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    <title>Black Study, Black Struggle - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-06T00:30:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/forum/robin-kelley-black-struggle-campus-protest/</link>
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    <title>Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism - Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["ICSZ supports the development of Critical Zionism Studies with resources for academics and activists. The Institute’s work includes fellowships, collaborations, conferences, and publications that expand the reach of research."

...

"The Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism aims to support the delinking of the study of Zionism from Jewish Studies, and to reclaim academia and public discourse for the study of Zionism as a political, ideological, and racial and gendered knowledge project that intersects with Palestine and decolonial studies, critical terrorism studies, settler colonial studies, studies of land and climate, disability, performance, and many other related areas scholarship and activism.

The Institute approaches Zionism as a broad set of colonial and repressive work and solidarities, efforts to curate knowledge and identities, and to dismantle movements that resist it. In other words, Zionism’s project extends beyond the borders of Palestine.

Many scholars and activists are working to illuminate such “other work” of Zionist institutions and discourses, historically and in the present, to shape the material conditions of life, the movement of capital, the construction of racial identity, and more.

ICSZ supports this expansive work with fellowships to support academic and activist work, conferences, and publications that expand the reach of scholars’ and activists’ work into political culture. "]]></description>
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    <title>On Inequality and Socialism - by Musa al-Gharbi</title>
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<item rdf:about="https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide">
    <title>SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide – Ayin Press</title>
    <dc:date>2026-06-02T05:17:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Winner of the 2026 PEN/Jean Stein Award

An ambitious, world-envisioning work of Indigenous futurism.

Since 2015—through a proliferation of forms including sculpture, regalia, film, photography, poetry, painting, and installation—acclaimed multimedia artist Cannupa Hanska Luger has been weaving together strands of a new myth. Collectively referred to as Future Ancestral Technologies, this sprawling series of interrelated works seeks to reimagine Indigenous life and culture in a postcolonial world where space exploration has reduced and reconfigured the earth’s population.

Part graphic novel, part art book, SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide offers readers a view beneath, beyond, and between the lines of Luger’s ever-expanding artistic universe. In this ecstatically hybrid work, Luger transforms a 1970s military survival guide through poetic redaction, speculative fiction, and iterative line drawing—deftly surfacing and disrupting the colonial subconscious that haunts this vexed source text. An epic and timely meditation on planetary life in the midst of transformation, SURVIVA boldly presents an earth-based, demilitarized futuredream that foregrounds Indigenous knowledge as critical to humanity’s survival.

SURVIVA is the first title from Aora Books, a publishing imprint dedicated to exploring transformational thought and culture that transcends borders, disciplines, and traditions. Rooted in an ethos of polyvocality and planetary consciousness, Aora publishes works that forge bold connections across time, place, ideas, and beings often seen as separate.

About the Author

Cannupa Hanska Luger is a multidisciplinary artist who creates monumental installations, sculpture, and performance to communicate urgent stories of twenty-first-century Indigeneity. Born on the Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota, Luger is an enrolled member of the Three Affiliated Tribes of Fort Berthold and is Mandan, Hidatsa, Arikara, and Lakota. Luger’s bold visual storytelling presents new ways of seeing our collective humanity while foregrounding an Indigenous worldview. His work is in numerous permanent museum collections and has been exhibited around the world, including at the Sharjah Biennial 16, United Arab Emirates; the 81st Whitney Biennial, New York; the 14th Shanghai Biennale; and at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, DC; the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York; the Gardiner Museum in Toronto; and the National Center for Civil and Human Rights in Georgia. Luger has been awarded fellowships from the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, United States Artists, Creative Capital, the Smithsonian Institution, the Open Society Foundation, and the Joan Mitchell Foundation, among others. Luger currently lives and works in Glorieta, NM.

Praise for SURVIVA

“Cannupa Hanska Luger has created a wondrous book of survivance, a story to carry in pocket and study at every opportunity. At once a dystopia (earth is near destroyed) and a postcolonial fantasy (the colonizers abandon the planet for good), SURVIVA is a work of artistic brilliance that draws our attention to the simultaneity of ruins and futures. Rich with dreampower and evocation, these pages illustrate the mysteries of space-time, the dissolution of boundaries, and the relational universe described by Indigenous quantum mechanics. Read carefully, SURVIVA has the power to bend time itself, lifting us from past and present into futures innumerable.”
—Philip J. Deloria, Leverett Saltonstall Professor of History at Harvard University and author of Playing Indian

“SURVIVA offers Indigenous wisdom for a shared future built on ancestral knowledge in radical relation. This is a survival guide like none other.”
—Candice Hopkins, curator of the Forge Project

“SURVIVA is not just another riff on a sci-fi depiction of some imagined future. Luger’s poetic and visual interventions are clear directives for all of us to ready our minds, bodies, and spirits as we continue to move through the future together.”
—Jeffrey Gibson, artist and editor of An Indigenous Present

“Cannupa Hanska Luger’s SURVIVA: A Future Ancestral Field Guide boldly reimagines our conceptions of time and history as it interweaves past, present, and future. This inventive work challenges our collective narratives, pushing us to rethink the art of survival through a lens of transformation.”
—Hank Willis Thomas, artist and cofounder of For Freedoms

“Cannupa Hanska Luger is a mad genius able to weave parables from tomorrow with lessons from yesterday into a stunningly prescient and wise field guide you should read right now. This is not a book. This is a time machine.”
—Jordan Klepper, The Daily Show, Comedy Central

“SURVIVA feels everlasting and also like it will self-destruct after you read it.”
—Sterlin Harjo, filmmaker, Reservation Dogs (Hulu/FX)

“A hybrid work from a plain 1970s field guide found in an army surplus store, Luger transforms the book through unexpected redacting, speculative fiction, and informative and artistic line drawing.”
—Sandra Hale Schulman, ICT News

“Interdisciplinary Native American artist Luger delivers a daring work of speculative fiction set in a future in which the wealthy and non-Indigenous have fled the Earth they ravaged.”
—Publishers Weekly

“*SURVIVA *****provides text with new and old Indigenous lessons intermingled, while time is wonky and permeable, and the world must be rebirthed, or re-membered in a postcolonial way. This is a message from both our future and past ancestors. The thread is one and the same.”
—Soph Myers-Kelley, Graphic Medicine

Book Details
160 pages | Paperback | 8.3 x 5.4 in. | ISBN: 9781961814264 | e-ISBN: 9781961814271
Publication date: September 2nd, 2025

Product Photography by Jackson Krule"

[via: 

"Red Power Hour - Learning what we already know - YouTube"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K9LiED_5Rj8

"RPH is back! Co-hosts Elena Ortiz and Melanie Yazzie discuss Cannupa Hanska Luger's Surviva: A Future Ancestral Field Guide (2025), a hybrid art piece/survival manual exploring indigenous futurism, decolonization, and relationality through redacted military text and Indigenous artwork." ]]]></description>
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    <dc:date>2026-06-02T05:16:37+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K9LiED_5Rj8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["RPH is back! Co-hosts Elena Ortiz and Melanie Yazzie discuss Cannupa Hanska Luger's Surviva: A Future Ancestral Field Guide (2025),  a hybrid art piece/survival manual exploring indigenous futurism, decolonization, and relationality through redacted military text and Indigenous artwork."

[book link:
https://shop.ayinpress.org/products/surviva-a-future-ancestral-field-guide ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8">
    <title>Françoise Vergès: The world is made through struggle - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-31T00:36:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mc4s1qu8IP8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, I sit down with the incredible Françoise Vergès. We had a beautiful conversation about how the politics of Réunion has animated her life's work,  how she was brought up in the struggle alongside the revolutionaries in her family, about her time in Algeria and Paris, decolonial feminisms (of course!), and the centrality of psychic life to our ongoing fight against fascism and oppressive systems. We honestly talked about so so much more, so I am excited for you to hear it! It was such an honor to sit down with a sister-comrade who has shaped so much of my thinking and political orientation to scholarship.

Françoise Vergès is a political theorist, curator and writer. She writes on the racist fabrication of premature death, decolonial feminism, the impossible decolonization of the western museum, climate disaster and antiracist, anticapitalist politics of vital needs. She works with artists and curates, since 2015, public performances with artists and activists. She is currently working on a film about anti colonial struggles in Reunion Island through her parents’ personal archives and her own.

For more information and on and links to Françoise's powerful work, see her website: https://francoiseverges.com/

This is the passage I read from Françoise's landmark A Decolonial Feminism (Pluto, 2019):

"I used a familiar fruit, the banana, to shed light on a number of analogies and elective affinities: the banana's dispersion from New Guinea to the rest of the world, the banana and slavery, the banana and US imperialism (banana republics), the banana and agribusiness (pesticides, insecticides--the chlordecone scandal in the Antilles), the banana and working conditions (the plantation regimes, sexual violence, repression), the banana and the environment (monocultures, pilluted water and land), the banana and sexuality (Josephine Baker), the banana and branding (Banana Republic), the banana and racism (when did the association of bananas and Negrophobia begin?), the banana and science (researching the 'perfect' banana), the banana and consumption (bringing bananas into the home, suggesting recipes), the banana and rituals for ancestors, and the banana and contemporary art. The method is simple: starting from one element to uncover a political, economic, cultural, and social ecosystem in order to avoid segmentation that the Western social-sciece method has imposed." p. 21-22"

[via:

"Palestine, Playing Fields; Perfidy! The False Capitalist Narrative Running (Puns😎) Throughout!" (this is the part that references college football (plays a clip from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHDhdavY-u8 ) and is part of full show: https://www.youtube.com/live/2rHMi1MXILs )
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaUkUZ-X-_o

which points to

"🍌The Banana Method as Psychic Militancy!"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGNrqiLdKfQ

which points to

"Revolution Is Mental Health! ft Lara Sheehi"
https://www.youtube.com/live/PGnGalaE4Go ]
]]></description>
<dc:subject>françoisevergès 2026 larasheehi jaredball bananas collegefootball atlanta palestine mississippi louisiana lsu alabama economics society slavery enslavement bananarepublics newguinea imperialism empire colonialism colonization agribusiness pesticides insecticides chlordecone cloredecone antilles plantations sexualviolence repression environment monoctultures water land sexuality josephinebaker braning gap thegap race racism science consumption consumerism art politics swest socialscience socialsciences mentalhealth universityofgeorgia georgia corporatism capital bomanijones stevengodfrey culture decentering algeria réuniuon elsalvador feminism antiracism gaza anticapitalism activism decolonization decolonialism france museums decolonialfeminism segmentation anticolonialism anticolonialstruggle state police policing power domination stuggle coercion resistance settlers frantzfanon spatiality temporality globalsouth militarism patriarchy liberalism bodies gender flesh masculinity femininity consent poll</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:3857278d02e2/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://nnoc.org/">
    <title>National Network On Cuba</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-25T23:59:34+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nnoc.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The NNOC is a U.S.-based umbrella organization composed of more than 60 organizations advocating for an end to Washington’s hostility towards Cuba, especially the inhumane U.S. economic blockade against Cuba.

