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  </channel><item rdf:about="https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer">
    <title>Academia: The Answers We Don't Offer - by Timothy Burke</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-04T12:22:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://timothyburke.substack.com/p/academia-the-answers-we-dont-offer</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’m interested in the emerging academic consensus that remote work, like the Covid-19 lockdowns that pushed it forward as an option, has some hidden social and psychological costs.

At least for me, this kind of finding is where a fair number of people who used lawn signs to declare that we should all “trust the science” quietly pack away those signs and forego that guidance. It seems evident now that we should all have been much more worried about the economic aftershocks of small business failures and the political consequences that might follow from that and that we should have worried a lot more about the psychological and social fallout of manorial isolation in residential spaces inhabited by families, close friends, or roommates only.

The failure to publicly map those considerations in to a balanced technical or scientific evaluation of policies has badly wounded public health institutions around the world, but particularly in the United States. RJK Jr. I think would have never even gotten within sniffing distance of any form of political power but for this kind of miscalculation.

A recent NYT op-ed by two economists, Emma Harrington and Natalia Emanuel, argues that they’ve gone from being strong advocates of remote work as an option for many white-collar workers to seeing a need to sharply restrict its prevalence. I think their reasoning is sound, shaped by data showing a sharp rise in psychological precarity and seeing a broader span of evidence that people are feeling socially isolated in ways that may be exacerbating forms of partisan alienation, general anomie, and collective despair.

The diagnosis seems right to me but I wonder about the therapy. Harrington and Emanuel’s previous enthusiasm for remote work was based on the fact that many people say they prefer it to being in the office. That at least requires a lot of attention before anybody embraces making everybody come back to the same workplace. What is it that people don’t like to the point that they might cling to remote work even if they might recognize some of its negative effects?

The easiest issue to grasp, particularly (I would hope) for economists, is that for many people remote work is in net terms more affordable. It not only eliminates the costs (and tensions) of a daily commute, it also frees people to live in a wider variety of places. Which touches on some of the points about affordability and housing that came up in my last newsletter—if you can live in a cheaper area that you also like which is hours or more from where your company or organization is headquartered, you’ve solved a major problem that mainstream policy and the existing economy are otherwise unresponsive towards. There are other affordances in many cases. Child care, at least for kids who are school age, often becomes both cheaper and easier if both parents are able to work remotely. Meals are often cheaper, especially for people who have substantial dietary restrictions.

I think another NYT op-ed, by Adam Grant and Marissa Shandell, got at far more profound issues with the centralized workplace as an alternative to remote work. There’s a recent problem that many organizations downsized or deferred maintenance during the pandemic so that returning workers find themselves crowded together in buildings that are physically more uncomfortable or unpleasant to be in, dealing with employers who refuse to recognize that they are dumping all those former costs back on their employees in an era of stagnant compensation. That’s a smaller subset of what Grant and Shandell focus on, which is that many middle managers and office bosses want everybody back because its their jobs on the line if it turns out that everybody can produce as much or more as before remotely without a boss constantly coming by their cubicle to hassle them. The need to boss people, as Grant and Shandell see it, is not just self-protective of the status and position of managers but is a psychological need for the kind of person who typically becomes a manager, that many people in these positions are motivated by narcissism and other “dark triad” drives, about the “ego, power and drives” of American bosses.

That’s certainly how many white-collar workers almost legendarily experience being supervised, remotely or otherwise, and that experience is a hundred times worse when it’s about someone physically proximate to you. What a lot of people discovered is that remote work made that experience more bearable. But I think you can extend beyond what Grant and Shandell see in the data.

What I think a lot of Americans have come to feel with new intensity is that hell is other people. Bosses are the worst part of that, but there’s also the co-workers who steal lunches, talk loudly all the time, tell creepy stories, ogle and harass, take credit for work they didn’t do, backstab peers in pursuit of advancement, stick their nose into business that isn’t theirs, or just generally rub the wrong way through no particular fault of their own. Work is the place where you’re with people you never chose to be with, pursuing ends that at least some folks might feel diffident towards, but also shot through with existential risks to your prosperity and well-being. In the United States, most people are a few months of paychecks away from losing their homes or apartments and have their healthcare directly tied to ongoing employment.

I think white-collar workers came alive during the pandemic to the fact that not only is the sociality of work not the sociality they crave, but that all other kinds of sociality that were once tied to a protected block of time we called “leisure” or “private life” have been badly eroded over the last three decades.

Harrington and Emanuel mention Robert Putnam’s famous work Bowling Alone as a path-breaking and early recognition of this loss of civic life. Given that, it’s kind of heart-breaking that we have come to a point where the path ahead gets articulated as “come back to a shared workplace in order to have some kind of shared social reality” or “stay remote and at least avoid the social and psychological harms that many associate with office labor”.

Casting back to my essay from last week on my frustrations with the epistemological shortcomings of conventional social science, this is another one of the shortcomings of the kind of social science that tries to inform institutional and governmental policy. This kind of work always confines itself to what is imagined as being possible within the contemporary moment, no matter how cramped the space of the possible might be as it is understood by the people making the policies and holding the purse-strings. Hardly anyone in this kind of intellectual space finishes their analysis by calling for a social movement, for political and social organizing, for change from the ground up.

Because if the diagnosis is “many of us are suffering psychologically in the isolation of remote work and many of us are losing basic emotional and relational skills to the general detriment of our society”, then surely there are other imaginable therapies besides “look to the workplace to provide what you’re losing, regardless of how precarious, unpleasant and costly life in the workplace might be.” Putnam’s therapeutic suggestions in Bowling Alone are the weakest part of the book, but even from the title alone, he showed that he understood that what we really need is time for ourselves together that is not about work—that is about play, that is about worship, that is about expression, that is about family, that is about joy, that is about ideas and dreams of what could be.

Workplaces have occasionally pretended that they could contain all of that social interaction—often when they self-congratulatorily anoint themselves as “communities”—but the last two decades have stripped most of that pretense away. The foosball tables and well-appointed cafeterias have disappeared even from Silicon Valley, the mock tolerance for open conversation and undirected exploration has been withdrawn.

There’s a problem that not even revived bowling leagues or quizzo teams could solve. Putnam and his enthusiasts at least help us think about something better than “get back to the office, everybody”, but at the core of Putnam’s thought is the idea that we make community best when we are forced to make connections with people we haven’t chosen and wouldn’t prefer to be around. Behind that thought lurks two decades of mainstream sociological narratives in books like Bill Bishop’s The Big Sort: that Americans are suffering from spending too much time with people who are too much like themselves. This is the sort of advice that conventionalized thinkers, usually self-satisfied centrists who write op-eds in major American newspapers, love to give and love to stage. “Talk to people with different views than your own! Reach across partisan divides! Learn to appreciate viewpoint diversity!”

It’s not that they are wrong, either morally or practically. We aren’t mixing enough socially, we are living in more and more bounded kinds of enclaves, our socioeconomic boundaries are hardening as our inequality deepens, we are becoming not only socially inept but also almost unintelligible across certain kinds of everyday epistemological orientations. The problem with Putnamesque ideas about maintaining a healthy sociality that is not confined to work is usually that the person calling for that mixing is themselves not particularly adept at doing so, and often has an incredibly banal understanding of the actually-existing pluralism of social difference in America. The Putnamesque centrist knows what we ought to do, has excessive confidence that they are doing it, but doesn’t really grasp what it would actually entail.

And that’s where I think conventional left appreciations of diversity also run into issues. We tend to think that a sociality that put us into contact with the widest variety of lived experiences, of national and religious and ethnic backgrounds, of temperaments and outlooks, would be the sociality beyond work and beyond the safe civics of Putnam that we all really need and want.

We don’t have a vocabulary for recognizing that the interpersonal, emotional and psychological friction many of us experience at work would exist even in a sociality that was ideally pluralistic. That what remote work and manorial isolation during the pandemic showed some of the people who experienced the strongest forms of that isolation is that it is a pleasure to not have to deal with many people whether that’s in public spaces, in civic life or at work.

Simply being with people who mirror your cultural preferences and even your emotional bent is not a relief. The narcissism of small differences is able to make those social worlds just as painful as many others. What I think no social scientist—or perhaps any other kind or flavor of thinker—is presently speaking to is how do we find people who are different to us whose difference we find enlightening, productive, pleasant, generative, enticing, or transformative?

I am sure that you are more likely to uncover how to do that in a bowling league than a cubicle farm. I am also sure that discovering that art has something to do with the variety of opportunities you are given to be in the presence of real people in materially real circumstances, that it is something you don’t learn via a prescribed path or single technique but in terms of putting enough small bets onto a lot of tables. That requires, at a minimum, time that is clawed back from work, but it also requires a vast regeneration of third spaces in a society almost completely enclosed by the private world of the family and the deformed anti-public created by neoliberalism. We need community centers and parks and libraries and block parties and new civic rituals, we need loitering and hanging out, we need time that has no purpose but to be where other people are and purposes that have no justification other than making social worlds. We need buildings with shared kitchens for all residents, we need free adult education in underused offices. You name it—but what we don’t need is the only thing that a certain kind of social analysis allows itself to envision in facing a looming problem, which is to settle work as the only thing which can define our social belonging."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://walledgardenedu.substack.com/p/the-right-tool-for-the-right-hands">
    <title>The Right Tool for the Right Hands - by Andrew Cantarutti</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-05T09:33:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://walledgardenedu.substack.com/p/the-right-tool-for-the-right-hands</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why the Same Tool Can Help a Teacher and Harm a Student"

[via:
https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/at-what-cost/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewcantarutti education learning howwlearn teaching howweteach tools 20206 google clasroom edtech lms efficiency productivity administration gradebooks software communication lessonplanning ai artificialintelligence assessment grammarly quillbot writing howwewreite research audiobooks attention coding design production</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://theamericanvandal.substack.com/p/afteropenai?triedRedirect=true">
    <title>After OpenAI (Vandal Live at Wake Forest Humanities Institute)</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-14T04:33:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theamericanvandal.substack.com/p/afteropenai?triedRedirect=true</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Apple Podcasts | Spotify

As part of the Spring Symposium at the Wake Forest Humanities Institute, Matt Seybold discusses the present and future of AI speculation, including an extended discussion with Wake Forest faculty, many who were part of WFHI’s Interdisciplinary Faculty Seminar on Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence.

Cast (in order of appearance): Jennifer Greiman, Matt Seybold, Derek Lee, Michaela Appeltova, Nisrine Rahal, Barry Trachtenberg, Jeff Bills-Solomon, Dean Franco, Amanda Gengler

Featured Guests

Jennifer Greiman is Professor of English at Wake Forest University and Director of The Humanities Institute there.

Matt Seybold is Associate Professor of American Literature & Mark Twain Studies at Elmira College, as well as resident scholar at the Center For Mark Twain Studies and executive producer of The American Vandal Podcast.

Episode Bibliography

Emily Bender & Alex Hanna, The AI Con (HarperCollins, 2025)

Emily Bender, Timnit Gebru, et al. “On The Dangers of Stochastic Parrots: Can Language Models Be Too Big?” FAccT 2021

Tressie McMillan Cottom, “The Tech Fantasy That Powers AI is Running on Fumes” The New York Times (April 29, 2025)

Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (U California Press, 1984)

Virginia Dignum, The AI Paradox: How To Make Sense of a Complex Future (Princeton UP, 2026)

Ronan Farrow & Andrew Marantz, “Moment of Truth” The New Yorker (April 13, 2026)

Karen Hao, Empire of AI: Dreams & Nigthmares in Sam Altman’s Open AI (Penguin Random House, 2026)

Andy Hines, Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism & The University (U Chicago Press, 2022)

E. D. Hirsch, Cultural Literacy (Houghton Mifflin, 1987)

Tyler Johnston, “The reporters at this new site are AI bots. OpenAI’s Super PAC appears to be funding it.” Model Republic (April 24, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Grok is an Epistemic Weapon” Tech Policy Press (January 13, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum, “Texpocalypse Now: AI and The New Political Economy of Writing” PennAI (April 17, 2026)

Matthew Kirschenbaum & Rita Raley, “AI & The University as a Service” PMLA (May 2024)

Christopher Newfield, Unmaking The Public University (Harvard UP, 2011)

Britt S. Paris, Radical Infrastructure: Imagining The Internet From The Ground Up (U. California, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, The Global Casino: How Wall Street Gambles with People & The Planet (Verso, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “The Next Crisis is Coming” Politics Joe (April 1, 2026)

Ann Pettifor, “Is the next financial crisis only a matter of time?” De Balie (February 16, 2026)

Daniel Roher & Charlie Tyrell, The AI Doc, or How I Became An Apocaloptimist (2026)

Matt Seybold, “Against Technofeudal Education” The American Vandal (June 10, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “The Technofeudal Text” The American Vandal (August 25, 2025)

Matt Seybold, “Mamdani Win Could Be The First Step Towards Seizing The Means of Knowledge Production” The American Vandal (November 5, 2025)

Matt Seybold & Eric Hayot, “The ‘Crisis In The Humanities’ Is Over. That’s Not a Good Thing.” Chronicle Of Higher Education (December 29, 2025)

Matt Seybold & John Warner, “The Technology That’s Taking Your Freedom” Academic Freedom On The Line (February 3, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “The Secret History of Canvas LMS, Corporate Raiders, & The Chatbot Bubble” The American Vandal (March 24, 2026)

Matt Seybold et al, “HBCUs & The Philanthrocapitalist Swindle” The American Vandal (February 4, 2025)

Jacob Silverman, “The Death of an AI Whistleblower” The Nation (May 2026)

Nick Srnicek, Silicon Empires: The Fight For The Future of AI (Polity, 2026)

Ben Tarnoff, “Frankenstein’s Regret” The Nation (May 2026)

Wake Forest Humanities Institute, “Language, Theory, & Artificial Intelligence” (May 2026)

McKenzie Wark, Capital Is Dead: Is This Something Worse? (Verso, 2019)"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.aaup.org/issue/spring-2026">
    <title>Spring 2026: AI in the Corporate University | AAUP</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-07T05:58:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.aaup.org/issue/spring-2026</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Volume 112, Number 2

Features

What Does AI Do?
By Daniel Greene

AI and Critical Thinking
By Heather Hax

Cal State’s War on Working-Class Education
By Martha Lincoln and Martha Kenney

Color-Coded Austerity and Shades of Gray
By David Kinsella

AI as a War Issue, War as a Workers’ Issue
By Justine Zhang, Shreya Chowdhary, and Nathan Kim

Keeping Humans in the Loop
By Troy A. Swanson

Bringing the Fragments Together
By Britt Paris and Rebecca Reynolds

The AI Nuisance
By Jonathan Rees

Online Only

Lessons from the Faculty of a Small Denominational Seminary on Defending Academic Freedom
By Richard L. Hester

Intellectual Property and Brainpower Versus AI in Academic Publishing
By Kelly Hand

Teaching Climate Change in the Age of ChatGPT
By Debra J. Rosenthal

Book Reviews

Lessons and Cautionary Tales from Big Tech
By Lisa Pinley Covert

Pedagogical Practices to Close the Achievement Gap
By Terry Carter

Respect for Me but Not for Thee
By Dan-el Padilla Peralta

Columns

From the Editor: AI in the Corporate University
By Michael Ferguson

Nota Bene

AAUP Members Mobilize in Campus Actions
By Kelly Benjamin

2025–26 AAUP Faculty Compensation Survey Results
By Glenn Colby

Legal Developments
By Johnda Bentley

AAUP and AFT Launch Higher Education Platform
By Kelly Benjamin

Coalition Challenges Campus Ties to ICE Contractors
By Sean Rudolph

Faculty Raise Concerns About Proposed Accreditor
By Sean Rudolph

New Faculty Unions in Maryland Secure First Contracts
By Michael Ferguson

UAKU Ratifies Landmark First Contract
By Michael Ferguson

Report on Academic Freedom and Collective Bargaining
By Anita Levy

CDAF Resources for the Academic Community
By Kathryn Taylor

Organize Every Campus Campaign Builds Core Skills
By Trent McDonald

New Staff Appointments
By Austin Rhea"]]></description>
<dc:subject>ai artificialintelligence highered highereducation academia universities colleges 2026 via:javierarbona danielgreene criticalthinking pedagogy education csu class marthalincoln marthakenney daidkinsella justinezhang shreyachowdhary nathankim troyswanson brittparis rebeccareynolds jonathanrees richardhester debrarosenthal kellyhand lisapinleycovert terrycarter dan-elpadillaperalta michaelferguson kellybenjamin glenncolby johndabentley seanrudolph anitalevy trendtmcdonald austinrhea austerity academicfreedom climatechange globalwarming climate administration howweteach teaching californiastateuniversity california</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://hyperallergic.com/the-death-of-the-art-school/">
    <title>The Death of the Art School</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-06T02:25:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://hyperallergic.com/the-death-of-the-art-school/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The rampant corporatization and “administrification” of American higher-education institutions has turned students into mere consumers."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KaSa61inr8g">
    <title>The Truth About Wokeness with Musa al-Gharbi | Ep 22 - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T05:27:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KaSa61inr8g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What happens when the guardians of cultural narratives and societal norms become inseparable from the very hierarchies they critique? Today, we explore the concept of "symbolic capitalists" with Musa al-Gharbi, author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite and assistant professor at the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University.

In this conversation, Musa discusses the role of symbolic capitalists in perpetuating societal inequalities and how their influence extends to academia and media. His latest book, "We Have Never Been Woke," provides a radical yet introspective take on these themes. Drawing from his experiences at elite institutions like Columbia University, he highlights the paradoxes and internal contradictions of symbolic capitalism. Join us as Musa al-Gharbi articulates the complicity of the professional-managerial class in societal injustices and reflects on the role of identity and networks in shaping academic and professional paths.

In This Episode:
• Definition and impact of symbolic capitalists
• Collaboration between symbolic and traditional capitalists
• Moral and ethical implications of symbolic professions
• The interplay between academia and elite credentialing
• Disparities within symbolic professions
• Exploitation of adjunct professors in higher education
• Historical context of social justice movements among symbolic capitalists
• The symbolic performance of advocacy vs. direct action
• Revisiting the relationship between personal success and systemic inequality

About Musa:
Musa al-Gharbi, Ph.D., is the Daniel Bell Research Fellow at Heterodox Academy, and an assistant professor of journalism, communication and sociology at Stony Brook University. Musa is the Author of We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, published by Princeton University Press. He is a columnist for The Guardian and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, and The Atlantic, among other publications."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain">
    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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    <title>Everything Was Already AI - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-09T19:34:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km2bn0HvUwg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Feedback welcome, hope you enjoy this video which was a lot of fun to make (albeit late)

References (in rough order of appearance)

How to Make Realistic Predictions About AI, Tantham
https://curveshift.net/p/how-to-make-realistic-predictions

Silicon Valley Insider EXPOSES Cult-Like AI Companies | Aaron Bastani Meets Karen Hao 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8enXRDlWguU

‘Large AI models are cultural and social technologies’, Farrell et al.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adt9819

Artificial Intelligences, Herbert Simon

Debunking Economics, Keen 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Debunking_Economics

Scientists Just Discovered Why All Pop Music Sounds Exactly the Same
https://www.mic.com/articles/107896/scientists-finally-prove-why-pop-music-all-sounds-the-same

The Dorito Effect, Shatzker
https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Dorito-Effect/Mark-Schatzker/9781476724232

How Corporations Hijacked Anti-AI Backlash 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRq0pESKJgg

The Stock Market is a Conventional Wisdom Processor: Why Trump’s Tariffs Crashed the Stock Market While the Trump Musk Payments Crisis Hasn’t (Yet), Tankus
https://www.crisesnotes.com/content/files/2025/04/The-Stock-Market-is-a-Conventional-Wisdom-Processor-Why-Trump-s-Tariffs-Crashed-the-Stock-Market-While-the-Trump-Musk-Payments-Crisis-Hasn-t--Yet-.pdf

Elon Musk’s Billionaire Games - Between the Scenes | The Daily Show 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gqlbn2nPO-A

The Job Market Is Hell: Young people are using ChatGPT to write their applications; HR is using AI to read them; no one is getting hired. By Annie Lowrey
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/09/job-market-hell/684133/

What's Wrong with Capitalism (Part 1) | ContraPoints 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJW4-cOZt8A

Disney is Perfectly Happy With Their Catastrophic Downfall
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GW2Zr8Q6Xqw  

Mr. Plinkett's What Happened To Star Wars?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xeMak4RqJA

AI Slop Is Destroying The Internet
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zfN9wnPvU0

Artificial Intelligence and the Digital Economy - with Dr Stuart Mills
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9E6p3J9dko8

An Existing, Ecologically-Successful Genus Of Collectively Intelligent Artificial Creatures, Kuipers
https://arxiv.org/abs/1204.4116
https://web.eecs.umich.edu/~kuipers/papers/Kuipers-ci-12.pdf

AI Integration Is the New Moat, Tim O’Reilly
https://www.oreilly.com/radar/integration-is-the-new-moat/

Dirty Little Marketing Secrets That Always Work - Rory Sutherland (4K)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvpw4_O25eU

The Time for Cybernetics Has Come - with Daniel Davies
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3HpdNGvJDc

notes on the industrialisation of decision making, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/notes-on-the-industrialisation-of

the only message the channel can carry is a scream, Davies
https://backofmind.substack.com/p/the-only-message-the-channel-can

The AI Circular Economy, Blakeley
https://graceblakeley.substack.com/p/the-ai-circular-economy

The Case Against Generative AI, Zitron
https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-case-against-generative-ai/

The Map is Eating the Territory: The Political Economy of AI, Farrell
https://www.programmablemutter.com/p/the-political-economy-of-ai

the ending of every 7 hour video essay
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8reiauyQCM 

Further reading

AI: What Could Go Wrong? with Geoffrey Hinton - The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart | Podcast on Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/episode/4pWuwQq8M8Gzf9F9U0AYZW

Transformers, the tech behind LLMs | Deep Learning Chapter 5 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjZofJX0v4M

You're Being Lied To About Private Equity | Truth Complex 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pzLhWCxH_g 

AI As a Normal Technology, Arvind Narayanan & Sayash Kapoor
https://knightcolumbia.org/content/ai-as-normal-technology "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://proteanmag.com/2025/12/23/the-workplace-arms-race/">
    <title>The Workplace Arms Race • Protean Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T16:14:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://proteanmag.com/2025/12/23/the-workplace-arms-race/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Last year in June, Wells Fargo fired a dozen employees for tricking bosses into thinking they were working by using devices that “simulated keyboard activity.” One such gadget, known as a “mouse jiggler,” prevents a computer from going to sleep by moving the cursor around the screen. Jigglers are widely available online for under $10. Just don’t to try to expense one.

Concerns about worker productivity surged during COVID-19 lockdowns. With managers forced to keep a safe distance from employees working from home, businesses deployed assorted digital tools to monitor them. In addition to tracking mouse movements, they logged keystrokes, emails, and app usage. More intrusive surveillance technologies also emerged, such as facial recognition software that gauged attention during virtual meetings and webcams that periodically snapped photos of employees. Debates erupted over the ethics of these tools, and many remote workers feared that “bossware” underreported their work. Measuring productivity through mouse clicks overlooked numerous tasks, including time spent working away from the computer. To meet performance targets, some employees reported skipping meals and extending their workday late into the evening. Still others sought out countermeasures, turning to TikTok and Reddit for tutorials on mouse jigglers, keystroke simulators, and even “Zoom presence” spoofers.

The capitalist workplace has always been an arms race, where managerial gimmicks for intensifying work are met by workers’ attempts to resist them. What distinguishes the present circumstances is that managers are increasingly physically distant from their employees, if not removed from the equation entirely. From call centers to coffee shops, software now handles innumerable tasks that were until quite recently reserved for human managers, such as scheduling shifts and issuing instructions. What does this new managerial regime mean for the future of work—and how might it shape opportunities for subversion?

In Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work (Verso, 2024), Craig Gent looks to logistics workplaces for answers. As algorithmic management spreads across industries, its effects are most pronounced in distribution centers and delivery vans, where this novel mode of control has already taken root. Logistics, Gent contends, is not just a “pathfinder sector” for algorithmic management but a battleground, with the downstream workers—the ones who are tasked with storing, sorting, and delivering commodities—fighting on the frontlines against algorithmic intrusion. As digital technologies transform how workplaces are managed, workers must reassess whether their tactics of resistance are fit for purpose. In this fast-moving struggle, even mouse jigglers have a role to play."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/ai-is-destroying-the-university-and-learning-itself">
    <title>AI is Destroying the University and Learning Itself</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-15T04:54:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.currentaffairs.org/news/ai-is-destroying-the-university-and-learning-itself</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Students use AI to write papers, professors use AI to grade them, degrees become meaningless, and tech companies make fortunes. Welcome to the death of higher education."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/relationships/how-to-turn-the-bureaucratic-grind-of-life-into-a-party-7205f690">
    <title>How to Turn the Bureaucratic Grind of Life Into a Party - WSJ</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-20T06:02:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/relationships/how-to-turn-the-bureaucratic-grind-of-life-into-a-party-7205f690</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We all feel it: the growing stream of administrative tasks sapping our time, spirits and social lives. Admin Night represents a tiny, nerdy resistance."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/UfdqM ]

"Six years ago, after watching my circle of friends surrender one too many evenings to insurance wrangling and doctor portals and DMV confusion, I emailed them a proposal: Come over next Tuesday. Grab a six pack. And bring your bills, your credit-card statements, your school forms, the streaming services you need to unsubscribe from, the airline miles you need to manage, the expenses app you need to figure out. I’d be throwing the lamest party ever.  

At the heart of this party was a truth that has gone under-acknowledged in recent years: We’re all sinking. We’re sinking into a quicksand of tiny, dumb administrative tasks. It is the most tedious quicksand imaginable. 

Tasks once accomplished with a quick phone call now require logging into a new website, which requires remembering yet another password. Disputing a charge means arguing with a chipper chatbot, or submitting to an hour of brain-melting hold music—call volume higher than expected!—only to be disconnected. 

These obligations have swollen beyond petty annoyance into their own distinct sphere of activity, neither work nor not-work. Meanwhile, our days still revolve around those two primary modes. In that disconnect has blossomed a growing depletion, with social and civic and familial costs I don’t believe we’ve reckoned with.

Thirty-seven percent of adults aged 18–40 say they are overwhelmed by the devices and subscriptions they need to manage, according to a 2023 Deloitte study. In the U.K., a 2023 report from the Citizens Advice service, a nonprofit that helps people manage everyday concerns, estimates that British consumers spent more than 49 million hours that year attempting to fix problems caused by deceptive digital design tactics.

Looking at the proliferation of do-it-yourself online tasks, the software company Liferay calculated this year that 82% of adults in the U.S. find themselves doing work once handled by an employee.

Lina Khan, the former head of the Federal Trade Commission, told me that her time at the agency showed her people beset by exhaustion and distrust—drained not just of time but of faith that the system works. “People increasingly feel like they have to gear up for battle just to go about the most mundane day-to-day transactions,” she said.

Bring me your tired, your confused, your huddled masses yearning to complete insurance prior-authorization forms.

