomous municipalities” (Municipios Autónomos y Rebeldes Zapatistas, or MAREZ).

Three decades later, in 2023, the EZLN dissolved the autonomous municipalities at a time of extreme uncertainty in Mexican politics. Chiapas has been paralyzed by cartel violence. A looming trade war with the United States threatens to test the country’s new president, Claudia Sheinbaum. Migration surges have brought millions of people from Central America through southern Mexico. These crises are likely to have a significant effect on the EZLN and the Indigenous people it claims to represent. This piece assesses the future of the Zapatista movement in the context of crises that threaten to alter the fabric of Mexican politics—thirty years after the EZLN uprising and over a century after the revolution that inspired it.

People of the Sun: The 1994 Uprising

There are nearly 26 million Indigenous Mexicans, over one million of whom currently live in Chiapas. The colonization of Mexico by Spain was characterized by intense violence against the Indigenous population, and, although explicit repression abated after independence, Indigenous Mexicans were still economically disadvantaged in the years leading up to the 1910 Revolution.

Political restructuring after the war continued to present challenges for Indigenous agricultural workers, though opportunities emerged as well. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled Mexico for over 70 uninterrupted years, organized unions for peasants and incorporated them into Mexican politics. Despite these efforts, Indigenous poverty remained high well into the 1990s.

The PRI began to lose its grip on Mexican politics after the 1982 Latin American debt crisis, which slashed the country’s GDP and caused spiraling inflation. Economic meltdown forced the PRI to implement neoliberal reforms such as the privatization of state-owned enterprises and the negotiation of free trade agreements. Political liberalization, which led the PRI to lose the presidency in 2000, accompanied these economic policies.

While the PRI’s reforms may have been necessary to stabilize the Mexican economy, they had significant negative effects on the livelihoods of Indigenous people. The post-crisis administration ended farm subsidies, dismantled peasant unions, and privatized Indigenous lands that had previously been owned collectively. From 1992 to 1996, rural incomes fell by about 25 percent. Mexican neoliberalization culminated in the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which removed most trade barriers between the United States, Canada, and Mexico. While NAFTA has had some positive effects on the Mexican economy, the agreement has simultaneously increased agricultural unemployment and worsened inequality.

In response to these developments, some Indigenous groups began experimenting with pro-Indigenous and anti-globalist ideas. Zapatismo is a decidedly left-wing, communitarian ideology: it emphasizes land redistribution, class struggle, and communal goods production. Moreover, the EZLN explicitly organized around Indigenous rights and cultural identity, pushing these discussions onto the national stage. These principles were inspired by those of the 1910 Revolution, which shattered the oligarchic power that had persisted in Mexico since the days of Spanish colonization and led to the ratification of a progressive constitution that included such policies as land reform and secularization.

Zapatismo influenced the decision of the EZLN to declare war on the Mexican state one day before the official implementation of NAFTA. Starting on New Year’s Day, 1994, the EZLN and the Mexican government fought for twelve days. After the uprising, the Zapatistas sought to restructure their communities, creating a system of autonomous municipalities, officially known as Municipios Autómos y Rebeldes Zapatistas (MAREZ), that acted independently of the Mexican government and provided alternative legal and political forums for EZLN supporters. Before the 2023 MAREZ dissolution, Zapatistas claimed control over 55 autonomous municipalities whose total population was about 300,000. Though not all members of a given community participated in MAREZ institutions or subscribed to zapatismo, the EZLN had considerable influence in Chiapas.

Fistful of Steel: The EZLN, Cartels, and Migration

The EZLN has largely been able to maintain its autonomous municipalities due to Mexico’s low state capacity, or difficulty performing basic governmental functions. Low state capacity also contributes to the proliferation of drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) throughout the country. One-third of Mexican territory is under the de facto control of DTOs, as they exert significant political influence at the local level. Chiapas lies at the confluence of Central American drug trafficking routes and is home to several major DTOs. Cartel turf wars have proven disastrous for Chiapas residents and have greatly challenged the EZLN’s political influence. The state’s murder and disappearance rates have risen, and DTOs often forcibly remove civilians who live near strategic territory. One battle between warring cartel factions in summer 2024 displaced over 4,000 refugees. The cartels have also begun to sponsor right-wing militias opposed to the far-left Zapatistas. The violence and instability caused by DTOs were major factors in the EZLN’s decision to dissolve the MAREZ system.

Mexican law enforcement and military units have been working to combat the DTOs present in Chiapas. However, the crisis is unlikely to be resolved by sending more Federales and soldiers into southern Mexico. After President Felipe Calderón declared war on the cartels in 2006, violence skyrocketed as anti-drug operations fractured the biggest cartels, causing smaller groups to fight amongst themselves. Similarly, new initiatives by the government have done little to abate drug violence. In 2019, then-president Andrés Manuel López Obrador introduced the National Guard, a militarized police force, but critics say the new units abuse local populations rather than protecting them. The deployment of federal troops in Chiapas could therefore multiply the number of warring DTO factions in the state and violate the rights of civilians. The EZLN has accused government forces of criminal misconduct, though these claims are unverified.

The drug trafficking routes that run through Chiapas also transport another illicit cargo: human beings. DTOs have recently expanded into the lucrative human trafficking business, and Chiapas is often a key checkpoint on the journey from Central and South America to the United States. The Mexican government has started anti-migration campaigns under pressure from the United States—pressure that has only increased since the second inauguration of Donald Trump.

While there is some evidence that Trump’s policies will reduce migration to the United States, the migrant presence in Chiapas might not decrease. People detained in northern Mexico as part of heightened crackdowns on migration are transferred to the south, where they will join the 40,000 people currently awaiting the opportunity to cross into the US.

A greater number of migrants in Chiapas means more revenue for DTOs, more strain on the state’s resources, and more scrutiny from the federal government, all of which threaten Zapatista autonomy. The EZLN itself has assessed that “the main cities of… Chiapas are in complete chaos.”

Settle For Nothing: Zapatista Economics

Though the crises of drug trafficking and migration have accelerated the decline of the MAREZ, their long-term sustainability would still have been doubtful. Mexican Indigenous poverty remains staggeringly high at nearly 80 percent, and Chiapas is by far the poorest state in the country. Research from the Harvard Kennedy School suggests that Chiapas suffers from low “economic complexity,” meaning its exported commodities require little specialized knowledge or equipment to produce. Other Mexican states can produce the same—typically agricultural—commodities, harming Chiapas’ ability to compete in the export market. The EZLN’s economic policy does allow for trade and export, but it generally prefers “collective production” and price controls. Let us assume, for example, that an autarkic production model can help insulate a community from trade shocks. A community subsisting on its own production is nevertheless unlikely to develop a higher level of economic complexity. While people might not descend into extreme poverty, they have a low potential for economic advancement.

The EZLN, meanwhile, has resisted economic and political exchange. Zapatista sympathizers reject assistance from government anti-poverty programs and pride themselves on their independence from mainstream health and education systems. After the MAREZ dissolution, the group excluded non-locals from its community centers, even though these were “the main point of contact between the Zapatistas and the outside world.” Some have argued that a lack of economic opportunity will drain the autonomous communities of young people.

Mexico’s economic situation is especially precarious following political developments to the north. So far, the tariffs of US President Donald Trump have not significantly affected the Mexican economy, but the long-run impacts of American policy are uncertain. Rural poverty is likely to worsen if the Mexican economy declines, which may cause more people to emigrate from Zapatista-controlled towns, straining these already-impoverished communities.

Renegades: The Future of Zapatista Autonomy

The economic, political, and security challenges faced by the EZLN have led Zapatista leaders to acknowledge that a change is necessary to sustain their movement. In November 2023, the group replaced the existing MAREZ system with a network of Local Autonomous Governments (GALs). GALs exert authority on a far more granular and localized level than the MAREZ, potentially consisting of a single neighborhood, farm, or family unit. The GALs in a given region make up a Zapatista Autonomous Government Collective (CGAZ), which takes on administrative duties based on the consensus of the GALs and reports to an Assembly of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments (ACGAZ). This new structure was motivated by a notion among Zapatista leadership that the EZLN had begun to impose its authority on the communities of Chiapas. The reorganization was thus an attempt to vest power at the local level and create a bottom-up structure of authority in Zapatista territory.