Our Task Forces

Media Task Force

The goal of the NNOC’s Media Task Force is to The goal of the NNOC Media Task Force is to create and organize the dynamic media needed to support the work of the NNOC. This includes managing the NNOC website and brand, developing social media strategy, arranging media appearances and outreach, managing internal and external communications, and promoting the optimizing the use of various media forms to promote the strength of the Cuban people and to stand against U.S. imperialism and aggression. Contact nnocuba@gmail.com to join this task force.

Resolutions Task Force

The Resolutions Committee does the detailed work of producing draft resolutions, letters and other resource materials to get resolutions passed in councils, labor bodies and anywhere else we can. New members always welcome!
 
If you are thinking of trying to get a resolution passed where you are – we are always here to offer advice and support. Contact johnwaller46@gmail.com for more info.

Political Education Task Force

The goal of the PE task force of the NNOC is to design creative programming and political education opportunities for NNOC members, associates, and the general public.

This includes partnerships with member organizations and institutions to share the truth about the Cuban government and the Cuban people. Contact nnocuba@gmail.com to join this task force.

#OFFTHELIST Meetings

Off the List meetings are the National Network on Cuba’s regular strategy gatherings dedicated to one core demand: removing Cuba from the U.S. State Sponsors of Terrorism list. At each meeting, we discuss the latest developments in U.S. aggression against Cuba. We report on plans for national actions like the Week of Action in Defense of Cuba. And we share updates from across the network, ensuring every member organization is connected and ready to act."]]></description>
<dc:subject>cuba us blockade activism organizing economics embargo nnoc</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1dd8b6bb9aa2/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRuOyAamn8U">
    <title>Cuba Under Imperial Threat with Alexander Aviña &amp; Musa Springer - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-25T23:49:32+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRuOyAamn8U</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As the US threatens to invade Cuba we'll talk to historian Alexander Aviña and organizer and cultural worker Musa Springer about some of the history of US imperialism's relationship to the current responsible for the Western Hemisphere's most powerful socialist revolution, a revolution they have defended for nearly 70 years, despite being just 90 miles off the shores of the greatest enemy of sovereignty and human dignity, the so-called United States of America.

We'll talk about how the Cuban revolution has survived the last 5 decades in the face of extreme pressure, how they survived the fall of the Soviet Union, some historical examples of their solidarity with oppressed peoples the world over, and their relationship to progressive forces in Latin America in the current moment. We'll also spend some time discussing Raúl Castro, the former Cuban president who has recently been indicted by the Trump regime under utterly absurd pretenses.

National Network on Cuba (Brigades)
https://nnoc.org/brigades/

Alexander Aviña is a historian and professor—and the son of undocumented migrants from Michoacán, Mexico whose sacrifices and love made these educational achievements possible.  He is currently an Associate Professor of History in the School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies at Arizona State University (ASU).  He has taught previously at Florida State University and the University of Southern California.  He holds a B.A. in History magna cum laude from Saint Mary’s College of California and a Ph.D. in History from the University of Southern California.

His research focuses on twentieth-century Mexico, with an emphasis on revolutionary movements, the Mexican Left, state violence and terrorism, immigration, and the history of narcotics production and trafficking.

Musa Springer is an organizer and a cultural worker. They host the Groundings Podcast, are member of the Black Alliance for Peace, and Red Barrial Afrodescendiente."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://airesistlist.org/">
    <title>The AI Resist List</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-24T10:29:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://airesistlist.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["AI takes many forms. Like the word “transportation”, it refers to a collection of technologies as diverse and distinctive as bicycles to rockets. But today, one version of AI takes all the oxygen: large-scale, generative systems that power products like Claude, Gemini, and ChatGPT.

These systems consume an unfathomable amount of data, land, energy, labor, and water. They are rooted in profoundly disturbing ideologies that seek to flatten the world into a “one size fits all” abstraction and to replace humans with machines.

We call the companies leading this form of AI development “empires”. Under the guise of a civilizing mission to "benefit all of humanity”, they use large-scale AI development as cover to consolidate resources, destroy ecosystems, centralize information, hollow out institutions, and gain paramount economic and political power.

It doesn’t have to be this way. As AI researchers, journalists, and critical scholars, we have built, documented, and imagined radical alternatives that do precisely the opposite: center community, celebrate human agency, honor local context and history, and rejuvenate the planet.

Now people around the world are mobilizing to resist the empires of AI and to nourish visions of the future that work for all of us. Amid an onslaught of negative news, this project centers hope.

"We write history with our feet and with our presence and our collective voice and vision… We can change the world because we have many times before." — Rebecca Solnit, writer and activist, Hope in the Dark

What can I do to resist AI?

Nothing about the current trajectory of AI development is inevitable. It was shaped by the thousands of subjective decisions of a tiny elite, and continues its march based on the active participation and tacit consent of people globally.

Inspired by Choose Democracy’s Resist List against authoritarianism, we organized the AI resistance movements we documented based on how they pressure different “Pillars of Support” that uphold and perpetuate the empires.

Our list is not meant to be comprehensive. Rather we selected a sample of movements to show different approaches to resistance and to illustrate how anyone can help shape the future of AI development.

Our nine pillars:

Narrative
Funding
Data
Data Centers
Resource Extraction
Labor
Adoption
Surveillance
Policy"]]></description>
<dc:subject>luddism luddites neoluddism neoluddites activism resistance ai artificialintelligence automation technology chatgpt gemini cluade karenhao</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:48214c4cf678/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IAIzA5qCqtU">
    <title>bowling alone but not scrolling alone - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-20T05:50:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IAIzA5qCqtU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[See also:

"digging into the theory"
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mLgwQY19s8w ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://open.spotify.com/episode/11zlpahmklfgr8YOUrtLnY">
    <title>Sara Hendren: Who Is the Built World Actually Built For? - Art of Inquiry | Podcast on Spotify</title>
    <dc:date>2026-05-05T14:11:09+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://open.spotify.com/episode/11zlpahmklfgr8YOUrtLnY</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Sara Hendren didn't start out in engineering. She started as a visual artist, then moved into cultural history, studying objects, artifacts, and what they say about the world that made them. Then life brought her into pediatric spaces filled with a new kind of object: gadgets and tools designed for a child's body, yes, but also doing quiet therapeutic work, covered in butterflies and bugs, useful and expressive all at once. She found herself asking: what is an object broadcasting beyond its user? What does it mean that eyeglasses get sold as fashion while hearing aids are hidden away as clinical? That was the moment everything snapped together, her training in the history of artifacts, the politics of disability, and the material culture of prosthetics all converging at once. In this free-flowing conversation, Sara walks us through the space between mechanical design and design for expression, why the logical and meticulous side of making art and the creative side of meaningful engineering are really the same instinct. As the world asks more and more from its engineers, Sara brings it all back to a question that feels more urgent than ever: can a designed object change not just how we move through the world, but how we see it?"

[via:
https://ablerism.micro.blog/2026/04/29/i-had-fun-speaking-on.html

"I had fun speaking on the Art of Inquiry, a podcast created by two Northeastern engineering students interested in the arts and humanities. My strange career path, my mentor Krzysztof Wodiczko introducing me to interrogative design, raising a child with Down syndrome, studio + lab culture, more."]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-237-how-selective-patronizing-deradicalization-discourse-pathologizes-anti-colonial-struggle">
    <title>Citations Needed: Ep 237: How Selective, Patronizing 'Deradicalization' Discourse Pathologizes Anti-Colonial Struggle</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-19T23:25:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://citationsneeded.libsyn.com/ep-237-how-selective-patronizing-deradicalization-discourse-pathologizes-anti-colonial-struggle</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode, we break down the long history of US media reducing recalcitrant populations' grievances to "terrorism," "hate," and "radicalism" in urgent need of re-education.
 
With guest Prem Thakker."]]></description>
<dc:subject>media nytimes wapo washingtonpost theatlantic israel palestine gaza reeducation occupation settlercolonialism colonialism colonization us donaldtrump hillaryclinton benjaminnetanyahu policy genocide ethniccleansing westbank jerusalem eastjerusalem iof idf language maintstreammedia citationsneeded premthakker radicalization apartheid 2026 2025 2024 2023 zionism antizionism anticolonialism anti-colonialism resistance stateterrorism openairprisons concentrationcamps liberation panopticon surveillance history liberalism liberalzionism patholigization palestinianstate palestinianauthority curriculum schools education schooling humanrights palantir demonization encampments colleges universities highered highereducation zionistmccarthyism academia foreignpolicy supremacy humanity coexistence greatmarchofreturn marchofreturn 2018 violence imperialism nimashirazi adamjohnson fascism deradicalization radicalism power suppresion activism textbooks 2014 2019 2009 2008 indigeneity indigenous</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CK5y9N1kuNk">
    <title>Ten years of &quot;Alaska&quot;: Maggie Rogers on going viral and singing for 200,000 protestors - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-18T04:31:04+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CK5y9N1kuNk</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ten years ago, Maggie Rogers was a senior at NYU, scrambling to finish a song for a music production class she was close to failing. The guest critic that week happened to be Pharrell Williams. She played him "Alaska," a track she'd written in about fifteen minutes. It is a bit of folk songwriting crossed with the electronic music she'd fallen for studying abroad. Pharrell told her he'd never heard anything that sounded like it. Someone was filming. The clip went viral, and it launched Maggie into pop stardom. 