But I’m not here to talk about policy. I’m here to recruit. 

I called my nerdy little party Admin Night. The premise: deal with the stuff we’ve been putting off, help each other when possible (“anyone have luck connecting with Comcast?”) and make a fun evening of something onerous. 

Wendy might organize her desktop as Chas investigates a mysterious bank charge. Perhaps Maria plunges into her yearlong effort to secure long-term care for her mom—getting the insurance company to talk to the third-party records handler, who won’t talk to Kaiser and so forth. After half an hour, we crack a beer and shoot the breeze. Then we dive back in. Home by 10.

Right away we marveled at how productive we were. Having friends hammer away beside you, faces lighted by the same bureaucratic glow, somehow makes dreaded tasks manageable. Little projects postponed for years—closing a checking account, updating a will—become approachable when you’ve got a squad. We even start sharing wisdom: how to roll over a 401(k), how to get that refund. (Guessing a CEO’s email address, we’ve found, can be surprisingly effective.)

But soon it became clear something larger was happening—a kind of awakening. Between sessions, conversation inevitably turns to how things got this way: the fracturing of the consumer landscape, the rise of the subscription model, the corporate pivot from “service” to “self-service.”

Admin Night is refreshingly bipartisan in this polarized era—turns out nobody likes that chipper chatbot. And we all agree that the institutions—unions, regulators, community groups—that once shielded us from bureaucratic load and consumer abuse have lost the ability to do so. So, within our patch of common ground, all kinds of civic muscles start twitching again.

What would a society look like if it valued our time as much as our data? If we can organize our inboxes together, what else might we organize—a food drive, a boycott, a march? And how can the work of Admin Night be more evenly distributed? (Maria’s endless effort to secure care for her mother is galling in its own right; it is unconscionable in what it implies for those without the time or resources to fight like this for their mothers.)

Finally, Admin Night takes aim at the isolation fanned by our collective overwhelm. Our slow collective drift from one another isn’t just about screens, after all, but the endless micro-obligations that keep us tethered to them. I’m not quite ready to blame our national loneliness epidemic on two-factor authentication and automated help desks. But grinding away at the kitchen table night after night with an increasing amount of paperwork represents a profound shift from how life used to be. 

So join me. Invite some folks over, have them bring refreshments and bills, school forms, jury-duty summonses—whatever looms. The only rules I recommend: no doing your actual job, and no talking on the phone. It’s OK—very little gets accomplished that way anymore anyway. 

Admin Night won’t restore all our stolen hours. (When I first christened it, I told myself I’d come up with a cleverer name once I had free time. I’m still waiting.) It also won’t solve things at a structural level. But it wakes us up to the need for those solutions, and it turns our private drudgery into communal solidarity and gives us back the only commodity that ever really mattered: our time.

Chris Colin’s writing has appeared in the Atlantic, the New York Times Magazine, and “Best American Science and Nature Writing.” He lives in San Francisco."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/">
    <title>Can we 'reform' the City Charter without addressing economic inequality? - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-12T06:01:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/11/can-we-reform-the-city-charter-without-addressing-economic-inequality/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["SPUR, like a lot of neoliberal groups, argues that this kind of direct democracy is cumbersome, and that many of these issues are best addressed by elected officials. SPUR CEO Sean Elsbernd told me that the voters will always have a direct say—by voting for the people who run the city. Those people should be accountable, and if the voters don’t like what the elected officials are doing, they can vote for someone else in the next election.

In theory, that’s how things should work.

But it minimizes the role that big money has played in every mayor’s race since the 1970s. Progressive candidates for the executive office have been consistently swamped with piles of cash from real estate, tech, finance, and now, individual billionaires.

The reason California has the initiative process is that Southern Pacific Railroad once controlled the entire Legislature; nothing good would happen without direct democracy.

I know, times are different now, and some things that go on the ballot don’t need to. But when you undermine the ability of the voters to do what elected officials won’t, you need to tread carefully.

A lot of agencies that are now in the City Charter could probably be moved into the Administrative Code without creating any problems. I actually think that Muni should be directly under the mayor and the supes; the SFMTA was created as a way to “de-politicize” decisions like fares and route changes. It’s created instead a lack of accountability.

Elsbernd told me that the mayor needs the authority to hire and fire department heads. I agree. And I can’t think of a time in my 40 years as a reporter that the mayor has wanted to hire or fire a department head and has been blocked by a commission; the commissions are controlled by the mayor. (Note the process for hiring a new planning director.)

But “streamlining” often means getting rid of charter commissions that give the public more input. The Public Health Department was once controlled by the city administrator; creating a commission to oversee public health was widely accepted as a progressive reform."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://sf.gazetteer.co/inside-sfusds-response-to-the-troop-surge-that-wasnt">
    <title>Inside SFUSD’s response to the troop surge that wasn’t</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-29T04:03:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://sf.gazetteer.co/inside-sfusds-response-to-the-troop-surge-that-wasnt</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[archived:
https://archive.ph/EiWoV ]

"Last week’s narrowly averted plan by President Donald Trump to deploy federal troops in San Francisco triggered a response from the city’s public school system. While Mayor Daniel Lurie and powerful figures like Marc Benioff and Jensen Huang prevented the deployment for the time being, the threat served as a real-time test of how the San Francisco United School District might deal with immigration enforcement at its schools. While some school staff members found the response sufficient, principals with deeper insight into the district’s reaction told Gazetteer SF that the plan was thin on details and required them to improvise.

The plan was disclosed at an emergency meeting held by SFUSD Superintendent Maria Su with San Francisco principals and attended by general counsel Manuel Martinez on Wednesday afternoon shortly after Trump made his troop surge threats. The presentation included a deck (obtained by Gazetteer SF) of seven slides titled “Federal presence in SF Response,” addressing what teachers are supposed to do if their schools or students are approached by federal agents.

The deck contained an Emergency Operations Center flowchart showing information moving from Su to Martinez to Hong Mei Pang, the district’s top communications official, and then through four other district officials and their designated SFUSD divisions.

It also had links, including one to a script for principals to reference if immigration or ICE officials show up at schools. It tells them to direct immigration officials to SFUSD headquarters. “If they are already in the building and refuse to leave,” principals are told to direct agents to remain in the school’s main office while the principals coordinate with Martinez and Su for guidance. It also links to information and documents principals are supposed to collect from immigration officers who refuse to go to SFUSD headquarters.

“Many school leaders were hoping for a more robust response plan,” said Anna Klafter, the principal at Independence High School. SFUSD’s response, Klafter said, was “less comprehensive than it could’ve been… In fact, some site leaders have already developed more comprehensive plans with their teachers and staff, independent of the district plan.”

Klafter noted that In Los Angeles, where ICE officials have detained students, the city’s school district worked with community partners to create safe zones around schools. At those schools with higher percentages of immigrant students, Los Angeles has prepared responses for different scenarios, including ICE moving into a particular neighborhood or near a school, or if agents approach parents taking kids to school, Klafter said. Partly in reaction to this concern, District 5 Supervisor Bilal Mahmood is proposing legislation to create such safe zones, the San Francisco Chronicle reported Friday.

Teachers reported feeling nervous for much of last week and that Wednesday, before the deployment was called off, was particularly difficult. “I think my biggest worry was, is someone going to come and try to take one of my kids, and, like, that’s on me to make sure that doesn’t happen,” said one special education teacher who spoke on condition of anonymity because she isn’t authorized to speak for the district.

The teacher said a number of her special education students didn’t come to school last week because even if they weren’t at risk of being detained, their parents worried about what they might see and experience. She was particularly concerned about nonverbal students, and their ability to express feelings of fear.

The teacher said her school’s staff is on a group chat and that the principal was a key player in relaying the information. “If, for some horrible reason, ICE comes to our school, I have the phone numbers available of who to call from the district to help us,” the teacher said. SFUSD, she said, “is doing the best that they can to prepare for this kind of unknown, which hopefully isn’t going to come.”

But SFUSD might be getting more credit than it deserves, thanks to the creative improvisation of its principals. Another principal, who also spoke on condition of anonymity because he also isn’t authorized to speak about district procedures, said staff members at schools with large immigrant populations reacted differently than schools with students and families who aren’t at risk of detainment and deportation.

“I think SFUSD is guilty of being reactive, and doesn’t have the bandwidth to do a lot proactively,” the principal told Gazetteer in a text message.

In an emailed response to a detailed message asking about the criticism of SFUSD response to the deployment threat, a school district spokesperson said in an unsigned email that it “remains deeply committed to proactively supporting school communities and school leaders.”

The principal I spoke to said San Francisco’s school district is tacitly allowing schools to improvise and tailor their responses, even if they’re not hewing to district policy, because SFUSD officials are aware of the weaknesses in the official response. Had the deployment of federal agents moved forward, he suspects the district’s response would’ve been more concrete and useful. “I think/ hope it would have evolved,” the principal wrote in the text.

I spoke briefly with Superintendent Su after Lurie’s Thursday press conference. She told me that on Oct. 20, the day after President Trump said he would send National Guard troops to San Francisco, “we very quickly stood up our emergency response, and became prepared.”

That meant making sure students filled out their emergency forms, that families have emergency plans and know their rights, and “making sure that our schools have a continuity of learning plan, and a crisis response plan on their school sites,” she said.

“We started to organize ourselves so that we could rapidly respond if there was an incident that occurred,” Su said. “It’s always very important for us to continue to prepare our students, and go through training like that in this particular situation.” Su added that so far, no federal agents, including those from ICE, have confronted students or family members at any public school.

“We will stay vigilant and continue to communicate clearly about any developments that may affect our school communities,” Su said.
“The overview that we got was basically like, ‘Don't worry about those possible scenarios, we’ll deal with those when we get there,’” Klafter said, referring to the Wednesday presentation. Martinez, SFUSD’s general counsel, advised principals that school staff should avoid physical conflict with federal agents.

The response from principals was, “OK, but what do we do if they don’t listen to us, or if they’re trying to force their way in?” Klafter said. “There were a lot of questions from the school leaders."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/banking-on-it/">
    <title>Banking on It</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-11T03:49:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/banking-on-it/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The news is bad. I mean that in both senses: "bad news" and "news, bad."

There's been much discussion this week of Trump's "university compact," his attempt to bribe the administrations at nine universities by promising them access to funding in exchange for agreeing to support Trump's political agenda. "The compact would require colleges to freeze tuition for five years, cap the enrollment of international students and commit to strict definitions of gender. Among other steps, universities would also be required to change their governance structures to prohibit anything that would 'punish, belittle and even spark violence against conservative ideas'," according to The New York Times. 

Political scientist Henry Farrell argues that this is a demonstration of weakness, not strength. As he wrote in a NYT op-ed, "The struggle over regime change is about whether the aspiring authoritarians can subdue civil society. Their strategy is to play divide and conquer, rewarding friends and brutally punishing opponents. They win when society cracks, creating a self-enforcing set of expectations, in which everyone shuts up and complies because everyone expects everyone else to shut up and comply, too." 

But as Timothy Burke observes, there are a fair number of people in positions of power – university leadership, corporate leadership, media leadership – who seem quite happy to comply, not so much as a full-throated embrace of fascism, as a smug sense of retribution: "They’re not seeing Trumpism for what it is nor what it is set to become, but instead as a kind of brief, evanescent opportunity for settling scores and putting themselves back in charge as they were meant to be." This moment provides them an opportunity to pushback on "DEI," most obviously, but all sort of changing norms around race, gender, religion, health, language, labor, behavior, bodies. – changes about which these people are so incredibly uncomfortable, so incredibly aggrieved.

I've written repeatedly about the role that venture capitalism plays in (mis)shaping education: through the funding of particular startups, through the manufacturing of particular narratives about school, for example. But it would be a mistake to reduce this to the efforts of the Marc Andreessens of the world. As we see in this new "university compact," the pressures here are coming from a different billionaire from a different financial sub-sector: namely Marc Rowan, the head of the private equity firm Apollo Global Management. (Apollo's education portfolio includes the University of Phoenix and McGraw-Hill.) While Rowan's efforts here are overtly ideological – he's mad about pro-Palestinian activism on college campuses, The NYT suggests – he is quite literally in the business of another ongoing shift in education (also ideological, I'd say): that is, its financialization. Here, the key outcome of school is profit for investors, with less and less and less of any semblance of academic mission – certainly no room for curiosity or play. Students, research, the very brick-and-mortar itself – these are all reduced to capital, to data, to transactions, and – investors hope – to value that can be extracted and monetized and sold off to the highest bidder.

Ideas – ideas that challenge the status quo of capitalism, sure, but really, any sort of new or critical thinking at all – are a threat. Trump provides an opportunity – and I can almost almost write this with a straight face – to put an end to ideas.

As does "AI."

"AI" promises the end of ideas, the end of thinking, the end of professors and intellectuals (good riddance), the end of work (or at least, the end of organized labor) – and a future of endless wealth.

(I am reminded here of a quote by David Graeber, that "if working-class Bush voters tend to resent intellectuals more than they do the rich, then, the most likely reason is because they can imagine scenarios in which they might become rich, but cannot imagine one in which they, or any of their children, cold ever become members of the intelligentsia.")"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://biblioracle.substack.com/p/bullsht-writing">
    <title>Bullsh*t Writing - by John Warner</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-29T19:32:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://biblioracle.substack.com/p/bullsht-writing</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A deleted chapter from More Than Words: How to Think About Writing in the Age of AI"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek">
    <title>Against the New McCarthyism: Organizing Resistance in Higher Education - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-16T04:37:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Trump regime took advantage of the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement under the Biden administration to launch a full-scale assault on higher education. He has unleashed ICE on student activists, branded any dissent against Israel’s genocidal war “antisemitic,” bullied universities into cancelling programs on race and gender, and defunded entire institutions. Join us for this Spectre Live panel of activist educators to discuss how to resist Trump’s New McCarthyism.


--------------------------------------------------------------

Speakers:

Isaac Kamola is a professor of political science at Trinity College, Hartford, CT. He is author of Free Speech and Koch Money: Manufacturing a Campus Culture War (2021) and Making the World Global: US Universities and the Production of the Global Imaginary (2019). He currently directs the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom at the American Association of University Professors (AAUP).

Heba Gowayed is a writer and associate professor sociology at CUNY Hunter college and a current Carnegie Fellow. She is the author of Refuge: How the State Shapes Human Potential (2022).

Vineeta Singh is a fellow at AAUP’s Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom, an associate editor of Ethnic Studies Review, and a non-tenure track college teacher. She studies the history of US higher education as a site of racial contestation, so we can put contemporary confrontations about “diversity, equity, and inclusion” in the context of the four hundred years of racial capitalism. Her work for the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom is currently available as a limited run series on the podcast “AAUP Presents.”

Zoé Samudzi is a Postdoctoral Scholar in the Department of African-American and Africana Studies at The Ohio State University. She is also a Global Blackness Fellow with the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Studies at the University of Johannesburg, and a fellow with African Museums and Heritage Restitution (AFRIMUHERE)."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thestillwandering.substack.com/p/the-death-of-the-corporate-job">
    <title>The death of the corporate job. - by Alex - Still Wandering</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-05T17:33:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thestillwandering.substack.com/p/the-death-of-the-corporate-job</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Last week, I had coffee with someone who works at a big consulting firm. She spent twenty minutes explaining her role to me. Not because it was complex, but because she was trying to convince herself it existed. "I facilitate stakeholder alignment across cross-functional workstreams," she said. Then laughed. "I genuinely don't know what that means anymore."

She's not alone. I keep meeting people who describe their jobs using words they'd never use in normal conversation. They attend meetings about meetings. They create PowerPoints that no one reads, which get shared in emails no one opens, which generate tasks that don't need doing.

The strangest part: everyone knows. When you get people alone, after work, maybe after they've had time to decompress, they'll admit it. Their job is basically elaborate performance art. They're professional email forwards. They're human middleware between systems that could probably talk directly to each other.

This isn't leading where you'd expect.

The Great Pretending

Walk through the City or Canary Wharf at 8am and you'll see thousands of people who look purposeful. Sharp suits, coffee in hand, calls already starting. The whole thing looks impressively important.

But talk to those same people individually, and a different story emerges. They're in back-to-back meetings where nothing gets decided. They're managing projects that exist primarily to justify the existence of project managers. They're creating strategies for strategies, optimising things that didn't need optimising, disrupting things that were working fine.

A friend at a major bank recently told me about his typical day. He arrives at 8am, leaves at 8pm, and when I asked what he actually did in those twelve hours, he couldn't point to a single tangible thing. "I enable decision-making," he said, then caught himself. "Whatever that means."

The pandemic pulled back the curtain for a moment. When everyone worked from home, it became obvious who was actually doing things and who was just... there. Some people's entire roles evaporated when they couldn't physically attend meetings. Others discovered they could do their "full-time" job in about three hours a day.

Now we're back in offices, and everyone's pretending again. But something's shifted. The pretence feels different. More conscious. More exhausting.

The hidden economy of nonsense

The economist David Graeber called these "bullshit jobs"—roles that even the people doing them suspect are pointless. But I think it's evolved beyond that. We've built entire ecosystems of mutual nonsense.

Consider the average corporate decision. It starts with someone identifying a "opportunity" (usually a non-problem). This triggers a cascade: analysts analyse, consultants consult, middle managers manage the consultation of the analysis. Workshops are held. Stakeholders are engaged. Decks are created.

Months later, something might happen. Usually, it's a minor adjustment that could have been made in an afternoon by anyone with common sense.

Everyone involved knows this. The analyst knows their model is largely guesswork. The consultant knows their framework is just common sense in a matrix. The manager knows the workshop is theatre. But they all need each other to maintain the illusion.

It's like a corporate version of the emperor's new clothes, except everyone can see the emperor is naked, everyone knows everyone can see it, but we've all agreed to keep complimenting his outfit because our mortgages depend on it.

The parallel system

What's emerging isn't the collapse of corporate work—it's something more interesting. People are building parallel systems of actual value while maintaining their corporate personas.

I know developers who do their "official" job in the morning and build their own products in the afternoon. Marketers who run their agencies from their corporate desks. Consultants who've automated their actual deliverables and spend most of their time on side projects.

They're not quitting. They're using the corporate infrastructure—the steady salary, the laptop, the stability—as a platform for building something real. The corporate role hasn't died; it's become a funding mechanism for actual work.

One person I spoke to called it "corporate entrepreneurship"—not in the LinkedIn way where you're an "intrapreneur" innovating within your company, but in the sense that you're using your corporate presence to subsidise your real work.

The Young and the Restless

This is particularly acute for people in their twenties. We entered the workforce just as the illusion was becoming impossible to maintain. We never had that period where we could believe our corporate roles were meaningful.

My friends from university are scattered across London's glass towers, and virtually none of them believe their job title describes anything real. They're "Growth Hackers" who've never hacked anything, "Digital Transformation Leads" transforming nothing, "Innovation Managers" managing the absence of innovation.

But instead of the existential crisis you'd expect, there's something else emerging. A kind of pragmatic acceptance coupled with creative subversion. They're showing up, playing the game, but building escape routes.

Nobody believes in the corporate role anymore, even while performing it perfectly. The belief is gone but the performance continues.

The commute as costume change

Watch Liverpool Street station at rush hour. It's not just people travelling to work—it's a mass transformation ritual. The person who boards at 7:15am isn't the same person who'll present in that 10am meeting.

I watched someone on my train recently. Hoodie and headphones at the start. By Clapham, he was in a shirt. By Bank, full suit. His posture changed with each addition. His face rearranged itself into something I can only describe as "professional neutral."

The reverse happens every evening. The gradual shedding of corporate identity as the train moves further from the centre. By the time people reach their actual homes, they're human again.

What actually dies

The corporate role isn't dying in some dramatic collapse. It's dying like religion died for many people—slowly, through diminishing belief rather than disappearing churches.

The structures remain. The offices still gleam. The meetings still happen. The emails still flow. But the faith that this activity means something, that it's building towards something worthwhile, that it justifies the life hours it consumes—that faith is evaporating.

What replaces it isn't clear yet. Maybe it's this parallel economy of people using corporate jobs as platforms. Maybe it's something we haven't seen yet. But the transition period—where we all pretend to believe in something we know is hollow—is unsustainable.

The most honest person I've met recently was a VP at a tech company who told me: "I manage a team of twelve people who create documents for other teams who create documents for senior leadership who don't read documents. I make £150k a year. It's completely absurd, and I'm riding it as long as I can while building something real on the side."
The opportunity in the emptiness

If you're reading this from inside one of these roles, feeling like you're going slightly mad from the cognitive dissonance, you're not alone. The madness isn't in you—it's in the system that asks you to pretend that forwarding emails is a career.

The moment you stop believing in the corporate fiction is the moment you can start using it. Once you see it as infrastructure rather than identity, as a resource rather than a calling, everything shifts.

Your corporate role doesn't need to be meaningful. It needs to be useful. Useful for building skills, for funding your real projects, for buying time while you figure out what matters to you.

The death of the corporate role isn't a crisis. It's freedom from having to pretend your spreadsheet about spreadsheets is your life's work.
Permission to stop pretending

So here's your permission slip, if you need one: you can stop pretending your corporate role is real. You can show up, do the tasks, attend the meetings, but you don't have to believe in it. You don't have to tie your identity to your email signature.

The people around you probably don't believe in it either. They're just waiting for someone else to admit it first.

The corporate role is dead. Long live whatever comes next."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xb63OSTt5Fk">
    <title>Lessons Of The 68 San Francisco State Strike For Today With Jimmy Garrett - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-07T21:07:53+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xb63OSTt5Fk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The struggle at San Francisco State strike over 4 months in 1968 has lessons for today. At a LaborFest.net  event on July 22, 2025, the first SF State BSU Chair Jimmy Garrett talked about how the strike was organized including building support in the unions, working class and community and the lessons for today against a fascist government."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/17/opinion/liberal-arts-college-students-administration.html">
    <title>Opinion | This Is Who’s Really Driving the Decline in Interest in Liberal Arts Education - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-19T00:32:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/17/opinion/liberal-arts-college-students-administration.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["University students, we’re told, are in crisis. Even at our most elite institutions, they have emaciated attention spans. They can’t — or just won’t — read books. They use artificial intelligence to write their essays. They lack resilience and are beset by mental health crises. They complain that they can’t speak their minds, hobbled by an oppressive ideological monoculture and censorship regimes. As a philosopher, I am most distressed by reports that students have no appetite to study the traditional liberal arts; they understand their coursework only as a step toward specific careers.

Over the past two years as the inaugural dean of the University of Tulsa’s Honors College, focused on studying the classic texts of the Western tradition, I’ve seen little evidence of these trends. The curriculum I helped build and teach required students to read thousands of pages of difficult material every semester, decipher historical texts across disciplines and genres and debate ideas vigorously and civilly in small, Socratic seminars. It was tremendously popular among students, who not only do the reading but also engage in rigorous and lively conversations across deep differences in seminars, hallways and dorms. For the past two years, we attracted over a quarter of each freshman class to this reading-heavy, humanities-focused curriculum.

Our success in Tulsa derives from our old-fashioned approach to liberal learning, which does not attempt to prepare students for any career but equips them to fashion meaningful and deeply fulfilling lives. This classical model of education, found in the work of both Plato and Aristotle, asks students to seek to discover what is true, good and beautiful, and to understand why. It is a truly liberating education because it requires deep and sustained reflection about the ultimate questions of human life. The goal is to achieve a modicum of self-knowledge and wisdom about our own humanity. It certainly captured the hearts and minds of our students.

Sadly, this education has fared less well with my university’s new administration. After the former president and provost departed this year, the newly installed provost informed me that the Honors College must “go in a different direction.” That meant eliminating the entire dean’s office and associated staff positions as well as many of our distinctive programs and — through increased class sizes — effectively ending our small seminars. (A representative of the university told The Times that while it had “restructured” the Honors College, the university believes that academics and student experiences will “remain the same.”)

The stated reason for these cuts was to save money — the same reason the University of Tulsa gave in 2019 when it targeted many of the same traditional forms of liberal learning for elimination. Back then, the administration attempted to turn the university into a vocational school. Those efforts largely failed, in part because of lack of student support for the new model.

An unpleasant truth has emerged in Tulsa over the years. It’s not that traditional liberal learning is out of step with student demand. Instead, it’s out of step with the priorities, values and desires of a powerful board of trustees with no apparent commitment to liberal education, and an administrative class that won’t fight for the liberal arts even when it attracts both students and major financial gifts. The tragedy of the contemporary academy is that even when traditional liberal learning clearly wins with students and donors, it loses with those in power.

For those who do care to see liberal learning thrive on our campuses, the work my colleagues and I did at Tulsa should be a model. How did we do it? We created an intentional community where our students lived in the same dorm and studied the same texts. We shared wisdom, virtue and friendship as our goals. When a university education is truly rooted in the liberal arts, it can cultivate the interior habits of freedom that young people need to live well. Material success alone cannot help a person who lacks the ability to form a clear, informed vision of what is true, good and beautiful. But this vision is something our students both want and need.

At Tulsa, we invited our students to enter “the great conversation” with some of the most influential thinkers of our inherited intellectual tradition. For their first two years they encountered a set curriculum of texts from Homer to Hannah Arendt. These texts were carefully chosen by an interdisciplinary faculty because they transcend their time and place in two senses: They influenced a broader tradition, and they had the potential to help our students reflect in a sustained way on what it means to be a good human being and citizen. Our seminars were led by faculty members who did not lecture or use secondary sources. Rather, the role of the faculty members was to foster and guide conversations among our students that allowed them to think through these questions for and among themselves.

That our students threw themselves into the task of reading and discussing the great works with one another should not shock. When we — students and teachers alike — share wisdom as a common goal, we will want to do the reading, to dispute one another, to exchange ideas and arguments, to propose amendments and to offer our personal insights. Liberal learning occurs in dialogue with those who object to us, who offer a different perspective or experience — who read the same book as we do in a completely different light.

At the Honors College, we taught our students that wisdom is a distant goal, and that we need to work on ourselves as we try to approach it. We need to cultivate what our college called “the virtues of liberal learning.” For example, we need to cultivate the humility to recognize that we have much to learn from the past and from one another. We need to cultivate a love of truth for its own sake and the courage to speak our minds and to follow the truth wherever it may lead us — even when it leads us into difficult waters where our disagreements are deep and unsettling.

When students realize their own humanity is at stake in their education, they are deeply invested in it. The problem with liberal education in today’s academy does not lie with our students. The real threat to liberal learning is from an administrative class that is content to offer students far less than their own humanity calls for — and deserves."

[via:
https://blog.ayjay.org/enemies-of-the-liberal-arts/ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://wordsinspace.net/2025/06/30/i-prefer-weeds-to-ivy/">
    <title>I Prefer Weeds to Ivy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-06T19:09:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://wordsinspace.net/2025/06/30/i-prefer-weeds-to-ivy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As I described back in December, the big and small affronts and injustices experienced by women and people of color across an entire career continue to have a cumulative effect — one that drives these folks from the academy at higher rates than those in other demographics. I’m one of those statistics. And now that so many hard-won reforms and protections are being erased, such attrition will likely increase.