It is uncertain how the new community structure will impact the Zapatistas’ ability to maintain their autonomy. However, the movement’s problems are perhaps too great to be addressed with abstract reflections on anarchist political theory. First, a decentralized political structure may worsen the problem of economic and political isolation, especially in a rural state like Chiapas, where people may live miles away from their closest neighbors. Second, increasing the number of political units could make achieving consensus more difficult and encourage splits in the movement. The EZLN has predicted that there will be “thousands of Zapatista GALs.” Though EZLN militants are active in local self-defense organizations, coordinating policy across so many units may be especially problematic for locals attempting to defend themselves against drug cartels.

Zapatismo is far from a relic of the Mexican Revolution or the era of Mexican democratization. However, the movement faces several internal and external challenges. Within Zapatista communities, poverty and isolation continue to negatively impact the lives of Indigenous peasants. These economic problems may only be worsened by external developments such as migration, drug trafficking, and geopolitical uncertainty. Compared to such pressing crises, the dissolution and reorganization of the MAREZ into GALs appear almost trivial. While the Zapatista movement is likely to endure, its third decade will be one of hardship and existential change as it seeks to maintain the independence for which it has struggled."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HfvxFyRP94E">
    <title>Buenaventura Durruti | Segunda parte - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-19T19:45:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HfvxFyRP94E</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Durruti, Ascaso, Jover y los otros compañeros llamados “Los Solidarios” no sólo hicieron historia en España y Francia, también cruzaron el Atlántico en los años 20s.

Perseguidos por gobiernos, policías y banqueros, llegaron a nuestro continente con pasaportes falsos, dispuestos a encarar desde la clandestinidad y reunir fondos para una revolución, desde las cañas de azúcar cubanas hasta las fábricas bonaerenses. En el camino fueron conocidos como “Los Errantes”: obreros, fugitivos y gente de acción, perpetraron atracos a fábricas y bancos, agitando la solidaridad internacionalista.

No te pierdas este segundo capítulo de la vida de Buenaventura Durruti, uno de los anarquistas más célebres del movimiento por la emancipación.

0:00 Introducción
1:42 Capítulo 1.- Cruzando el charco: Cuba
7:46 Capítulo 2.- Los Errantes en México
12:03 Capítulo 3.- Eco libertario andino: Chile
17:49 Capítulo 4.- La fuga y la leyenda: Argentina
23:05 Conclusión.

≛ Fuentes consultadas:
⁜ “Durruti en la Revolución española” | Abel Paz
⁜ Buenaventura Durruti: «El Primer Asaltabancos de Chile» | Revista libertaria
⁜ “Los que fuimos a Madrid” | Ricardo Sanz
⁜“La FORA: ideología y trayectoria del movimiento obrero revolucionario en la Argentina” | Diego Abad de Santillán.
⁜ “El anarquismo en América Latina” | Carlos M. Rama / Ángel Cappelletti"

[See also:

"Buenaventura Durruti | Primera parte - YouTube"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4xvMylGbUc

"¿Quién fue José Buenaventura Durruti? para muchxs: una leyenda, para otrxs: un simple atracador, para su gente: un compañero más en la lucha por la revolución social. La historia de Pepe Durruti no es la de un héroe, ni la de un estratega o un político, sino la de un obrero que al igual que muchxs de su época, no aceptó vivir de rodillas. Su historia es también la de todo un pueblo que soñó con un mundo nuevo, sin gobernantes ni gobernados.

0:00 Introducción
1:40 Colabora con el canal
2:11 Capítulo 1.- Se forja un rebelde
7:45 Capítulo 2.- De mecánico a justiciero
10:05 Capítulo 3.- Zaragoza: Solidaridad y fuego
15:05 Capítulo 4.- Crisol y los solidarios
25:33 Capítulo 5.- Enfrentar al monstruo
29:45 Conclusión

≛ Fuentes consultadas:
⁜ “Durruti en la Revolución española” | Abel Paz
⁜ “El movimiento obrero español, 1886-1926 : historia y crítica” | Manuel Buenacasa"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/the-sandinista-revolution-reconsidered/">
    <title>The Sandinista Revolution, Reconsidered - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-09T03:23:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/the-sandinista-revolution-reconsidered/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A new book from historian Mateo Jarquín seeks to decouple Nicaragua’s unique socialist uprising from reductive Cold War clichés."]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o8Btb1sGRK0">
    <title>Can Anarchy Protect Us From Bad People? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:43:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o8Btb1sGRK0</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["One of the most common questions asked of anarchists is how anarchy intends to deal with the “bad people" in a world without authority. In this video, we'll explore some answers!

Introduction - 0:00
Crime & Punishment - 1:44
The Bad People - 10:13
Welcome to (Anarchist) Game Theory - 12:38
Anarchy: SVU - 19:23
We Keep Us Safe - 22:56
The Decent People - 24:35
Conclusion - 28:26"]]></description>
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<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:dfee2ea8151c/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:andrewsage"/>
</rdf:Bag></taxo:topics>
</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V3evGc0mF5Y">
    <title>It's Anarchist Season with Alexis Shotwell - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:20:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V3evGc0mF5Y</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sad Francisco is produced by Toshio Meronek and edited by Tyger Ligon."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexisshorwell sadfrancisco 2025 toshiomeronek anarchism anarchy ursulaleguin ursulakleguin politics donaldtrump canada us nationalism border borders protectionism movements punchup socialinfratructure infrastructure deskilling neoliberalism collectivism hierarchy hierarchies conflictresolution martyrdom burnout horizontality organizing power nonprofit nonprofits charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex philanthropy ice palestine charity mutualaid change changemaking harmoprevention scifi sciencefiction fiction radio pirateradio thedispossessed literature mediaproduction socialmedia offline nonprofitindustrialcomplex choice harm transformativejustie behavior utopia human humans society capitalism humannature privation poverty oppression wealth care caring earnestness cringe cynicism sarcasm accelerationism wobblies iww indigeneity indigenous spanishcivilwar spain españa iralia italy ownership collectives work labor abolitionism prisonabolition solidarity property state anticapitalism colo</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zHRB4Fia_ho">
    <title>The Radical Futurity of Dune - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:17:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zHRB4Fia_ho</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Conversations on Anarres, we speak with author Javier Sethness Castro about his new review of Dune II (2024). Sethness Castro argues that the Frank Herbert's vision of humanity, as laid out in the novels, is one of a multicultural, multiracial, and religiously pluralistic human race spread out among the stars. The persistence of Islam, and of Muslim culture and traditions, is key to this vision.

However, Sethness Castro believes that Dune II downplays and erases this key element from the universe, limiting the radical possibilities of the film. We also talk about how the Dune universe can help us envision anti-imperialist politics in our world today and understand events in the Middle East.

You can read his article "Dune Part Two: A Film of Anti-Muslim Erasure" ⁠here: https://www.thecommoner.org.uk/dune-part-two-a-film-of-anti-muslim-erasure/ "]]></description>
<dc:subject>dune 2024 anarresproject javiersethnesscastro frankherbert pluralism futurity ruture futurism middleeast anarchism bedouins algeria jihad anarchy language erasure denisvilleneuve film adaptation politics davidpeterson future colonialism colonization palestine israel scifi sciencefiction islam muslims arabic culture languages middleast literature</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:edb0244f347b/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLq-WE157NQ">
    <title>The Anarchist Ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:16:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLq-WE157NQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Conversations on Anarres, we talk with Dr. Sergio Gallegos, who teaches philosophy at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice for the City University of New York, about the anarchist ethics of Ricardo Flores Magón.  

A key figure in the development of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Flores Magón was deeply inspired by anarchist thought and worked to organize workers on both sides of the Mexican/U.S. border.  He fled from Mexico into the United States during the revolution and inspired labor struggles among Mexican American workers.  Flores Magón died in a US prison in 1921.