Maggie Rogers has released three studio albums, earned a Grammy nomination for Best New Artist, and gone back to school to pick up a master's from Harvard Divinity School, where she studied the spirituality of public gatherings. And in the last few months she's been as visible offstage as on — advocating for free speech in DC, performing for 200,000 people at a protest in Minneapolis alongside Joan Baez, and delivering a haunting performance during the final run of The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, which CBS is ending in May.

This week host Charlie Harding got to sit down with Maggie live at Chelsea Studios, in front of a room of current NYU students. It’s the same school, ten years later, now with Charlie in the professor's chair and Maggie as the visiting artist.

VIDEO: Caleb Hinojosa https://www.calebhinojosa.com/

CHAPTERS
00:00 Introduction
01:14 Alaska Origin Story
03:50 Lyrics Then And Now
05:50 Can Viral Happen Again
06:30 Choosing Slow Growth
10:08 Advice For Sudden Fame
11:29 Writing After Pharrell
13:20 Colbert Finale Performance
15:55 Free Speech And Protest Era
17:31 Activism as Art
18:11 Protesting a Broken System
19:25 Fear into Music
22:07 What Makes a Protest Song
24:28 Starting the Foundation
25:23 Rest and Record Making
28:11 Creative Rest Time
30:24 Writing vs Collaboration

SONGS DISCUSSED
Maggie Rogers "Alaska"
Maggie Rogers "Better"
Maggie Rogers "One for My Baby (and One More for the Road)" (cover of Fred Astaire original)
Maggie Rogers "Different Kind of World"
Marvin Gaye "What's Going On"
Bob Dylan "The Times They Are a-Changin'"
USA for Africa "We Are the World""]]></description>
<dc:subject>maggierogers 2026 music songwriting musicmaking pharrell charlieharding switchedonpop fame lyrics virality stephencolbert activism art fear protest rest creativity writing collaboration howwewrite howwework protestsongs hope artmaking courage well-being wellbeing oppression donaldtrump freespeech utopia resistance dancing community solidarity togetherness social meaning meaningmaking systems change adaptability innovation growth life living meditation slow time productivity stockandflow rejuvenation goals work divinityschool gradschool society education conviviality solitude process prince spirituality joanbaez</dc:subject>
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<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:af8943c86286/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/crde20/30/4?nav=tocList">
    <title>Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance: Vol 30, No 4</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-14T04:55:29+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/crde20/30/4?nav=tocList</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["[Introduction] Walking as applied critical practices: methodologies, pedagogies, and performances
Deirdre Heddon, Stephanie Springgay & Harry Wilson

<blockquote>The dynamic relationships between walking, performance and performativity are long-standing, from psychogeographic drifts which trace capitalism's appropriations and productions of place, to protest marches which mobilize demands for justice; from ceremonial walks as memorialisations of place, to (mis)guided tours which rewrite partial histories; from attentive walking as ways of knowing and feeling differently, to technologically-enhanced walking performances that take the city as their stage. Across a number of years, Research in Drama Education has published a wide range of essays which focus on walking. Given the increasing visibility of walking as a field of practice and the vitality of interdisciplinary scholarship which centres walking, a dedicated edition on the subject felt overdue. As the pieces shared in this edition demonstrate, walking as a mobile, situated and relational method of applied critical practice harbours exploration, criticality, and activism.</blockquote>

Walking and writing as praxes of belonging: stories of gentrification and migration from Toronto’s urban quotidian
Christine Balt

Encountering Olympic landscapes: walking as a pedagogic tool in Stratford, London
Clare Qualmann & Blake Morris

[Multimedia Article] ‘A mind’s eye view’: remote, collaborative walking as a critical spatial practice
Deirdre Macleod

Walking-with a 6-year-old and a smartphone: locative AR, counter-mapping and the productive disruptions of intergenerational collaboration in Placing Spaces
Harry Robert Wilson

In someone else’s steps: walking, listening and the ethics of encounter
Olivia Lamont Bishop

Walk as performative cartography: mapping Delhi’s erased histories through Janam’s street performances
Priyanka Pathak

‘Space is weird…’: contemplative-drifting with student archives as place-based-pedagogy
Steve Donnelly

Walking through knowledge: contextual research strategies in Ga Mashie
Philip Kwame Boafo

Pedestrian theatre as critical urban historiography: the National Theatre of Greece’s Topography of Death or Lest We Forget
Daniel Dilliplane

Moving mourning: an analysis of the Grenfell Memorial Silent Walk and its re-enactment
Linda Taylor & Eve Wedderburn

Littoral futures: walking Freshwater Brook
Robert Bean & Barbara Lounder

*Is this the end of the world or am I just beginning?* Walking-scenographic methods for encountering bodies and landscapes in transition
Nic Farr

‘Peel Park Shimmering’: revealing the paleoecological past and multi-species present of a city park through sound walking practice
Joanne Scott

Wandering through sonic territories in Aotearoa
Becca Wood

Walking under dark-skies: sensing spaces of inclusion in national parks
Claire Hind & Jenny Hall

‘Every time we walk, it is a pride march!’ A conversation on the everyday politics of queer walking
Erdem Avşar & Özgül Akıncı

How do you participate in a garden when you are not the gardener? Enacting and facilitating walking and embodied, sensory practices within a hospice garden with patients receiving palliative care
Steven Anderson & Laura Bradshaw

Let’s walk! Worcestershire: how process drama and mobile technologies create pathways for learning disabled, autistic and neurodiverse walkers
Kris Darby & Paul Sutton

Walking after Kim Jones and Papo Colo
Didier Morelli

[Poetry] Walking/not-walking
Idit Nathan & Helen Stratford"]]></description>
<dc:subject>via:javierarbona walkign performamnce drama place 2026 deirdreheddon stephaniespringgay harrywilson performativity education pedagogy toronto christinebalt clarequalmann blakemorris deirdremacleod harryrobertwilson olivialamontbishop cartography listening ethics collaboration stevedonnelly philipkwameboafo priyankapathak robertbean barbaralounder nicfarr joannescott beccawood clairehind jennyhall erdemavşar özgülakıncı stevenanderson paulsutton krisdarby laurabradshaw didiermorelli iditnathan jelenstratford cities nationalparks gardens gardening kimjones papocolo bodies landscape mourning historiography topography greece knowledge gamashie delhi spatialpractice criticality exploration activism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8">
    <title>How elites co-opted wokeness - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-13T17:24:00+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi2A3YtsoT8</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["What does it mean to be “woke”? It's become a catch-all term to smear or dismiss anything that has any vague association with progressive politics. So anytime you venture into an argument about “wokeness,” it becomes hopelessly entangled in a broader cultural battle.

Today’s guest, journalist and professor Musa al-Gharbi, helps us untangle “wokeness” from its fraught political context. The author of the book, We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite, al-Gharbi discusses what effects the movement is and isn’t having on our society.

This episode originally aired in November 2024.

Host: Sean Illing (@seanilling) 
Guest: Musa al-Gharbi (@Musa_alGharbi)

6:11 What is wokeness?
18:48 Why George Floyd only mattered to the public after his death
20:32 How elites navigate the tension between their status and their values
28:43 How culturally significant is “wokeness”?
32:21 Do social movements produce change?
42:22 Will our politics remain polarized?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>musaal-gharbi seanilling wokeness 2010 2024 politics language socialmovements polarization inequality georgefloyd capitalism progressive progressivism highered highereducation academia journalism change policy elitecapture elites georgefloyduprising politicaleconomy symbolism knowlegework ideology politicalcorrectness 1980s 1990s 2010s 2020s activism left right sanctimony 1930s 1920s 1960s eliteoverproduction jackgoldstone peterturchin popularimmiseration elitism culture gatekeeping sociology bertrandcooper professionalmanagerialclass media education pmc nytimes exclusion exclusivity symboliccapitalism class hierarchy hierarchies meritocracy socialclimbing status egalitarianism ambition classism socialposition superiority antiwoke recognition culturewars culturewar society ethnicity representation pierrebourdieu institutions credentials credentialism</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/the-shadow-incentive">
    <title>The Shadow Incentive - Peter Joseph: Substack</title>
    <dc:date>2026-04-02T07:37:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://peterjoseph.substack.com/p/the-shadow-incentive</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["There is a structural condition that quietly governs nearly every major institution in modern life. It is never written into policy, never openly acknowledged as a guiding principle — yet once you see it, it is everywhere.

The system does not reward the resolution of problems. It rewards their existence.

No one states this outright. No institution advertises it. But follow the incentives rather than the rhetoric, and the pattern reveals itself across healthcare, media, politics, and activism alike. Each domain has its own version of the same underlying logic — what I call the shadow incentive. It is “shadow” not because it is hidden or conspiratorial, but because it operates beneath the surface of stated intentions, shaping outcomes without ever appearing in a mission statement.

When disorder becomes profitable, disorder stabilizes.

The shadow incentive does not operate through explicit decisions, but through gradual adaptation. Individuals within systems respond to the incentives available to them — often without any awareness of the larger pattern — adjusting behavior toward what produces results within the given structure. Over time, those adaptations accumulate into something systemic: a structure in which the persistence of problems is not merely an unfortunate reality, but a functional component of how the system sustains itself.