Through both casual conversations and official mentoring over the past two years, I’ve gathered multiple resonant testimonials. I heard from senior women colleagues, women staff at all levels, former and current deans, and ombudspersons who told heartbreaking stories of humiliation and hostility, burnout and retreat (just tonight, I listened as two women staff friends strategized about stretching their family and medical leave time to address debilitating exhaustion). I learned about various gender-based discrimination legal settlements. A woman administrator preemptively commiserated with my questions and concerns, noting that she has often observed the university’s inability to deliver on its promises to senior recruits. And while an all-woman ombuds team acknowledged the anomalous messiness of my specific case, they also described similar laments of disillusionment and demoralization. Many long-term faculty and staff spoke of “coldness” and the necessity of dissociation as a coping mechanism.

These women colleagues and supervisors invariably commiserated and offered support, but the men in leadership who make the material decisions about remedies were unmoved. My departure, to them, was merely a routine, voluntary resignation. Yes, I did tender my own resignation, but I did so reluctantly — after having dedicated a quarter-century and my whole brain to this noble, collective enterprise; after realizing that I simply couldn’t be the person they recruited under the conditions they provided. I also resigned because I had to: the stress of 2022-24 triggered my arrhythmia — which, in the past, manifested every few years — a few times every week.

I’m good at this job. Rather, I was good at this job — and I’ll become so again in an environment whose values align with those that animate my work: the small, the weird, the local, the public, the principled.

I leave here having lost a lot: time, money, several inches of my intestines, confidence, a bit of my self. I’ll also lose tenure and academic library access. And while I’m technically more-than-qualified for emeritus status — and I’d really appreciate it, given my decades of service and accomplishment — I don’t see that happening at Penn, and TNS doesn’t grant such titles retroactively.

What I’ve gathered are stories, documentation*, caveats I can offer to others, whispers I can pass on, camaraderie and solidarity I can extend to those who find themselves lost and lonely, encouragement for those who blaze their own trails, reminders that, while the U.S. academy is one of the nation’s greatest achievements and public goods, and while it’s worth fighting for, it needn’t be — and shouldn’t be — preserved in its present neoliberal form. There’s so much that can be reimagined.

(*The ombuds team told me to track everything. I have notes.)

I’ve also reaffirmed what politics of knowledge I value — particularly in this era of stupidity and cruelty — and how and where I want to live those values: by animating networks between public knowledge institutions in the city that shaped my intellectual and creative identity. New York, I can’t wait to think with you again.

Through my new role as the Director of Creative Research at the Metropolitan New York Library Council, I’ll launch a new series of classes that trace “exuberantly interdisciplinary” links between the collections, staff, and services at NYC’s hundreds of libraries and archives. Each class will make an experimental publication, like the ones I’ve made before (provided I can secure funding — maybe you’d like to help? 😉). We’re also creating an outdoor library and designing programs that encourage us to rethink collection, preservation, storage, discovery, metadata, and other core principles through an ecological lens. And I’ll continue my own research — ideally in collaboration with the city’s brilliant scholars, artists, and designers. Through all of these endeavors, we aim to highlight the “vital importance of trusted public knowledge, of robust investment in cultural institutions, and of mutual aid, solidarity, and coalition-building” in an age when such values are under attack."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jK6ssuyMkVs">
    <title>The Obscurant Function of 'Artificial Intelligence' with Edward Ongweso Jr - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-17T03:22:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jK6ssuyMkVs</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we speak with Edward Ongweso Jr about "artificial intelligence" and its implications, particularly concerning corporate interests and historical parallels with labor control. Edward critiques the term “artificial intelligence” for obscuring the underlying digital technologies and algorithmic systems that serve corporate agendas, emphasizing the narrow view of intelligence that excludes human cognitive elements. The conversation delves into the historical roots of computation, drawing parallels between modern AI and 19th-century plantation management techniques aimed at maximizing productivity and control. 

We also explore the exploitation of global south workers in AI development, likening it to racialized regimes of chattel slavery. Furthermore, Ongweso critiques the concept of surveillance capitalism, arguing that surveillance has been integral to capitalism since its origins, particularly post-World War II, through marketing revolutions, the military-industrial complex, and financialization. The discussion concludes with an analysis of techno-authoritarianism, highlighting Silicon Valley's historical hostility to democracy and its prioritization of technologies that advance surveillance and social control.  Edward is a writer and editor based in Brooklyn, NY. Most of his work centers around tech criticism, labor and financial reporting, and book reviews. He is also the co-host of This Machine Kills, a podcast started in 2020 to discuss the political economy of technology.  Support us via Patreon or BuyMeACoffee    Relevant Links:    Surveillance capitalism vs techno-feudalism vs techno-authoritarianism   A Materialist Approach to the Tech Industry: From Household to Military Tech with Dwayne Monroe"

[See also:

"AI, slavery, surveillance, and capitalism
(or AI for The Labor Question & What is Silicon Valley?)"
https://thetechbubble.substack.com/p/ai-slavery-surveillance-and-capitalism ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3JTQy-kDohA">
    <title>How Work Has Changed in the Wake of Covid | KQED Forum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-13T19:14:39+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3JTQy-kDohA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As part of our series looking back on how the pandemic changed us, 5 years on, we examine the way we work.  From working remotely to handling childcare needs to coping with being an essential worker, Covid forced innovations and exposed fault lines in the nation’s employment structure. We’ll talk about what we learned and we hear from you: How did the pandemic change how you do your job and think about work?

Guests:

Nicholas A Bloom, professor of economics, Stanford University — senior fellow, Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research

Joan Williams, former professor of law, UC Law School San Francisco, and the founding director of the Center for WorkLife Law; UC Hastings College of the Law - author of White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America and the forthcoming title, "Outclassed: How the Left Lost the Working Class"

Aki Ito, chief correspondent, Business Insider; Ito covers workplace issues, including burnout, hustle culture, and the end of workplace loyalty."]]></description>
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    <title>Israel’s Oldest Newspaper Tried to Smear Us. We Recorded the Whole Thing. - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-04T05:12:44+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VlNJWDxGfYE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Israel’s oldest newspaper tried to run a hit piece against us.

Luckily, we recorded the whole thing.

Hear this Haaretz journalist try to ask gotcha questions to Kei Pritsker to try to frame The Encampments film as anti-Semitic."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sbHbzB9Taf8">
    <title>Must-see doc &quot;The Encampments&quot; paints portrait of US student movement for Gaza, with Keir Pritsker - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-05-04T05:11:54+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sbHbzB9Taf8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[We are joined by Kei Pritsker, who co-directed The Encampments with Michael T. Workman. The new feature documentary is an intimate portrait of the global student movement ignited at Columbia University in the spring of 2024, to protest their institutions’ complicity in Israel's genocide. 

We watch and discuss some excerpts from the film and how it casts light on Israel lobby fabrications about campus anti-Semitism that are the pretext for the ongoing government crackdown on free speech. 

This is a segment from The Electronic Intifada's livestream on day 573 of the Gaza genocide. Ali Abunimah, Nora Barrows-Friedman, Jon Elmer and Asa Winstanley were joined by journalist Ruwaida Amer live from the Gaza Strip, and journalist Kei Pritsker of Breakthrough News. You can watch the full show here: https://youtube.com/live/2UDeVCM3ky0 ]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk">
    <title>Steven Salaita's Reflections on the Downward Spiral of US Empire &amp; the Fate of the Western Academy - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-30T00:20:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWC9GlznUhk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode Steven Salaita will return for a conversation about two of his recent lectures/essays which touch on US imperial decline, the western academy, and the genocidal war on the Palestinian people and children of Gaza. We will also discuss the challenges of behaving ethically in a society that rewards subservience to power, and that power is based on unmitigated violence against the oppressed and dispossessed. 

One piece The Meaning of Honesty in Academe was delivered as the 2025 James Baldwin Memorial Lecture at UMass Amherst on April 16th: 
transcript: https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/
video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y 

and the other "No Resurrection: The Life and Death of the Modern University" was delivered at Villanova on April 14th: https://stevesalaita.com/no-resurrection-the-life-and-death-of-the-modern-university/

This is our 5th conversation with Dr. Steven Salaita since Tufan Al-Aqsa. To check out the others, view our playlist:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBj8KHKHvws6Yh9i95yz4s-Alu4UltG7F "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/">
    <title>The Meaning of Honesty in Academe - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-27T18:52:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/the-meaning-of-honesty-in-academe/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[video (with additional Q&A):
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GQVUiZq7r5Y

""The Meaning of Honesty in Academe"
UMass Amherst, April 16, 2025

In this talk, Steven Salaita draws on his recent memoir, An Honest Living, to explore questions of honesty and dishonesty on campus. Is it possible for a professor to pursue an honest living? What might it look like? Conversely, are there forms of dishonesty that can be considered ethical or necessary amid the predominant cultures of academe? Salaita will consider these questions through analysis of labor, inequality, alienation, and political violence on and off campus."]

"As to the question:  I don’t think people can maintain decency in academe without a serious disruption to their upward mobility.  It all depends on how we define “decency.”  If we conceptualize it as loyalty to the dispossessed, as I did a few seconds ago, then putting the sentiment into practice is a reliable way to invite recrimination.  If you work or study on campus, then being forced into difficult choices is inevitable.  Too many of our colleagues choose expedience and self-preservation over their apparent devotion to the wretched of the earth. 

We’re supposed to be critical thinkers, though, which should lead us to understand that what might be perceived as expedient only produces collective harm in the long run.  Self-preservation, too, is something of a misnomer because sucking up to management is no guarantee of individual gratification.  You’re just as likely to be disposed of as you are to ascend into a more dominant social class. 

That we’re forced into this conflict isn’t some peculiar lapse of diligence.  It is a diligently calibrated system of coercion and punishment in which Zionism plays a critical role.  It is quite effective in this role, too. 

When students and faculty revolted over the past two years, setting up encampments and in some cases occupying administrative buildings, they forced universities into a more honest posture.  Those universities could no longer rely on the myths of mobility and merit to generate obedience.  So they dropped the act altogether and turned into mini police states.  The level of repression and persecution has been extraordinary.  Students assaulted and expelled.  Diplomas rescinded.  Visas revoked.  Faculty suspended and fired.  Criminalization of speech opposing genocide.  Raids and imprisonment.  Cancellation of classes having anything to do with Palestine.  On and on.  It’s been a long time since we’ve seen anything like it. 

This persecution is in service of Zionism, sure, but it is also an expression of the university’s deepest sensibility.  Zionism offers a pretextual basis for institutional authority.  In the metropole, Zionism and institutional authority are mutually constitutive and one functions optimally in relation to the other. 

I used to say, semi-jokingly, that they can’t fire all of us, but it turns out that they can—or at least they’ll try, which has a panoptical effect on our activities.  There’s no safety in numbers, not really.  We need a countervailing power to the ruling class.  Developing such power requires us to do things that have a reasonable chance of leading to trouble. 

My son understands this already, not through my stories of tumult but by his own experience in the world.  He sees rich people and poor people in Cairo.  He knows who among them matter to educators, to news agencies, to politicians.  He thinks I shouldn’t have disrupted a steady career by defending Palestinians because the prospect of indigence is terribly discomfiting to a child.  That’s the thing about finding a radical principle and standing on it, though:  if one isn’t risking indigence, then in the end that person is merely reciting an exotic narrative to the same old audience. 

Maybe my son will understand one day, maybe he won’t.  Like I told him, he’ll unfortunately have multiple opportunities to decide for himself.

*****

So, how do we balance the security of employment with the practice of a meaningful politics? 

There’s no singular answer—no answer, really, that I’m comfortable putting forward as definitive.  It seems more useful to examine the nature of the question and make sense of the situation in which it exists. 

When I have the opportunity to give a talk, interlocutors often ask, “what can I do?,” which I consider a variation of the same question I raised a second ago.  It’s an important question, “what can I do?,” and with a few exceptions should be treated with care and respect.  Why is the question so prevalent and what does its prevalence tell us about the relationship between citizen and society? 

To begin with, it illuminates one of four things about the questioner:  1) they’re being disingenuous; 2) they’re seeking validation for a preexisting opinion; 3) they’re overwhelmed or confused by the gravity of the moment; or 4) they’re motivated and want to act on some issue of justice.  I reckon that numbers three and four are the most common. 

All kinds of interesting assumptions underlie the question.  For example, it suggests a lack of belief in the system.  We’re already supposed to know what to do, right?  Vote!  Give money to charity!  Join the PTA!  Vote some more!  So anybody asking what can or should be done already knows on some level that the “democratic process” is bullshit.  It also suggests that selling our labor or paying tuition to corrupt institutions in a society with deteriorating quality of life feels exactly like the prospect of indigence to a child. 

I’m probably being too severe, but I think that people who care enough to want to do something to improve the world in lasting and meaningful ways know deep-down exactly what needs to be done.  They’re looking for ways for that action to be somehow compatible with job security, with personal freedom, or with notions of civic responsibility.  The first thing to be done, then, is rid yourself of the idea that the U.S. polity is redeemable.  It’s not.  Unchecked, it will only lead the world into catastrophe to the benefit of a few thousand technocratic psychopaths.  Overthrowing the system and replacing it with something at least minimally humane is what needs to be done.  Does that sound glib?  It might.  Unserious?  Sure.  Impossible?  Almost certainly.  But if the goal is equality and justice—or merely preventing ecocide—then we’d better get to doing it.  Thus the ambiguity.  There are no easy answers because the easiest answer is also the most onerous and least likely to be put forward.  Nearly all the so-called radicalism in academe is a longwinded paean to conciliation. 

The second thing that needs to be done is giving up the idea of safety.  It doesn’t currently exist for opponents of U.S. imperialism (to say nothing of its victims).  And it won’t exist until U.S. imperialism is defeated.  If you agitate against militarism, police brutality, corporate extraction, and Zionism, then you might well end up with a satisfying career, but there’s an equal chance that you’ll be forced onto the periphery even among the major leftist formations in North America.  On campus, these commitments only work as a branding device.  Put into action, they become cause for mobbing, hostility, ostracism, and recrimination.  I’ve lived this reality more than once.  They’re some of the unhappiest times of my life.  But I’ve come to recognize that a lasting satisfaction arises from never having ceded a solitary centimeter to the oppressor. 

This is our first confrontation with the meaning of honesty in academe, the apocryphal and self-serving notion that you can desire revolutionary change while still maintaining the esteem of corporate media editors, NGOs, celebrity podcasters, donors, senior scholars, and the managerial class.  If we’re being honest about the nature of the corporate university, and if you’re being honest about the depth of your commitment, then the honesty demands a realistic assessment of the dim outcome that results from actual loyalty to the dispossessed rather than implicit service to power."

...

"Take the past eighteen months of unmitigated abuse of students protesting a genocide.  Many honorable faculty joined those students or spoke in their defense, but they’re an exception.  A greater number of their colleagues who have built reputations (and thus material comfort) on big talk about Fighting The Power were absent from the frontlines.  This is a longstanding habit, by the way.  Ask your local Marxist professor if he happened to take management’s side during a graduate student unionization drive, for example. 

What about all the people, inside and beyond the United States, for whom the term “democracy” is an empty signifier?  Who among us represents their point of view?  Forget representation.  Who among us actually agrees with them?  After all, we just witnessed nearly every leader of the so-called Democratic West underwrite a genocide despite the adamant disapproval of their populations. 

How about the Palestinian resistance?  It has significant support among people in the Global South, and among no small number of Black people, Natives, Muslims, Chicanos, and other underrepresented communities in North America.  You won’t find their points of view taken seriously by the professional decolonialists writing for liberal audiences in old-money periodicals (Lewis Gordon, Adam Shatz, Pankaj Mishra, and so on).  Instead, they offer highhanded reverie about the native’s pathological violence.  The scholars who do take resistance seriously get fired or suspended. 

Fact is, there’s an entire world of opinion, some inspiring and some dubious, completely omitted from what cultured folks like to call dialogue.  A lot of people think that U.S. democracy is a sham, that soldiers shouldn’t be glorified, that voting is a waste of time, that violence is sometimes necessary, that Israel has no right to exist.  We can’t be honest about it without risking trouble.  So we revert to bourgeois common sense, instead. 

Do you know who has excellent powers of perception when it comes to distinguishing artfulness from substance?  Administrators.  They have a finely-tuned ear for nuance and subtext.  They can read an article filled with references to Marx, Fanon, and Gramsci and immediately decide, “This motherfucker doesn’t have a radical bone in his body.  The radicalism is concentrated in his tongue.”  They never make exceptions in their judgments and so we needn’t make excuses in ours. 

Finally, we can consider the meaning of honesty in terms of achieving justice for the downtrodden.  If we’re being honest about this possibility—let’s say for Haitians, Congolese, Sudanese, Lakota, Kashmiris, and other oppressed national communities—then we have to engage the logic of the street, the shanty, the reservation, the refugee camp.  This kind of approach will necessarily be distasteful to scholars writing for the foreign policy establishment.  But there’s an honesty inherent to it that good taste cannot apprehend:  if the idea is to explore notions of freedom and democracy, then any honest assessment of the concepts in action will recognize that they’re a whole lot of flimflam deployed without scrutiny to simultaneously justify imperialism and pacify insurgency.  In the real world, there is more power and less power.  And aligning yourself with less power is an abdication of freedom and democracy.

*****

Earlier this evening, I mentioned a “legitimate basis for possibility.”  In closing, I’d like to elaborate on this phrase.  

When I say “possibility,” of course I mean the possibility of a livable future, especially for those who are given no place in this world.  We all have different ideas of possibility, which can certainly create tension but also adds richness to our social and interior lives. 

Wherever each of us exists on the ideological spectrum, it’s important to remember that possibility exists precisely where the university occludes it.  You cannot expect institutions hosting ever-distended strata of upper managers to offer themselves as sites of revolution, no matter what overheated reactionaries like to claim about leftism run amok on campus.  Those upper managers are deeply invested in maintaining order.  Same goes for many current students and alumni.  Try to elevate the downtrodden through access to campus resources and a certain crowd will immediately run to the statehouse to cry about the degradation of their credentials.  You cannot expect people to become class traitors, in other words. 

This is why the language of civil liberties and human rights is so insidious—same with the hyper-focus on diversity and personal agency and representation.  It elides analysis of hostile class relations and dissuades alliances that might disrupt the upward flow of capital.  Thus capital folds the language of uplift and belonging into feelgood theatrics governed by an unacknowledged class antagonism.  In this environment, speech is less a universal right than a limited commodity.  There could be no James Baldwin today.  He had exceptional talent, no doubt, but that’s not what I mean.  Through decades of refinement, the system is much more effective at coopting or suppressing radicalism at its inception.  Any line of thinking with potential to subvert corporate dominion, as with any insurgent mobilization, gets coopted back into the same bourgeois machinery of voting, of tolerance and inclusion, of donating to ostensibly socialist politicians who revert to Party dogma when it matters.  Where cooptation fails, brute force steps in, as we’ve seen on campuses throughout the USA, the UK, Canada, Australia, and Germany.  The anointed successor to Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, was a darling of the liberal establishment until he implicated the Zionist state in apartheid, at which point the same liberals unleashed a once-latent racism on him that made them sound every bit the Trumpers they deplore.  The same has happened to every Black leader and intellectual since the 1960s.  Baldwin, it’s worth pointing out, opposed Zionism, but that opposition is largely absent from his historic profile, as is the case with other icons like Nelson Mandela and Muhammad Ali. 

You have to remember that discourse is fungible among centers of power.  Rhetoricians of imperialism can append a humanistic lexicon to any violent ideology.  There’s not always a good reason to die.  But there’s always a good reason to kill. 

People have been making some variation of this argument for a long time, going all the way back to Aristotle and Jesus.  But with the Gaza genocide, we’ve just seen the process happen in real time, in big blinking lights.  An American client state and fellow settler colony committed a genocide on camera.  The entire corporate media apparatus joined with the political classes in justifying and in many cases celebrating the genocide.  Institutions of higher education did the same.  When the usual means of consent failed, liberals and conservatives set aside all pretense of civic responsibility and brutalized opponents of the genocide.  There isn’t a solitary excuse to humor all the usual banalities about free speech and human rights. 

So let’s draw on our creativity, resourcefulness, resilience, and honesty to pursue ideas of liberation that transcend the empty signifiers imparted by thought-leaders, politicians, intellectuals, podcasters, and the like.  Remember:  search for possibility at the point of occlusion.  That’s always the point at which it promises to be disruptive.  What’s practical and realistic according to the ruling class depends entirely on our immiseration.  Possibility and impossibility are actually synonymous. 

I don’t know.  As I said, I’m having a tough time these days finding cause to be optimistic.  No need to rehearse all the reasons.  I’m sure I’ve depressed you quite enough already.  Then I think about the people in Palestine; the people in Sudan; the people in Yemen; the people in the Congo; the people in Haiti; the people in Hawaii; the people all over the world who suffer penury so that coteries of insatiable scoundrels can accumulate wealth.  At this point I realize that for people of my station cynicism is a luxury; for the downtrodden, optimism is a necessity, a survival mechanism.  Human beings endure incredible abuse only to maintain their dignity and pass it along to ensuing generations.  Therein lies my theoretical methodology. 

These human beings endure because they want to live and grow, they want to work and play, they want to see other lands and oceans.  Nobody should expect anything more of them than survival.  But their endurance isn’t confined to a local milieu.  They endure for the good of all humanity.  A liberated Palestine is better for the world than a world indulging the Zionist entity.  A society with food and housing security is better for the world than a world enraptured by the obscenities of wealth.  A landbase under Indigenous stewardship is better for the world than a world owned by corporations.  A sovereign Africa is better for the world than a world organized through Western exploitation.  We endure for others so that others can endure for us.  This is honesty in its most powerful incarnation. 

The challenges facing us appear indomitable.  I sometimes limit my exposure to the news because it scares me.  I’m okay admitting it.  We’re all scared, right?  Those of us who aren’t dead inside or beneficiaries of injustice, anyway.  But fear isn’t a stand-in for cowardice; it is a prelude to courage.  So let’s join arms and march into hell, confident that we can transform it into something more heavenly than this rotten world."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/14/opinion/harvard-trump-administration-statement.html">
    <title>Opinion | Harvard’s Strength and How Far We’ve Fallen So Quickly - The New York Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-16T05:13:52+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/14/opinion/harvard-trump-administration-statement.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The world’s most famous university has done the right thing, and this is major news. It shouldn’t be. But less than three months into the second Trump administration, we are surprised by simple dignity. Capitulation would have garnered smaller headlines.

On Friday, the Trump administration sent a five-page letter to Harvard accusing the university of failing “to live up to both the intellectual and civil rights conditions that justify federal investment.” The letter demanded that the university change its governance structure; overhaul its admissions policies; submit to an external audit of the medical school, the School of Public Health, the Divinity School and several other programs that the letter claimed have “egregious records of antisemitism or other bias”; revamp student-discipline procedures; “end support” and withdraw university recognition of several pro-Palestinian student groups and the National Lawyers Guild; and commit to a process of reform running “at least until the end of 2028,” during which the university would submit quarterly reports on its compliance with the government’s demands. In the manner of a racketeer, the letter implied, without quite spelling it out, that if the university failed to comply, it would lose its federal funding.

The letter came from the Education Department, the Department of Health and Human Services and the General Services Administration. These are all agencies that can have a role in overseeing the university. Laws and rules exist for such oversight. They involve negotiations, investigations and, when it comes to federal funding, congressional procedures, complete with periods of public notice. This process is complicated by design — a design intended to protect universities from capricious, politically motivated meddling and to make the withdrawal of federal funding an option of last resort.

But the Trump administration pulls funds first and negotiates second, dispensing with the rest of the process. Its first target was Columbia University. When that school acceded to the administration’s demands, it didn’t get its funding back. Instead, the administration is reportedly considering demanding that Columbia agree to direct government oversight — effectively, a takeover of the university.

Harvard chose a different response from Columbia’s. On Monday its lawyers sent a letter to the administration pointing out that the administration was in violation of the law. “The university will not surrender its independence or relinquish its constitutional rights,” the letter said. “Neither Harvard nor any other private university can allow itself to be taken over by the federal government. Accordingly, Harvard will not accept the government’s terms.”

No other response should have been possible by the logic of the law — or the logic of academic freedom or the logic of democracy. And yet the Harvard lawyers’ letter sent waves of excitement through academic circles. This is a measure of how low and how fast our expectations have fallen.

One of the people who seemed surprised was Representative Elise Stefanik, a Republican and the self-appointed gendarme of higher education, who issued a statement declaring Harvard the “epitome of the moral and academic rot in higher education.”

Trump administration officials on Monday evening announced what they had suggested: that they will freeze $2.2 billion in multiyear grants.

Still, one hopes that other universities that find themselves in the administration’s cross hairs — and there are many of them now — follow Harvard’s example and make self-respect, and respect for the law, unsurprising again."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80">
    <title>Evgeny Morozov: Democracy, Technology and the City - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-04-13T16:44:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9SJc5sRq80</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
https://www.cccb.org/en/activities/file/democracy-technology-and-city/217682

"Which challenges and threats emerge as public spaces "smart", integrating sensors, cameras, and various means of algorithmic regulation? Technology companies, having optimized the public sphere, are increasingly offering to optimize our cities. Yet the terms of such "optimization" remain ambiguous and opaque, often presenting the business agendas of technology vendors as inevitable features of digitization. As we transition to the post-Snowden era, the costs of ubiquitous computing left in the hands of private companies have become painfully clear. How could cities take advantage of digital technologies without succumbing to the optimization excesses of the "smart city"?

Opening lecture of the series "Open City", in which will also participate Josep Maria Benet i Jornet, Marta Segarra, Manuel Forcano, Bruce Bégout, Rafael Chirbes, Erri de Luca, Richard Sennett and Kamila Shamsie.

Presenters: Joan Subirats

Participants: Evgeny Morozov

This activity is part of Open City, The Barcelona Debate"]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/ai-against-democracy/">
    <title>Computing versus Democracy</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-21T20:06:18+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://2ndbreakfast.audreywatters.com/ai-against-democracy/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>audreywatters 2025 billgate gatesfoundation charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex philanthropy charity markzuckerberg microsoft technology bigtech donaldtrump economics capitalism newdeal us history ronaldreagan miltonfriedman government governance democracy neoliberalism bullshitjobs inbloom charterschools commoncore salkhan khanacademy ai artificialintelligence oligarchy autocracy disruption journalism education edtech publicschools tedtalks microsofrtoffice personalization chatgpt pedagogy learning howwelearn luddism neoluddism teaching howweteach labor efficiency matteopasquinelli bentarnoff brianmerchat management administration dancohen inequality politics policy kellimariakorducki robnelson mattbarnum deepaseetharaman clairebryan sharonlurye taylorlorenz screentime smartphones phones mobile cellphones schools schooling christopherferguson jonathanhaidt wikipedia socrates libertarianism bfskinner mgessen elizabethlopatto luddites neoluddites salmankhan</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z4LPJxMbIRE">
    <title>&quot;The minimum we owe is solidarity” with Asli Bâli - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-02-07T19:47:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z4LPJxMbIRE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome the Aslı Bâli, Professor of Law at Yale Law School and President of the Middle East Studies Association. They discuss the increasingly repressive academic climate in the United States over the question of Palestine led by private sector as well as the current Trump Administration, how anti-Palestinian racism is used as a wedge issue in contemporary culture wars, how Zionist and rightwing organizations seek to criminalize dissent by claiming that it is discriminatory, and then how this politics is connected to the increasingly repressive Pax Americana in the Middle East itself. Finally, they discuss the stakes of fighting for international law and human rights, and the minimum duty of solidarity with Palestinians incumbent upon ethical scholars committed to justice.