Gallegos focuses his work on the ethical theory of Flores Magón, which we reconstructs from numerous sources, including Flores Magón's political writing, journalism, and plays.  Gallegos argues that Flores Magón offers a unique ethical outlook that urges us to take action against poverty and pervasive structural inequality that robs the majority of people of liberty.  He believes that these ethical lessons have a lot to tell us about how to frame social movements today."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ricardofloresmagón 2025 anarresproject sergiogallegos anarchism anarchy ethics revolution labor mexico us theory politics inequality liberty socialmovements mikhailbakunin porfiriodíaz pierre-josephproudhon peterkropotkin proudhon anarchosocialism indigenous indigeneity work workers ideals border borders zapatistas ezln privilege kant aristotle poverty liberation socialchange slavery freedom care caring responsibility radicalism johnstuartmill mutualaid mobility survival justice duties rights insurrection leonardharris leemcbride insurrectionistethics resistance defiance animosity oppression liberalism egalitarianism zapatismo emilianozapata maya chiapas autonomy immanuelkant</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M-aeeRNyLC4">
    <title>Ursula Le Guin on anarchism and the responsibility of choice - Alexis Shotwell - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-02T16:11:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M-aeeRNyLC4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An interactive conversation with Alexis Shotwell on collective responsibility in Ursula Le Guin's 'The Day Before the Revolution' and 'The Dispossessed'. This talk was part of the two-day symposium 'Anarchism and Collective Responsibility' that took place in Antwerp and online on March 24th & 25th, 2023."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexisshotwell 2023 ursulaleguin anarchism collectivism responsibility collectivity purity puritypolitics innocence thedispossessed revolution existentialism anarchistexistentialism ursulakleguin</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r73s-YMcNTI">
    <title>Ursula Le Guin's Anarchist Alternative - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-02T16:10:20+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this Conversation on Anarres, we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the publication of Ursula K. Le Guin's classic novel, The Dispossessed. We talk with Dr. Alexis Shotwell who is working to spell out Le Guin's anarchist philosophy. Shotwell speculates as to the features of "Odoian anarchism"--what values it expresses and how it is related to other classical anarchist thinkers such as Emma Goldman and Peter Kropotkin-- and she envisions what lessons it might have for our political organizing today."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://afkimel.wordpress.com/2020/08/03/god-is-not-odin-god-is-not-zeus-god-is-not-marduk-3/">
    <title>God is not Odin, God is not Zeus, God is not Marduk | Eclectic Orthodoxy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-01T04:31:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://afkimel.wordpress.com/2020/08/03/god-is-not-odin-god-is-not-zeus-god-is-not-marduk-3/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Part of this comment from David Bentley Hart (via Wikipedia entry):
https://afkimel.wordpress.com/2020/08/03/god-is-not-odin-god-is-not-zeus-god-is-not-marduk-3/#comment-32436

"Understand, Brian, I dislike every single form of conservatism–political, religious, what have you. I don’t mind an admiration for what is good in lost traditions, so long as it doesn’t become mere reaction. But, at the end of the day, I’m basically an anarchist and communalist. I believe that all that lilies of the field nonsense that Jesus preached was more than a daydream; and I think the longing for strict social hierarchy–again, Guénon through and through–as an antidote to modernity is simply a longing for a reprise of the same sins that created modernity. That’s what I was criticizing."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism communalism davidbentleyhart 2020 jesus conservatism christ jesuschrist modernity hierarchy society</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/silicon-valleys-reading-list-reveals">
    <title>Silicon Valley’s Reading List Reveals Its Political Ambitions</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-23T01:22:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/silicon-valleys-reading-list-reveals</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/">
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    <dc:date>2025-09-22T18:56:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Before Luigi Mangione, there was Giuseppe Zangara."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 luigimangione giuseppezangara brianthompson unitedhealthcare radicalism fdr us politics activism capitalism luigigalleani corcolis via:javierarbona anarchism anarchy jenniferguglielmo anticapitalism labor work workers organizing nicolasacco government governance resistance politicalresistance soniagomez italianamericans 1930s 1940s 1933 1932 1954 1923 1900 gaetanobresci paterson 1927 newjersey marcellabencivenni bartolomeovanzetti saccoandvanzetti franklindelanoroosevelt</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-AET_NJJxCQ">
    <title>Non-State Societies and Deleuze and Guattari: A Discussion of 'Edges of the State' - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-20T14:18:16+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-AET_NJJxCQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On this episode, Craig and Will are joined by John Protevi to discuss his latest book, Edges of the State. Protevi challenges dominant notions in anthropological research and other human sciences with anarchic perspective informed by theorists such as Pierre Clastres, Gilles Deleuze, James C. Scott, and others. Central to our discussion is the question of how our historical understanding of human sociality and the manifestation of the state could be altered if we decentered the concept of primordial hostility. What if we approached these discussions with a framework of prosocial behavior? However, there is something for everyone here. This discussion covers ground ranging from Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of ideology to contemporary discourses on neuroscience. So, relax, or grab a notebook, and join us!"

[See also:

Edges of the State
https://www.upress.umn.edu/9781517907969/edges-of-the-state/

"Using philosophical and scientific work to engage the perennial question of human nature
 
This book takes a look at the formation, and edges, of states: their breakdowns and attempts to repair them, and their encounters with non-state peoples. It draws upon anthropology, political philosophy, neuroscience, evolutionary biology, child developmental psychology, and other fields to look at states as projects of constructing “bodies politic,” where the civic and the somatic intersect. John Protevi asserts that humans are predisposed to “prosociality,” or being emotionally invested in social partners and patterns. With readings from Jean-Jacques Rousseau and James C. Scott; a critique of the assumption of widespread pre-state warfare as a selection pressure for the evolution of human prosociality and altruism; and an examination of the different “economies of violence” of state and non-state societies, Edges of the State sketches a notion of prosocial human nature and its attendant normative maxims."]]]></description>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6cc9b7b75a5d/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://daily.jstor.org/demonizing-immigrants-in-the-1880s/">
    <title>Demonizing Immigrants in the 1880s - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-06T18:03:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/demonizing-immigrants-in-the-1880s/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["American newspapers portrayed members of immigrant groups as potential anarchists, linking the ideology to other anxieties and stereotypes about foreigners."]]></description>
<dc:subject>us immigration 1880s journalism media newspapers anarchism history migration chicago</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:b2792caa70cc/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4xvMylGbUc">
    <title>Buenaventura Durruti | Primera parte - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-02T06:13:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4xvMylGbUc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["¿Quién fue José Buenaventura Durruti? para muchxs: una leyenda, para otrxs: un simple atracador, para su gente: un compañero más en la lucha por la revolución social. La historia de Pepe Durruti no es la de un héroe, ni la de un estratega o un político, sino la de un obrero que al igual que muchxs de su época, no aceptó vivir de rodillas. Su historia es también la de todo un pueblo que soñó con un mundo nuevo, sin gobernantes ni gobernados.

0:00 Introducción
1:40 Colabora con el canal
2:11 Capítulo 1.- Se forja un rebelde
7:45 Capítulo 2.- De mecánico a justiciero
10:05 Capítulo 3.- Zaragoza: Solidaridad y fuego
15:05 Capítulo 4.- Crisol y los solidarios
25:33 Capítulo 5.- Enfrentar al monstruo 
29:45 Conclusión

≛ Fuentes consultadas:
⁜ “Durruti en la Revolución española” | Abel Paz
⁜ “El movimiento obrero español, 1886-1926 : historia y crítica” | Manuel Buenacasa"

[See also:

"Buenaventura Durruti | Segunda parte"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HfvxFyRP94E

"Durruti, Ascaso, Jover y los otros compañeros llamados “Los Solidarios” no sólo hicieron historia en España y Francia, también cruzaron el Atlántico en los años 20s. 

Perseguidos por gobiernos, policías y banqueros, llegaron a nuestro continente con pasaportes falsos, dispuestos a encarar desde la clandestinidad y reunir fondos para una revolución, desde las cañas de azúcar cubanas hasta las fábricas bonaerenses. En el camino fueron conocidos como “Los Errantes”: obreros, fugitivos y gente de acción, perpetraron atracos a fábricas y bancos, agitando la solidaridad internacionalista.

No te pierdas este segundo capítulo de la vida de Buenaventura Durruti, uno de los anarquistas más célebres del movimiento por la emancipación.

0:00 Introducción
1:42 Capítulo 1.- Cruzando el charco: Cuba
7:46 Capítulo 2.- Los Errantes en México
12:03 Capítulo 3.- Eco libertario andino: Chile
17:49 Capítulo 4.- La fuga y la leyenda: Argentina
23:05 Conclusión.