Once that condition takes hold, the question shifts. Not how do we solve this problem — but what happens when the system quietly depends on it?"]]></description>
<dc:subject>activism charitableindustrialcomplex philanthropicindustrialcomplex charity philanthropy peterjoseph outrage change economics activistindustrialcomplex institutions healthcare media politics capitalism markets civilrightsmovement mlk martinlutherkingjr gandhi neoliberalism persuasion propaganda edwardbernays policy transformation communication messaging problemsolving marshallmcluhan engagement invisibility attention masspersuasion patreon substack brands branding susankomen peta commentary intent resolution incentives culture exaggeration tribalism loyalty georgefloyd 2020 systems individualism distortion behavior 2026 georgefloydprotests georgefloyduprising</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PC2595wCeA">
    <title>Lucy Parsons and the Legacy of Black Anarchism - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-24T06:48:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PC2595wCeA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Born into slavery and forged in the fire of the 19th-century labor movement, Lucy Parsons became one of the most dangerous women in America. In this Women’s History Month special, Rattling the Bars Mansa Musa and guest William C. Anderson, author of The Nation on No Map, honor Parsons, the "Goddess of Anarchy," and trace her journey from former slave to militant activist on the front lines of the class war. 

Producer / Videographer / Editor: Cameron Granadino"]]></description>
<dc:subject>lucyparsons anarchism blackanarchism labor work workers 2026 activism militancy williamcanderson williamanderson organizing history civildisobedience redscare directaction communism socialism</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://cswr.hds.harvard.edu/publications/plants-fungi-2025/symbiotic-koeva">
    <title>Symbiotic Resonances: Sounding More-than-human Worlds | Center for the Study of World Religions</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-09T19:00:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://cswr.hds.harvard.edu/publications/plants-fungi-2025/symbiotic-koeva</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Elitza Koeva, Postdoctoral Fellow with the Thinking with Plants and Fungi Initiative, Harvard CSWR

The Anthropocene, a contested term to describe our species’ footprints on the earth, is both a crisis and an opportunity, an epoch whose defining challenge is the necessity of becoming-with a pluriverse of others—plant, fungal, animal, mineral, machinic—in cooperative and sympoietic ways. Amidst mass extinction and the collapse of planetary boundaries, can we learn to listen and reattune to the environment, learning from cultures and species that have long known how to world otherwise?

This chapter argues for the generative potential of attuning to the vibratory, the interstitial, the entangled. From birdsong to forest symphonies indexed by bioelectric sensors, and planktonic chimeras at the root of all life, sound mediates relations that challenge the fixity of boundaries, the conceits of mastery, and the fiction of the autonomous self."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/feb/18/rumeysa-ozturk-trauma-children-ice-gaza">
    <title>After my ICE arrest, I learned one crucial way to respond to trauma. We can all take part | ICE (US Immigration and Customs Enforcement) | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-04T03:12:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/feb/18/rumeysa-ozturk-trauma-children-ice-gaza</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I was detained for co-writing a op-ed about Gaza as a student at Tufts. My experience has only made me feel more connected to others facing oppression"]]></description>
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    <title>Why modern life is designed to keep you anxious — and what to do about it | The Gray Area - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-03T06:43:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FRxBCd4q9Lc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We use the word “anxiety” to describe stress, dread, worry, panic, even vibes. Which just goes to show: We really don’t know what anxiety is, or where it comes from, or what we’re supposed to do with it.

Today’s guest is philosopher Samir Chopra, author of Anxiety: A Philosophical Guide. Chopra argues that anxiety is a permanent feature of being human and the price of being a free, self-conscious creature in an uncertain world. Sean and Samir talk about the difference between fear and anxiety, why modern life seems engineered to keep us on edge, and what Buddhism, existentialism, and Freud can teach us about the anxious mind.

Host: Sean Illing (@SeanIlling)
Guest: Samir Chopra, author of Anxiety: A Philosophical Guide

1:22 What is anxiety?
9:30 Are we an anxious generation?
13:05 Buddhism and anxiety
18:55 Acceptance vs. resignation
22:05 The existentialist view on anxiety
26:50 Freud and the psychoanalytic view of anxiety
30:23 How can philosophy help you with anxiety?
31:56 Practical advice for dealing with anxiety"

[Lauren Berland, affect theory, and cruel optimism not mentioned within, but I was thinking of all that as I listened, so those tags are for that.]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-hlkzIaF0nU">
    <title>FLORIDA - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-03-01T07:19:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-hlkzIaF0nU</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><dc:subject>florida 2026 michaelsorensen horsesonyt us history harrietbeecherstowe tourism nature behavior society policy resorts climate climatechange realestate growth beaches condominiums aesthetics wildlife ecosystems everglades greed speculation government governance water development orlando disney disneyworld crime hurricanes housing migration environment activism richardnixon algore billclinton ronaldreagan jebbush animals multispecies lawenforcement police policing paradox paradise boomandbust grift lies scams taxation grifters business miami finance moneylaundering whitecollarcrime drugs inequality incomeinequality poverty smuggling</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thebaffler.com/latest/minnesota-nice-young">
    <title>Minnesota Nice | Becca Young</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-27T23:02:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/latest/minnesota-nice-young</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Resisting ICE in the Twin Cities"]]></description>
<dc:subject>minnesota minneapolis twincities ice police policing lawenforcement resistance mutualaid organizing reneegood alexpretti aim blackpanthers blackpantherparty protest protests care caring solidarity fascism donaldtrump trumpism authoritarianism activism beccayoung</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:368df9023971/</dc:identifier>
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<item rdf:about="http://thelrm.org/">
    <title>The LRM - The Loiterers Resistance Movement</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-27T07:06:38+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://thelrm.org/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The LRM (Loiterers Resistance Movement) is a Manchester based not-for-profit collective of artists, activists and urban wanderers  interested in psychogeography, public space and the hidden stories of the city.

We can’t agree on what psychogeography means but we all like plants growing out of the side of buildings, looking at things from new angles, radical history, drinking tea and getting lost; having fun and feeling like a tourist in your home town. Gentrification, advertising and blandness make us sad. We believe there is magick in the mancunian rain.

Our city is wonderful and made for more than shopping. The streets belong to everyone and we want to reclaim them for play and revolutionary fun….

The LRM embark on psychogeographical drifts to decode the palimpsest of the streets, uncover hidden histories and discover the extraordinary in the mundane. We aim to nurture an awareness of everyday space, (re)engaging with, (re)mapping and (re)enchanting the city.

On the first Sunday of every month we go for a wander of some sort and we also organise occasional festivals, exhibitions, shows, spectacles, silliness and other random shenanigans. These range from giant cake maps to games of  CCTV Bingo. Information on forthcoming events is here. We were founded in 2006 by Morag Rose and 2016 we celebrated 10 years of creative mischief with Loitering With Intent: The Art and Politics of Walking at The Peoples History Museum. 

Please walk with us, everyone is welcome. Our events are free and open to all: these are our streets and they are yours too. 

If you have any questions or comments, or have any access needs to discuss (we will do our best to meet them) you can contact us at

Email mlrose@thelrm.or

Comment on the Facebook group the loiterers resistance movement

We hope to see you playing out with us soon xx"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://homegrownyouthcollab.com/">
    <title>Homegrown Youth Collaborative</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-23T03:54:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://homegrownyouthcollab.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Homegrown Youth Collaborative is a peoples school rooted in the Southern California and Tijuana border region. We are made up of young people and comrades organizing across borders to take back our education. Together with insurgent youth, families, and educators of the Global Majority, we build collective liberatory knowledge projects grounded in struggle, not school.

We are anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and abolitionist. We believe in national liberation, revolutionary socialism, and the power of collective study to fight empire.

What we do:

• We create political education programs that connect theory to action.
• We host skillshares, study groups, and workshops.
• We make our own journals and learning tools.
• We run cross-border gatherings and learning spaces.
• We support youth organizers through trainings and long-term political homebuilding.
• We plug youth into local and international movements fighting imperialism, policing, borders, and displacement.
• We build collective power through education, not for jobs, but for liberation.

Why we do it:

• Schools aren’t broken. They’re doing what they were built to do: sort, punish, and prepare working-class youth to serve empire.
• We reject the carceral logic of U.S. schooling.
• We believe youth don’t need classrooms to be theorists, and don’t need degrees to fight for life.
• Our way of studying looks different. We don’t memorize facts—we ask questions. We study contradictions. We study struggle. We take a dialectical and historical materialist approach to learning, rooted in the needs of the masses, not the rules of empire. We learn from movements across the world—in Palestine, Congo, Puerto Rico, Iran, the Philippines, and beyond—where people are fighting for land, life, and freedom. We honor all forms of resistance: everyday refusal, cultural survival, political education, direct action, and armed struggle. We believe in building people’s power, not making peace with empire.

Our learning is inseparable from care, from grief, from our neighborhoods, from our desire to live otherwise. We are building something different. And we hope you’ll build with us.

Support our work

Resourcing our work helps pay youth organizers, fund political education, and build the collective infrastructure we need to keep organizing across borders and across ages."

[See also:
https://www.instagram.com/homegrownyouthcollab

via Julie Choo:
https://www.are.na/julie-choo/ ]

[from the "Our Work" page:
https://homegrownyouthcollab.com/our-work

Grading Back School – Youth Power, Adult Supremacy, and Collective Demands

A two-part workshop for elementary and middle school students to “grade back” their school—not through test scores or behavior charts, but by creating their own report card rooted in collective power.

Through roleplay and storytelling, students will explore the everyday realities of school and ask critical questions about power: Who decides the rules? Who doesn’t? What happens when students don’t follow the rules?

We’ll connect these experiences to the concept of adult supremacy and how this system is a part of colonial and imperial rule, training young people to obey, not to question.

Affirming their right to struggle, students will practice writing a collective letter of demands to name what they want to see change at their school and what they know they deserve.

Albert Einstein Academies
April  24th and July 8th, 2025
2-4pm PST

***

Militarized Geographies: A Young Peoples Resistance to War and Schooling

In collaboration with Project Yano, Secret City SoCal, Palestinian Youth Movement San Diego, and Veterans for Peace. 

An intergenerational community workshop and film screening connecting the violence of militarism and young people’s resistance to militarization in the San Diego Tijuana borderlands, past and present. 

We will be screening two powerful short films: “Connie Stay Home,” which explores the anti-Vietnam War campaign in San Diego that mobilized thousands of people to vote against sending the USS Constellation aircraft carrier back to Vietnam, and “Yo Soy El Army,” which takes a critical look at military recruitment targeting Latino communities, particularly young people. Alongside the screenings, we will be countermapping the military presence in our schools and neighborhoods through a series of activities. We will also hear from youth organizers and elders from past and ongoing anti-imperialist and anti-war movements.