Date of recording: January 28, 2025."

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/35192200
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/the-minimum-we-owe-is-solidarity-w-asli-bli ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://shows.acast.com/the-data-fix/episodes/collaborative-with-chris-gilliard">
    <title>Collaborative, with Chris Gilliard - The Data Fix with Dr. Mél Hogan | Acast</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-21T20:57:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://shows.acast.com/the-data-fix/episodes/collaborative-with-chris-gilliard</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I spoke with Chris Gilliard (@hypervisible) about AI’s encroachment on universities and what this means for collaboration — i.e. learning, writing, thinking and feeling. This conversation puts out a warning of sorts to universities adopting AI given that, as a technology, it is built off of stolen materials, relies on extraction and colonial labour practices, is racist, misogynist and transphobic in its outputs, and terrible for the environment — all issues the university claim to value and fight against? Recorded Dec 11, 2024. Released Dec 16, 2024.

“ChatGPT Should Not Exist” by David Golumbia (Dec 14, 2022)
https://davidgolumbia.medium.com/chatgpt-should-not-exist-aab0867abace

“Practico-inertia” by Rob Horning (March 1, 2024)
https://robhorning.substack.com/p/practico-inertia 

“Critical keywords of AI in education” by Ben Williamson (November 8, 2024 )
https://codeactsineducation.wordpress.com/ 

“Big AI Companies Need Higher Ed … but Does Higher Ed Need Them?” by Collin Bjork (Dec 2, 2024)
https://www.insidehighered.com/opinion/views/2024/12/02/universities-must-beware-reliance-big-ai-opinion "

[via Cameron Tonkinwise: https://www.linkedin.com/posts/cameron-tonkinwise-80a5987_collaborative-with-chris-gilliard-activity-7275726704923291648-I1pm

Mél Hogan quips in this nice episode of the Data Fix podcast (https://shows.acast.com/the-data-fix/episodes/collaborative-with-chris-gilliard ) that universities "are always in austerity mode but always spending on these kinds of things," meaning in this case signing up to AI platforms. This is exactly what I was thinking when reading about UNSW being proud as punch about their first mover advantage jumping off the cliff with an OpenAI parachute: https://www.unsw.edu.au/newsroom/news/2024/12/UNSW-Sydney-signs-landmark-agreement-with-OpenAI . 

It was especially depressing to see that one of the two students yoked into that UNSW press release was a design student. The article that the podcast episode focused on - "Big AI Companies Need Higher Ed … but Does Higher Ed Need Them?" (https://www.insidehighered.com/opinion/views/2024/12/02/universities-must-beware-reliance-big-ai-opinion) - makes clear that this is likely the business plan by these spectacularly unprofitable GenAI platforms: they are trying become infrastructure without a value proposition. What better way to make intransigent the insistent claim that 'AI isn't going away' than ensuring that the people with the responsibility for making the things that will comprise our futures, can only do so with the help of sad GenAI systems.

As Chris Gilliard, the guest on that Data Fix episode, says, the task of the university, their responsibility to students, is not to teach students HOW to use GenAI systems, but to teach them WHAT GenAI systems are - and are not; how they are not what the hucksters selling them to universities say they are, for example. The real challenge is to ensure that graduates understand the design of these platforms rather than knowing how to design with them. 

You just know the university managerial class making decisions to sign on with flailing organisations like Open AI will weasel a response like 'the best way to learn what something is, is by using it.' But I've been driving for 30 years and taught two other people to drive and still do not understand why a lever that lets more petrol into an engine causes the engine to fire faster and so drive the wheels around - is it really just like throwing another log into the fire of a steam engine? Being a skilled driver most certainly does not help me learn the polluting consequences of driving, or how to break the driving habit. 

In fact the converse is more likely true: it is best to learn about something before being seduced into incorrect mental models as a result of being able to use something.

The great thing about UNSW crowing about getting into bed with Sam Altman is that it disincentives any also-ran's for a while. It may even prompt some other Australian university to have the courage to be the first mover on 'an AI-free authentic education.'"

via https://ablerism.micro.blog/2024/12/21/thank-goodness-for.html ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>chrisgilliard mélhogan openai ai artificialintelligence robhorning benwilliamson davidgolumbia collinbjork highered highereducation chatgpt education academia colleges universities generativeai administration samaltman datafix 2024 genai</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Limits of Refusal</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-19T20:41:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://wordsinspace.net/2024/12/13/the-limits-of-refusal/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://macleans.ca/society/schools-vs-screens/">
    <title>Schools vs. Screens - Macleans.ca</title>
    <dc:date>2024-12-11T21:29:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://macleans.ca/society/schools-vs-screens/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This fall, provinces from coast to coast confidently announced that they were banning phones in the classroom. It’s not going well."

...

"So what is separating schools that have gone phone-free from those still infested with distracting devices? A handful of key factors have jumped out of my conversations with teachers and students: support from parents; funding for schools to buy their own electronics; and how willing teachers and administrators are to physically separate kids from their devices, not just leave them buzzing in their pockets. But the biggest factor, I heard over and over, is buy-in from the top. The fate of phone restrictions will depend primarily on whether or not principals and superintendents can establish clear rules, stand up for teachers who enforce them, hold firm against parents who object, and create clear and enforceable boundaries between legitimate and illegitimate use. 

Adam, though, says that his administrators are kowtowing to helicopter parents, tolerating illicit device use and depriving teachers of enforcement power. The higher-ups have decided that insulating themselves from risk—a broken iPhone, an irate parent—is more important than students’ education. 

“They’re happy to sacrifice an entire generation of kids because there’s a one-in-a-billion chance that some student or parent might complain about something,” says Adam. And without support from the top, the rules are toothless. “As teachers we do the best we can,” he adds. “But if kids call our bluff, we’re screwed.”"

...

"Shortly after I graduated, however, they crept back in, and it wasn’t long before almost every kid was clutching one. In 2010, fewer than a quarter of Canadians owned a smartphone; four years later, two-thirds did. As phones became more common, school boards responded by lifting bans—but they weren’t just capitulating to the devices’ growing ubiquity. Increasingly, they were in thrall to the idea that the microcomputers in students’ pockets were powerful pedagogical tools. This about-face was in part a response to the decline, in Canada and around the world, in math, science and reading scores. The reasons for the drop are murky. Some educators blamed a lack of specialized training for teachers in subjects like math. Others suspected the culprits included new teaching philosophies like inquiry-based instruction, which de-emphasizes memorization in favour of open questioning.

Big tech firms proposed another theory: students were falling behind because textbooks and blackboards weren’t stimulating enough. “Far too many students find their schooling boring and irrelevant,” wrote a former Microsoft employee in a report that Pearson, one of the world’s largest education companies, presented to Canadian school boards and policymakers in 2014. Another report, produced by Apple, proposed a fix: “Students learn better when they are engaged, and research about what engages them points to technology.” To reach students, Apple contended, schools needed screens, and lots of them. (Apple has since sold tens of millions of iPads to schools around the world.)

Even at the time, research was mounting against these claims. A 2013 survey of more than 6,000 Quebec students who used school-provided iPads revealed that a third played video games on them during school hours; 99 per cent said the iPads were distracting. A few years later, two U.S. studies found that students who brought laptops to class earned lower grades. Several experiments found that students who used smartphones during lectures retained less information and performed worse on exams. But the authors of the Pearson report argued that negative outcomes occurred because schools didn’t employ devices properly—or often enough. 

For a few years, this screen-centric pedagogy took hold. Victoria’s public school board spent $1.25 million on more than 2,300 Chromebooks and iPads in 2017. Guelph’s Upper Grand District School Board bought 15,000 laptops, while Edmonton Public Schools procured 46,000. The country’s biggest spender was the Toronto District School Board, which cited Pearson’s report in 2021 when it committed to spending nearly $42 million on 136,000 Chromebooks. Other schools encouraged students to bring their own devices to class. Classrooms were soon saturated with screens, and students were, in many cases, required to use devices to access some course materials. 

Provincial governments in B.C., Manitoba and Ontario signed lucrative deals with the Kitchener-based company D2L to use its popular learning management system, Brightspace. Other districts opted for Blackboard, Moodle or Google Classroom. These platforms allowed teachers to post announcements, livestream lessons, message parents and upload schedules, rubrics, digital textbooks, slides, links and worksheets. Students could access class resources remotely, ask each other questions, communicate with teachers and submit assignments, which would be automatically screened for plagiarism and, more recently, AI-generated content.

In many ways, the new tech made education more engaging and efficient. Schools were happy to transition from printouts and photocopies as paper prices soared. Educators, parents and students appreciated having communications and class materials in one digital space. And when students missed lessons, online tools made it easier to catch up.

But as classrooms began brimming with computers, tablets and smartphones, the devices themselves were filling up with a new generation of more sophisticated and addictive apps: Instagram, TikTok, Fortnite, Among Us. When students opened their laptops for schoolwork, their attention was rapidly derailed by video games and social media pings. School boards built firewalls into school-owned devices to restrict social media and, in 2019, Ontario tried to prohibit students from using their personal phones in class. But that would-be ban failed to launch; it was simply too late. Enforcement was left up to teachers with little institutional backing. Meanwhile, the laptops and tablets boards had spent hundreds of millions of dollars on were already becoming obsolete, and some schools were encouraging students to bring their own devices to class to get online. Many kids began working entirely on their phones, taking pictures of marked-up whiteboards and writing English papers in the Notes app, even as they fielded chats, texts, likes and follows. There had become no way to untangle the good from the bad: personal devices had become fonts of distraction as well as crucial classroom tools. 

Dante Luciani, a teacher at Hamilton’s Cathedral High School, has struggled with this dilemma in his own classes. Phones have become vital tools for many of his students. In ESL lessons, he communicates with Spanish-, Swahili- and Arabic-speaking students using translation apps. When he teaches photography, kids use their phone cameras. In math class, their phones double as calculators. But it’s a devil’s bargain. “If I drop my pencil and it causes a four-second break in my lesson, I look up and I’ve lost them,” he says. “I kid you not, some of my students will not graduate high school because of their phones.”

The pandemic onlystrengthened students’ attachment to their devices. When schools closed in March of 2020, their lives shrank to the size of their screens—overnight, they began spending upwards of six hours a day in virtual classrooms. That was only the half of it. A survey by researchers at Western University in 2021 found that non-school screen time among primary school students more than doubled in 2020, to nearly six hours a day. Phones had become kids’ entire worlds: their classrooms, entertainment and their primary connection to friends and peers.

Colleen Russell-Rawlins, who served as the TDSB’s director of education from 2021 to 2024, noticed this deepened dependence when schools reopened after lockdown. Phones were everywhere: at lunch, in the halls, in class. Students’ already-diminished attention spans had evaporated, and keeping them focused was a constant struggle. Russell-Rawlins recalls a school board event where she spotted three students in the audience with their heads down, scrolling on TikTok during a speech she gave. She approached them later and apologized—in earnest—for boring them. The teens explained that it wasn’t personal. “This is what I do every day, miss,” one said.

As the school year progressed, darker currents rose to the surface. Cyberbullying became a massive problem, and spats that began on social media spilled into schools. Between September of 2022 and April of 2023, 323 TDSB students were involved in violent incidents at school, including fights, sexual assaults and shootings. Teacher surveys showed similar spikes across Ontario and in other provinces, including Saskatchewan and New Brunswick. Much of it was directly connected to social media.

Damir Maltaric, a guidance counsellor at Rosedale Heights School of the Arts in Toronto, told me that after the COVID closures, more students came to his office seeking help with cyberbullying and self-esteem problems stemming from social media. Their addiction to their devices was also more apparent: their attention would wander during a counselling session, and they would pull out their phones and tune him out. “Many students do not have the ability to regulate their smartphone use even when they want to,” he says. “The drawbacks of the technology outweigh the benefits.”"

...

"Several years ago, Vancouver Island’s Sooke School District began requiring elementary-school students to drop their phones into labelled cubbies at the start of every period. Middle-school students left them in their lockers. Though teachers can still grant exceptions as needed, stowing the devices reduced the number of phone-related office admissions by more than 90 per cent over two years, according to Sooke superintendent Paul Block. The measure has helped put a stop to the haggling between students and teachers over phone use, reducing conflict and improving teacher morale. 

On the other end of the country, Saint John High School, in New Brunswick, implemented a comparable ban in September of 2022—two years before the provincial government implemented province-wide restrictions. “I didn’t want to wait,” says principal Christina Barrington. With help from her teaching staff, she devised a simple rule: no phones or earbuds in class, with exceptions for medical uses. She bought “cellphone hotels” (sheets with phone-sized pockets that affix to a wall) for every classroom. She wrote to parents to explain the restrictions, put up posters around the school and dipped into the school’s budget to buy calculators and point-and-click cameras so students wouldn’t need phones for math or photography classes.

Some teachers fretted about liability: what if a phone got stolen or a screen got cracked? Barrington said the cost of any damage would be on her. “I haven’t had to replace a phone,” she says. “But I’m prepared for the day when that might happen, because it’s a small cost for a significant reward.” Among those benefits: academic averages have risen slightly across all grades, teachers report better relationships with their students, and phone- and cyberbullying-related office admissions are down from about one a week to one a month. “It’s like the physical separation gives students permission to focus on something else,” says Barrington. “And I have quite a few teachers who put their phones in the cell hotels as well, to model that they’re in it too.”

Coincidentally, when Canadian provinces debuted their phone bans this year, New Brunswick was the only jurisdiction that mandated all schools physically separate students from their phones: the province’s policy calls for high-schoolers to leave their devices on silent in a designated area of the classroom. Based on conversations with her superintendent and fellow principals, Barrington says this approach is working for other institutions, which are beginning to enjoy the improvements Saint John High experienced two years ago.

At Greenwood College School, an independent middle and high school in Toronto, educators are testing an even stricter form of separation. Students are required to put their smartphones into Yondr pouches, lockable fabric sacks that first became commonplace at comedy shows and are now in use at thousands of schools worldwide. While on campus, Greenwood students carry the pouches around with them, their unusable phones locked inside. When they leave for lunch or at the end of the day, they magnetically unlock their Yondrs at several stations scattered across campus.

“The biggest thing I’ve noticed is that school is loud, in a good way,” says Greenwood principal Heather Thomas. “At lunch, students are having conversations. They’re focusing on one another.” It’s too early to tell whether Yondr will improve academic achievement or benefit students’ mental health. But many Greenwood parents are thrilled. Students, while slightly less thrilled, understand the rationale. “We want them to have healthy habits around using their phones,“ says Thomas, “not needing to reach for them all the time, being able to be without them.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-cult-of-microsoft/">
    <title>The Cult of Microsoft</title>
    <dc:date>2024-11-11T07:13:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.wheresyoured.at/the-cult-of-microsoft/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["At the core of Microsoft, a three-trillion-dollar hardware and software company, lies a kind of social poison — an ill-defined, cult-like pseudo-scientific concept called 'The Growth Mindset" that drives company decision-making in everything from how products are sold, to how your on-the-job performance is judged."

...

"Microsoft's corporate culture is built on a joint subservience to abusive pseudoscience and the evaluations of hallucination-prone artificial intelligence. Working at Microsoft means implicitly accepting that you are being evaluated on your ability to adhere to the demands of an obtuse, ill-defined "culture," and the knowledge that whatever you say both must fit a format decided by a generative AI model so that it can be, in turn, read by the very same model to evaluate you.

While Microsoft will likely state that corporate policy prohibits using Copilot to "infer impact or make impact determination for direct reports" or "model reward outcomes," there is absolutely no way that instructing managers to summarize people's Connects — their performance reviews — as a means of providing reward/promotion justifications will end with anything other than an artificial intelligence deciding whether someone is hired or fired. 

Microsoft's culture isn't simply repugnant, it's actively dystopian and deeply abusive. Workers are evaluated based on their adherence to pseudo-science, their "achievements" — which may be written by generative AI — potentially evaluated by managers using generative AI. While they ostensibly do a "job" that they're "evaluated for" at Microsoft, their world is ultimately beholden to a series of essays about how well they are able to express their working lives through the lens of pseudoscience, and said expressions can be both generated by and read by machines.

I find this whole situation utterly disgusting. The Growth Mindset is a poorly-defined and unscientific concept that Microsoft has adopted as gospel, sold through Satya Nadella's book and reams of internal training material, and it's a disgraceful thing to build an entire company upon, let alone one as important as Microsoft.

Yet to actively encourage the company-wide dilution of performance reviews — and by extension the lives of Microsoft employees — by introducing generative AI is reprehensible. It shows that, at its core, Microsoft doesn't actually want to evaluate people's performance, but see how well it can hit the buttons that make managers and the Senior Leadership Team feel good, a masturbatory and specious culture built by a man — Satya Nadella — that doesn't know a fucking thing about the work being done at his company."

...

"The Senior Leadership Team of Microsoft are a disgrace and incapable of any real leadership, and every single conversation I've had with Microsoft employees for this article speaks to a miserable, rotten culture where managers castigate those lacking the "growth mindset," a term that oftentimes means "this wasn't done fast enough, or you didn't give me enough credit."

Yet because the company keeps growing, things will stay the same.

At some point, this deck of cards will collapse. It has to. When you have tens of thousands of people vaguely aspiring to meet the demands of a pseudoscientific concept, filling in performance reviews using AI that will ultimately be judged by AI, you are creating a non-culture — a company that elevates those who can adapt to the system rather than service any particular customer.

It all turns my fucking stomach."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2024 microsoft management productivity growthmindset caroldweck ai artificialintelligence coding leadership copilot satyanadella work labor pseudoscience performance workplace chatgpt motivation personalitytests administration schools teaching howweteach education children melinderwennermoyer brookmcnamara alexanderburgoyne psychology edzitron growth</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://wwnorton.com/books/9781324078951/?">
    <title>Fatal Abstraction: Why the Managerial Class Loses Control of Software, by Darryl Campbell (2025) | W. W. Norton &amp; Company</title>
    <dc:date>2024-10-09T01:17:40+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://wwnorton.com/books/9781324078951/?</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A tech insider explains how capitalism and software development make for such a dangerous mix.

Digital technology was supposed to change the world for the better, but it has left us miserable, divided, and misinformed—when it hasn’t posed a direct threat to our physical safety. As acclaimed writer Darryl Campbell explains, the problem isn’t just greedy CEOs promising to “change the world” as they seek ever more eyeballs and app downloads. It’s that the tech industry struggles to understand what its products actually do and how they might fail. The reason is twofold: an unshakeable faith in managerialism—the notion that every business can be reduced to a spreadsheet overseen by MBAs—and an equally strong belief in software as the solution to all problems. From airplane disasters to PowerPoint propaganda to the perils of generative AI, Campbell uncovers a pattern of recklessness and overconfidence in the managerial class—and ultimately argues that developers themselves must intervene to curb corporate power."]]></description>
<dc:subject>capitalism darrylcampbell 2025 software technology mbas managerialism creativity management administration leadership power corporations corporatism ai generativeai artificialintelligence recklessness overconfidence business productdevelopment productmanagement productmanagers genai</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theassemblync.com/education/higher-education/unc-greensboro-cuts-consultants-rpk-group/">
    <title>Who's Behind Big Cuts at UNC-Greensboro?</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-31T18:45:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theassemblync.com/education/higher-education/unc-greensboro-cuts-consultants-rpk-group/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["When cost-cutting universities hire consultants, who’s really making the decisions? UNC-Greensboro offers a case study."
]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlAb_8bDHjE">
    <title>America HATES College Students - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-31T00:04:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlAb_8bDHjE</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Why does it feel like America hates college students? We saddle them with crushing debt, label them as "snowflakes," and even deploy SWAT teams when they dare to use the very educations they’ve received. While recent news has highlighted this with student protests over the war in Gaza, the truth is this is part of a much larger, decades-long, covert war against higher education."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thestar.com/business/opinion/the-ceo-of-starbucks-can-work-remotely-but-the-baristas-cant-why-theres-unfairness-at/article_e9fc5aa4-5f1a-11ef-9556-77ec22a27acc.html">
    <title>At its heart, remote work is about better work-life balance</title>
    <dc:date>2024-08-25T20:57:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thestar.com/business/opinion/the-ceo-of-starbucks-can-work-remotely-but-the-baristas-cant-why-theres-unfairness-at/article_e9fc5aa4-5f1a-11ef-9556-77ec22a27acc.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["If working remotely during the pandemic taught us anything, writes Navneet Alang, it’s that sometimes work can change for the better. 

Don’t be too hard on Brian Niccol, the new CEO of Starbucks.

Yes, it’s true that the recently-chosen head of the coffee giant will be able to work remotely, in a small office in Newport Beach, California. Sure, he’ll get paid a $1.6M salary, a $10M signing bonus, plus all the usual bonuses and options that come with a such a high profile job.

But, like us regular schlubs, he too will have to commute. When necessary, the California resident will hop in a private jet to make the 1,000-mile journey to Starbucks headquarters in Seattle. It sounds tough, but hopefully he can spring for some new headphones and find a good podcast to make his arduous journey more tolerable.

There are a couple of ironies in the CEO of a retail coffee chain working remotely. For one, while many CEOs have extolled the virtues of working in-person, in few situations is the need for at least some hands-on time more obvious than in high-volume food service.

For another, despite Starbucks being part of the reason cafe culture emerged in North America, the company has also been removing seats from many stores, converting them to grab-and-go locations. If the CEO is part of the remote work revolution, Starbucks’ coffee shops themselves are now less so.

Many CEOs like Elon Musk have come out against remote work

Still, it bears stating the obvious: that Niccol can work remotely is being painted as a benefit or perk that was part of what drew him in. In so publicly extolling the virtues of remote work — even if implicitly — Starbucks has made clear what we already knew: almost everyone who is given the option wants to work remotely.

But many CEOs have come out quite firmly in opposition to remote work. Just recently, former Google CEO Eric Schmidt suggested that the reason Google has lagged its competitors in AI like OpenAI is because the company’s employees are working remotely (Schmidt walked back the comments after it was revealed that both companies have the same three day a week in-office policy).

Still, Schmidt’s comments are hardly unique. They only add to the chorus from many prominent figures critiquing remote work, whether the CEO of RBC, leadership at Dell, tech leaders like Sam Altman or Elon Musk, and a host of others.

Remote work debate is often over what is pragmatic

Taken from the perspective of owners, the battle over remote work is about entitled employees vs practical, productivity-minded leaders. Remote work might be nice, the argument goes, but the real needs of business must win out.

But like most tension between workers and bosses, what appears to be idealism versus pragmatism is often a debate over what is actually pragmatic.

Consider what remote work actually allows people to do. For one, it means they can avoid a commute. Cities across the country are becoming ever more congested thanks to Canada’s reliance on the car and decades of underinvestment in transit. Given that commuting not only takes up significant amounts of time — around half an hour on average, but significantly more in cities — but also has deleterious effects on stress levels and mental health, that alone is an enormous boon.

But remote work can have other benefits too, whether increases in productivity or improved employee satisfaction and retention rates. There are social benefits too, with parents and other caregivers more easily able to be there for dependants, and also reducing the need for paid help or supervision.

Remote and hybrid work are now table stakes in employment

Like all broad phenomenon, remote work isn’t simply either good or bad. As but one example, it can have a negative impact on the career advancement of women — perhaps an effect of gendered imbalances in child rearing work in couples who work remotely. 

Yet, as the example of the Starbucks CEO makes clear, remote work is at its heart about a better work-life balance. Spending more of one’s life around one’s loved ones, in comfortable surroundings, and with more freedom and flexibility as regards all the other aspects of one’s life is a clear benefit for many workers.

That’s why the remote work debate isn’t simply about a post-COVID trend, or some new form of entitled worker demands. It is instead about something more plain, obvious, and important: workers’ rights in the face of management. Just as unions and other activists in the past fought for weekends, paid and sick time off, or benefit plans, now remote and hybrid work are table stakes in talking about working conditions and employee satisfaction.

It is almost certain that while I am alive, the arrangement of exchange of labour for wages will remain a default and fundamental mechanism of economic activity.

But if COVID was an aberration or rupture, it allowed us to see and then experience a new way of working — and also perhaps consider a new way of thinking about work itself.

You don’t need to be the CEO of a giant corporation to understand that. All you need to appreciate that is rather than stopping at a Starbucks on your way to work, take the time to make a coffee at home — and remember that sometimes, work can change for the better."]]></description>
<dc:subject>remotework work labor navneetalang 2024 starbucks life living work-lifebalance wellbeing pandemic coronavirus covid-19 elonmusk productivity employment management administration well-being</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/">
    <title>Behind the Ivy Intifada | Compact</title>
    <dc:date>2024-05-10T03:31:21+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.compactmag.com/article/behind-the-ivy-intifada/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Shafik’s appointment as the 20th president of Columbia University in 2023 was historic. She is the first woman to occupy that role, and its first leader “of Arab Muslim origin.” According to identitarian logic, Shafik’s gender and her ethnic, religious, and immigrant background should have rendered her especially sensitive to social-justice concerns and uniquely capable of responding to the crisis in a constructive way.

But Shafik is far more than an immigrant woman of Arab and Muslim background. She is also, for one thing, a literal baroness. And prior to her role at Columbia University, she served as the vice president of the World Bank, the deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, the deputy governor of the Bank of England, and the vice chancellor of the London School of Economics. This background is much more essential for understanding how events have played out at Columbia University than Shafik’s ethnicity, faith, or gender.

In light of her professional history and affiliations, it would be easy to view someone like Shafik as endowed with extraordinary power and freedom. It would be easy to assume she has wide discretion in shaping how events play out on campus and beyond. This is true, in a sense. But it isn’t the full story. 

The sociologist Max Weber argued that while bureaucrats wield impressive power and social prestige, the influence and honor they enjoy is never truly theirs to possess. Instead, it typically derives from their office. If they are pushed out of their position or institution, their wealth and status tend to vanish precipitously, as well. In order to avoid this outcome, Weber concluded, bureaucrats tend to avoid alienating anyone with the capacity to strip them of their rank and prestige (even to the point of compromising their integrity or alienating large swaths of the rest of society to ingratiate themselves with elite gatekeepers).

Another great 20th-century sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, described people like Shafik as the “dominated faction of the dominant class.” They are elites, to be sure, but their position is contingent on continued patronage from wealthy people or the state—and on association with prestigious institutions, such as universities or media outlets, that themselves are dependent on patronage from other elites and the government. As a consequence, although some dominated elites may regard themselves as rebels or speakers of uncomfortable truths—and in some cases, they leverage their clout to push elites or institutions in particular directions—they also tend to know their limits, and generally take care not to cross any lines that would result in their expulsion from the corridors of influence. 