≛ Fuentes consultadas:
⁜ “Durruti en la Revolución española” | Abel Paz 
⁜ Buenaventura Durruti: «El Primer Asaltabancos de Chile» | Revista libertaria
⁜ “Los que fuimos a Madrid” | Ricardo Sanz
⁜“La FORA: ideología y trayectoria del movimiento obrero revolucionario en la Argentina” | Diego Abad de Santillán.
⁜ “El anarquismo en América Latina” | Carlos M. Rama / Ángel Cappelletti"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1956">
    <title>From Riot to Insurrection: The G8 Summit of 2001 &amp; The Battle of Genoa</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-01T00:32:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1956</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“…but in the end, we will win.”

In 1992, following the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the ruling class declared the end of history and the triumph of capitalism. Less than two years later, the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas galvanized a worldwide movement against capitalist globalization. All around the world, history began to crack and move again, like a frozen river thawing in the spring.

This momentum culminated in July 2001 with the protests against the G8 summit, in what became known as the battle of Genoa. For days, tens of thousands of aspiring revolutionaries clashed with an army of police in a city on fire.

From Riot to Insurrection offers a vivid account of this pivotal moment. In electrifying prose, Tomas Rothaus escorts the reader through those explosive days, recounting the chaotic street battles, the exhilarating sense of possibility, the heart-wrenching moments of triumph and loss. This is an ode to audacity, to what we become capable of when we believe in our collective power.

The real lesson of the end of the Cold War is not that capitalism is inevitable; it is that empires always fall. While “socialism without freedom” had crumbled by 1992, “freedom without socialism” has yet to expire. That revolution remains possible—even today—provided that we fight for it the way people did in Genoa."]]></description>
<dc:subject>tomasrothaus tomásrothaus 2026 genoa 2001 anarchism history zapatistas chiapas globalization anticapitalism capitalism neoliberalism zapatismo emilianozapata mexico autonomy indigenous indigeneity ezln</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1871">
    <title>Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias: Anarchism, Soccer, Neoliberalism (2026)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-01T00:25:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&amp;p=1871</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Argentina, a Tale of Two Utopias takes us through the outsized and unexpected remnants of the influence of anarchist ideas and practice on modern-day Argentina—from the names of popular pastries to the foundation of numerous soccer clubs—until we arrive at the explosive intersection of anarchism, football, and the crisis of neoliberalism.

This is a thrilling first-person account of the December 2001 uprising in Argentina that marked the end of the neoliberal experiment of the 1990s, narrated by an anarchist participant in the clashes that laid siege to the presidential palace and forced the president to resign and flee on a rooftop helicopter. A Tale of Two Utopias weaves together two simultaneous yet seemingly unrelated events of those “days which contain decades” of Buenos Aires in December 2001: the uprising and the first championship in 35 years of the popular football club Racing Club de Avellaneda.

Alternating between urgent narration and historical account, and accompanied by over 150 photos and illustrations, A Tale of Two Utopias leads the reader through the streets of a burning Buenos Aires while also finding the time to take us on a lovingly traced tour of the rich history of Argentina’s anarchist movement of the early twentieth century, then among the largest in the world. It is also a compelling account of the trauma inflicted by Argentina’s numerous dictatorships."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2026 tomasrothaus tomásrothaus argentina 2001 neoliberalism anarchism soccer sports football futbol</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MIkZ_T3WpUU">
    <title>Militant Anarchist Experiences in the Antiglobalization Era - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-31T23:45:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MIkZ_T3WpUU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week we’re sharing an interview with Tomas Rothaus, author of the recently publish memoir, Another War Is Possible: Militant Anarchist Experiences in the Antiglobalization Era, out this year from PM Press. We speak about the anti-globalization movement and how it’s remembered, debates around mass mobilizations and Black Bloc street conflicts, mentorship and inter-generationality in anarchism and the importance of a sober audacity in political struggle. Tomas has three more, related books scheduled to come out in the next 2 years listed at PM Press’s website. We hope you enjoy.

You can follow Tomas on Bluesky via @BatallonBakunin.Bsky.Social or check out more of his works via his author page on PM Press’s website."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://placesjournal.org/article/unbuilding-gender/">
    <title>Unbuilding Gender</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-19T05:14:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://placesjournal.org/article/unbuilding-gender/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Trans* Anarchitectures In and Beyond the Work of Gordon Matta-Clark"]]></description>
<dc:subject>jackhalberstam gordonmatta-clark architecture anarchitecture 2018 transgender activism gender gendertheory queer yvelariscohen trans carolinevaneck paulpreciado audrelorde saraahmed buckminsterfuller lecorbusier lucascrawford walterbenjamin teresadelauretis stefanoharney fredmoten joséestabanmuñoz robertstoller kevinmumford stephenwalker douglascrimp jonathanweinberg karenabarad giakourlas christinacrosby francesrichard evahayward athinaangelopoulou joelsanders susanstryker boychild nyc realestate capitalism sexuality cassils namuelvason lgbtq emilyroysdon davidwojmarowicz éricalliez alvinbaltrop herbertmarcuse micheldecerteau incarceration pamelalee gentrification 1972 1974 laurieanderson richardlandry modernism soho absence silence invisibility landscape landscapes anarchy anarchism bodies removal fredherko ernstbloch femininity hudsonnriver homophobia collapse abandonment cruising embodiment representation aesthetics access transphobia 1973 normativity building unbuilding feminism louisebourgeois</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d3SmXWz1L38">
    <title>Why Capitalists Fear Food Not Bombs with Keith McHenry - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-18T20:57:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d3SmXWz1L38</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Keith McHenry co-founded Food Not Bombs in 1980, and has been arrested more than 100 times for serving free food to homeless people and protesting the US government. A history lesson on San Francisco's Phil Burton Democratic Party machine, black bloc, and how FNB became labeled as a domestic terrorist group by the FBI. 

Food Not Bombs
https://foodnotbombs.net/new_site/

Seven Steps to Starting a Food Not Bombs
https://foodnotbombs.net/seven_steps_flyer.pdf

Keith on Twitter
https://x.com/keith_mchenry

Keith on Substack
https://keithmchenry.substack.com/ "]]></description>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:6022af1e869f/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SSEIvswyJg8">
    <title>International Solidarity and the 2025 Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-10T19:59:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SSEIvswyJg8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This week, we’re sharing three segments. First up, you’ll hear Yara speaking about Solidarity International, a new initiative to support prisoner support and anti-repression work beyond borders initiated by various anarchist and anti-authoritarian groups networked together, including the International Anarchist Defence Fund and various anarchist black cross groups across the world.

SolInt Transcript SolInt PDF (Unimposed) SolInt Zine (Imposed PDF)  We’re releasing this in the run up to the 2025 Week of Solidarity With Anarchist Prisoners (or WOSWOP), August 23-30th, in which people are invited to gather, connect and take action against borders and against prison walls. You can find more about Solidarity International at their website, Solidarity.International, find them on their mastodon, bluesky, telegram or instagram accounts, and see the 2025 WOSWOP call for solidarity on that site or linked in our show notes. Yara’s voice has been re-recorded for anonymity.

Then, you’ll hear 2 segments from recent episodes of B(A)D News, a monthly podcast in English from the international A-Radio Network. More audios like these, plus archives, can be found at A-Radio-Network.Org

The first of these is from the Anarchist Assembly of Biobío near so-called Concepción, Chile from the June 2025 episode of B(A)D News, featuring a chat with the art collective Mesa 8, where they discussed memory, art, and the military dictatorship that began in 1973. Following this, Ausbruch from Freiburg in the German territory spoke with the Red Aid, “der Rote Hilfe” about their work and current challenges from it’s founding over 100 years ago by the German Communist Party (KPD) into it’s current iteration. This segment can be found in our July 2025 episode of B(A)D News.  Finally, you’ll hear a segment from Sean Swain…

Some Materials Related To Mentioned Cases:  Roman Shvedov, fallen comrade Antifa OST &amp; Budapest Complex including Maya who just ended a hungerstrike (TFSR ep) Moscow ABC and Solidarity Zone supporting Russian dissidents Marianna, Dmitra plus their fallen comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris, of the so-called Ampelokipoi case in Athens (TFSR ep) Women Prisoners of Iran facing death: Sharifeh Mohammadi, Pakhshan Azizi, Verisheh Moradi and Nassim Simiyari Stop Cop City 61 RICO defendants  . ... . .."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism chile concepción 2025 solidarity internationalism biobio memory art dictatorship</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTp7TILYfkE">
    <title>Ranking the Myths of the System - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-06T02:39:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTp7TILYfkE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The world runs on myths—viral ideas we mistake for truth. They shape what we believe is possible, normal, even inevitable. Let's rank some of the most destructive ones and imagine the stories that could set us free.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Sex - 2:52
Myth of Scarcity - 4:41
Myth of Universal Human Nature - 6:46
Myth of Work - 8:13
Myth of Meritocracy - 10:06
Myth of Schooling - 12:22
Myth of Trickle Down - 13:39
Myth of Freedom - 14:20
Myth of End Times - 17:03
Myth of Separation - 18:30
Myth of Authority - 20:06
Myth of The Only Way - 23:43
Conclusion - 24:32"

...