Centro Cultural de la Raza
January 25th, 2025
6-8:30pm PST

***

A Peoples History of Schooling: Un/Re-Learning Study/Working Group

An ongoing study/working group on a people’s history of education and people’s schooling. 

Using readings and archival material, we will be exploring the relationship between education and settler colonialism, prisons, war/militarization, labor, and imperalism to develop a material analysis of historical and present day conditions of the US education system and colonial/neo-colonial education internationally. How have people used militancy and popular education to resist subjugation and organize themselves toward self-determination?

As a working group, will also explore how we can translate our study to political education programming within our communities, particularly in the context of the US-Mexico borderlands in which Homegrown’s work has been rooted.

November 2024-February 2025
Tuesdays, 6-7:30 pm PST

***

Sowing Seeds for Learning Beyond Borders

An Allied Media Conference session through the Youth Liberation for Education Justice Track.

This session exposes how the colonial capitalist school system divides and alienates our communities and consciousness. Schools separate us by race, class, language, and ability, policing our bodies and controlling how we learn and move through the world. They sort students into rigid categories — tracking some as “winners” and others as “failures,” disciplining youth with surveillance and punishment, and erasing Indigenous, Black, and working-class histories and ways of knowing.

We will analyze how schools enforce borders between young and old, public and private knowledge, English speakers and multilingual learners, able-bodied and disabled students all to maintain capitalist social relations and control over labor and bodies.

Through collective analysis and creative brainstorming, we’ll reclaim intergenerational and community knowledge that resists capitalist alienation and state violence. Together, we’ll strategize how to dismantle these oppressive borders—physical, linguistic, generational, and epistemic—to build collective, abolitionist educational spaces grounded in solidarity and self-determination.

This is a call to disrupt, sabotage, and overthrow the schooling system that trains submission and reproduces capitalist domination so that our youth can learn to resist, organize, and build a world beyond empire.

Allied Media Conference  - Virtual
July 1st, 2022
11-12:30 am PST

***

Sonic Frontlines / Fronteras Sonoras

A three-part cross-border workshop and listening praxis rooted in our collective fight against settler-colonial borders and capitalist extraction. This intergenerational program, led by youth facilitators Ana Cossío García and Daniela Sandoval Argüelles, centers the San Diego–Tijuana borderlands as a frontline in the struggle for community sovereignty and liberation.

We will deep listen to the multilingual sonic landscape of our communities—labor, movement, memory, and survival—that the colonial state and capitalist forces try to silence and control. We will expose how these oppressive systems fragment our communities and erase histories.

Using sound as a weapon, we will dismantle the logistics of control by learning to build and wield pirate radio and autonomous media platforms. These tools disrupt imperialist communication regimes, reclaim stolen space, and stitch together ruptured networks of power and solidarity. 

This series is a practice in anti-imperialist solidarity, cultivating insurgent networks through sound.

Tijuana - 18 de marzo parque
San Diego - 99 cent store
August 6th, 2022
10am-1:30pm PST

***

How Schools Operate: A Teach-In and Resource Toolkit Release

An intergenerational teach-in with Radical History Club and Homegrown youth educator, Sophie. They will guide us through the histories of violence of the US education system and how schools operate as a means of assimilation to the status quo and as a factory worker training ground.

Libélula Books & Co
February 12th, 2022
4-6:30pm PST"]

[Contact:
https://homegrownyouthcollab.com/contact

Please email us at homegrownyouthcollab@protonmail.com if you’d like to get in touch.

If you are a young person looking to find a space to deepen your political education or build your organizing skills in practical, creative, and accessible ways, we’d love to hear from you! This is also a space for older educators and organizers looking to learn alongside and mobilize our next generation. 

We welcome inquiries from those who want help to develop classes, resource materials, activities or who would like us to facilitate a learning activity at your event. If you have questions or want to connect about a resource we’ve shared, we’d be happy to schedule a call!"]]]></description>
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    <title>Resistance101: Forging a New Movement for Palestine in Italy DOCUMENTARY - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-22T01:43:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a5ofVZjG21g</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["With little hope of the genocide in Gaza subsiding, dock workers in major Italian port cities have organized strikes and large demonstrations to halt arms shipments to Israel. These actions are a direct response to the refusal of international institutions and governments around the world to confront the carnage. Though the genocide continues, the dockworkers’ industrial disruption offer us a model of resistance. Will the Italian way spread to the imperial core — and can it end the genocide?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/03/mellon-foundation-humanities-research-funding/685733/">
    <title>What Is the Mellon Foundation Doing to Higher Education? - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-21T22:08:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/2026/03/mellon-foundation-humanities-research-funding/685733/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Is the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation the last best hope for American arts and letters—or is it killing them?"

[archived:
https://archive.ph/HlFCZ ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theguardian.com/news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/29/what-technology-takes-from-us-and-how-to-take-it-back">
    <title>What technology takes from us – and how to take it back | AI (artificial intelligence) | The Guardian</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T07:56:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theguardian.com/news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/29/what-technology-takes-from-us-and-how-to-take-it-back</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[Decisions outsourced, chatbots for friends, the natural world an afterthought: Silicon Valley is giving us life void of connection. There is a way out – but it’s going to take collective effort]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://asapjournal.com/cluster/the-art-of-walking/">
    <title>The Art of Walking - ASAP/Review</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-08T05:43:36+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://asapjournal.com/cluster/the-art-of-walking/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Art of Walking
Edited by Adair Rounthwaite & Judith Rodenbeck

The Articles

The Art of Walking / In the Museums of the Moon: Notes on Walking
By Judith Rodenbeck

The Art of Walking / Beyond the Museum Walls: Angela Ellsworth on 
Walking as Art and Activism
By Stacey Moran

The Art of Walking / Walk to the Cemetery: Visiting the Mother/Other in Carmen Argote’s Art
By Mary McGuire

The Art of Walking / Footage of Resistance, Soundscape of Care: Audio walking in/with (E)motion Pictures
By Ellen Y. Chang

The Art of Walking / Step Into the Fray: Navigating Mixed Realities at the Intersection of Walking, Video Games, Art, and Activism
By Joseph DeLappe

The Art of Walking / Walking While Disabled: Exploring Disability Aesthetics Through Art
By Anne Swartz

The Art of Walking / Pilgrimage as Performance: Gisela Insuaste’s walking talking seeing being: love, labor, and faith on 14th Street (Vacuum Story Pt 1)
By Kathryn Barush

The Art of Walking / My cerebrum is mind and my toe is mind: Thyrza Goodeve Walks with Ernesto Pujol
By Ernesto Pujol

The Art of Walking / One Frame at a Time: Tsai Ming-Liang and His Walkers
By Ellen Y. Chang

The Art of Walking / “How about I bring you a piece of coal from here?” Maria Lanko interviews Vova Vorotniov
By Maria Lanko

The Art of Walking / An Outing to the Lungs of the City: The Group of Six Author’s Walk Around Zagreb
By Adair Rounthwaite"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tu1hHCMB7us">
    <title>Echoes | From Basques to Palestine - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-02-06T18:08:01+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tu1hHCMB7us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["How Athletic Club, one of Europe’s most prestigious football institutions and a symbol of Basque heritage, came to stand apart from the continent’s elite through its clear and consistent solidarity with Palestine.

Echoes is a brand new MEE host-led documentary series where Azad Essa travels to uncover overlooked stories, exploring the legacies of empire, the lines of power that shape our world, and the solidarities connecting distant struggles. Each episode tells stories from the margins that cross borders, revealing shared histories and freedoms still being fought for today."]]></description>
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    <title>Decolonizing The World (with Amin Husain) | The Chris Hedges Report</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-22T06:45:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/decolonizing-the-world-w-amin-husain</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Amin Husain

I was blocked in 2020. Yeah, a lot of these things that we’re seeing now… I was under investigation in 2019, federal investigation, and didn’t find out until 2020 through Google. Google was saying it was sharing my information for a whole year with the federal government. Taking people’s phones at the airport, the kind of Islamic character, terrorist financier, these kind of things.

These categories, the RICO charges against Stop Cop City was a prelude also to these kinds of things. All of that is in the package right now of the [NSPM-7] memo from this Trump administration. So, I mean, they’re treating our existence, if you refuse or question, as counterinsurgency. But we haven’t thought of ourselves as insurgents.

And I think we all, and it’s not about what we do, it’s about how we think about what we’re doing, right? And the example I always give is like, I took out some student loans, right? I was working at the law firm and realized that it will take me a really long time before I can pay them. At some point, I stopped paying them. They said I’m in default. And I thought to myself, I’m on strike.

These modes of consciousness, of liberation consciousness, something that we cultivate over time, it’s how people in Palestine are able to survive until now. It’s not out of victimization and victimhood. It’s about a recognition of they have a whole way of valuing things differently. When we’re in movements, we feel that way. When we’re not together, we don’t. We’re in a moment right now where we’re bombarded by all sorts of information.

We’re afraid, we’re more isolated, we’re more in debt, they’re more ruthless. And yet we have no choice. And I think this is what’s important. It’s like we have no choice but to resist. And this mode of resistance isn’t about violence. This mode of resistance is about a refusal of having an allegiance to something that’s killing you. Just that.

Wherever we are. From there, space opens up. A different conversation can be had. We’ve had so many movements. We have so much analysis. It’s not about a diagnosis of the problem right now. It’s about how do we build power and how can we sustain it over time. The thing about the United States is most of the ways that we thought about the world is that it’s always insular to the United States.

And Palestine showed us that it can bring us together. It can have a compass for liberation for what’s right and what’s wrong. And these things have influenced what’s going on over here. But to think of Palestine as an issue amongst many is really not where we need to be. There’s a strategic engagement to Palestine that actually has material connections to New York. It has material connections to our wellbeing. It can bring people together. It can clarify what’s going on.