Insofar as she is eager to cling to her position at Columbia and advance to other comparably prestigious posts later in her career, Shafik isn’t free. She has little choice but to go, hat in hand, and prostrate herself before lawmakers and donors. When Democratic lawmakers called on her and the trustees to clear the encampments or resign, and President Biden condemned the students occupying Hamilton Hall, Shafik knew what she had to do. And she acted as she was expected to on the day these calls went out. 

In responding to the protests as she did, Minouche Shafik wasn’t acting as an individual following whatever convictions she may (or may not) have held. She was acting as an agent of Columbia University, which serves a very particular set of functions in society. Columbia University is many things. Some have described it as a massive hedge fund with a world-class research university attached to it. Superficially, this isn’t far from the truth. Nearly half of Columbia’s $13.6 billion endowment is invested in equities, with another third in hedge funds. Another 14 percent of the endowment is invested in real estate, rendering Columbia the largest private landowner in the Big Apple. Put simply, Columbia University is a vast enterprise. However, its main business is not speculating on stocks and real estate—that’s more of a side hustle.

Columbia’s core product is the reproduction and legitimation of social inequality. This is the source of the university’s multibillion-dollar endowment, derived primarily from donations by alumni and their families, who are invested in that enterprise’s success. Universities in general, and elite schools in particular, exist largely to launder wealth into perceptions of “merit.” They help the children of wealthy and well-connected families reproduce their social position and feel like they “earned” it. 

As my academic adviser Shamus Khan has powerfully illustrated, students from non-traditional elite-school backgrounds—like me—play an important role in this legitimation scheme. As long as at least some are attending because of their exceptional grit or talent, the children of privilege who make up the majority of the student body can come to believe that they are at a school like Columbia because they are geniuses and scrappy bootstrappers, too—because those are apparently the type of people the university selects for. These same impressions then allow elite institutions to primarily hire the rich kids who graduate from these schools under the auspices of “merit”: By virtue of graduating from Columbia, they must be especially gifted (and not merely privileged). 

As I detail in my forthcoming book, the truth is that elite institutions like Columbia primarily select for highly conscientious and capable conformists. If you are sufficiently talented and prolific, the conformity expectations can be slackened slightly (a win-win that helps other conformists understand themselves and the institution as more “edgy” than they really are); and if you are sufficiently wealthy, deficits in capability or conscientiousness can be overlooked or worked around. But the modal student is not an idiosyncratic genius or a billionaire kid who failed his way to the top.

Instead, as Noam Chomsky pointed out decades ago, colleges and universities—and consequently, the symbolic professions—are overwhelmingly composed of the kind of people who showed up to school every day and on time, had the right kinds of extracurriculars, turned in their assignments punctually and according to the instructions, mastered regurgitating the information that the teachers provided in a form that said teachers found aesthetically pleasing. The kids who craved approval from teachers and other authority figures, who took pride in their grades, believing that their academic records say something meaningful about themselves. Those who did well on standardized tests, often believing (again) that their high scores say something meaningful about themselves. Those who were willing to delay gratification virtually indefinitely.

This is how such students end up with the sterling attendance and disciplinary records, the high GPA, and the glowing letters of recommendation that ease their path to selective colleges. These same dispositions allow them to flourish in college and, later, in the symbolic professions. As economist Bryan Caplan has demonstrated, the main signal telegraphed to employers by college degrees is that these are the kind of people who are willing to endure drudgery, degradation, and busy work (such as is required to obtain a college degree); who see things through to completion (which is why a degree, even an associate’s degree, gives a bigger boost on the job market than several years of schooling without a degree); who will follow the rules; who will complete tasks on time and according to specifications.

These selection patterns, which define higher education writ large, are most pronounced of all at top-tier institutions. Places like Columbia are filled with people who have spent little to no time outside of what Daniel Markovits called The Meritocracy Trap (the title of his 2019 book on the subject). Everything is a competition. Everything is a chance to build one’s brand. Everything is a risk or opportunity to move up or down the ladder. Even social-justice activism. 

I say all this as someone who received a doctorate from Columbia. And I must confess, I loved my time there, and continue to feel a deep affection and gratitude toward the institution. While enrolled, I was offered unparalleled resources. My mentors and colleagues were truly excellent. The undergraduates I worked with were bright, earnest, ambitious, and highly invested in getting good grades (if markedly less committed to learning—and unaware of and unbothered by their ignorance). For all these reasons, it has been heartbreaking to see the campus riven by conflict, locked down, and purged. Compared to most other campuses, the way things played out at Columbia was extreme. However, as my mentor Saskia Sassen emphasizes, extreme cases can “make sharply visible what might otherwise remain confusingly vague.”"

...

"Comparatively, most of the people castigating the demonstrators seem largely indifferent to the catastrophe in Gaza and seem to possess an even less coherent vision of social change. President Biden, for instance, stated that although peaceful protest is protected in America, “dissent must never lead to disorder.” But Stonewall, now widely celebrated by Democratic politicians, was a literal riot, and ostensibly “nonviolent” civil-rights campaigns have always had an intimate relationship with violence and coercion. The idea that social change primarily occurs through positive, pleasant, and non-disruptive means is silly and out of step with most of human history."

...

"In truth, there is very little at stake on any side of the struggles at Columbia University, and ultimately, everyone will be just fine. Sooner or later, most of the students will proceed to their well-remunerated jobs—protesters, counter-protesters, and neutral parties alike. Whether Shafik manages to hold on at Columbia or ultimately gets pushed out, she will spend the rest of her days filthy rich. Likewise, even in the unlikely event that Davadai is terminated for his many indiscretions, he already has a promising second career lined up as a right-aligned influencer. Columbia, too, will fare well. The school is older than America, and it isn’t going anywhere anytime soon. All those people vowing not to send their kids to the Ivies are lying to others and possibly themselves (or perhaps their offspring were unlikely to gain admission in the first place).

The French philosopher Jean Baudrillard observed that “behind every image, something has disappeared.” The Ivy League Intifada is no exception. The only people in this story who face genuine suffering have been almost completely absent from “the discourse” over the last several weeks: namely, the people of Gaza.

While Americans obsess over tents on the Columbia quad, hundreds of thousands of displaced people are sleeping in tents in Rafah. They are not “unsheltered” because the university revoked their access to the campus, but because their homes and communities were leveled by a campaign of destruction with few analogs in modern history. And even their tents are being bombed.

It isn’t even possible in theory for Gazans to carry out campus demonstrations, because every single university in Gaza has been destroyed by Israel. Instead of dealing with the inconvenience of being unable to access the dining hall or hang out on the quad—and rather than stressing out over whether they’ll land their dream job or if others are saying mean things about them (that make them feel emotionally “unsafe”—the people of Gaza are witnessing their loved ones killed in front of their eyes, are undergoing amputations without anesthesia, and literally starving to death. There is nowhere left for them to flee, but a ground invasion seems imminent despite Hamas ostensibly agreeing to a ceasefire.

It is obvious why Biden, House Republicans, and others determined to support Benjamin Netanyahu’s war would rather talk about student protesters instead of the fate of Gaza. Mainstream media outlets, meanwhile, recognize that campus culture-war stories get far more clicks and are far easier to produce than responsible reporting on bleak international events. 

For their part, the student activists seem to genuinely want to raise awareness about the plight of Gazans—albeit ideally in a way that enhances their own clout. In a recent editorial for The Guardian, leaders of the Columbia protest movement urged everyone to listen to their perspectives, and elevate their voices, so they might raise the salience of the crisis in Gaza. The actual conflict they are ostensibly trying to end received only a single oblique mention in the last sentence of the piece. The rest of the article was focused on the struggles Columbia students have faced and calls for them to get still more attention relative to other stakeholders. In truth, Columbia students don’t need your attention. They don’t need your support. They don’t need your solidarity.

Attention is finite. Energy is finite. Time is finite. Resources are finite. Save your concern and your efforts for the crisis in Gaza. Don’t let the farce at Columbia obscure the tragedy that the protests were supposed to call attention to in the first place."]]></description>
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    <title>Esmat Elhalaby on X: &quot;&quot;It may also be remarked by the way that when, as may happen, a scholar or scientist takes office as directive head of a university, he is commonly lost to the republic of learning; he has in effect passed from the ranks of learning</title>
    <dc:date>2024-04-24T07:36:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/thaqafatalhind/status/1780697900299018587</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["It may also be remarked by the way that when, as may happen, a scholar or scientist takes office as directive head of a university, he is commonly lost to the republic of learning; he has in effect passed from the ranks of learning to those of business enterprise." Veblen (1918)]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://stevesalaita.com/the-customs-of-obedience-in-academe/">
    <title>The Customs of Obedience in Academe - Steve Salaita</title>
    <dc:date>2024-03-13T01:46:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://stevesalaita.com/the-customs-of-obedience-in-academe/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A longform reflection on the interplay between obedience and disobedience in the modern corporate university."

...

"I once had an acquaintance who nearly rose to the level of friend.  Before forming a personal relationship, we had known of each other for many years and had even met on one occasion, quite by chance, outside of an ice cream shop in Ramallah.  We were young then, both in graduate school, both figuring out what it meant for us, born in the United States, to be Palestinian.  We chatted with a mutual friend serving as mediator and then went our separate ways, aware of each other’s existence in subsequent years through a tight-knit but complicated network of Arab Americans. 

When I was hired as the Edward Said Chair at the American University of Beirut in 2015, a one-year position, I was welcomed on campus by the same not-quite-a-friend (but strong acquaintance) from that summer in Palestine, more than a decade before.  He had been at AUB for a long time, had grown into middle age (as had I), had a family (as did I), and was firmly rooted in Lebanon.  I was new to the country and arrived on campus with a great deal of notoriety, having been fired from a tenured position at the University of Illinois a year prior in what became a huge public controversy, so my would-be friend/old acquaintance, being a leader of AUB’s formal but unofficial faculty union, promptly reached out to make use of my presence.  I met with the union to discuss possibilities for growth and engagement and to think through the meaning of academic freedom at a private university in the Middle East. 

We were both busy, maybe a bit aloof, so no deep connection materialized, but we met a few times for coffee and chatted on campus whenever we happened to pass one another.  I had been assigned his old on-campus apartment, so we could always talk about housekeeping and local personalities we knew in common.  I kept abreast of the union’s activities, which consisted mostly of discussion meetings despite the presence of a first-year administration on campus.  There didn’t seem much to contest, in any case.  Precarious sentiment was built into the faculty culture thanks to decades of financial and political instability.  The new administration gave off a hostile vibe beneath its campy, slaphappy veneer.  Anybody who has ever held a job knows that campy and slaphappy is the worst type of boss. 

I was moving from a one-year gig into a permanent faculty position when the administration intervened to cancel the appointment at the behest of various U.S. politicians, including Illinois senator Dick Durbin, in what was unambiguously a violation of hiring protocols (and arguably a violation of academic freedom).  That intervention created some unrest on campus and various colleagues urged the faculty union to take up the cause.  It would have been a wise move if only to set an antagonistic tone against managerial overreach.  The union chose to steer clear of controversy, holding a few public forums where its leaders fielded strategic ideas they had no will or desire to implement, much to the frustration of student-activists and a handful of faculty worried that conciliation would set a bad precedent.  The discourse never moved beyond locution.  My old acquaintance/failed comrade oversaw an elaborate ritual of nothingness.  The union, it turns out, was merely a social club for compradors of the upper-class who liked to play activist. 

A few months later, I and this almost-a-friend-but-now-a-class-antagonist once again went our separate ways, he as the new dean of one of AUB’s colleges and I as a born-again exile in disgrace. "

...

"To speak more plainly:  nothing worth a shit will happen in the United States and Canada.  Forgot a lack of political imagination (itself a debilitating reality).  Shit won’t happen because North America lacks the social conditions necessary for widescale revolutionary action (something only the most disobedient beings on campus want in the first place).  Conditions exist in particular communities—among African Americans, for example, or in certain tribal nations—but even at its strongest, protest in those communities eventually runs up against insurmountable counterforces:  police brutality, systemic repression, media hostility, internal opportunism, liberal backlash, political malfeasance.  And because activism now enjoys real-time coverage, it attracts all manner of social climber and hanger-on in search of the nearest camera, a pitiful archetype that media across the spectrum are happy to elevate.  All the so-called leftist factions filling the digital universe with drama, for instance, emerged from the Bernie Sanders 2015-16 campaign.  It is the same liberalism to which they will return at the first hint of a real insurgency—if, of course, they aren’t already entrenched among the paleoconservatives."

...

"So: 

No more electoralism in reliable four-year increments.  No more uncritical discourse about “authoritarianism” and “human rights,” which, as truisms with assumed meanings, represent the vocabulary of American conquest.  No more symposia about people of the colonies who don’t care what their apparent emissaries in academe have to say.  In short, no more of the academic in our work. 

The point feels especially pressing now that thought-leaders in the West showed up unprepared for the onset of the Zionist entity’s genocide in Gaza, just as they were unprepared for decades of Black insurgency, Indigenous nationalism, and revolutionary uprisings throughout the Global South.  (They were unprepared not from lack of preparation, per se, but because they prepared for the wrong events.)  These thought-leaders are beyond redemption, mostly because they well understand the lucrative possibilities of always being wrong in exactly the right way.  But their audiences have less reason to obey convention. 

It is important to make sure that people associated with Palestine solidarity don’t forget what Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Jamaal Bowman, Pramila Jayapal, and other progressive stalwarts have done (or haven’t done) during this genocide, but more important is making sure that our colleagues don’t fall for the next set of frauds cultivated by the liberal establishment.  How does that happen?  With a lot of intervention, for starters, which will result, as it always does, in accusations of purity, sabotage, and childishness.  (Those who enjoy success through painstaking obedience consider themselves uniquely mature.)  The role of the intellectual, so heavily discussed over the decades, has now been streamlined into a forthright metric:  is the intellectual celebrated or abhorred and derided by the managerial classes?  Perhaps we can do away with the category of “intellectual” altogether and invite all people into abhorrence and derision. 

The sense of urgency should unsettle our sensibilities.  Genocide is occurring in full view of the world.  Nazism is seeing a global resurgence.  The natural environment is in conspicuous decline.  Rent is impossible.  Food is inaccessible.  Poverty is inevitable.  People are irascible.  Capitalism tries to resolve its contradictions with ever-growing depravity.  Dissimulation and compatibility don’t merely waste time; they suck away the energy and optimism of anyone, prole or professional, who demands a viable future for this planet.  Urgency is a condition, but it can also be a vocation, such that the exigencies of obedience and disobedience present as instinctual. 

Let’s allow for sabotage rather than accommodation.  Even if we don’t participate directly, it’s useful to affirm already-existing strategies and to offer a contextual understanding of the discontent informing various forms of upheaval.  Let’s return to Palestine as an example.  Affirming various forms of resistance instead of reciting bromides about “democracy” and “coexistence” will shift the conversation in important ways.  Primarily, it will better align the topic of Palestine with political sensibilities inside of Palestine, the supposed site of concern.  Allowing what the West flatly classifies as “violence” to remain verboten is a failure of both allyship and intellectual honesty. There is often a personal cost to treating resistance with the seriousness it deserves.  The risk is unavoidable.  It helps to remember that there is a greater cost for those on the front lines of the resistance we claim to support. 

We might call these varieties of rejection and affirmation revolutionary disobedience. 

The term implies an active sort of comportment.  It counsels provocation rather than retreat, deriving from a simple calculus:  emphasis on the unloved and underrepresented.  You want revolution?  Actual revolution?  Then you have to think like a revolutionary and not like a cipher selling opinions on the internet. 

And you especially have to quit thinking like a liberal, whether it happens by custom or by having been habituated to the rewards.  If you do insist on thinking like a liberal while branding as some kind of leftist, then it would be altogether helpful to drop the nonsense about socialism and the working class.  The first thing a potential comrade needs to know is that you won’t default to liberal commonplaces in a moment of insurgency or gravitate toward reaction once adequately tempted by its benefits. 

These arguments aren’t about being “realistic.”  They ask us to rethink the very concept of realism in the capitalist imagination.  A turn toward the unreal might be our only option if we want to create a world that’s habitable and humane.  And why shouldn’t we be unrealistic?  All our talk of justice is already rooted in fantasy.  Unreality is a much better alternative than what’s currently at hand. 

Maybe it’s time for scholars to disobey our own compunctions—that we’re important or even indispensable, that our education gives us special insight, that innovation would die if we suddenly went away.  Our main compunction, as with all the professions, is to obey class loyalties.  Disobedience should be introspective, then.  We have to disrupt the norms and procedures that advantage the compliant.  How can this be done?  It’s hard to say.  But that it needs doing is by now beyond doubt. 

Do it or don’t do it.  But you can no longer expect audiences to accept social climbing as a method, no matter how meticulously it is branded as courageous or conscientious.  Today’s intellectual economy is growing more competitive and subsequently more insipid.  The change benefits a small class of content creators, but has also increased cynicism among consumers toward the sources of that content.  The revolutionary promise of decentralized information never materialized.  The ruling class is stronger than ever, in no small part based on the consent of those who claim to be its enemy. 

Do it or don’t do it.  Keep in mind, though:  you can go up on the university’s front page, all smiles and sartorial splendor, an avatar of all the great things the institution can offer, happily having avoided the disrepute that comes of the wrong type of obedience, but the world is no longer made to sustain old habits of subservience.  It has grown tremendously precarious, which means it has also become simpler to understand.  So go ahead and make your choice.  We’ll revolt either way."]]></description>
<dc:subject>stevensalaita 2024 academia israel labor obedience disobedience highered highereducation zionism antizionism palestine faculty academicfreedom virtue compliance conformity collegiality civility unions punishment rewards criticism careerism careers community administration institutions controversy avoidance cowardice inclusion kinship probity citizenship rulingclass dickdurbin socialmedia hierarchy hierarchies antagonism ostracism class consumerism cooperation devotion dispossession power structuresofpower censorship repression freespeech freedomofspeech ideology liberalism adminstrativebloat socialtransformation inequality society solidarity struggle resistance activism capitalism gatekeeping civilliberties liberation insurgency electoralism access infamy ethics hiring coercion inquiry objectivity acculturation productivity loyalty classloyalty groupthink criticalthinking liberals policebrutality paleoconservatives behavior cohesion algorithms unionbusting work funding employment bds divestment imperialism co</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WsyIi9ga4n4">
    <title>Solarpunk your campus - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-09-04T02:37:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WsyIi9ga4n4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How can we redesign higher education for the climate crisis future?

This week the Future Trends Forum embarks on an experiment which might be the first of its kind. Our session is a workshop, where we will together rethink and envision colleges and universities in the light of the solarpunk movement, imagining a positive, ecologically connected, and just way of conducting our academic enterprise.

We'll begin with an introduction to solarpunk, followed by two design exercises, during each of which we'll break into groups, then gather to share our findings. By the end we'll have a collective, grass roots, and hopeful vision of where higher education might be headed.

For more information see this blog post.  And please join us!
https://bryanalexander.org/future-trends-forum/solarpunk-as-a-way-of-redesigning-higher-education-for-the-climate-crisis/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solarpunk

This event is powered by Shindig, the video chat event provider. On Shindig, audiences all can see one another and engage in private video chats sharing and discussing the content of the presentation. Event hosts may also bring selected audience members to the stage to ask questions or otherwise interact with guest speakers. Shindig; the dynamics of in person events, online."]]></description>
<dc:subject>bryanalexander solarpunk highered highereducation climatecrisis climatechange climate globalwarming colleges universities 2023 education design technology mitigation change changemanagement sustainability biophilia optimism repair nature despair plants governance pedagogy curriculum institutions administration management democracy edupunk horizontality altgdp decentralization online web internet remotelearning travel transportation cyberpunk communities community wellbeing reuse sharing repurposing recycling well-being</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://thenib.com/im-a-luddite/">
    <title>I’m a Luddite (and So Can You!) | The Nib</title>
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    <link>https://thenib.com/im-a-luddite/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What the Luddites can teach us about resisting an automated future."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://slate.com/human-interest/2023/08/west-virginia-university-cuts-programs.html">
    <title>West Virginia University program cuts: Why students and faculty feel so betrayed.</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-20T02:53:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://slate.com/human-interest/2023/08/west-virginia-university-cuts-programs.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The student population got smaller and smaller while fancy new buildings appeared."


...

"And, predictably, Gee was wrong; WVU’s enrollment has declined. In 2023, it reached a low of 26,000. But the assumption had already been interwoven into the budgetary calculus for WVU, setting it up for failure. Certainly, the budget crisis stems from a mix of factors. Some, like inflation and pandemic-induced dropouts, are unforeseeable and beyond administrators’ control. Other causes, which administrators are handsomely compensated to monitor, include graduation rates, political shifts in West Virginia, rising interest rates, and the end of COVID-related aid. For the administration to claim they have been blindsided by these issues, despite drawing high salaries as public employees to track them and laying out more big money to consultants to provide additional data, is confusing, to say the least.

Yet, perhaps most perplexing, Gee refuses to address what seems to be the root cause of WVU’s budgetary crisis: the rapid withdrawal of state funding from the school. While Gee cited increased costs and population decline as causes of WVU’s financial issues, he notably failed to mention that overall state funding has dramatically decreased in recent years. The West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy posits that the majority of WVU’s funding issues are due to this decrease. But Gee refused to ask for an increase in state funding, claiming: “I have told this to the governor, I’ve told this to the president of the Senate, to the speaker [of the House of Delegates], that I’m not going to come and ask you for $45 million, because it’s a structural deficit, we have to solve that problem.”

To be clear: Gee is not solving a structural issue. He is not cutting back on administrative excess. (Students are demanding that the WVU administration face an independent audit.) One cannot help but wonder if the cuts are driven by a hostility to liberal arts education couched in the sterile ambiguity of financial considerations. WVU isn’t the first place to experience this particular impact of austerity. Rpk Group, a consulting firm that WVU employed, has previously helped to cut academic programs in Kansas and at institutions like New Jersey City University, preserving and generating revenue primarily for majors and degree programs that serve the tech industry. In the Nation, Lisa M. Corrigan describes what’s happening at WVU as “a trial balloon for doing this elsewhere.”

We can’t help but juxtapose these choices with the fact that West Virginia consistently ranks as one of the poorest U.S. states, with a median household income of $50,884 and a poverty rate of 16.8 percent. Students from West Virginia, those who unquestionably proved to be the most rigorous, inquisitive, and committed peers I met during my undergraduate career, often shared advice for navigating poverty on WVU’s campus with one another. It is not uncommon for students to work jobs at low wages without employer benefits. Many of us struggled to afford to live in Morgantown, one of the state’s most expensive places to live, without federal financial assistance. Nearly everyone closest to me met SNAP eligibility requirements for food stamps.

Meanwhile, Gee’s past appointments at American universities concluded amid controversies he incited by implementing reductions to academic programs. His expense report at OSU revealed the university spent $7.7 million on Gee’s expenses, almost equaling his $8.6 million salary. When he was president at Brown, the university spent $3 million renovating his home. Under his supervision as chancellor at Vanderbilt, Vanderbilt spent $6 million renovating the mansion where Gee lived; Gee also incurred a $700,000 tab for hosting social events.

The contrast between the lifestyle implied by these big numbers and the way the students at WVU struggle does not go unnoticed on campus. WVU maintains the state’s largest health system and is West Virginia’s largest private employer. As a recipient of Medicaid, I supported other students in need of health care access, including helping them apply. During my tenure as senator in the WVU Student Government Association, student leaders frequently shared their frustration with one another regarding Gee’s access to complimentary healthcare through WVU.

Between 2010 and 2023, the WVU administration carried out extensive new construction initiatives and refurbishments aimed at enlarging its campus presence, as Dan Bauman details in the Chronicle of Higher Education. Much of this, including various buildings for the College of Business and Economics, the College of Physical Activities and Sport Sciences, agricultural sciences, and advanced engineering research, was funded by debt and private-public partnerships.

I watched as new buildings sprang up year after year, creating an ominous undertone on campus as more and more students disappeared. My friends and I were especially disturbed by the grandeur of Reynolds Hall, which opened in fall 2022. Reynolds Hall cost $100 million to construct. It was named for alumnus Robert “Bob” Reynolds, who donated $10 million to the project and now sits on the WVU Board of Governors. This is the board that votes on whether to approve these sweeping program cuts. I echo student concerns when I say that public universities’ boards of governors should be democratic bodies, not elite bureaucratic institutions.

West Virginian students and faculty do not choose their programs and specialties in a vacuum. Today, I am a labor historian and am studying the exploitation of Black people by the West Virginia coal industry. My research led me to the discovery of the Mining Extension Service of West Virginia State College, which provided mobile classroom education to rural Black West Virginian communities. This program was established in 1937 and discontinued in 1957 by an act of the state Legislature in the name of integration, abandoning Black West Virginians who had the greatest potential to benefit from education. Almost all records chronicling its existence were transferred to WVU’s library, until they were ordered to be destroyed in 1971 with officials alleging that the documents constituted a fire hazard.

West Virginia’s political elite have had a long-standing interest in denying people like me access to higher education. The loss of academic freedom extends to both student and faculty capacities to speak about the budget cuts. A current student stated, on the condition of anonymity: “Students like me can’t afford to go anywhere else. I can’t get this kind of education anywhere else in the state. The administration is telling me I’m only allowed to learn what they decide not to discontinue.”

A former member of the WVU Student Government Association also anonymously expressed: “I’m a student leader, and I don’t know what I can and can’t say. [The WVU administration] affects my future in West Virginia, and that’s all I’ve ever had.” It is hard for students to read the administration’s recent announcement that “the next item for review in the academic transformation will be the more than 450 organizations that support student life” as anything other than a thinly veiled threat.

These comments speak to the chilling effect WVU’s actions have had on campus conversation about these changes. Amid the possibility of further budget cuts, WVU is also requiring all faculty to pledge to “accept and encourage change that is for the greater good” and “avoid conduct that reflects adversely on the image of the University”—a requirement which the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression describes as “unconstitutionally vague.”"

...

"This, perhaps, is the ugly truth we’re learning through WVU’s budget controversy: Gordon Gee plans to retire in 2025. I have no doubt his grandchildren will benefit from a private education similar to his own, consisting of a thorough liberal arts education with access to subjects now increasingly reserved for the elite, such as math and foreign languages. They will have their choice of careers in the arts, humanities, government, finance, security, diplomacy, business, or tech. Those who decide what is worth learning, what is worth teaching, what counts as a “structural deficit,” will never bear the brunt of their own choices.

West Virginians, trapped in the clutches of economic hardship, find themselves mercilessly shackled to a state most can ill afford to abandon, left to suffer the full weight of the WVU administration’s harrowing decisions. We will learn only subjects aligned with the preferences of the rich, driven by their financial motivations. We will work for the oligarchs for the rest of our lives, just like our parents and our grandparents did for the global coal industry. We will continue to amass inconceivable riches for the nation’s privileged elite until our last breath, and we will find our resting place in unadorned cardboard coffins beneath West Virginia soil.