"Sources & Resources:
The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins
Beyond Civilisation by Daniel Quinn
33 Myths of the System by Darren Allen
The Cambridge Encyclopedia Of Hunters and Gatherers by Richard B Lee and Richard Daly
Sex Redefined: The Idea of 2 Sexes Is Overly Simplistic - https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/sex-redefined-the-idea-of-2-sexes-is-overly-simplistic1/
Race, Monogamy, and Other Lies They Told You by Agustín Fuentes
The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire
Huge 20-Year Study Shows Trickle-Down Is a Myth, Inequality Rampant - https://www.businessinsider.com/how-bad-is-inequality-trickle-down-economics-thomas-piketty-economists-2021-12
https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/glossary/a-new-glossary/
Words of A Rebel by Peter Kropotkin
At The Cafe by Errico Malatesta
Prefigurative Politics by Paul Raekstad and Sofa Saio Gradin"

[See also:

"How Gaza Exposes The Myths Of The System"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-uYmxsyQwA

"On how the blatant and brutal genocide in Gaza has exposed four key myths of this system for all to see.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Law - 2:16
Myth of Neutrality - 4:53
Myth of Peace - 6:11
Myth of Ethnosupremacy - 8:27
Conclusion - 10:59"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-uYmxsyQwA">
    <title>How Gaza Exposes The Myths of The System - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-06T02:39:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-uYmxsyQwA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["On how the blatant and brutal genocide in Gaza has exposed four key myths of this system for all to see.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Law - 2:16
Myth of Neutrality - 4:53
Myth of Peace - 6:11
Myth of Ethnosupremacy - 8:27
Conclusion - 10:59

Ranking the Myths of the System:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bTp7TILYfkE "

[(description from that last link):

"The world runs on myths—viral ideas we mistake for truth. They shape what we believe is possible, normal, even inevitable. Let's rank some of the most destructive ones and imagine the stories that could set us free.

Introduction - 0:00
Myth of Sex - 2:52
Myth of Scarcity - 4:41
Myth of Universal Human Nature - 6:46
Myth of Work - 8:13
Myth of Meritocracy - 10:06
Myth of Schooling - 12:22
Myth of Trickle Down - 13:39
Myth of Freedom - 14:20
Myth of End Times - 17:03
Myth of Separation - 18:30
Myth of Authority - 20:06
Myth of The Only Way - 23:43
Conclusion - 24:32"]

"Educate Yourself:

How Israel was Created
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e9To_P8gX9c 

How To Erase a People
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IcVR3qwdkgM  

Israelis Are Not 'Indigenous' (and other ridiculous pro-Israel arguments)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FhlUFPpXIVo

Israel's Gaza Genocide, Legally Proven
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=om6KeLGSsQg "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/my-anarchist-notebook/">
    <title>my anarchist notebook – The Homebound Symphony</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-04T21:30:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/my-anarchist-notebook/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I mentioned in a recent post [ https://blog.ayjay.org/flanagans-ireland/ ] that reading Thomas Flanagan’s novels about Ireland has me thinking about revolution – the causes and consequences of revolution, and of course the difficulty of defining “revolution.” Often it is defined quite narrowly as “an attempt to overthrow an existing government by force of arms” and equally often quite expansively as “advocacy for major social change.” In my recent thinking Michael Collins has played a large role, because while there can be no doubt that Collins wanted the British out of Ireland altogether, he became convinced that the best way to do this was to move one step at a time, to accept Dominion status as a way-station to complete independence. This made him, I think, a kind of gradualist revolutionary, though to his Irish opponents it made him into something altogether unrevolutionary, which is why they killed him. (For urgent Irish revolutionaries, the advocacy of anything other than immediate violence made you a “West Briton,” as Gabriel Conroy is called by Miss Ivors in Joyce’s story “The Dead.”) 

My interest in anarchism complicates my thinking about these matters. On the one hand, an anarchist society would be radically different than the one we now live in, and in that sense would be the fruit of a revolution. But organized armed revolution could not, in my view, be pursued anarchically – it would be anti-anarchist even if conducted in the name of anarchy. That was also true of the “anarchist” bombers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: they were not anarchists, for as Proudhon said, “Anarchy is order”; rather, they were Chaotics, a very different thing. To render a social order non-functional in the hope that something more just will somehow rise from the ruins is antithetical to the character of anarchism, which is all about collaboration and cooperation. Terrorism and armed insurrection are thus equally alien to true anarchism. 

So how could anarchism be practiced in such a way that society changes for the better? How is it possible to remake the world without betraying your principles in the process? (“We had to destroy the village in order to save it.”)

I’ve written off and on about these matters for years – see the “anarchism” tag at the bottom of this post – but my thoughts are still largely confused. So I decided to make this post a kind of notebook of ideas. I’ll post today but then I will come back and add second and third thoughts later, and see if some kind of order eventually emerges. After all, isn’t anarchic method appropriate to the study of anarchism? 

If you haven’t read anything I’ve written about this, start with this essay [https://harpers.org/archive/2022/12/between-chaos-and-the-man-the-dawn-of-everything-graeber-wengrow-the-dispossessed-ursula-k-le-guin/ ] and then this reflection on Christian anarchy [https://blog.ayjay.org/anarchism-as-a-spiritual-discipline/ ].

One more thing: my major guides to thinking about anarchism are 

- Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism [https://archive.org/details/demandingimpossi0000pete ] 
- James Scott, Two Cheers for Anarchism [https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691271781/two-cheers-for-anarchism ]
- David Graeber, essays [https://theanarchistlibrary.org/category/author/david-graeber ]

And now on to the notebook: 

Malatesta [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Errico_Malatesta] thought that the committed libertarian, who cares only about his own freedom of movement, will if he follows his natural course become a tyrant, and in even the best case “anything but an anarchist.” 

•

It is vitally important to distinguish anarchism from libertarianism [https://blog.ayjay.org/a-path-forward/ ]. The highest goods of the libertarian are freedom of action and freedom to own property, both conceived as belonging to the individual. The anarchist, by contrast, seeks some form of the good life in collaboration and cooperation with others. Anarchism is therefore intrinsically social, pluralistic, and unplanned. Because, as Isaiah Berlin says, the Great Goods are not always compatible with one another, you collaborate with people who share your priorities, understanding and accepting that others will find other structures of collaboration. And in pursuing those goods you have the humility to recognize that you don’t know how they may be achieved; that is something you discover through your collaboration. (Related by me: this [https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/alexander-herzen-and-the-plural-world ] and this [https://hedgehogreview.com/web-features/thr/posts/ten-theses-on-monism-and-pluralism-plus-a-quotation ].) 

Anarchism is therefore not a system of government but a practice, and one can practice it at any level of social interaction. The parent who tells two squabbling children to work out their differences themselves, rather than appealing to a parental verdict, is practicing anarchism, and a very important form of it too. 

•

The true anarchist can never throw bombs, because when you do that you are making decisions for other people without their consent, which is anthithetical to anarchism. 

•

Anarchism can never be revolutionary in the sense in which political systems (communism, socialism, fascism) can be revolutionary. But the ultimate effects of anarchism can be far greater than the effects of any of those other movements. As Hannah Arendt said, every revolutionary becomes a conservative the day after the revolution; as The Who said, “Meet the new boss, same as the old boss.” Anarchism declines bosses altogether. And that is truly revolutionary – but it is only brought about by means so slow and patient that no one can see them at work. 