And there’s much that could be done here, but we still are thinking in issue silos and we’re overwhelmed. And the final thing I’ll say just from my, this is just my experience and I don’t know, I mean, I don’t have answers, but these are some of the things that first come to mind is that.

I mean, we went from like defund the police to giving us [former NYC Mayor] Eric Adams. You know, we went from like a million other things that we fought for and it’s always the equivalent of, you’re never going to get what you want. And that means that we’re at a point right now that we have to really think about how our struggles are interconnected.

But in the interconnectedness of our struggles is how we fight back. It doesn’t mean that elections are naught. It means that our trajectory is different. Look at how many people work at a museum. On the front end, they’re all being exploited. On the back end, they have no choice to be creative. At the top are people with money and they mean… MoMA is a great example.

Here’s MoMA, and then here’s a building with luxury condos right next to it, it’s the MoMA building. They sell those apartments with a back door to the museum. They never have to go out on the street. That’s the kind of world we live in. Those same, many of the settlers in the West Bank are coming from Brooklyn. That’s why we were talking about the synagogues and why they’re holding these land sales.

So the connectivity of what’s going on in Palestine to New York or what’s going on in the Middle East to the United States, they’re not separate. And we saw this articulated in Italy, and maybe you can share your experience, but even in the two days general strike that was in October, I think, they connected things that are happening in Palestine, right, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing in Palestine, to the fact that their government is funding and supporting that and their conditions at home are not good.

They have grievances. These kinds of connections are important. They’re important to make. And I think that they’re a basis by which a coalition can come together. And we’re also at a moment similar to Occupy Wall Street or right before. At some level, the right and left, right, is dissolving on the material conditions on the ground. And that’s an opportunity because there’s structures of violence and of oppression of racism, let’s say, and white supremacy.

They’re vertical and horizontal. The ones that we enact on each other are actually created by the system. That’s how it keeps going. But to actually have a systemic understanding of that and be on the ground and create spaces in which people can step out of those “identities” is really important right now. Because I think that everyone agrees they don’t want an authoritarian government here, that the First Amendment is super important, that ICE is fucked up and supporting a genocide is unethical. And we act like an empire, but our condition is worse than ever. Something is not being articulated in a positive way for people.

Chris Hedges

That was why they killed Fred Hampton. He was out in poor, white communities building coalitions based on class, not on race, not that race isn’t important. And that’s dangerous. I think that’s exactly what you’re talking about.

Amin Husain

Yeah.

Chris Hedges

I want to just close by talking about your experience at NYU. One of things that’s been so nauseating for me about these academic institutions is they essentially advertise themselves as generators of diversity. Although it tended to be diversity based on race or ethnicity, not on class.

But nevertheless, and then the moment Trump snarled in their direction, they couldn’t shut it all down fast enough. I, as you know, got a master of divinity from Harvard Divinity School, and Harvard Divinity School had, I think, a pretty good center in terms of building relationships with the Palestinian community, and they closed it. Harvard just shut it down.

And this was what you were attacked, vilified for saying what we now know is true, and that is that there were no beheaded babies. There were no beheaded babies, there’s no evidence of systematic sexual assault on October 7th. You made this case and you lost your job.

So talk a little bit about academia because… and they’ve shut down all the encampments, they’ve criminalized free speech, and these are important centers, I think, both like museums, like I always think of [Antonio] Gramsci, these institutions that replicate ideas. That’s what so much of your work has been confronting. But talk about your own particular case, and then just the wider case of what’s happening within university and college campuses.

Amin Husain

Yeah, I mean my experience at NYU is that I was teaching there for eight years and I taught courses like art, activism and beyond, art and the practice of freedom. Decolonization is not a metaphor and it was always well received, never got a complaint, always oversubscribed. I taught in multiple schools and departments.

And then the treatment was one in which, a few days before I’m supposed to teach, I hear from students before I hear from the university. And I’m under investigation and they wouldn’t even tell me why for the longest time. And then as you said, it was those things, but it was also things that are not in my name, meaning Decolonize This Place has an Instagram account, I was being questioned and interrogated by two lawyers about, you have control over what this account publishes?

Something Meta, by the way, took away the same week that I got suspended and then later fired. It had 400,000 followers, it would reach millions. It was kind of like an influencer account. Again, no recourse there but I was being criminalized for thoughts and ideas that weren’t even part of class, that weren’t even part of… and I’ve had Jewish students in my classes, never complained because universities are supposed to be places of learning and questioning and these kinds of things.

So what’s happening at our universities is really both alarming and not surprising. The influence of money and what people had years ago referred to as the university becoming a corporation. Like they’re taking it seriously. And that’s why you have so many administrators, like a class of administrators that are acting more like cops that line themselves up next to riot police in Columbia and NYU and all these things and raided their students who are paying to go there to get an education.

It’s bonkers. And then you think about NYU and you’re like, well, why is Larry Fink on the board? What does he know about education? You know, because he’s giving money. So then they have a say in what our institutions can do. Okay, so these universities that are supposed to kind of create good people that are well thinkers, that are in part of like the society that we’re imagining as a good society. That’s all not going on right now there.

It’s a form of brainwashing and it’s elevating certain disciplines, like what? Militarism. Data, data computation. Nothing of liberal arts unless you have a trajectory of working for a corporation. These departments around art, liberal arts, these kinds of things, were always low funded. But now they’re going to become extinct.

Chris Hedges

Well, look at The New School. They’re just shutting them down.

Amin Husain

Exactly. This is not, to your point, this is not an isolated thing. This is a transition of an economy with an idea of a future, foreseeing the system that they’re ushering in as people say the empire is falling. They’re not waiting. They’re ushering in something new. And when I look at my condition, I think it was, it was penalizing me, but it was also a deterrence.

It was a deterrence on speech and a deterrence on action, meaning watch what you say and behave. Otherwise you’re never going to get employed anywhere, which, you know, that’s part of it. And it doesn’t stop me from doing this, but I’ve made harder decisions earlier. My kind of thing at the university is that I would sit with students first day and I’d be like, why are you here? This is why I’m here.

You don’t need to buy books. They’re all available. But if you want to support the author and you can, you should, right? Why are we going into debt? What are we learning from this? So the space of learning was one in which we learned together and one in which we learned from each other what’s happening. And I remember something that Baldwin, James Baldwin, said once at the British Museum in a video that is no longer on YouTube because they’re cleansing all that.

But he said something about the enslaved being on ships. He’s like, “The reason they would put their backs to each other and they would make sure they didn’t speak the same language is because if they did, they probably would have known what was happening to them. And they may have figured out something about what to do and the outcome may have been different.”

So I think about what’s happening at our universities and think that there’s a purging that’s going on. There’s a disciplining that’s happening. But also, in the world that I’m imagining, I don’t want to be disciplined by anyone. I mean, people like Fred Moten and Stefano Harney and all of these kinds of thinkers have talked about universities as being precinct, and Jasbir Puar, as being precinct-adjacent. I mean, you got it.

I mean, our students would go in there and they would be afraid about their grade. They didn’t care about each other or the world. The ethics in which they’re promulgating over there is one like you would get at Silicon Valley. It’s one in which you would get… it’s not a world that’s amenable to life and to each other and to different kinds of relationships that are nourishing.

So when I went to Palestine and I told them I got fired and I told them why, and people in Palestine were like “mabrouk!” It’s like, congratulations.

Chris Hedges

Which means congratulations, right?

Amin Husain

And I think if we had community, and community is something that we construct and we construct and struggle, that’s what you would hear. And you wouldn’t feel worthless, right? You wouldn’t feel like you did something wrong. You’d feel like you’ve done something a little, but it’s in the right direction. And that’s what this all is about. There are so many more of us than them.

And there’s so much more thoughtfulness and thinking and love and care than what they have to offer. But they’re converting these museums and these universities and these schools and changing the curriculum. Think about it. You were talking about the Gaza peace plan. First point, de-radicalization, makes sense.

That’s why we don’t learn about this being stolen land or about enslaved people brought over here and built this economy. That’s what Israel is doing or wants to do with a genocide that’s still ongoing as they speak peace.

So I think about my experience at NYU and I think about: here’s a real estate developer that’s taking advantage of no taxes and that’s producing people in debt, right? Producing people in debt, one of the highest institutions to graduate undergraduates with huge amounts of debt is NYU, right? So then what does it mean to be free? We don’t.

This is one thing we would talk about in our class. I mean, freedom is about time, and freedom is about space. Debt is about future labor. And what they’re doing is that they’re taking all, in Arabic, “Muqawamat al-hayat” [essentials of life], all the things that have to do that are life-sustaining — healthcare, housing, these things, these things are now, the prospect of even owning a house is absurd right now.

In fact, the whole economic model with Blackstone and BlackRock is no one’s going to own homes. So then you have this debt, and then they’ll criminalize the debt. And so think about these kinds of relationships. And then you have students going into NYU to learn about freedom while they go into debt. And they graduate having to work with the same people that are oppressing them while their taxes go to pay and fund a genocide. That’s what’s going on.

And that’s not something that feels good. And it’s not something, I’m not happy that I was fired, but I’m happy that I was, that I made the right choice and I didn’t silence myself and people should, everyone has to figure out what’s doable.