And those condemned to languish within the husk of WVU, who would excel within a capacious and intellectually coherent university, will only find it harder and harder to access avenues of social and economic mobility."]]></description>
<dc:subject>myyahelm westvirginia wvu 2023 austerity universities colleges academics academia highered highereducation economics egordongee privatization administration management neoliberalism consultants inequality economicmobility liberalarts education rpkgrouo policy publiceducation administrativebloat</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/society/wvu-cuts-higher-education/">
    <title>The Evisceration of a Public University | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2023-08-17T03:24:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/society/wvu-cuts-higher-education/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Today, like many land-grant universities, WVU sits at the convergence of several cultural and economic tectonic shifts that are working in tandem to radically transform education. Foremost among these shifts is the changing economic climate of higher ed. WVU, like many higher-education institutions, has been plagued by gross financial mismanagement by administrators and consultants who have funneled money into massive administrative bloat and capital projects at the expense of faculty hires and support for faculty and graduate students. The university is currently facing a $45 million budget gap, and is seemingly uninterested in shrinking administrator salaries, creating artificial conditions for austerity.

This shift to massive administrative salary costs and, relatedly, software and tech expenditures, came about as federal funding of higher education massively slowed, particularly after George W. Bush’s cuts in 2007–08. Fifty years of cuts to higher education have accounted for losses of between 30 to 50 percent of funding for some land-grant schools. Facing state austerity and a culture war on public goods, especially public education, state funding for higher education continues to decline, forcing public universities to rely more on private donors, who impart new controls on higher education professionals.

Meanwhile, higher education has become a major political target for the right. One only needs to look at the takeover of the New College of Florida (to name but one example of the GOP’s “war on woke”) to see how academic expertise has come under fire as a political wedge issue in this campaign season—while the GOP’s privatization program, perfected under Reagan, funnels public money into both tax cuts for the wealthy and various grifts. The book bans, censorship, purges of area studies programs, and targeting of academics at public institutions (particularly in the South) are all calculated to decrease the public’s confidence in public education so that it can be dismantled and replaced with private corporations, which lack regulation and oversight.

The Covid-19 pandemic has also provided an opportunity to reshape education (including K-12) and capitalize on shifting technological trends for curriculum delivery. The major toll on educators’ health (physical and mental) from the pandemic led academics to quit in droves. At the same time, major layoffs in the tech industry have fueled the expansion of the consultant class, who are producing “work products” and firms to steer what’s left of higher ed’s public funding into their own pockets.

This moment is also seeing tremendous technological modernization, as education scrambles to respond to advances in artificial intelligence (AI). It’s telling that as WVU announces these devastating cuts Johns Hopkins University, a private R1 university in Baltimore, is making 80 tenure-track hires in AI. Marshall University, in Huntington, W.Va., announced plans last week to build a $45 million cyber-security center, despite similarly declining enrollment. It’s not hard to see the tech layoff-to-academic pipeline this summer. But in Brazil, Korea, and Poland, when modernization happened too quickly for the public sector to pivot, the for-profit sector absorbed and even monopolized the very subsidies that were intended to foster mass education, while providing poorer outcomes than the public sector.

What will be the outcome of these moves to “restructure” universities? Policies that funnel public funds to private entities are intentionally designed to produce two tiers of education: one for the elite at small, private, endowed universities and one for state students who are poor, first-generation, disabled—or are interested in the liberal arts, fine arts, or programs that question the current political arrangement.

The future of higher education looks bleak. Money will flow to elites in private schools, who will benefit from comprehensive language instruction, liberal arts, inclusive critical thinking skills, and a global curriculum, and thus have access to global careers in the arts, finance, diplomacy, national security, international business, international law, AI, and other fields. Students at state schools will receive the education that the oligarchs want them to, based on their largesse.

This is a major turning point as President Biden pledges more federal money than ever to community colleges and vocational tech schools. Free community college would, of course, be amazing, but subsidizing all public higher education would be a larger benefit to the country, given that public colleges and universities serve the largest percentage of students nationwide. Indeed, public education is the terrain of both democracy and economic growth. However, starving out state schools who serve the bulk of the nation’s students will further concentrate wealth in the hands of the billionaires at the expense of research, development, art, culture, and a healthy democracy. Alumni, students, and faculty at state schools need to rally for more state and federal investment before it’s too late and stand with other public institutions under attack. Unionization movements in higher education across the country offer important lessons right now for public education as professors, staff, and students."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/">
    <title>Neoliberal Keywords: Creative, Passionate, Confident - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2023-06-13T20:29:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/neoliberal-keywords-creative-passionate-confident/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Some recent dispatches from my university inbox:

<blockquote>Everything Is Fine: A Toolkit for Surviving and Thriving in Grad School … 

Register for our Empowered Educator Online Conference … Leverage technology to increase students’ digital literacy and career readiness … 

The most important thing you will do in this role (and maybe your entire career!) is be a part of building the future of education for your area of domain expertise. You will design a program to teach traditional school subjects but in a non-traditional way. If you are a passionate subject matter expert who believes that technology—not teachers—is the key to unlocking students’ full learning potential, then this job is for you.</blockquote>

There is something so banal, even embarrassing, in the aggressive positivity and predictable cant of these emails. Such exhortations have become ubiquitous on the corporatized university campus, where a diverse cast of players—administrators, student clubs, brand ambassadors, Christian ministries, military recruiters, corporate employers, fitness organizations, test prep companies—coalesce around a shared set of keywords. But when did we all become so empowered, passionate, and self-enterprising? And how did having those qualities get to be so important?

Three new books address those questions, each dismantling a core myth of neoliberal discourse. In The Cult of Creativity: A Surprisingly Recent History, Samuel W. Franklin uncovers the contemporary premium placed on “creativity” as a product of postwar US anxiety. Passionate Work: Endurance After the Good Life, by Renyi Hong, critiques the contemporary idea of “passion” for one’s work as an affective tool for managing the disappointments, alienation, and injustices of labor under late capitalism. And in Confidence Culture, Shani Orgad and Rosalind Gill contend that the contemporary discourse of self-empowerment directed at women—both a “culture” and a “cult”—represents a neoliberal strand of feminism that makes the individual responsible for improving her own circumstances rather than addressing systemic and institutional injustices.

Together, these books provide historical context for some of neoliberalism’s most persistent idioms: grit, resilience, initiative, innovation, positive mindset, and self-improvement. The books also remind us of the stakes of language in all this. When we continue to rely on such keywords, we obscure the structural reality—and political urgency—of issues like worker precarity and widening economic inequality. Our linguistic repetition reinforces the unquestioned “truth” of the words themselves, and we thus naturalize political problems as personal ones."]]></description>
<dc:subject>language highered highereducation education 2023 creativity labor positivity neoliberalism precarity work grit resilience initiative innovation positivemindset mindset self-improvement ianarobitaille samuelfranklin renyihong shaniorgad rosalindgill anxiety capitalism copropratization universities colleges administration management keywords discourse rhetoric passion confidence culture disappointment alienation injustice latecapitalism rossalindgill self-empowerment women gender cults feminism individualism systems systemicinjustice institutions growth growthmindset structures reality politics urgency inequality linguistics truth ubiquity business psychology academia policy collusion industry ideology workplace us coldwar joypaulguilford calvintaylor economics lifestyle labororganizing eugenics aesthetics equity williamshockley davidogilvy belllabs entrepreneurialism progress class classdistinction technology autonomy fulfillment leisure workculture exploitation emotionalfulfillment cynicism uncertainty depri</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/29/pictures-institution">
    <title>Bard: Pictures from an Institution | The New Yorker</title>
    <dc:date>2023-05-10T03:09:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/29/pictures-institution</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In the thirty-nine years that Botstein has been president of Bard, the college has served as a kind of petri dish for his many pedagogical hypotheses: that, as he has written, “the performing and visual arts are not a luxury in a free and democratic society” but “symptoms of its existence”; that public intellectuals are often better teachers than newly minted Ph.D.s are; that a liberal-arts education has the power to reduce prison recidivism. Botstein insists that Bard—alternative, creative, freethinking—is a cause as much as a college. It offers degree-granting programs abroad—in Russia, Germany, the West Bank, and Kyrgyzstan—as well as in six New York State correctional facilities. Under the Bard banner, Botstein, whose book “Jefferson’s Children” (1997) argued that the American high-school system is obsolete and infantilizing, has founded alternative public secondary schools in Manhattan, Queens, Newark, Cleveland, and New Orleans. Students begin college work two years early, attend seminar-style classes, and graduate with an associate’s degree."

...

"Botstein’s prolixity does not preclude conversational generosity: he compulsively credits you with making good points that were in fact his. And though he can strike people as a world-class egomaniac, one never feels condescended to. There is a buoyant presupposition of agreement, and his antipathy does not seem personal. In Botstein’s mind, it’s not you who deserve weary scrutiny; it’s the world."

...

"To an eighteen-year-old, Botstein’s self-generated glamour is at once intimidating and all too tempting to mock. His passions—besides classical music, he has a love of pocket watches—made him seem to us like a man neither of the twenty-first century nor of America. We referred to him among ourselves as “Leon” and spoke sarcastically of inviting him to our parties. Today, his four-decade tenure strikes me as self-evidently impressive, but back when I was in college it seemed freakish, maybe even a little suspect. I wondered why he hadn’t gone on to a bigger school or found himself some sort of political appointment."

...

"Botstein’s reaction to bureaucracy could best be described as allergic, or perhaps even adolescent. His attention span is gnat-short, and he appears physically pained when confronted with procedure. He is agonized by time’s nasty habit of protracting itself in moments of anguish or tedium. At assemblies he has been known to wrap his arms around himself and hunch over until almost in a fetal position."

...

"Geoffrey Sanborn, who was my adviser at Bard and is now an English professor at Amherst, regards his former boss with a mixture of exasperation and grudging respect. About an hour into a telephone conversation, he decided that the most efficient way to sum up Botstein would be by quoting Faulkner, and he put down the phone to search for a copy of “Absalom, Absalom!” Sanborn returned after a few minutes, cleared his throat, and read, “ ‘He had been too successful, you see; his was that solitude of contempt and distrust which success brings to him who gained it because he was strong instead of merely lucky.’ ”"

...

"Though his father discouraged only three occupations—his children were not to become financiers, lawyers, or rabbis—Botstein is the only member of his immediate family who isn’t a doctor or a scientist, and whatever professional confidence he projects today was earned through shame and discomfort. Botstein stuttered growing up, and his father sometimes called him Durachyok (Russian for “little fool”), and his early experience has ripened into a lifelong allegiance to underdogs. The objects of his sympathy are diverse. They include incarcerated men and women, immigrants, political exiles, Palestinian university students, and, in his role as a conductor, underperformed operas and orchestral works."

...

"Emily Fisher, the vice-chair of the board and the ex-wife of the late Richard Fisher, one of Bard’s major donors, told me, “Bard has always educated the kind of student that tends not to go to Wall Street. They haven’t made buckets of money.” Unlike the best-endowed liberal-arts colleges, such as Amherst, Williams, and Swarthmore, Bard has done little to foster links to the business community. On campus, this has its positive side: the atmosphere is intellectually idealistic and anything but pre-professional. But, unsurprisingly, an excess of critical-theory-reading photography majors doesn’t make for a promising donor pool.

“Until relatively recently, Bard was a safety school,” Fisher said. “Its alumni didn’t have a sense of pride and owing to the place.” Although Botstein has changed the school’s reputation beyond recognition, he remains suspicious of the tactics that other schools use to cultivate a sense of shared identity. Greek life at Bard is nonexistent, as are any athletic teams that one might take seriously. Botstein has written that “it is an embarrassment that so much time, effort, emotion, and money are expended on gladiatorial exhibitions.” But, for better or worse, such activities are at the heart of fund-raising. Noah Drezner, an associate professor of higher education at Teachers College, Columbia University, told me, “Studies have shown that former student athletes, even just those who participated in organized college sports, are more likely to give, and give at higher rates.”

No one I know from college owns a single item of Bard College merchandise—no sweatshirts, no umbrellas, no bumper stickers. If there are meet-ups for Bard alumni at financial-district bars, I don’t know about them. Bard’s ethos of quixotic unworldliness is appealing—it’s part of why I ended up there—but it’s never occurred to me to donate money to the place.

Instead of appealing to alumni, Botstein’s chief tactic has been to court a few exceptionally wealthy donors. “We’re in the business of looking for large investors,” he told me. “Basically, the people who created the college are Leon Levy, Dick Fisher, and George Soros.”"

...

"The Bard Prison Initiative (B.P.I.) was founded in 1999 by an undergraduate, Max Kenner, who was concerned about the extraordinary growth of the prison system and thought that Bard could do something to help. College-in-prison programs, though controversial and rapidly disappearing across the country (George Pataki, New York’s governor, made ending them a part of his agenda), had been shown to be the most inexpensive and effective way of reducing recidivism. Kenner saw an opportunity for Bard to show leadership. He scheduled a meeting with Botstein and, a few weeks later, found himself facing an audience of seven senior administrators. He gave a five-minute presentation suggesting that Bard figure out a way to extend the liberal arts to the growing population of incarcerated Americans. “Leon just said, ‘Let’s do it.’ There was literally not a pause,” Kenner recalled, laughing. “Most people in positions of authority look for reasons to say no, and Leon is really the opposite.”

B.P.I. has helped to establish college-in-prison programs across the country and is now active in nine states. Challenging common preconceptions about what education in prison should look like—remedial classes, G.E.D. prep, vocational programs—B.P.I. offers its students the same course of study that regular Bard students receive. Nearly three hundred incarcerated people are enrolled with Bard; roughly the same number have graduated. Wesleyan, Grinnell, and Goucher have launched programs under Bard’s guidance, and large universities, including Notre Dame and Washington University in St. Louis, are also involved.

Arlander Brown told me, “As you learn to be a better critical reader you learn to be a better self-critic, too.” He is now an editorial assistant at a publishing house in Manhattan and a student at Hunter College. I heard something similar from Anibal Cortes, who was in the first class at B.P.I. “If you put that kind of humanistic education into the inherently dehumanizing space of prison, you can restore a person’s individual agency,” he said. Cortes earned his B.A. in 2008, having written a senior thesis on infant mortality in early-twentieth-century New York City, and, in May, graduated from Columbia with a master’s in public health. He is now a family-services specialist at the Fortune Society.

Among Bard’s many projects, including the foreign campuses and the alternative high schools, B.P.I. is perhaps the signal success. But although it is now self-funding, such programs are a significant drain on Bard’s resources. The high schools, though largely government-funded, siphon off about two million dollars a year from the college itself, a small sum at many institutions but not at Bard."

...

"At the beginning of August, just before the new class of freshmen arrived on campus, I went to see Botstein’s horological collection, which he had described to me in animated detail. He believes that a well-made clock is the ultimate “triumph of art and engineering.” Botstein was biographically primed to catch the watch-collecting bug: his parents helped members of his mother’s family survive the Warsaw Ghetto by sending them watches from Switzerland, which they used for bartering with Nazi officers.

Botstein brought out an armful of cases containing some of his collection. Made of black leather with buckles, they resembled travelling backgammon boards. He opened the boxes one by one. Inside were golden grids, each pocket watch nestled in a small divot, like a truffle. Botstein extracted an eighteenth-century Swiss specimen, removed the back casing with a knife, and motioned for me to inspect its innards. He pulled out a watch by Charles Fasoldt, a German maker who immigrated to America in the middle of the nineteenth century and set up shop in upstate New York: “He was a maniac!” Botstein exclaimed. “He didn’t follow anybody’s rules!”

He opened more cases. One watch told the time to a quarter of a second, its hands spinning furiously; another, from the French Revolution, ran on decimal time. Botstein excitedly described a pocket watch he was considering trading for: it had been made for a maharaja, and had two sets of hands, one black and one gold, that swept around a single dial, in order to tell the time simultaneously in India and in England. He scoffed at the idea of a person wanting a watch that would tell the phases of the moon, and said that the most accurate watches did nothing but tell the time: “The more complications—it’s like the car that also swims and flies. Well, it might not be such a great car. ”

Botstein pointed out balance wheels, regulators, tourbillons. He demonstrated different chimes. With each passing second, he spoke faster, like a boy eager to show off a model airplane and impatient for you to share his enthusiasm. “I never have anything that doesn’t work,” he said. “I’m extremely allergic to things that don’t work.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RnrxJyZ3S-A">
    <title>Anti-Capitalist Chronicles: The Corporatization of Academia - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-04-21T00:52:37+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of Anti-Capitalist Chronicles, Prof. Harvey reflects on how universities in the US have shifted and evolved under advanced capitalism to function more and more like corporations. The ethos of the academic model is no longer about universities paying professors to teach, but rather that professors earn their keep by making money for the university. We are seeing increased bureaucratization, a push for entrepreneurialism among professors, and a growing corporate managerial structure. This reorganization of education around monetization has left professors disillusioned and despondent and cannot be sustained."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://thedigradio.com/podcast/higher-ed-crisis-w-dennis-hogan/">
    <title>Higher Ed Crisis w/ Dennis Hogan · The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-13T21:43:47+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thedigradio.com/podcast/higher-ed-crisis-w-dennis-hogan/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Featuring Dennis Hogan on the crisis in higher education. The first in a two-part series. Next up: Donna Murch and Todd Wolfson on how university workers can fight back through industrial unionism."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/know-your-enemy-on-barbara-ehrenreich">
    <title>Know Your Enemy: On Barbara Ehrenreich, with Alex Press and Gabriel Winant - Dissent Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2023-02-13T15:06:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/know-your-enemy-on-barbara-ehrenreich</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/on-barbara-ehrenreich-w-alex-press-gabriel-winant/id1462703434?i=1000579235168 ]

"Barbara Ehrenreich was an essential guide to the inner life of American class conflict.

When Barbara Ehrenreich died on September 1, Matt and Sam felt an urge to honor her memory and the profound influence she has had on the American left, socialism, feminism, and our collective thinking about class struggle. From her work in the women’s health movement of the 1960s and her theorizing (with ex-husband John Ehrenreich) of the “professional-managerial class” in the 1970s to her explorations of Reagan-era yuppie pathologies and her renowned exposé of low-wage work in 2001’s Nickel and Dimed, Barbara Ehrenreich has been an essential and nuanced guide to the inner life of American class conflict in the latter half of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first.

To undertake this journey through an extraordinary body of work, we’re joined by two brilliant writers who have both taken up Ehrenreich’s profound ethical and intellectual challenge: Alex Press, staff writer at Jacobin, and returning guest Gabriel Winant, University of Chicago historian and author of The Next Shift: The Fall of Industry and the Rise of Health Care.

As Winant wrote in his stunning obituary last week, “Ehrenreich’s specialty was to reveal her readers to themselves by showing them the other. Her humor and projection of personal vulnerability were particularly deft techniques for asking the reader to see their own position, often through identification with Ehrenreich: she invites this, beckoning you to follow her into her subject, and then suddenly wheels around on you—and you are caught out.”

Sources and further reading:

Barbara and John Ehrenreich, The Professional-Managerial Class, Radical America (1977)
https://files.libcom.org/files/Rad%20America%20V11%20I2.pdf

The New Left and the Professional Managerial Class, Radical America (1977)
https://files.libcom.org/files/Rad%20America%20V11%20I3.pdf

Death of a Yuppie Dream, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (2013)
https://www.rosalux.de/fileadmin/rls_uploads/pdfs/sonst_publikationen/ehrenreich_death_of_a_yuppie_dream90.pdf

Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, Witches, Midwives, and Nurses: A History of Women Healers, The Feminist Press (1973)
https://www.feministpress.org/books-n-z/witches-midwives-nurses-second-edition

Barbara Ehrenreich, Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class, Pantheon (1989)
https://www.twelvebooks.com/titles/barbara-ehrenreich/fear-of-falling/9781455543748/

Barbara Ehrenreich, Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America, Metropolitan (2001)
https://www.thriftbooks.com/w/nickel-and-dimed-on-not-getting-by-in-america-by-barbara-ehrenreich/245724/#edition=1777886&idiq=1716575

“Preface to Klaus Theweleit’s Male Fantasies Volume 1: Women, Floods, Bodies, History,” University of Minnesota Press (1987)

Gabriel Winant, On Barbara Ehrenreich, n+1
https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-44/dead-people-rule/you-dont-want-to-know-this/

Professional-Managerial Chasm, n+1
https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/professional-managerial-chasm/

The Right Kind of Worker, Know Your Enemy
https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/know-your-enemy-the-right-kind-of-worker-with-gabriel-winant

Alex Press, On the Origins of the Professional-Managerial Class: An Interview with Barbara Ehrenreich, Dissent
https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/on-the-origins-of-the-professional-managerial-class-an-interview-with-barbara-ehrenreich

David Rieff, White Bread, White Dread (review of Fear of Falling), LA Times (1989)
https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1989-08-20-bk-1321-story.html "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9aCwCKgkLo">
    <title>Working at Valve: 'A Fearless Adventure' or 'Lord of the Flies'? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-01-25T20:40:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9aCwCKgkLo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What's it actually like working for Valve Corporation? Over the last few months, People Make Games has interviewed 16 current and former Valve employees about the inner workings of one of gaming's most mysterious companies. A place with no bosses (not even Gabe Newell, claims Valve), no job titles and you're free to pick the work that matters most to you. But how true is any of that, in reality?

Created by Chris Bratt:
https://twitter.com/chrisbratt

And Anni Sayers:
https://twitter.com/anni_sayers

0:00 - 4:02 How much do you know about Valve Corporation?
4:03 - 5:17 Introducing Valve's somewhat fanatic Employee Handbook
5:18 - 7:31 Welcome to Flatland
7:32 - 8:46 Not everybody's the "right fit" for Valve
8:47 - 10:40 How Valve functions without managers
10:41 - 18:00 Stack ranking
18:01 - 24:54 Valve has a diversity crisis
24:55 - 28:18  How do people get fired?
28:19 - 30:08 Steam makes this a very different company
30:09 - 35:40 Disagreement over Black Lives Matter
35:41 - 41:13 Does Steam have a greater responsibility to society?
41:14 - 42:03 Is this truly a "structureless" company?
42:04 - 45:56  Valve isn't returning our emails
45:57 - 47:42 Support People Make Games (please)"]]></description>
<dc:subject>valve 2023 videogames peoplemakegames gaming blacklivesmatter structure hierarchy diversity culture games gabenewell work horizontality chrisblatt annisayers steam stucturelessness responsibility society race racism gender sexism discrimination stackranking management administration leadership</dc:subject>
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    <title>A &quot;proliferation of administrators&quot;: faculty reflect on two decades of rapid expansion - Yale Daily News</title>
    <dc:date>2022-12-05T05:48:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2021/11/10/reluctance-on-the-part-of-its-leadership-to-lead-yales-administration-increases-by-nearly-50-percent/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Noah Pollak (@NoahPollak): "At Yale there is now a 1:1 ratio of undergraduate students to administrators. Mind-boggling."

...

"In 2003, when 5,307 undergraduate students studied on campus, the University employed 3,500 administrators and managers. In 2019, before the COVID-19 pandemic’s effects on student enrollment, only 600 more students were living and studying at Yale, yet the number of administrators had risen by more than 1,500 — a nearly 45 percent hike. In 2018, The Chronicle of Higher Education found that Yale had the highest manager-to-student ratio of any Ivy League university, and the fifth highest in the nation among four-year private colleges. 

According to eight members of the Yale faculty, this administration size imposes unnecessary costs, interferes with students’ lives and faculty’s teaching, spreads the burden of leadership and adds excessive regulation. By contrast, administrators noted much of this increase can be attributed to growing numbers of medical staff, and that the University has proportionally increased its faculty size."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.postcarbon.org/crazytown/episode-56/">
    <title>Episode 56: The Stopwatch of Doom: How the Cult of Productivity Torpedoes Sustainability and Equity - Post Carbon Institute</title>
    <dc:date>2022-06-06T01:46:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.postcarbon.org/crazytown/episode-56/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Welcome to the dehumanizing world of scientific management, where business gurus and middle managers view workers as resources, and where a cult-like devotion to productivity has invaded almost all facets of daily life. From fairy tales about strapping steel workers who put CrossFit champions to shame, to the plight of Amazon warehouse workers who can’t even get a bathroom break, we’ve got stories that expose the dark side of the efficiency fetish. Grab your stopwatch and a pee bottle so you can listen to this episode as efficiently as possible!

The date: 1899
The location: Bethlehem, Pennsylvania (United States)
Estimated human population: 1.63 billion
Estimated atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration: 296 parts per million

Show Notes
- Frederick Winslow Taylor wrote his book The Principles of Scientific Management in 1911.

- Frank Barkley Copley wrote the 1923 book Frederick W. Taylor: Father of Scientific Management.

- Charles Wrege and Amedeo Perroni debunked Taylor’s experiments in this article in the Academy of Management Journal (1974).

- Jill Lepore wrote “Not So Fast” in the New Yorker, an article about how scientific management has crept into so many facets of daily life.

- This article in Business Insider describes how Amazon monitors employees.

- This article in the Washington Post further examines employee surveillance at Amazon.

- Amazon admits the “peeing in bottles thing” is real.

- Jodi Kantor, Karen Weise, and Grace Ashford wrote an article about Amazon’s “employment machine” in the New York Times (2021).
- Rutger Bregman critiques scientific management and tells the story of Jos de Blok in his book Humankind.

- Matthew Stewart wrote a book critical of management and business titled The Management Myth: Debunking Modern Business Philosophy."

...

"Jason Bradford  
When I was watching this Netflix series on the Michael Jordan, and they call the last dance, it was really more than just about Michael Jordan. It was about the team around him and also the coach, Phil Jackson. I found that character pretty amazing. And one of the things that I got out of it was how Phil adapted his treatment to the individual. And he really had this really strong personal relationship. And the other character stands out for me is Dennis Rodman. You remember that guy?

Rob Dietz  
Yeah, yes. He would belong here in Crazy Town.

Asher Miller  
He belongs in North Korea with his buddy over there.

Jason Bradford  
He was out there. And they had plenty of footage and examples of Dennis being pretty wild. Going to Vegas in the middle of season. 

Asher Miller  
He left in the middle of like the playoffs. Didn't he just like disappear? 

Jason Bradford  
Yeah. He went to some wrestling performance with Hulk Hogan.

Rob Dietz  
But he was incredible. Like, what a rebounder. He was like the high energy guy.

Jason Bradford  
Well that was the thing. It was like on the court, he gave everything. And what Phil Jackson and the team that accepted was that we've got to give him space to be himself and take the breaks he needs. Because we know he's gonna to tell us what he needs outside of basketball to be great at basketball. So anyway, I bring this up in the do the opposite to say that when you have a small enough team like that, and you have relationships that are close, and you're all working for the same goal, incredible things can happen. But it's about the flexibility that happens when you know and respect and care for one another, which seems really opposite of the sort of cog in the machine scientific management. That's why I bring it up. 

Rob Dietz  
Well you know, Phil Jackson did not study business administration in college. He was at the University of North Dakota, and he actually studied religion, philosophy and psychology. So maybe those were actually good subjects for management.

Asher Miller  
He's got a real spiritual background.

Jason Bradford  
And he's a basketball player. 

Asher Miller  
He also was a professional basketball. 