•

It is a shame that, in The Dispossessed, Ursula K. Le Guin never describes in detail the revolution that led to the anarchist colony on Anarres. We only learn, in a wonderful story, about “The Day Before the Revolution.” [https://storyoftheweek.loa.org/2017/08/the-day-before-revolution.html ] So the question of how principled anarchists revolt is left unanswered. 

•

James Scott speaks of “the anarchist tolerance for confusion and improvisation that accompanies social learning, and confidence in spontaneous cooperation and reciprocity.” The key point here is that link between improvisation and “social learning.” An algorithmic order is incompatible with both improvisation and social learning. 

Scott again: in the last hundred years we have learned that “material plenty, far from banishing politics, creates new sphere of political struggle” and also that “statist socialism was less ‘the administration of things’ than ==the trade union of the ruling class protecting its privileges==.” 

•

Jacques Ellul thinks that Christians should be anarchists because God, in Jesus Christ, has renounced Lordship. I think something almost the opposite: it is because Jesus is Lord (and every knee shall ultimately bow before him, and every tongue confess his Lordship) that Christians should be anarchists.

[image]"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e32-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/">
    <title>Podcast Insights E17 - The Aesthetic Revolution (Will Be Beautiful) - BEYOND THE DIAL</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-24T23:13:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e32-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What started as a cute aphorism has grown into a socio-economic theory. Allen works his way through the assumptions that make up this theory, drawing on personal memory, Marxist and Anarchist failures, Pan-Indigenous Environmentalism, and, of course, horological love. The goal? Nothing short of transforming Late Capitalism through our built-in human love of Beauty."

[Also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/insights-e17-the-aesthetic-revolution-will-be-beautiful/id1472733566?i=1000474649630
https://open.spotify.com/episode/350bhPLlRJLgrDipWJzcVI ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e1-perspectives-on-watches/">
    <title>Podcast Insights E1 - Academic Perspectives on Watches - BEYOND THE DIAL</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-24T23:08:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.beyondthedial.com/post/e1-perspectives-on-watches/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This introductory episode is a discussion about the various conceptual frameworks that we can use when thinking, writing, and talking about watches. These include mechanical, cultural, social, historical, design, phenomenological perspectives. This overview provides a set of possible frameworks that the ensuing episodes will use interchangeably. Think of this as a Metasode.

SHOW NOTES

The Mechanical Perspective
Jens Koch's Article in Watch Time about the Rolex DEEPSEA
https://www.watchtime.com/featured/rolex-deepsea-d-blue-hands-on-review/

The Social & Cultural Perspectives
Allen's Article at Worn & Wound about the Bell & Ross Areonavale 41mm
https://wornandwound.com/review/review-bell-ross-br-v2-92-aeronavale/

The Historical Perspective
Jack Forster's Article on the Omega Moon Watch 50th Anniversary Edition at Hodinkee
https://www.hodinkee.com/articles/omega-speedmaster-apollo-11-50th-anniversary-limited-edition-in-depth

The Design Perspective
Zach Weiss Video Essay on the Christopher Ward C-60 Trident Pro V3 at Worn & Wound
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADJMKnLzYD8 "

[Also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/insights-e1-academic-perspectives-on-watches/id1472733566?i=1000444295274
https://open.spotify.com/episode/5MOjNrPhCN1ZjPHrKvoNc5 ]

]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/the-health-of-the-state/">
    <title>the health of the state – The Homebound Symphony</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-23T20:56:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/the-health-of-the-state/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Anarchy is thus the fons et origo of healthy order, and I am increasingly coming to believe that anarchy is the precondition of conservation. Anarchism (in this sense, the sense of order emerging from the voluntary collaborations of social equals) is the true conservatism. 

States sometimes do good things, but we can trust the state only to enable killing and to kill. Anything better than killing can reliably be achieved only by civil society, and civil society will thrive only insofar as we practice voluntary collaboration — and it requires practice: voluntary collaboration is something the state has taught us to be bad at."]]></description>
<dc:subject>anarchism alanjacobs conservatism stateviolence states society maryharrington rabndolphebourne proudhon politics pierre-josephproudhon</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:30260a7069af/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jm9cOkJro5g">
    <title>World's Worst TERFs and Girlbosses with Sophie Lewis - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-23T03:02:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jm9cOkJro5g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sophie Lewis's book Enemy Feminisms depicts some of Western history's most despicable women, like Alma Bridwell, a Pentecostal preacher who spread the gospel of the KKK, and May French Sheldon, an explorer and genocide apologist for Belgium during the Rubber Terror in the Congo Free State. They were also some of the most celebrated feminist figures of their time, weaponizing feminism for capitalists, authoritarians, and white supremacists.

Enemy Feminisms: TERFs, Policewomen, and Girlbosses Against Liberation
https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2440-enemy-feminisms

<blockquote>From the author of Abolish the Family, an unflinching tour of two hundred years of enemy feminisms, making the case instead for the bold, liberatory feminist politics we need.

In recent years, “white feminism” and girlboss feminism have taken a justified beating. We know that leaning in won’t make our jobs any more tolerable and that white women have proven to be, at best, unreliable allies. But in a time of rising fascism, ceaseless attacks on reproductive justice, and violent transphobia, we need to reckon with what Western feminism has wrought if we have any hope of building the feminist world we need.

Sophie Lewis offers an unflinching tour of enemy feminisms, from 19th century imperial feminists and police officers to 20th century KKK feminists and pornophobes to today’s anti-abortion and TERF feminists. Enemy feminisms exist. Feminism is not an inherent political good. Only when we acknowledge that can we finally reckon with the ways these feminisms have pushed us toward counterproductive and even violent ends. And only then can we finally engage in feminist strategizing that is truly antifascist.

At once a left transfeminist battlecry against cisness, a decolonial takedown of nationalist womanhoods, and a sex-radical retort to femmephobia in all its guises, Enemy Feminisms is above all a fierce, brilliant love letter to feminism.</blockquote>


https://www.patreon.com/reproutopia

The Girlboss episode, with Krystal Farmer
https://episodes.fm/1653309103/episode/YTQwMTYyNTgtOGJiZS00YTgwLTg4MjQtZWY1MDI5YTA2MjY4 "

[See also McKenzie Wark's review of the book:
https://www.liberreview.com/enemy-feminisms-terfs-policewomen-and-girlbosses-against-liberation-by-sophie-lewis/ ]
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/alain-badiou-badiou-deleuze/">
    <title>Alain Badiou: On Badiou Versus Deleuze | Ceasefire Magazine</title>
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    <title>The Arab Spring Revolution That Won - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-20T00:14:49+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With fascism on the rise around the world, it can seem hopeless being an American leftist. But we can look to the Rojava Revolution in northern Syria and learn lessons from the successes and failures of their revolutionary movement.

Matt Broomfield, author of the book, “Hope Without Hope: Rojava and Revolutionary Commitment” joined Francesca to talk about the 3 years he spent living in Kurdish Rojava in northern Syria, and what the leftist of the west can learn from their revolution.

Like the Palestinians in Gaza, The West Bank, and The Golan Heights, the Kurds are a people without a state. Four million Kurds have been the subject of violence and oppression between Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Instead of fighting for statehood, the Rojava Revolution in northern Syria did something that is truly revolutionary. They built a grassroots, bottom up political federation that is gender and ethnically inclusive."]]></description>
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    <title>Fanon and Sartre: Rethinking Praxis, Race, and Revolution with Tyrique Mack-Georges - YouTube</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when the dialectic between Sartre and Fanon is not one of influence, but of mutual transformation? Today we're live at Webster’s in State College with Tyrique Mack-Georges, who returns to the podcast to discuss his research on seriality, group infusion, and the possibility of a new humanity. Together, we explore how Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason illuminates Fanon’s revolutionary project, and how Fanon, in turn, reorients Sartre’s ethics. This is a conversation about stretching Marxism, confronting racial capitalism, and recovering the lost art of collective praxis."]]></description>
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    <title>Social Media Replaced Zines. Now Zines Are Taking the Power Back | WIRED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-29T04:09:54+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["At a time of fleeting memes and cultural platforms operated by multibillion-dollar companies, an old mode of creativity and community-building gets a second life."

...