But solidarity and your own liberation and fighting and refusal is never comfortable. People have to step out of their comfort right now. And to think that we’re all individually going to save ourselves doesn’t work that way."]]></description>
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    <title>Oligarchy XIV: Thoughts on the Anarchism of Dorothy Day - CounterPunch.org</title>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["I have a few thoughts in response to what seems like an uptick in interest in Dorothy Day (1897-1980) in recent years. When I first read Dorothy Day, the first thing that stood out to me was her continuity with a long tradition of Christian anarchism in America. Yet as a Catholic, she seemed to represent a split from the main line of Christian anarchism in America, which is distinctly Protestant (though not exclusively so, and who knows how to classify Tolstoy’s religion). In any case, I kept running into her name after years of studying and steeping in the Christian anarchism and non-resistance of folks like Adin Ballou, William Lloyd Garrison, and Henry Clarke Wright, among others. Many of the individualist anarchists received theological instruction and were ordained ministers (for example, Joshua K. Ingalls, William B. Greene). Day resembled these Protestants of the American libertarian tradition in her deep personal commitment and her total rejection of political action, which, as we will discuss, entails explicit renunciation of core features of our political life, for example, voting, paying taxes, and obeying unjust laws. The historian Anne Klejment helps us understand Day’s ideas within this context:

<blockquote>The seedbed of her pacifism extended back into her Protestant young adulthood. Her familiarity with the Bible remained a significant part of her spirituality and informed her pacifism. Back then, the Catholic laity was discouraged from Bible reading. It would take a convert like Dorothy to advance biblical nonviolence as an essential Catholic teaching. She placed enormous emphasis on the commandment to love God and love neighbor. She understood it as the core teaching of Jesus and pondered over it from adolescence until her death.</blockquote>

Many of the American Christian anarchists/non-resistants follow in a long tradition of antinomians, arguably going back to the Antinomian Controversy in New England and before. These episodes left an established tradition of challenging authority and hierarchical power. Day’s Christian anarchism stands out in its delicate location within the Catholic tradition. Indeed, hers was a stance that angered many in both the Church hierarchy and in her old left-wing circles. She recalled at the end of her life that many of her radical friends had felt betrayed by her conversion:

<blockquote>One who had yearned to walk in the footsteps of a Mother Jones and an Emma Goldman seemingly had turned her back on the entire radical movement and sought shelter in that great, corrupt Holy Roman Catholic Church, right hand of the Oppressor, the State, rich and heartless, a traitor to her beginnings, her Founder, etc.</blockquote>

Just as she was a poor fit with the narrow-minded college socialists (more on that below), she was also an awkward fit in a movement defined by people like Proudhon, whom she frequently discussed, and Bakunin. Day’s personalism is another distinctive feature of her approach to anarchism. This is the idea, grounded in a basic belief in the dignity of every human being, that each person must take personal responsibility on every level: that there is a duty to one’s neighbors and coworkers, and we cannot look to others, including large institutions, which are themselves the key offenders and impediments to change. Day often talked about how she was changed after the experience of seeing neighbors come to each other’s aid in the wake of the 1906 San Francisco earthquake. In an article in 1936, Day explained:

<blockquote>We are Personalists because we believe that man, a person, a creature of body and soul, is greater than the State, of which as an individual he is a part. We are Personalists because we oppose the vesting of all authority in the hands of the state instead of in the hands of Christ the King. We are Personalists because we believe in free will, and not in the economic determinism of the Communist philosophy.</blockquote>

Remarking on the 1927 murder of Italian immigrants and anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, Day noted that anarchism “is the word, or label, which confuses many of our readers (especially the bishops?)” Day saw anarchism, as a philosophy of mutual respect and voluntary cooperation, as a natural extension of Christian spiritual practice and fellowship. She argued that there is no human law applicable to those who love and follow Jesus, and that “anarchism means ‘Love God, and do as you will.’” From the moment it became aware of the Catholic Worker movement, the U.S. government has treated it with suspicion, targeting and spying on Day and the movement as supposedly subversive elements. Day’s activism drew the attention of the FBI, and she is said to have enjoyed reading her FBI files.

Day had joined the Socialist Party in Urbana, Illinois, as a teenage college student, but its “petty bourgeois” attitudes and lack of “the religious enthusiasm for the poor” left her cold. She was not one for posturing; her Christian anarchism was based on the idea that every person is “known and named,” and that the real movement for human freedom takes place where there is a human need to be satisfied. Day roundly rejected the value system and approach of rigid bureaucracies and hierarchies, either corporate or governmental, which treat people as case numbers within cold, detached systems of power. As Michael Kazin put it: “Like any good anarchist, Christian or not, Day had no faith whatsoever in the desire or ability of governing authorities to create a moral, egalitarian society.” Her political outlook was grounded in and expressed through the sharing of everyday acts of kindness, through up-close relationships rather than philosophical abstractions. Yet she was extremely well-read and capable of the most insightful and skillfully articulated engagements with advanced ideas. Day has a very particular way with words. There is a rare candor, which reflects her lack of pretenses and her vulnerability in sharing her full life in the most open and sincere way. Her columns go back and forth between the tragedy and the comedy of being human with real thought and skill. Some of the vignettes in her autobiography are as powerful and moving as anything written by any American, for my money. “In 2012, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops unanimously voiced its support for her sainthood,” and this cause is, as I understand it, pending. An anarchist Catholic saint would be something to see.

[photo: "Rose Hill Catholic Worker farm, Tivoli, New York. Photo: National Park Service."]

Day believed that we have the social and political question backwards, starting with abstractions, ideological camps, and grand plans, when what we should focus on what is personal and tangible, what can be done directly, immediately, and without “professional” intermediaries. I was drawn to Day’s writings first because her way of thinking about political and social questions is so categorically different from the one we get from both halves of the poisonous main currents of our discourse today. She rejected both versions of bloodthirsty twentieth century authoritarianism, capitalism and socialism, instead articulating a radical politics of the corporeal and close by. Nothing more complicated in policy terms than housing and feeding our neighbors, the most important work (we prefer conceptual complexity and institutional paralysis while oligarchs bleed the country). Her belief in the transformative power of community and hospitality at the most basic but most intimate scale led her to reject the way almost everyone of our age thinks about politics. Day’s politics were about love for and service to other people; her way of looking at the world, according to her granddaughter, focused on the idea that “what we can do is so little, but that is what we are given to do. That’s only what we can do, so let’s move forward and do what we each think that we can do.” She emphasized “the necessity of smallness,” encouraging a direct and hands-on approach to serving those in need. She could not accept any approach to activism or ministry that separated the theorizing from the doing. Contrast our culture of aloof contempt for the poor, workers, prisoners, migrants and refugees, etc. There is nothing lower than not having money in our anti-human culture and political system. It is thoroughly bipartisan and it will outlast every politician and political party. Rest assured that the state’s indifference toward the suffering of the poor will be there still when there is no more U.S. government.

In Day’s view, we are depriving ourselves of another political dimension in the notion that love is the only response to political moments like this one. Regardless of anyone’s opinions, if love and community are not reliable for us in the social and community context, then what are we talking about? If they aren’t starting with the people at the bottom, what are they building? Everyone seems to feel that the country is lost today. My suggestion is: do not try to find it. Dorothy Day’s example suggests that we find each other, face-to-face, and begin to relearn the lessons of solidarity and mutual aid. We do that and we don’t have to fuss with any of today’s counterfeit B.S. In the social reality that capital and the state are hawking, there is nothing for workers or the poor, nothing but getting shorted. Day saw the crises unfolding around her in terms of human suffering. She did not put herself in the position of judging or condemning; she did not hold out false solutions or panaceas. She asked people to follow her lead in taking personal responsibility and initiative. Among the goals of the House of Hospitality, she stated, was to “emphasize personal action, personal responsibility as opposed to political action and state responsibility.” As a social model, the House of Hospitality explicitly resists impersonal, bureaucratized forms of charity and deliberately puts givers and recipients on the same footing, creating genuine relationships and community life. Day lived a life of voluntary poverty and thought that one should try to “be close enough to people so that you are indifferent to the material.” Central to her thought was leading by example and in accordance with love for all people. Her life, her work, her politics, all inseparable, were based on the radical notion that Jesus meant what he said about loving each other, turning the other cheek, etc.

Day offers another way of thinking about what it means to be politically active within a broader network of movements for freedom, equality, and justice. We don’t need to play to the strengths of the ruling class by focusing our energies and resources back into the sources of hierarchy and domination. Day thought that we had things backwards when it came to political and social change: that is, she believed we are already where the action is, in that everything grows from the bottom up. The movement is where you are, and it exists within your power to take care of people in need. So this is obviously a way of thinking poles apart from the performative nonsense that is encouraged today. Her worldview was a wholesale rejection of today’s faux meritocracy and its ugly pretense that some people are worth more than others. She believed that there is a “a spirit of non-violence and brotherhood” in the Gospels that counsels anarchism in practice. She favored radical decentralization and recognized the principle of subsidiarity, or the idea that decision-making should take place at the most local possible level. In the United States, we have departed from this principle to our own peril, yet neither of our teams seem to understand the problem. Day did not mince words in providing a classically anarchist condemnation of government:

<blockquote>Eventually, there will be this withering away of the State. Why put it off in some far distant utopia? Why not begin right now and say that the state is the enemy. The state is the armed forces. The state is bound to be a tyrant, a dictatorship. A Dictatorship of the Proletariat becomes yet another dictatorship. (emphasis in original)</blockquote>

Day did not believe that we can effectively resist this system of poverty and social alienation by supporting politicians or by mimicking the coercive, bureaucratic style of elites. For her, it could not be a matter of voting, giving alms, or being a good member of some party. Day’s approach represents the opposite of the institutional distance and stuck-up elitism that characterize most of our systems. Day insisted on being there on the ground, sharing daily life in real human connections, resisting the state and consumerism through friendship and love rather than through government. This mode of politics can only be understood and practiced by one who is not interested in being there for others, not in her own opinions or in electing certain politicians, etc. This is the real revolution everyone has been talking about and waiting for, but Day’s isn’t a path most people are capable of walking. One of the mottos of the Catholic Worker movement is, “Conscience is supreme.” Day could not reconcile any politics of division or violence with her own conscience. Institutions that rely on violence – the state, for instance – could not help except by receding into the background; they are not there to help, but rather to create the conditions for widespread deprivation and poverty.