Jason Bradford  
Yeah, but I think his parents were like, preachers and stuff. 

Asher Miller  
Yeah, what you just said, Jason, I think is a key thing to think about in terms of doing the opposite, and it gets to scale. Right? So a lot of these challenges that we're dealing with, we've talked about on so many different levels, you know. We're looking at complex systems and the challenges that we're facing, and our inability cognitively to understand the enormity of the climate crisis and things that we're creating. It has just due to the fact that we're not designed to operate at the scale that we're operating at, you know. And that's true, just in terms of like, how we work together as human beings. There's another fascinating theory that was developed that came out of, you know, again, studying sort of labor and how people work. There's a guy named Homer Hibarger, I think. I'm not sure how it's pronounced. But he was studying this is like in the 1920's, early 20's, or something like that. He was trying to study how like illumination, I think he was hired by like a light bulb company or something, how that actually makes workers more productive. 

Rob Dietz  
Wait, how light bulbs make workers more productive? 

Asher Miller  
If you turn up the lights, basically, yeah. 

Rob Dietz  
I was gonna say yeah, if you're stuck in the dark, it's hard to get your job done.

Asher Miller  
Well, we talked about Taylor how his eyes probably went to shit be he was sitting by candlelight or something like that, right? So he was doing these studies to see if you increase the lights, you know, they'd go up. And productivity did go up and actually being a true researcher unlike, our buddy Taylor here, he was actually like, "Well, I didn't compare to this to other things." So he tried a bunch of other stuff. Like he gave - and  these are women doing telephone relay stuff.

Rob Dietz  
Yeah, he released several hives of stinging bees into the . . . 

Asher Miller  
No, he was trying to do nice things like give them breaks, you know. And when he gives them breaks, productivity went up, also. And then he gave more breaks and productivity went up even more. He eventually let them leave like an hour early every day. Productivity even went up again. Free lunch, all this stuff. And he couldn't fucking figure out why this was going on. So they brought in this other guy, this Australian guy named Mayo to look at this. And basically, his theory was that it doesn't matter what the interventions were, it was a fact that you brought this small team of women together, working together on something. Do you know what I mean? So there's this like cohesion and connection between them that led to that productivity. It didn't matter if it was a lights or the heat or the whatever. 

Jason Bradford  
Oh interesting. 

Asher Miller  
Which is, I think, really fascinating. I mean, there's a dark side to that, which is like, you could on a managerial level of like trying to manipulate - I think they call this sort of like a humanistic approach to management. You can manipulate people to that way if you wanted to. But again, bring it down to the human scale, I think is really key. 

Rob Dietz  
Well, that's very different, the idea of I'm going to manipulate people by using this information versus I'm going to trust them to make good decisions as a team. And that brings up the story of Jos de Blok, and I read about this in Rutger Bregman's book, "Humankind." We talked about Bregman a little bit ago with the Tucker Carlson interview. So Jos de Blok is like the contrarian CEO who doesn't believe in management, essentially. It's pretty fascinating. So he runs this health care organization in the Netherlands, it's kind of about nursing and giving people care. It's called Buurtzorg. I'm sure I'm butchering that pronunciation. But I think, just in reading some of his quotes, he seems like a contrarian sort of jokester in a way. But his company has won a shit ton of awards. And it was voted Employer of the Year, five times in the Netherlands. And he gets sought after by professors and people all over the world and gives these great interviews. But basically, it's what you guys are talking about, he favors these small teams that are autonomous, they decide who's on their team, they make decisions about how to give care. And what's happened is the people receiving health care are happier and doing better, obviously, winning these employer the year. The employees are happier and doing better. And it's like, he's basically saying, we got to get out of the way. Stop with this middle management. Let's just get rid of it and trust people to make good decisions and they come up with great ideas.

Jason Bradford  
That's very interesting, because it reminds me of a different context. I have a friend Kinari Webb. And I've been reading her book, "Guardians of the Trees." And she goes to Indonesia after the terrible tsunami, and she watches all these NGOs, who are these sort of bloated bureaucracies, where all these people come in from these rich countries and they think they know what to do. And they separate themselves from the population in trying to help out. She, on the other hand, starts an NGO that goes in to provide health care to these rural areas that are on the edge of these national parks. Which there's incredible biodiversity in the Dipterocarp forests and orangutangs. And they're cutting them down because if people get in an emergency, they have a medical problem, and they don't have any cash. So they're cutting trees down to go to some hospital. 

Rob Dietz  
They're paying for services in logs, essentially.

Jason Bradford  
Well, they need the cash and otherwise there's not many other ways for them to get money. But they don't want to do it. So she talks about how she trusted these poor, uneducated, from Western standards, people, and she did this radical listening, like I'm going to hear and understand what their life is about. I'm going to ask them questions. And then she's going to ask them to problem solve collectively. And so it's a  tremendous flip completely.

Rob Dietz  
Yeah, because Taylor would have asked him questions and then broke out the stopwatch. 

Jason Bradford  
Right. So I find all this very interesting. Like trust that most people are going to want to do the right thing. And my friend Kinnari always says like, they're all actually intelligent. Like, we look down at these people because they don't have the education we do. But she trusts that they're actually smart. That there's a reasonable amount of average human intelligence out there and they can actually solve these problems.

Asher Miller  
Yeah, and I guess I would say, even on a broader level, but it really does come down to the individual. I think we have to recognize that - and you talked about this earlier, Rob. I think  maybe the biographer of Taylor talked about how sort of Taylorism has become so seeped into our culture. That we sort of see it as normal and reasonable and rational to be thinking about how productive and efficient we are. We always do this to ourselves. I do this in my life. And I was actually just talking my wife about this. And she's one of the most productive people I know. And she's always kept these like lists going. And she's going through this process right now, where she's like, I'm going to cut these lists down basically. I'm not going to do these lists anymore, and I'm gonna try to create more space. Now, there's a privilege to being able to do that that she recognizes. There are a lot of people that basically don't have the freedom or flexibility to do that. But maybe it takes those of us who are in a position where we do have some flexibility to say, we're measuring the wrong things here. Do you know what I mean? And you talked, Jason,  to about when we talk about efficiency, we're talking about monetary labor efficiency, rather than energy or resource efficiency. I think even efficiency as a whole, or productivity, we should be thinking about sustainability, and quality. 

Rob Dietz  
Well, let's keep the good stuff from Taylor in the pop culture. So you know, he's all about Cheaper by the Dozen, right? But Yoast a Blokes teams are actually 12 people in his company. So let's try that. Let's try Better by the Dozen."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theamericanscholar.org/solitude-and-leadership/">
    <title>The American Scholar: Solitude and Leadership - William Deresiewicz</title>
    <dc:date>2022-05-01T14:56:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theamericanscholar.org/solitude-and-leadership/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[already bookmarked here:
https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:04eb6d5c4bb0

surfaced again by
https://screwdowncrown.com/2022/04/30/how-to-think/ ]

"That’s the first half of the lecture: the idea that true leadership means being able to think for yourself and act on your convictions. But how do you learn to do that? How do you learn to think? Let’s start with how you don’t learn to think. A study by a team of researchers at Stanford came out a couple of months ago. The investigators wanted to figure out how today’s college students were able to multitask so much more effectively than adults. How do they manage to do it, the researchers asked? The answer, they discovered—and this is by no means what they expected—is that they don’t. The enhanced cognitive abilities the investigators expected to find, the mental faculties that enable people to multitask effectively, were simply not there. In other words, people do not multitask effectively. And here’s the really surprising finding: the more people multitask, the worse they are, not just at other mental abilities, but at multitasking itself.

One thing that made the study different from others is that the researchers didn’t test people’s cognitive functions while they were multitasking. They separated the subject group into high multitaskers and low multitaskers and used a different set of tests to measure the kinds of cognitive abilities involved in multitasking. They found that in every case the high multitaskers scored worse. They were worse at distinguishing between relevant and irrelevant information and ignoring the latter. In other words, they were more distractible. They were worse at what you might call “mental filing”: keeping information in the right conceptual boxes and being able to retrieve it quickly. In other words, their minds were more disorganized. And they were even worse at the very thing that defines multitasking itself: switching between tasks.

Multitasking, in short, is not only not thinking, it impairs your ability to think. Thinking means concentrating on one thing long enough to develop an idea about it. Not learning other people’s ideas, or memorizing a body of information, however much those may sometimes be useful. Developing your own ideas. In short, thinking for yourself. You simply cannot do that in bursts of 20 seconds at a time, constantly interrupted by Facebook messages or Twitter tweets, or fiddling with your iPod, or watching something on YouTube.

I find for myself that my first thought is never my best thought. My first thought is always someone else’s; it’s always what I’ve already heard about the subject, always the conventional wisdom. It’s only by concentrating, sticking to the question, being patient, letting all the parts of my mind come into play, that I arrive at an original idea. By giving my brain a chance to make associations, draw connections, take me by surprise. And often even that idea doesn’t turn out to be very good. I need time to think about it, too, to make mistakes and recognize them, to make false starts and correct them, to outlast my impulses, to defeat my desire to declare the job done and move on to the next thing.

I used to have students who bragged to me about how fast they wrote their papers. I would tell them that the great German novelist Thomas Mann said that a writer is someone for whom writing is more difficult than it is for other people. The best writers write much more slowly than everyone else, and the better they are, the slower they write. James Joyce wrote Ulysses, the greatest novel of the 20th century, at the rate of about a hundred words a day—half the length of the selection I read you earlier from Heart of Darkness—for seven years. T. S. Eliot, one of the greatest poets our country has ever produced, wrote about 150 pages of poetry over the course of his entire 25-year career. That’s half a page a month. So it is with any other form of thought. You do your best thinking by slowing down and concentrating."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/living-in-expectation-of-the-unexpected">
    <title>Living In Expectation of the Unexpected Gift</title>
    <dc:date>2022-01-03T21:11:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://theconvivialsociety.substack.com/p/living-in-expectation-of-the-unexpected</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I’ve not used the app myself, so I’m trusting Berjon’s judgment here. What this suggests, then, as the reference to Ellul anticipated, is that users take up the app in the spirit of technique, which has emerged in tandem with modern technology but cannot be reduced to any specific technology. One could argue that the app itself is already, to some degree, designed in that spirit, but it also seems to find in certain users a decided inclination to exploit the app’s affordances in this particular spirit bent on optimization itself as the form of the good life. We might speak not only of the spirit of optimization but also of a desire to rationalize, manage, control, or otherwise achieve a measure of mastery over our experience.

The start of a new year seems to stoke these desires and inclinations, and understandably so. Frustrated by the disappointments, failures, or regrets of the past year, I may be tempted to search for better methods, systems, or strategies in order to realize my aspirations: the right planner, the right app, the right schedule, the right book, the right plan, etc. And I don’t mean to suggest that tools of this sort or good counsel might not, in fact, prove helpful. But much hinges on the spirit in which these tools are taken up, and that is chiefly what I’ve been driving at thus far.

Allow me to pair this line of thought with an observation Chris Gilliard made a couple of months ago regarding an app that promises to “take care of your meals each week with increasing relevancy and minimal input from the user.” “Really weird,” Gilliard noted, “how tech companies are all promising to offload your decision making so you can have time for ‘what matters.’ If you aren’t making any of these decisions, what’s left that matters?”

This point resonated with me because I’ve been making some version of it since at least 2013 when, in response to a piece about the future “programmable world,” I wrote,

<blockquote>For some people at least, the idea seems to be that when we are freed from these mundane and tedious activities, we will be free to finally tap the real potential of our humanity. It’s as if there were some abstract plane of human existence that no one had yet achieved because we were fettered by our need to be directly engaged with the material world. I suppose that makes this a kind of gnostic fantasy. When we no longer have to tend to the world, we can focus on … what exactly?</blockquote>

It seems rarely to occur to us, or rather we are encouraged to forget that much of the joy and satisfaction we might find in this world may stem from our purposeful involvement in the sorts of tasks we are told to see as mundane, trivial, and inconvenient.

I’ve been noting of late that much of the “smart” infrastructure that is increasingly colonizing the home under the guise of convenience and automation tends to aim at something altogether banal: automated, which is to say thoughtless, rote consumption. This is evident, for example, in the app that inspired Gilliard’s comments.

From one perspective we might say that modern society in its consumerist mode offered the proliferation of choices and options as its summum bonum, its ultimate good. That is until the proliferation of choices and options became counterproductive, overwhelming would-be consumers with choices, inducing decision paralysis, and yielding diminishing returns. Now freedom as choice gives way to freedom from choice, but with no clearer sense of what freedom is for.

I know it is passé or worse in certain circles to cite the late David Foster Wallace, perhaps especially his Kenyon College address, but indulge me in recalling these lines:

<blockquote>And the so-called real world will not discourage you from operating on your default settings, because the so-called real world of men and money and power hums merrily along in a pool of fear and anger and frustration and craving and worship of self. Our own present culture has harnessed these forces in ways that have yielded extraordinary wealth and comfort and personal freedom. The freedom all to be lords of our tiny skull-sized kingdoms, alone at the centre of all creation. This kind of freedom has much to recommend it. But of course there are all different kinds of freedom, and the kind that is most precious you will not hear much talk about much in the great outside world of wanting and achieving…. The really important kind of freedom involves attention and awareness and discipline, and being able truly to care about other people and to sacrifice for them over and over in myriad petty, unsexy ways every day.</blockquote>

Make what you will of Wallace and his art, this seems to me right and wise.

In the Prologue to The Human Condition, with the promise that automation would empty the factories, Hannah Arendt worried that “it is a society of laborers which is about to be liberated from the fetters of labor, and this society does no longer know of those other higher and more meaninfgul activities for the sake of which this freedom would deserve to be won.” “What we are confronted with,” she added, “is the prospect of a society of laborers without labor, that is, without the only activity left to them.  Surely, nothing could be worse.”

I’m tempted to say of the promise of a future world of automated consumption that we are confronted with the prospect of a society of consumers without consumption. Surely, nothing could be worse.

While Arendt’s mid-twentieth century fears about automation have not yet played out as she, and many others at the time, feared, her claim that modern society no longer knows of the higher activities for the sake of which freedom deserved to be won is still worth pondering.

If we grant that Arendt is on to something, I’d suggest that it is precisely in the absence of such activities or goods that technique takes on its compulsive, colonizing nature. Optimization becomes an end in itself. I may not know where I am going or why, but I can take some comfort in knowing that I can travel faster and more efficiently. Frenetic activity or compulsive distraction substitute for a clear sense of purpose and commitment. Substantive goals may elude me, but I can take refuge in tracking and optimizing an increasing range of activities and bodily functions.

I’m writing this installment with the themes of the last—exhaustion, burnout, tiredness, rest—still in mind. There are so many reasons why any of us might feel exhausted and depleted, but just now I find myself wondering how much of it is the result of aimless labors that serve only the operations of a techno-economic system designed to offer us everything but satisfaction, schooling us only in various forms of envy, addiction, and dependence.

I recently revisited Lewis Mumford’s 1951 lectures collected in Art and Technics, and I happened upon the following paragraph:

<blockquote>My basic assumption is that our life has increasingly split up into unrelated compartments, whose only form of order and interrelationship comes through fitting into the automatic organizations and mechanisms that in fact govern our daily existence. We have lost the essential capacity of self-governing persons—the freedom to make decisions, to say Yes or No in terms of our own purposes—so that, though we have vastly augmented our powers, through the high development of technics, we have not developed the capacity to control those powers in any proportionate degree. As a result, our very remedies are only further symptoms of the disease itself.</blockquote>

The freedom to say Yes or No in terms of our own purposes—it would seem that the first step in the direction is to clarify for ourselves what exactly our own purpose are or should be. To do this, it seems to me that we need to play the role of Socrates to ourselves, questioning our motives and desires, asking ourselves why we do what we do, seeking to radically, that is to the roots, weed out the various ways we’ve accepted uncritically the default settings of our techno-economic order.

I’m not inclined to give advice, particularly since so much of it takes the shape of technique, glibly packaged. I’ve been reading Tolkien again, and recently read that “elves seldom give unguarded advice, for advice is a dangerous gift, even from the wise to the wise, and all courses may run ill.” This seems right. But if I may venture the risk, let me at least allow you to overhear some of what I am saying to myself.

Do not mistake planning for purpose, or activity for action.

Attend to the ordinary and the mundane with care and with gratitude.

Consider that rest is not a time set aside, but a spirit brought to every time.

Refuse the ever-present temptation to control and manage the thing we call life for their is no surer way to miss it.

Finally, it will surprise no one if I bring this installment, and thus the year of writing, to a close by recalling Ivan Illich, or at least a striking summary of Illich’s thought written by his friend and biographer David Cayley. In Cayley’s words, Illich believed that one of the great temptations we must resist was the temptation “to bring what must begin and end as surprise under administration.”

So, I will do my best to enter the new year in a spirit of expectation, refusing the burden of administering and controlling what, if it is to be experienced at all, can only be experienced in its fullness as a surprise, an unexpected gift.

May the new year find you all healthy and well."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://aaa.org.hk/en/collections/search/library/forms-of-education-couldnt-get-a-sense-of-it">
    <title>Collections | Search | Forms of Education: Couldn't Get a Sense of It | Asia Art Archive</title>
    <dc:date>2021-09-25T19:56:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://aaa.org.hk/en/collections/search/library/forms-of-education-couldnt-get-a-sense-of-it</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:
http://incainstitute.org/forms-of-education-couldnt-make-sense-of-it/

“Three years ago, during a talk at a university, a student asked me, “What is the relationship between your work and your teaching?” I realized then that there was none. I might teach experimental forms and aesthetic vernaculars, but the way I taught it looked like any other art class from Mumbai to New York, part of that dominant sameness that is global art education. Also, my work happens neither in the studio nor through “research”, but in ways that I could not quite name back then. I usually would describe it, and sometimes still do, as “looking like ethnography from the outside” with important differences in purpose and method, observational, and then, Boalian or rooted in experimental histories of theater and film. It struck me that I could not teach all of this, in practice and in a way that encompassed all the surprise, boredom, hesitation, fear, improvisation and pleasure that the process can produce. I resolved to change the form and spirit of what and how I taught.

–Beatriz Santiago Muñoz’s excerpt from her text The Third Teacher”]

“CHAPTER HEADINGS

Part 1: The Ignorant Administrator: Business Models in Education

Rise Up You Lovely Children of Saturn - Gregory SHOLETTE
Poetry Without Poets - Eunsong KIM
Education as Form and as Content: A Questionnaire for the Artist and for the Institution - Pablo HELGUERA
Very Useful Studies (The Beating Drums of Pragmatism) - Duba SAMBOLEC
Collapsing into a Choir - MFA no MFA
Earmarking the Art Market - Shelly ASQUITH

Part 2: Getting a Sense of It: Relocating the Body in Education

The Education of a Marginal Saint - Roee ROSEN
Re-locating the Differently-abled: A Choreopoem for Detroit’s Parents with Disabled Children 2010-2015 - Aurora HARRIS
Bodies Without Information - Ted HEIBERT
I’ve Learned Many Things at the Art School, But I Haven’t Learned How to Make Art - Mohamed Ali FADLABI

Part 3: The Efficiency of Failure: Alternative Education

The Third Teacher - Beatriz Santiago MUÑOZ
Modes of Engagement in Design for the Living World - Marjetica POTRČ
EEEE Escuela de Garaje
What Goes by the Name of Freedom: Baby Steps Towards a Rhetorically-Informed Critique of the Free School
“So What’s the Answer?” - Judy CHICAGO
International Academy of Art - Palestine - Bisan Husam ABU-EISHEH

Part 4: Forms and Aesthetics: The Object

The Problem of Intersection Remains - Diego BRUNO
It’s That Time Again: On Curriculums - Clare BUTCHER
Excavating the Dumpster - Robert Paul WOLFF
Time to Be Loose - Chus MARTINEZ
Between Privileges of Unlearning and Formlessness of Anti-Knowing: Ideologies of Artistic Education - Sezgin BOYNIK
Project Description for MA in Fine Art that Led to an Invitation to an Interview I Didn’t Attend - Audun MORTENSEN

Part 5: Class: Social (Un)consciousness

Class Time - Aeron BERGMAN, Alejandra SALINAS
To Share a Read - Irena BORIĆ
C.R.E.A.M. - Sondra PERRY, Nicole MALOOF

Part 6: Guilt: Debt

Lost Properties Some Arguments For and Against the Dematerialization of Art - Chris KRAUS
School, Debt, Bohemia: On the Disciplining of Artists - Martha ROSLER
Open Letter to President Bharucha - Walid RAAD”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.are.na/maya-man/girlboss-rip">
    <title>Girlboss (RIP) — Are.na</title>
    <dc:date>2021-09-01T16:27:45+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.are.na/maya-man/girlboss-rip</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[A collection of articles that includes the following as of bookmarking:

“’Girl boss’: When empowerment slogans backfire
An advert using the term ‘girl boss’ was recently found to have patronised women. Six years on, does the phrase regain a message of empowerment?” (January 2020)
https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200127-the-advert-that-triggered-a-debate-about-girl-boss

“Evil Girlboss Not to Be Crossed” (February 2021)
https://www.thecut.com/2021/02/emma-stone-is-a-she-e-o-joker-in-disneys-new-cruella.html

“The End of the Girlboss Is Here
The girlboss didn’t change the system; she thrived within it. Now that system is cracking, and so is this icon of millennial hustle.” (June 2020)
https://gen.medium.com/the-end-of-the-girlboss-is-nigh-4591dec34ed8

“Here’s Why These ‘Feminist’ Terms Are Problematic
Why don’t we call boys #BoyBoss?” (August 2021)
https://elle.in/article/feminist-terms-girlboss/

“Pop Culture Is Finally Getting Over the Girlboss Heroine. What Comes Next?” (June 2021)
https://time.com/6073788/physical-review-girlboss/

“Girlboss culture isn’t dead, it’s rebranded as “that girl” now
On the back of the millennial girlboss aesthetic, the “that girl” wellness trend is taking over TikTok.” (July 2021)
https://i-d.vice.com/en_uk/article/v7exm4/tiktok-that-girl-girlboss-trend

“#GIRLBOSS, by Sophia Amoruso” (September 2015)
https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/316162/girlboss-by-sophia-amoruso/

“Is Being a ‘Girl Boss’ a Bad Thing? It’s Complicated
On TikTok and Instagram, a term that used to embody Millennial female empowerment has become a way to mock capitalism, superficial activism, and more” (May 2021)
https://www.lamag.com/culturefiles/girl-boss-bad/

“The Empty Girlboss Fantasy of “Physical”
The texture of the Apple TV+ series, which stars Rose Byrne as the mother of a home-exercise fad, is so mean, so low-grade miserable, that it makes you want to believe in empowerment.” (August 2021)
https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cultural-comment/the-empty-girlboss-fantasy-of-physical

“The Girlboss Apologia Era Is Upon Us
Last month’s Leandra Medine interview on The Cutting Room Floor offers a glimpse into the new comeback playbook for female founders.” (August 2021)
https://www.vanityfair.com/style/2021/08/the-girlboss-apologia-era-is-upon-us

“Elizabeth Holmes’ trial is also a referendum on the girlboss era” (August 2021)
https://qz.com/work/2053300/elizabeth-holmes-trial-is-a-referendum-on-the-girlboss-era/

“Unpacking what it means to ‘gaslight, gatekeep, girlboss’
What can we learn from these three buzzwords fall from grace?” (July 2021)
https://i-d.vice.com/en_uk/article/88nvjg/gaslight-gatekeep-girlboss

“Review: ‘Self Care’ is a blistering fictional takedown of VC feminism” (July 2020)
https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/books/story/2020-07-05/self-care-by-leigh-stein-review

“The Girlboss Is Dead. Long Live the Girlboss. The trope was infantilizing and sexist. For many women, it was also essential.” (August 2021)
https://www.thecut.com/2021/08/demise-of-the-girlboss.html

“Leigh Stein’s Self Care and the Death of the Girlboss
The author’s new novel is wildly prescient when it comes to the fortunes of female founders.” (July 2020)
https://www.wired.com/story/self-care-girlboss/

“The death of the girlboss
Girlbosses convinced us they would change capitalism. We weren’t wrong in hoping they would.” (June 2021)
https://www.vox.com/22466574/gaslight-gatekeep-girlboss-meaning

“The Girlboss Has Left the Building
American workplaces are facing a reckoning. So what comes next?” (June 2020)
https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2020/06/girlbosses-what-comes-next/613519/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>girlboss feminism neoliberalism 2020 2021 amandamull leighstein kateknibbs alex-abadsantos samhitamukhopadhyay lesliepariseau jamesgreig sarahtodd elizabethholmes deliakai sophanguyen paigeskinner sophia amoruso laurapitcher capitalism economics patriarchy judyberman gargiagrawal sangeetasingh-kurtz hephzibahanderson sherylsandberg audreygelman mikiagrawal thinx thewing stephkorey away bosses hierarchy beyoncé power business latecapitalism hillaryclinton race racism sexism gender empowerment inequality wealth control abuse work labor management administration leadership entrepreneurship profit marketing media memes latestagecapitalism girlbosses</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://twitter.com/keguro_/status/1373253524587479044">
    <title>k'eguro on Twitter: &quot;&quot;Why am I being asked questions that James Baldwin answered in the 1960s, that Toni Morrison answered in the 80s?&quot; https://t.co/KVmMQfwQDj&quot; / Twitter</title>
    <dc:date>2021-03-22T04:32:59+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://twitter.com/keguro_/status/1373253524587479044</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[““Why am I being asked questions that James Baldwin answered in the 1960s, that Toni Morrison answered in the 80s?” [links to source “White people, black authors are not your medicine: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/mar/20/white-people-black-authors-are-not-your-medicine)”]

I return, as always, to Althusser, who teaches me to ask not simply how toxic systems PERSIST but also how they are DELIBERATELY and CONSISTENTLY REPRODUCED.

And I think this is something I’d like to see foregrounded more often.

It’s not simply that colonialism “never ended,” but that its systems have been reproduced.

How has that happened?
How can it be interrupted?
How can it be destroyed?

We know some of it: hiring practices, apprenticeship practices, the small bureaucratic things passed on; administrative structures and procedures, recycling of people as they move from one position to another, as their mentees follow them.

Which is why the idea of “new blood” being “the change that is inevitable” doesn’t work for me.

Organizations exist to reproduce themselves. They survive by reproducing themselves: their practices, their personnel, their secrets, their lies.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://the1a.org/segments/what-is-anarchy-anarchism/">
    <title>Anarchy: What It Is, Where It Is And What It Isn't | 1A</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-13T01:54:15+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://the1a.org/segments/what-is-anarchy-anarchism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We’re hearing more about anarchy, especially where President Donald Trump is concerned. He’s repeatedly said that “professional anarchists” were responsible for the unrest and demonstrations against police brutality in cities across the country during the summer. There’s almost no evidence that’s true.

The term is popping up in other venues as well. The Trump administration also moved recently to call Democratically-led cities like New York City, Portland, Oregon and Seattle “anarchist zones.”

And following the discovery of a plot by a white supremacist militia group to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, right-wing media outlets have moved to label its members as anarchists.

But are those groups actually anarchists?