"Communication constantly evolves, along with the way people want to receive information. As social media replaced zines, the messages traveled farther, but their permanence dissipated. Friendster fizzled. Tumblr will never be what it was. Posts on X or TikTok get drowned in the churn of what’s trending or what platform owners want to boost. Handmade zines can last much longer. “Writing things down on paper has value,” Spooner says. “It’s more permanent.”
As fears of surveillance and authoritarianism grow, the zine community may provide a means to organize under the algorithmic radar, in a format less beholden to the whims of multibillion-dollar social media companies. A vision of the future copied from the past."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/EUMqv ]]]></description>
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    <title>What Foragers Teach Us about Seasons and Social Change</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-24T19:47:20+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An evolutionary anthropologist details seasonal changes among foraging communities—and distills how the fixed political structures of industrialized societies are an outlier in human history."]]></description>
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    <title>Adequate Organization | Dragonfly-Eye → Online Library &amp; Image Bank</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-22T03:24:42+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Adequate Organization
Herbert Simon • 1961

A There once were two watchmakers, named Bios and Mekhos, who made very fine watches.

The phones in their workshops rang frequently; new customers were constantly calling them. However, Bios prospered while Mekhos became poorer and poorer. In the end, Mekhos lost his shop and worked as a mechanic for Bios. What was the reason behind this?

The watches consisted of about 1000 parts each. B The watches that Mekhos made were designed such that, when he had to put down a partly assembled watch (for instance, to answer the phone), it immediately fell into pieces C and had to be completely reassembled from the basic elements.

On the other hand Bios designed his watches so that he could put together subassemblies of about ten components each. D Ten of these subassemblies could be put together to make a larger sub-assembly. Finally, ten of the larger subassemblies constituted the whole watch. When Bios E had to put his watches down to attend to some interruption they did not break up into their elemental parts but only into their sub-assemblies. F

Now, the watchmakers were each disturbed at the same rate of once per hundred assembly operations. However, due to their different assembly methods, it took Mekhos four thousand times longer than Bios to complete a single watch. G H

----------

A Herbert Simon, Architecture of Complexity, 1962. p.470
PDF — 7.18 MiB [https://cdn.sanity.io/files/w1m139z9/production/e77f45d814535d3e52bf29887eeea3f9486515a9.pdf ]

B Cybersyn network schematic, 1972 [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Project_Cybersyn ]

C "In the print, Filloeul faithfully reproduces Chardin’s composition, expressing the ephemeral nature of human endeavors through the image of a boy engrossed in the construction of an object doomed for destruction. In the caption, Filloeul reconnects Chardin’s image with the moralizing tradition by suggesting that adults still act like children by building foolish projects." ꙮ [https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/340277 ]


D Cornelius Castoriadis, Workers’ Councils and the Economics of a Self-Managed Society, 1972 [https://archive.org/details/sparrowsnest-3740 ]

E Stafford Beer, Viable System Model, 1972 [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stafford_Beer ]

F The Holon Toward a consciousness that we are both parts and whole 

G Jamie Reid apparently wanted to title the first Sex Pistols album "Where's the Durutti Column?" ꙮ [https://www.discogs.com/master/6369-The-Durutti-Column-The-Return-Of-The-Durutti-Column ]

H The Durutti Column - The Return Of The Durutti Column, 1980 [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zk0ac5IRMIw ]

I The Durruti Column (Spanish: Columna Durruti), with about 6,000 people, was the largest anarchist column (or military unit) formed during the Spanish Civil War. The simplest combat units were made up of roughly ten to twenty-five individuals who formed a "group", with a group delegate elected by direct democracy and subject to recall at all times. Groups federated together to form a "century" of about 100 individuals, which also elected its own delegate. Five centuries formed a "grouping" with their corresponding elected delegate. The sum of the existing groupings gave rise to the column.
Arriere Garde [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Durruti_Column ]

J "Arriere Garde" in Ulises Carrión's Ephemera, 1975"]]></description>
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    <title>Tolstoy’s Christian Anarchism - JSTOR Daily</title>
    <dc:date>2025-06-18T16:08:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://daily.jstor.org/tolstoys-christian-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A fateful visit to a market in Moscow entirely upended Tolstoy’s view on life and society—and changed the trajectory of his work and purpose."

...

"On a visit to Moscow in 1881, Count Leo Tolstoy was horrified at the destitution he encountered. He’d seen poverty before, had witnessed beggars and country dwellers barely eking out a living from the land, burdened by taxes and rents. But he wasn’t prepared for the magnitude and raggedness of the city’s poor, nor for the extent of their persecution by the police. He was horrified to realize that the beggars in the streets had to ask for alms with caution lest they be arrested. On the advice of a friend, he went to the Khitrov Market, a center of poverty and homelessness. What he saw there permanently changed his outlook on life and society. Following the crowds of tattered men and women, he entered the free night-lodging house and spoke to those seeking shelter. Afterwards, he returned to his servants and opulent town house and sat down to a five-course meal.

The disjunction between these two worlds, that of the rich and that of the poor, disgusted him. He grew irritated at the thought of well-kept horses, decadent table spreads, and the lavish entertainment of theaters.

“I could not help seeing, in contrast to all this,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? (1886), “those hungry, shivering, and degraded inhabitants of the night-lodging-house. I could never free myself from the thought that these conditions were inseparable—that the one proceeded from the other.”

At first, Tolstoy attempted to alleviate the suffering of the poor through charity. He took up collections and joined the census in order to find the needy on whom to bestow the alms of the rich. Yet he found money to be insufficient. Not only were many not in direct, desperate need of it, simply handing out bills only exasperated the system of exploitation and warped values that generated poverty.

“It is not enough to feed a man, dress him, and teach him Greek,” he wrote. A whole shift in values was necessary, one in which all learned “how to take less from others and give them more in return.”

Thus, Tolstoy began to question the very foundations of Russian society, a path of inquiry that led him ultimately to criticize the very basis of civilization as commonly understood. Combining such reflections with a radical, though idiosyncratic, Christianity, he articulated a new politics with prophetic fervor, a belief system best described as Christian anarchism.

The nineteenth century saw a flowering of anarchist thought with figures such as Proudhon, Fourier, Kropotkin, Rousseau, and others. Tolstoy was thus not unique in his espousal of the doctrine, though he gave it his own particular flavor. While there are no perfectly identical principles common amongst these thinkers, the political scientist R. B. Fowler observes that nineteenth-century anarchists can be broadly characterized by a “rejection of the familiar norms and structures, especially the political ones, of their age” and a belief that humanity ought to live free of government structures and in accord with nature—meaning both the environment and human nature more specifically. While nature was variously defined by different anarchists, most agreed that human nature ought to guide civilization and that human beings are basically good, intrinsically capable of harmony. Nature, therefore, and not individual will or desire, ought to be the guide. As Fowler outlines, in contrast to much contemporaneous Liberal thought, anarchists believed that personal liberty was best pursued socially, in a community free of government and living peacefully with the wider environment.

While for many nineteenth-century anarchists, human nature was understood in scientific terms, Tolstoy understood it religiously. His guiding principles were derived from his interpretation of Christianity, though he rejected much of orthodox doctrine, including Jesus’s divinity, the existence of angels, and the validity of the church. Instead, Tolstoy saw the meaning of Christianity primarily in Christ’s Sermon on the Mount. As the economist Robert Higgs writes, the sermon can be summarized by the commandments “to love others as one’s self and to abstain from the use of force or violence.” These teachings, Tolstoy believed, formed the true essence of Christianity, which had been distorted by the church in order to protect its own interests. He thus rejected much Christian tradition, stating in The Kingdom of God Is Within You that “the churches are placed in a dilemma: the Sermon on the Mount or the Nicene Creed—the one excludes the other.”

This isn’t to say, however, that Tolstoy denied the existence of God or the necessity of the divine in human life. Rather, his whole conception of human nature and Christian life was based on the presence of God within each individual person, particularly in reason and conscience. As Fowler writes, Tolstoy believed “in the authority of the divine vested in man’s conscience.” It’s not so much human nature understood in isolation that serves as the basis for Tolstoy’s anarchism, then, as it is the presence of God within that nature, guiding reason and conscience toward a conception of life based on the love of all. True human freedom, for Tolstoy, consisted not in autonomy or power over one’s circumstances, “but in the capacity for recognizing and acknowledging the truth…and becoming the free and joyful participator in the eternal and infinite work of God, the life of the world.”