What do anarchists believe? And how are they organized?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/14831-lesley-lokko-explains-her-resignation-from-city-college-of-new-yorks-spitzer-school-of-architecture">
    <title>Lesley Lokko Explains Her Resignation from City College of New York's Spitzer School of Architecture | 2020-10-05 | Architectural Record</title>
    <dc:date>2020-10-07T05:02:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/14831-lesley-lokko-explains-her-resignation-from-city-college-of-new-yorks-spitzer-school-of-architecture</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Architectural Record has learned that Lesley Lokko has resigned as dean of the Bernard and Anne Spitzer School of Architecture at the City College of New York in Manhattan. She was appointed in June 2019, after the public institution, serving more than 400 students in architecture, urban design, and landscape architecture, had been without a dean for four years.

Lokko, of Ghanian-Scottish heritage, is a widely-acclaimed educator and global design leader. She earned her architecture degree from the Bartlett School of Architecture in London and has a doctorate in architecture from the University of London. Lokko founded the graduate school of architecture at the University of Johannesburg in 2015, and when accepting the post at City College, she said she was drawn by the diverse body of students: “They reminded me of many South African students: hungry, quite curious, many juggling jobs to stay in school.”

She formally took up her post this past January, not long before COVID-19 shut down the school, as well as New York City, which became a coronavirus epicenter. Lokko’s esteemed colleague at the school, Michael Sorkin—an architect, urbanist and activist (and RECORD contributor)—died of COVID in March.

Lokko explained her resignation in a statement to RECORD:

"My decision to leave Spitzer after less than a year is fairly straightforward: I was not able to build enough support to be able to deliver on either my promise of change, or my vision of it. The reasons why are more complex. Part of it has to do with COVID-19 and the rapid lockdown, which occurred after only three months in post. It's hard enough to build social capital in a new place without having to do it over Zoom. Part of it too has to do with the wider inflexibility of U.S. academic structures. In an incredibly bureaucratic and highly-regulated context, change is as much administrative as it is conceptual. The lack of meaningful support—not lip service, of which there's always a surfeit—meant my workload was absolutely crippling. No job is worth one's life and at times I genuinely feared for my own. Race is never far from the surface of any situation in the U.S. Having come directly from South Africa, I wasn't prepared for the way it manifests in the U.S. and quite simply, I lacked the tools to both process and deflect it. The lack of respect and empathy for Black people, especially Black women, caught me off guard, although it's by no means unique to Spitzer. I suppose I'd say in the end that my resignation was a profound act of self-preservation."

Dee Dee Mozeleski, Senior Advisor to the President of City College, confirmed that Lokko had tendered her resignation last week and told RECORD, “We are very fortunate to have Dean Lokko with us through the end of January and I know her colleagues, and the students in the Spitzer School, are looking forward to working with her during this transition.” One faculty member called Lokko’s departure, “a major loss for the school.”"]]></description>
<dc:subject>lesleylokko us race racism architecture academia highered highereducation change cuny covid-19 coronavirus bureaucracy regulation southafrica administration leadership management support lipservice burnout overwork labor spitzerschool</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thedigradio.com/podcast/higher-ed-in-crisis/">
    <title>Higher Ed in Crisis - The Dig</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-12T19:36:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thedigradio.com/podcast/higher-ed-in-crisis/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Dan interviews Tithi Bhattacharya, Daniel Bessner, Simon Torracinta on the manifold crises engulfing higher ed as covid exposes and exacerbates decades of austerity and neoliberal iniquity.

“House of Cards: Can the American university be saved?” by Daniel Bessner https://thenation.com/article/society/gig-academy-meritocracy-trap-universities-crisis

“Extinction Event: Given what is to come, schools of every kind are now at risk” by Simon Torracinta https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/extinction-event/

“After 2020, There’s No Going Back to the Old America” by Dan Denvir in Jacobin https://jacobinmag.com/2020/09/joe-biden-imperialism-trump-america "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/society/gig-academy-meritocracy-trap-universities-crisis/">
    <title>Can the American University Be Saved? | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2020-09-12T19:34:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/society/gig-academy-meritocracy-trap-universities-crisis/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[via: https://www.thedigradio.com/podcast/higher-ed-in-crisis/ ]

“Together, The Gig Academy and The Meritocracy Trap paint a dire portrait of higher education. In the former, Kezar, DePaola, and Scott reveal that the modern university is a si te of extreme exploitation, in which the majority of workers, like many of their counterparts in the broader gig economy, live undignified lives. In the latter, Markovits demonstrates that the nation’s top colleges exist primarily to reproduce a miserable aristocracy. It’s clear that in 2020, universities have imbibed the worst elements of contemporary capitalism and in the process have deemphasized teaching and research.

American students, suffering under enormous debt, have recognized that college is not about learning. Many of them, Markovits notes, “approach their schooling with a compulsive fixation on the competition that they are in and the prizes that they seek.” My experience as a professor confirms this. At the beginning of each of my courses, I ask students why they attend college. For years, I have received the same answer: to get a job. It’s therefore unsurprising that grade inflation and grade grubbing have become rampant; in a winner-take-all economy, people must distinguish themselves lest they fall down the class hierarchy. Modern universities, ideally places where people explore new ideas and take intellectual risks, instead function as the finishing schools for the future workers of America. In this environment, it’s not a shock that the humanities, formerly a centerpiece of university education, have been shunted aside in favor of science, technology, engineering, and math—the fields that best prepare indebted and desperate young people for a meritocratic economy designed to reward their wealthy peers.

Humanistic thinking can’t and won’t survive in a world in which students—and their parents—must view college in instrumental terms. The facts on the ground demonstrate this. My field, history, has recently witnessed a dramatic drop in majors. As the American Historical Association has reported, “of all the major disciplines, history has seen the steepest declines in the number of bachelor’s degrees awarded” since the Great Recession. The English major is in a similar free fall, experiencing a decline of 25.5 percent in the same period. It’s easy to imagine a world in which universities stop teaching these and other subjects that don’t result in immediate pecuniary benefits. Recent events in Australia, where the conservative government has announced that it will charge students pursuing degrees in the humanities more than what it charges those pursuing more “practical” degrees, suggests this might occur sooner rather than later.

The major crises of the contemporary American academy—increasing debt, administrative overreach, the casualization of labor, the instrumentalization of knowledge, the collapse of the humanities, and the growing reliance on anti-union consultancies and law firms—emerge from a broken system that overrewards the few at the expense of the many. These crises are fundamentally tied to the political economy and will not be solved by confining agitation to the university. Only an extra-university movement, connected to other anti-capitalist movements and dedicated to reallocating power to workers, can save higher education and those who have devoted their lives to it. Absent such activism, the American university will remain a site of exploitation and anxiety in which no one’s genuine interests—to learn, to earn a living, to discover new things—are truly met. As we head into the fall semester, in which the coronavirus will inevitably endanger the lives of professors, university staff members, and students, building the solidarity upon which the transformation of higher education relies remains as important as ever.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/06/leadership-crisis-campus/613678/">
    <title>A Leadership Crisis on Campus - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2020-08-24T04:33:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/06/leadership-crisis-campus/613678/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Covid-19 won’t last forever, or so we hope. Even if the virus persists as a long-term human affliction, there is confidence that treatments, vaccines, and other methods will help manage it. The “novel” coronavirus will cease to be so novel, and its immediate impact on daily life will abate.

But colleges and universities will still have to address a variety of threats and injustices, and should be held accountable for how they choose to do so.

College rankings are bad. They fan the flames of economic inequality, reinforce a Matthew effect in educational opportunity, and degrade the civic function of higher education. It is never possible to capture evanescent properties like educational quality, let alone equity, with metrics shoehorned into statistical models. In 2005, Washington Monthly launched its own rankings, seeking to evaluate universities based on their contribution to the public good. It is not as influential as the U.S. News ranking, and it still tries to boil racial, economic, and medical justice down to a “score.” But if colleges must be scored, then let us judge them based on the justice they produce, not just the wealth they accrue. That would motivate their leaders to make real progress, and not just to pay lip service to these goals so the fundraising and test-score boosting can continue.

The obsession of many college leaders with preserving or improving campus metrics, rather than human lives, is a disgrace. The coronavirus offers these leaders an opportunity to demonstrate an actual commitment to social welfare and justice. That will be a difficult change for college presidents, provosts, deans, and other executives. They will have to redirect resources and revise goals. They will have to fight new battles with trustees, boards, and chancellors. They will have to stick their necks out; some might risk getting fired. But that’s what leaders are paid to do.”]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zqWMejD_XU8">
    <title>FUC 012 | Fred Moten &amp; Stefano Harney — the university: last words - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-09T21:12:06+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zqWMejD_XU8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Please note: the talk begins at the 2:00 minute mark. 

Fred Moten, acclaimed poet and professor in the Department of Performance Studies, Tisch School of the Arts, New York University, and Stefano Harney, Honorary Professor in the Institute of Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Social Justice at the University of British Columbia, and Visiting Critic at Yale University Art School, join us to discuss “the university: last words” on July 9, 2020. 

FUC is a weekly online series that hosts conversations around labor, labor movements, de-commodified knowledge, and the future of the university and higher education. It is facilitated by rent-burdened graduate students at the University of California in solidarity with the COLA movement. Visit our website for more information about our series: https://www.fuc-series.org .”]]></description>
<dc:subject>fredmoten stefanoharney academia fugitivity abolition resistance 2020 undercommons undercommoning ego individualism work labor publishing teaching unschooling deschooling learning howwelearn howweteach credentials capitalism policing administration faculty students schooling schooliness captivity blacklivesmatter education highered highereducation experience fupu fuc</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://spectrejournal.com/a-semester-to-die-for/">
    <title>A Semester to Die For – Spectre Journal</title>
    <dc:date>2020-07-09T08:04:27+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://spectrejournal.com/a-semester-to-die-for/</link>
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<item rdf:about="https://medium.com/swlh/are-your-zoom-meetings-on-middle-class-standard-time-d899938dd05f">
    <title>Are your Zoom meetings on Middle Class Standard Time?</title>
    <dc:date>2020-04-19T20:07:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://medium.com/swlh/are-your-zoom-meetings-on-middle-class-standard-time-d899938dd05f</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Many of our teams have shifted to Zoom, and despite the obvious reasons this would be a bad idea, I have found myself trying to fit in the same amount of content in weekly staff meetings and now-online trainings.

Even though it is way more taxing to stare at six people on a screen for two hours than to be with them for that amount of time in real life.

And even though, for three weeks now, any big conversations we try to take on after the first ninety minutes just get punted to the next week.

One more example: Last week, facilitating an “online training 101” workshop for 85 people, I noticed both of us trainers were rushing. We were rushing through three important tips for people new to online training, to get to the part where we modeled an online body sculpture, so that we could then get to modeling a closed-eye process. We could have simply dropped one of those things, which would have kept the participants (and us) from feeling rushed.

And if those examples don’t ring true for you, perhaps you’ve heard meeting leaders like me say something like this:

“As you can see, we’re packing a lot in today”

“We’re going to have a working lunch today to make sure we get through everything”

“Wow! We’re going to cover so much ground today — ten really important agenda items in just ninety minutes”

“I know we’re all eager for a break, but I’m going to ask that you hang in there, we’re almost done”

“We’re running a little behind and I appreciate you all helping us move along since we’re trying to pack-in a lot of important material”

If so, you may have some experience being on Middle Class Standard Time (MST). Under MST, all good ideas must fit somehow in any given timeframe. It’s elastic — you need to cover six conversation topics, for example, and they can shrink or expand to fill as much or as little time as you have. It doesn’t matter if you only have three hours in which to fit what should be five hours of material. For that reason MST is also known as Magician Standard Time. Abracadabra! We have all the time we need. (But no, we can’t do fewer things in that time.)

MST often results in rushed, over-packed workshops, conferences and meetings that leave participants little breathing room to digest concepts, to say nothing of social time. People who consciously operate on MST privilege their agenda (written or unwritten) over the wellbeing of the group. I believe most of this can be chocked-up to the influence of professional middle class meeting culture.

Middle Class Values

“Banking” Education: Since middle class culture highly values didactic learning and passive participation, the thinking seems to be, “As long as we’re sitting here, we’re getting something of value” (even if, a week or two later, there’s no evidence the group benefitted from that extra hour of meeting time we sandwiched in)

Hierarchy: The participants may be overwhelmed or checked-out, but the facilitators often hold themselves accountable to “higher-ups” or previously set goals rather than those present — which would be the democratic thing to do

Workaholism: Because of our high value on working long hours at professional jobs, we middle class US’ers are highly susceptible to work addiction — even in volunteer work — which can show up as “packing in” more than we can physically handle

Formal Relationships: Middle class culture values professional titles and formal work-time, and marginalizes informal relationships, so middle class people often miss the importance of having long breaks and social time

Tasks Above Everything: As any good middle manager knows, to keep the bosses happy, you’ve got to “get the job done” — even if that means ignoring the shape the group is in. “We’ve got to stay on task”

Conflict Avoidance: If we say “yes” to everyone’s ideas, we won’t have to do as much sorting for our priorities, which could result in conflict and hurt feelings. Middle class people generally avoid open conflict

To be clear: You don’t need to be middle class to enforce Middle Class Standard Time, and middle class people don’t always operate on it. Cultural flavors of MST vary by country and region — I’m writing from the US perspective, and in many countries middle class values emphasize informal relationships far more than here, for instance.

Consequences of Middle Class Standard Time

Enforcing MST can sabotage learning. I was asked to give a four-hour workshop on strategy on the third day of an academic conference. I arrived just before lunch, and could clearly see the participants’ long faces through the glass door, in their third hour of Powerpoint-supported lecture. At lunchtime, they were instructed to take 10 minutes to serve themselves from a buffet outside, then to return promptly for their special lunch speaker. Overall they were a highly compliant, academic, middle class-mainstream group, but it took them closer to 20 minutes to take much-needed bathroom breaks, stretch, quickly chat with their neighbors, and finally return. They didn’t mean to disobey the order to come back in 10, but physically couldn’t accomplish the task. Similarly, “since we’re running behind,” they weren’t given a break between the “working lunch” and the next activity, my workshop. But they took one anyway! Slowly the group trickled-in from bathrooms, chatting in the hall, checking their phones. Starting the workshop with a tired, overworked, slightly resentful group would have been a real setup. I gave them a 15-minute break to start, acknowledging that some of them hadn’t even finished lunch, “and we want you in top shape for our discussion of campaign strategy.” We began with an extended warm-up game I hadn’t planned for. The workshop went well, but despite using movement-based activities they had less energy than I’d expected, so I dropped several planned agenda items and gave them another short break.

MST can also put relationships at risk. At a state policy summit for advocates, immigration activists were given 45 minutes total to listen to five panelists discuss the upcoming legislative session and then participate in a Q&A/audience discussion before being herded to the next session. More than a few felt slighted by that setup, given the complexity of the topic.

Principles for Abundance

Because working class cultures are much more diverse than middle class culture, there isn’t, in my mind, a Working Class Standard Time — it varies greatly depending on the cultural context. But there are principles that have helped me facilitate from abundance rather than scarcity of time.

Model Working with Abundance — instead of adding unneeded urgency or anxiety by referencing a short timeframe, I try to set a tone that communicates the value of pacing ourselves, acting deliberately and maintaining an awareness of the group’s overall quality of participation

Use Check-Ins — “It feels to me like we’re rushing through. My experience is that groups don’t make the best decisions when they’re in a hurry. Let’s take a minute to check-in about that. It’s true that we’ve set ambitious goals for ourselves, but it might not be the end of the world if we need to revise our timeline for reaching them.”

Build-In Long Breaks — all the conferences planned by working class people I’ve been to have included multi-hour lunch breaks or social time. It’s right there in the agenda

Don’t “Push It” — if you think you might have a little too much to do in too little time, it probably is. Follow that instinct and do less

Be Prepared to Narrow Your Goals — if I’m leading a workshop or meeting for a group I’m not familiar with, even if I’ve developed the agenda with people from that group, I assume that they may need more time than we’ve allotted, and I come with a sense of which items we’ll drop if we get crunched for time"]]></description>
<dc:subject>andrewwillisgarcés 2020 time management administration leadership education hierarchy howwework unschooling deschooling abundance scarcity meetings learning howwelearn howweteach teaching zoom relationships well-being tasks productivity conflictavoidance wellbeing</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://utotherescue.blogspot.com/2020/02/an-open-letter-to-ucsc-administration.html">
    <title>An Open Letter to the UCSC Administration ~ Remaking the University</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-25T06:36:46+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://utotherescue.blogspot.com/2020/02/an-open-letter-to-ucsc-administration.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["February 20, 2020
To: Chancellor Cynthia Larive, Provost, and EVC Lori Kletzer
From: Ronnie Lipschutz


I write this letter as an individual faculty member who has been at UCSC since 1990.  I am not representing any faculty group, department or Academic Senate Committee.  It is my own assessment after 30 years at this campus.

I attended the Academic Senate meeting on Wednesday, February 19, and felt a growing sense of dismay as I listened to your presentations and your responses to questions from the floor.  I was especially dismayed by EVC Kletzer’s repeated statement that she did not know what would happen after the Friday midnight deadline issued to the striking TAs to turn in Fall grades.  Nor was I reassured by her stated position that, should a shortage of qualified TAs follow, departments and faculty are responsible for dealing with problems of enrollments, class capacity, teaching and workload. While I am aware that such decisions are generally made “locally,” this response is a rather disingenuous one and ignores the fact that the present situation is a consequence of Administration decisions and actions taken over the past decade. Over that time, the Administration has paid little heed to either Senate or faculty warnings about the lack of funding to support new initiatives, such as graduate growth, Silicon Valley and others.  Now the faculty is being asked to address the results of 20 years of poor administration, planning and judgement. 

I will not belabor this last point except to point out that the increase in undergraduate enrollments since 2000—which have greatly exacerbated the local housing crisis—have also required growing graduate student enrollment to teach them, without having in hand the necessary resources to support the latter.  Generally, the formula was something like the following: undergraduate growth would bring in the tuition required to fund teaching while graduate growth would facilitate research and recognition which, in turn, would provide the extramural research funds and private donations that would support such growth.

Moreover, so far as I can recall, during those two decades, a number of strategic academic plans were prepared explaining that such growth was necessary for the glory of UCSC, without any transparent, public explanation of how the necessary funding was to be procured. This hallucinatory vision became dogma ten years ago when UCOP offered “rebenching” funds in exchange for a new “graduate growth” initiative. These funds were accepted with in full recognition that they were insufficient to support the new FTEs and graduates students coming to campus. 

I will not repeat here the many assurances that were offered by the Administration about how such growth would be achieved—those are available in the many documents and studies, none of which clearly explained how this would be financed.  And, until the TA strike, the Administration continued to blithely assume continued undergraduate and graduate growth as necessary from both financial and branding perspectives. Needless to say, we are now reaping the whirlwind. The Administration appears poised to use the TA strike as a pretext for reducing graduate enrollments to levels that can be funded given available resources.  If this is the plan, it is an extremely cynical one. 

Furthermore, to put the onus on faculty for dealing with the resulting crisis is even more cynical.  I do not blame you for this situation; it is the result of two decades of administrative ineptness and opacity as mentioned above.  But to shift the burden of coping to faculty, who will have to scramble to adapt, and undergraduates, who will be shut out of necessary classes and receive a degraded education, is inexcusable.  

Finally, to announce that yet another committee will be established to consider the contradictions is simply kicking the can down the road.  We all know that such committees tend to make reasonable recommendations that cannot be funded, and that their reports end up on a (metaphorical) shelf somewhere, to be ignored the next time a similar problem arises.

Which leads to the fiction of “shared governance.”  Somehow, there is a wide (mis)perception that this means joint management between administration and faculty.  Of course, it means no such thing: the Administration decides what it wants to do and then consults with the Faculty Senate for comments (with objections routinely ignored). Over the past decade, there were ample warnings from faculty that the graduate growth initiative was unsupportable, but these were simply dismissed with the proviso that “we will take care of it.”  So, perhaps you should take care of this, rather than shifting the onus onto the faculty.

If this letter sounds bitter, it is—very bitter. For 30 years, I participated in what was a promising and exciting experiment and that has been transformed from gold to dross.  I am retiring at the end of June and so none of this matters very much to me in practical terms.  But it matters greatly to undergraduates, whose credentials may well be very tarnished by this fiasco, to the graduate students, who were made promises that have been broken repeatedly and many of whom have, at best, a future career of “freeway flying” in store, and to faculty and staff, who have to bear the burden of the Administration’s generally inept administration.  We have ethical obligations to our students and, if we cannot fulfill them, we would do better not to make empty promises to them in the first place."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ucsc universityofcalifornia labor gradschool education highereducation highered academia exploitation administration leadership 2020 ronnielipschutz cynthialarive lorikletzer ethics affordability housing janetnapolitano learning uc</dc:subject>
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    <title>The Worst-Run Big City in the U.S. | Feature | San Francisco | San Francisco News and Events | SF Weekly</title>
    <dc:date>2020-02-16T23:15:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://archives.sfweekly.com/sanfrancisco/the-worst-run-big-city-in-the-us/Content?oid=2175354</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Spend more. Get less. We're the city that knows how."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://blog.ayjay.org/teachers-at-the-margins/">
    <title>teachers at the margins – Snakes and Ladders</title>
    <dc:date>2019-10-28T17:08:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://blog.ayjay.org/teachers-at-the-margins/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[“Lisa Marchiano, a psychoanalyst, describing her encounter with a student who had a “panic attack” during an exam and didn’t want to take any more exams:

<blockquote>I asked this young patient of mine what in fact had happened during the first exam. She responded again, I had a panic attack. I lightly pressed her to move beyond the jargon and tell me about her actual experience as she took the exam. Eventually, she was able to tell me that, as the papers were being handed out, she become flushed and light-headed. Her heart was pounding, and her hands felt clammy. What happened then? I asked. She felt like running out of the room, but she was able to calm herself down enough to take the test. Though she successfully completed the first exam — and did okay on it — the fear that she might have another “panic attack” had prevented her from attempting the second exam.

What had happened here? One way of understanding this young person’s experience is indeed that she had had a limited-symptom panic attack. According to the diagnostic criteria for panic attacks in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), a limited-symptom panic attack can be diagnosed based on a pounding heart, sweating, and shaking. Of course, as anyone knows who has ever taken an exam, performed in front of an audience, or asked someone they like out on a date, these are in fact utterly normal reactions to feeling nervous. I gently attempted to reflect this back to my young patient. “So you were nervous about taking the exam, but you didn’t run out of the room. You did it. You pushed through the fear feelings.” I wanted her to see this as a success, one that she could build on, that could help alter her stuck story that tells her she is too anxious to function adequately. Her response to my positive reframing was telling. She looked up at me from under her brows and held my gaze. “Yes,” she responded firmly. “But I had a panic attack.”</blockquote>

Reflecting on this experience, Marchiano raises a key issue: “I found myself wondering where she had learned that she ought not to be expected to tolerate ordinary distress or discomfort. How have we come to the point where we believe that emotional disquiet will cause harm, that we ought to be soothed and tranquil at all times?”

Some years ago I had a student — I’ll call her M — who came to me and said that she could no longer take the reading quizzes that I give at the beginning of many classes. If she had to take them, she preferred to do so in the office on campus that deals with students who have disabilities, even if that meant missing most or all of my classes. And M clearly, though in no way angrily or aggressively, expected that I would do as she preferred.

I ended up talking with the case worker assigned to M, and the case worker told me that M was anxious about not having time to finish the quizzes, and, further, that M had problems, not to be disclosed to me, that made it necessary for me to accommodate her preferences.

Several elements of this situation puzzled me. First, M was usually among the first to complete her quizzes. Second, she had the highest quiz average in the class, and it wasn’t even close. Third, her very intelligent contributions to class discussions about the quizzes added significantly to the value of our class time. And fourth: those facts, and my observations, had absolutely no bearing on the expectations my university had for me. M’s feelings and preferences, as interpreted by her case worker, were all that mattered — I was strongly discouraged from sharing with M any of my thoughts, no matter how positive.

I didn’t know what else to do, so I agreed to make any accommodation necessary. But M kept coming to class, kept taking the quizzes, and kept excelling in them. Why she didn’t follow through on her request I can’t say. Maybe her knowledge that I would do what she wanted was enough to relieve the pressure the had been feeling.

I’m glad M stayed in class, and that there was a peaceful resolution to the situation, but the whole sequence of events troubled me then and troubles me now. The first, and larger, problem is that we’re now in a moment at which any attempt to resist the pathologizing of perfectly ordinary experiences of nervousness or uncertainty is tagged as indifference (at best) or cruelty (at worst). To encourage students to believe that they can overcome their anxieties is, it appears, now a form of abuse.

And second — perhaps not as important but still significant to me — there is the marginalization of the teacher-student relationship. It was made very clear to me that the case worker — who had never been in my class, who had never observed either M or me — could dictate the response to M’s concerns. I didn’t push back, because I didn’t want to bring any further anxiety to a student who was already anxious, but I wonder what would have happened if I had insisted that my own view of the matter, which was after all backed by some experience, should be taken into account.

More seriously, it seemed to me that the case worker was constructing, or allowing M to construct, a narrative in which I was M’s antagonist and it was the case worker’s job to intervene to assist M in her struggle against her antagonist. The idea that I might be on M’s side and want to help her, and indeed should, as part of my job, help her was never considered.

The work done by the “bias prevention units” or “diversity offices” that have proliferated in many universities might seem to be a very different phenomenon, but that work has a similar effect on the relationship between teachers and students. A key premise — sometimes unstated but sometimes quite explicit — of such administrative offices is that faculty are often the enemies of diversity and the perpetrators of bias, and therefore these programs must step in to correct the injustices inherent in the system. Again the faculty member is cast as the students’ antagonist, or at least as a possible antagonist. I do not know of any circumstances in which the “learnings” or “training modules” produced by these offices — which are often mandatory for all students — have received any faculty input, though I suppose some faculty may occasionally be involved. The “learnings” seem to be designed to emphasize the untrustworthiness of teachers.

I think students in general have a pretty good grasp of these dynamics. My observations suggest that disgruntled students these days rarely take their complaints to department chairs or deans, but rather to these amorphous “offices” which exist independently of the faculty structure and are typically empowered by the university to impose decisions without consulting anyone in that faculty structure.

I also think that this way of doing our academic business exacerbates, quite dramatically, one of the worst features of academic life, which is its legalism. Knowing that they are being overseen by these distant and almost invisible “offices,” faculty end up writing more and more detailed syllabuses, working to close every possible loophole which might be exploited by students to get what they want even when, from the faculty point of view, they don’t deserve it. And the more desperately faculty look to close such loopholes, the more the students search for them. It’s no way to run a university — at least if the university cares about learning.

There were certainly flaws in the old way of doing these things, in which individual teachers almost certainly had too much power. But certain experiences of learning were possible in that system that the current, or emerging, system is rapidly making impossible. The marginalizing of the student-faculty relationship is not a good recipe for addressing those old flaws.”

[Update, see also:
https://blog.ayjay.org/administrivia/ ]]]></description>
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