With this basis, and in keeping with the larger anarchist tradition, Tolstoy rejected many of the social structures of his time. In What Is to Be Done?, he described how his experiences with the Moscow poor led him to abhor the class divides that kept so many in poverty. He came to believe that the injustice he witnessed was caused by the refusal of the rich to labor. Having taken by force the goods of the peasants in taxes and rent, the rich congregated in cities. The peasants followed out of a need to earn a living, but they were frequently corrupted by the ideals of luxury and idleness exemplified by the rich, further driving them into poverty.

It was not only those wealthy enough to shun work who were at fault, moreover. For Tolstoy, the most important labor was that which contributes to material existence. “Man’s duty to acquire the means of living through the struggle with nature will always be unquestionably the very first,” he wrote in What Is to Be Done? All other activity, from running a business to producing unnecessary luxuries (including, notably, literature), were thus unethical, even parasitical, to the extent that one’s time ought to be spent in useful production, especially agriculture. He didn’t deny the value of art and science (understood as the pursuit of knowledge broadly) or of their promulgation through education. Indeed, as the scholar of Slavonic literatures and essayist Milivoy S. Stanoyevich points out, Tolstoy wasn’t against scientific or artistic pursuits, only those that are neither useful to nor wanted by the laborers.

“He combats those intellectual castes which, having destroyed the old ruling [castes] of the church, the state, and the army, have installed themselves in their place, without being able or willing to perform any service of use to humanity,” Stanoyevich wrote in 1926. The primary duty of labor may be overcome, then, only by the free agreement of the laborers that such pursuits are desirable enough to give of the fruits of their work to support it.

The accumulation of wealth that allowed some to live off the labor of others was thus the root of the problem in Tolstoy’s eyes, and he believed that money itself had been created as a means of exploiting the working classes. As Stanoyevich outlined (and criticized), Tolstoy held that money isn’t merely a medium of exchange but a means of exploitation. While it was true that money could represent labor, as soon as it was accumulated by violence, it began to represent stolen labor; he believed this was the state of affairs from the very beginning of currency, which was insisted upon by dominant groups as a convenient means of carrying away the produce of those whom they exploited. The value of money, moreover, was maintained not by its inherent desirability, but by “law and government, and these institutions are based chiefly on deceit, or represent organized force,” wrote Stanoyevich. Thus, governments supported, or rather imposed, money as a medium of exchange primarily to have a convenient form of taxation, which was, in Tolstoy’s eyes, robbery of the workers.

Tolstoy felt that the rich must give up their wealth, give the land to those who would work it, and begin to labor themselves. As the literary and cultural historian Irina Paperno writes, this led him, “much to the dismay of his family and servants,” to return home and begin engaging in as much personal labor as possible. He took out his own chamber pot, chopped his own wood, made his own boots, scythed and plowed in the fields. Historian Kenneth C. Wenzer notes that he also tried to give away his property but was prevented from doing so by his wife out of concern for the family’s welfare.

In throwing himself into such labor, Tolstoy didn’t stop writing, though he largely abandoned fiction, choosing instead politics and ethics, as well as an occasional piece of “folk literature.” In 1894 he published The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in which his vision finds arguably its most eloquent and prophetic expression, famously influencing Mahatma Gandhi. The primary concern of the book was pacifism—the rejection of all violence, even to combat evil. Tolstoy argued that such a stance was more than a personal, ethical choice; it was central to the Christian conception of life, one that lives in the truth of universal love and undermines all government and exploitation. All previous understandings of life had been based, he held, on self-love. Even the social, nationalist conception was merely the extension of self-love to one’s community or one’s nation; to progress, humanity must transcend such selfish motives. Christianity was thus poised as the natural evolution of human society, and it was in recognizing the “divine spark” in oneself, which makes each person a “Son of God,” that one is enabled to love.

“The consciousness of being the Son of God, whose chief characteristic is love, satisfies the need for the extension of the sphere of love to which the man of the social conception of life had been brought,” he wrote.

By refusing to participate in violence, Tolstoy believed Christians could undermine the state, which was built on slavery. Initially, he proposed, government came about as the lesser of two evils. It was built to suppress the violence of a given population, and it did that by claiming a monopoly on force. But as “the disposition of individuals to violence” diminished, the state was no longer needed to suppress such behavior and instead became its primary instigator. Having been put in a position of power, however, government continued to perpetuate itself to protect its own interests. It did this by maintaining military, police, prisons, courts, and so on to intimidate and punish; by hypnotizing the public through education and religious dogma; by exploiting their resources through taxation; and finally, by brutalizing the people by forcing them to become members of the machinery of violence through mandatory conscription. The means for undermining this system were found in the refusal to participate in it, the refusal of all violence, in accord with the teachings of Christ. Tolstoy believed that once public opinion had progressed enough in the direction of those teachings, the whole state edifice would crumble.

While Tolstoy seemed to consider such resistance primarily an individual task in The Kingdom of God Is Within You, in his later life he began to advocate full-scale social reform, especially championing the system of the American economist Henry George. As Wenzer outlines, Tolstoy differed from George in many respects, especially rejecting the latter’s desire to build a highly technical, industrial society. Nevertheless, he believed that George’s system was the best conceivable, particularly in its insistence that all land ownership be abolished. Productive land should instead be divided for agricultural use and all taxes reduced to a single land tax determined by the quality of the earth in question. Tolstoy’s last novel, Resurrection (for which he was finally excommunicated), was written largely to articulate and advocate for Georgist land reform. The book’s protagonist, Nekhlyudov, preaches Georgism to the peasants, stating that

<blockquote>the earth is no man’s; it is God’s…. The land is common to all. All have the same right to it, but there is good land and bad land, and every one would like to take the good land. How is one to do in order to get it justly divided? In this way: he that will use the good land must pay those who have got no land the value of the land he uses.</blockquote>

Such a project was for Tolstoy intrinsically religious, moreover, and, as Wenzer states, “[t]he Georgist commune was to eventually develop into what Tolstoy envisioned as a mirror image of heaven on an earth with man and all creatures living in concord.” Through the rejection of violence and the building of a peaceful agrarian society in accordance with Georgist principles, Tolstoy believed that the Christian task of creating the kingdom of God could be accomplished, not as a longed-for afterlife, but as a living, historic reality.

In the decade leading up to Tolstoy’s death, Russian society spiraled in ever-greater unrest. Peasants rose up against the authorities, socialists and communists proliferated, and the government used horrific violence to control the populace.

“Tolstoy’s fears had become a monstrous reality,” writes Wenzer. “People were suffering even more, and blood was pouring in the streets.” Tolstoy, then in his late seventies, continued writing at a furious pace in a desperate effort to save his country. He went so far as to write letters to Tsar Nicholas II and Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich advocating for Georgist land reform. He scorned socialist and democratic solutions, believing that only the tsar could solve the situation by unilaterally going above government hierarchy to implement the reforms that could save Russia before it was too late.

Tolstoy died, at eighty-two, in a railway station on November 20, 1910, his words unheeded. Within the decade, Russia slipped into full-scale revolution, culminating in the Bolshevik seizure of government and the violence of the Soviet regime. The cycles of oppression led only to more bloodshed, with one government replacing another while the people suffered. Yet it’s unlikely that Tolstoy’s reforms would have proved the panacea to Russia’s ills, as complicated and systemic as they were. It’s equally questionable to what extent his positions can be implemented today. As commentators have pointed out, many of Tolstoy’s ideas about economics and politics are shallow, even incoherent. Higgs, for instance, though admiring Tolstoy’s critiques of the state, calls his understanding of economics “abysmal.” Tolstoy’s approach is frequently emotional, moreover, literary rather than intellectual.

And yet it’s precisely Tolstoy’s appeal to the heart as well as the head, to the conscience as the spark of divinity in every person, that makes his words reverberate down to the present. While we might question the specifics of his platform, his criticisms of injustice and vision of an equitable society retain much of their relevance and power. Few have cared so deeply for the poor and exploited or taken the quest to both know and live out truth more seriously than he, and harmony can’t be achieved otherwise. History will go on; not even a Tolstoy could shift its bloody wheels. But we can always seek truth. As Tolstoy wrote, “The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity by contributing to the establishment of the kingdom of God, which can only be done by the recognition and profession of the truth.”"]]></description>
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