There may be no starker contrast to the hollow identitarian blather of our moment than the life and work of Dorothy Day. Today’s hideous and embarrassing elite-worship, its obsessions with maximums of speed and scale regardless of the social dangers or consequences, its institutional detachment and opacity, and its counterproductive GDPism all represent pervasive social decay and alienation within Day’s philosophy. They are not the visible signs of “progress.” By comparison, today’s PMC liberals appear to be deliberately authoritarian and parochial defenders of plutocracy. And our conservatives, particularly the churchgoing ones, seem to genuinely hate the people Day said we’re commanded to love. I think Professor Larry Chapp put it well, discussing the importance of Day’s politics of resistance to our current moment (now retired, Professor Chapp runs the Dorothy Day Catholic Worker Farm in Pennsylvania):

<blockquote>This is all modern Liberalism has to offer: blunt force and wealth. And what moral and spiritual weapons do we have that are not undermined by our own supreme hypocrisy? We all, rightly, recoil in horror at the sufferings inflicted by Putin’s insane military gambit to restore empire. But empire building is what Liberals do, and have done now for centuries, and so the moral condemnations of our political class rings hollow.</blockquote>

Day didn’t think it was all that difficult to see why our political culture and discourse continue to fail us, particularly those at the margins of our society. Political ideology totally abstracted from the real relations of ministering to the needs of the poor, from the real struggles of workers striving around the clock yet no further from the edges of social and economic oblivion. That is American liberalism today. The American right meanwhile offers an incoherent, unwholesome slop of racial and ethnic scapegoating, open thuggery and corruption, and in MAGA the treatment of the country as a cheap and trashy brand name for enriching the political mercenaries and shady billionaires around Donald Trump. But, fundamentally, the teams share a value system, and the poor are despised by that system. If they’re not blaming them for crime and social discord, politicians are trying desperately to ignore the poor and pretend they don’t exist. This is one of the bedrock values of our system, at least as it exists materially rather than in the purely imaginary fantasies of a PMC that proudly embeds itself in the military-industrial complex even as it scolds everyone.

Statists and imperialists of all kinds, including liberals, who try to appropriate Day should understand that she was not joking about anarchism and would not willingly cooperate with the government; her identity as an anarchist was inseparable from the rest of her life and work, which meant ignoring the law and living according to the law of conscience. Like many anarchists before and since, Day had run-ins with the law throughout her life. She was jailed several times, beginning in 1917, when she was arrested while picketing as part of the Silent Sentinels campaign. She was a fixture of the anti-war and anti-nuclear movements and was jailed several times in the 1950s for her refusal to take shelter during civil defense drills during that period (this protest seems to have been the brainchild of Ammon Hennacy, whom I discussed for the Cato Institute’s Libertarianism.org several years back). Responding to the nuclear mass murders in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, Day wrote with rare moral clarity against the death cult that still has our ruling class in its grip:

<blockquote>Jubilate Deo. We have killed 318,000 Japanese.

That is, we hope we have killed them, the Associated Press, on page one, column one of the Herald Tribune, says. The effect is hoped for, not known. It is to be hoped they are vaporized, our Japanese brothers – scattered, men, women and babies, to the four winds, over the seven seas. Perhaps we will breathe their dust into our nostrils, feel them in the fog of New York on our faces, feel them in the rain on the hills of Easton.

Jubilate Deo. President Truman was jubilant.</blockquote>

Day felt the truth in her bones. She understood that those dead families in Japan were our family – they were not evil foreigners. She protested through two world wars and saw firsthand every trick used by the state to stir up hatred and enthusiasm for war. Consider the attitudes of our putatively liberal elite on questions of war and empire today, and contrast them to those of Dorothy Day. Our corporate uniparty has two openly war-mongering and imperialistic wings, with differences only in emphases and vibes, and even there the degree of difference is smaller than is generally thought (respectable opinion in the District wants war, but with Russia and China, not Venezuela). Today, people who have made their entire careers pitching and overseeing disastrous wars of choice get in line for fancy fellowships and interviews on the supposedly progressive shows. Because the U.S. government manages a powerful empire, our political class is compelled by the agglomeration of interests around them to chaperone a politics of imperialism, with disagreement confined to the margins. Higher defense spending is popular with politicians of both parties, because war is the business the state is in. Violence is its key offering in economic terms, much as any lesser mafia. Virtually all members of Congress make their peace with it in one way or another, because this is what the overall system requires of them, and the system is very good at getting what it needs; whatever their reasons, both parties want and actively search for and recruit candidates that they know will be reliably pro-war, often those with connections to the Pentagon or the intelligence community, the major “defense” contractors of the federal government, or financial interests aligned with warfare and empire. Recall that the deepest and strongest connections between the two ways our ruling class shows itself, the state and capital, take place within the world of war. In our system, both always want war because they see it as a source of growth, but they were fused together even before the growth logic took over completely. That is the perversity of our system, which Day saw. She didn’t think one could escape complicity merely because they were positioned within bourgeois polite society; she called the scientists who worked on the bomb murderers, and she demanded accountability from the places of higher learning that allied themselves with “this colossal slaughter of the innocents.” To understand the perversity and degeneration of our politics and discourse, we just have to look at how quickly our simulacra of political participation set up a new enemy of the week, reincorporating the old enemies (e.g., the rehabilitation of George W. Bush) and using the energy and appearance of conflict to reaffirm the imperial system itself. Day understood that the state was a den of thieves and criminals regardless of who is in charge, and the source of positive social change has to be us, working together.

Dorothy Day was an amazing person and a true rarity. She relentlessly downplayed her own importance and contributions to the Catholic Worker movement. During an interview in 1971, a week before her 74th birthday, Day discussed the movement’s humble beginnings and reiterated the centrality of small, personal scale and the face-to-face community to the mission:

<blockquote>You start in with a table full of people and pretty soon you have a line and pretty soon you’re living with some of them in a house. You do what you can. God forbid we should have great institutions. The thing is to have many small centers. The ideal is community.</blockquote>

Not long after, reminiscing at the age of 75, she referred to herself as “the housekeeper of the Catholic Worker movement.” It wasn’t the fake humility of today’s political tabloid show. To her, that work is as worthwhile and honorable as any honest service to other people. She passed away in 1980 at the Catholic Worker’s Maryhouse on the Lower East Side. She was 83. If radicals today are looking for a normative model or a plan of action, the life of Dorothy Day, the first hippie, in Abbie Hoffman’s words, will at least provide inspiration. Growing interest in Dorothy Day must not obscure the central facts of her anarchist politics, that the work to which she dedicated her life can’t ever be carried out by the authoritarian, bureaucratic state or by the professional-managerial class administering it. Her commitments were not those of our political class, and she was explicit about that. They point to forms of personal responsibility and solidarity that are structurally incompatible with the state and capitalism. To take her political ethic seriously is to move in a direction directly opposed to the logic and practices of both mainstream and elite politics today.

***

David S. D’Amato is an attorney, businessman, and independent researcher. He is a Policy Advisor to the Future of Freedom Foundation and a regular opinion contributor to The Hill. His writing has appeared in Forbes, Newsweek, Investor’s Business Daily, RealClearPolitics, The Washington Examiner, and many other publications, both popular and scholarly. His work has been cited by the ACLU and Human Rights Watch, among others."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://48hills.org/2025/12/for-more-than-half-a-century-the-progressives-in-sf-have-been-right-and-the-developers-wrong/">
    <title>For more than half a century, the progressives in SF have been right—and the developers wrong - 48 hills</title>
    <dc:date>2026-01-04T04:05:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://48hills.org/2025/12/for-more-than-half-a-century-the-progressives-in-sf-have-been-right-and-the-developers-wrong/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We have murals and books and movies celebrating the opponents of demolitions like the I-Hotel and redevelopment. What will we look back on 20 years from now?"

...

"I was in Chinatown on Christmas Eve, walking around and looking at murals depicting community leaders and struggles, including the battle to save the I-Hotel. And as I hear about all the people affiliated with the Yimbys and the billionaires talk about how San Francisco has to change, and can’t be “preserved in amber,” I have been thinking about the 1970s and 1980s, and the I-Hotel, and redevelopment, when “progress” was a watchword and some of the same arguments echoed in the news media.

And I looked at those murals of people and causes we now revere, and I thought:

All those years, consistently, the progressives, the people on the left, the ones who fought uncontrolled growth and development and what was called “progress,” and who tried to preserve existing affordable housing even when it made no “financial sense” and was in the way of a “better” city …. they were right.

They were right, and now we look at them and celebrate their work—although at the time, the city leaders, including then-Mayor Dianne Feinstein and a majority of the supervisors, dismissed them as obstructionists.

The I-Hotel, a residential hotel with low-cost rooms, was the heart of Manilatown, the center of Filipino life in San Francisco. It also housed Chinese seniors.

Walter Shorenstein, a greedy developer who later became enough of a philanthropist that some people respected him, bought the I-Hotel and moved to demolish it to build a parking garage. The left and the local community fought him. Then he sold it to a liquor baron from Thailand operating as Four Seas Investment Company, who wanted to demolish it for market-rate housing—and again, a huge campaign fought against him.

But in the end, it was Feinstein and a majority of the supervisors who approved the demolition—and for almost ten years, the place stayed empty, a hold in the ground, before Four Seas gave up and sold it to the Catholic Church, which eventually turned it into affordable housing.

Today, we all seem to agree: Shorenstein was wrong. Feinstein was wrong. The community, including (yes) some hard-core leftists, was right.

After 40 years as a reporter here, I can look back on so many examples.

The opponents of redevelopment in the Western Addition and Soma were right. The opponents of freeway expansion were right. At the time, they were dismissed as opponents of progress.

The neighborhood folks who added demolition controls for housing after developers demolished vintage Victorians in the Richmond for multi-unit housing that was not affordable were demonized as Nimbys. Today, everyone I talk to in the Planning Department says they were right, that it should be hard to demolish existing housing.

Feinstein and the landlords told the activists who fought for rent control that it would stop developers from building new housing and cause disinvestment and blight. Feinstein and the landlords were wrong; the tenants were right.

Feinstein, the Chamber of Commerce, and many others fought against plans to limit office growth, saying any restrictions would ruin the economy. They were wrong. The progressive and neighborhood folks who put Prop. M on the ballot in 1986, who resisted highrise office construction (in part because developers built no housing for the new workers) were right.

Proposition M saved San Francisco from the overbuilding that almost bankrupted cities like Houston.

(At the time, Ronald Reagan’s deregulation of Savings and Loans and accelerated depreciation rules poured a massive amount of speculative capital into highrise office construction; many of those buildings were never occupied, and the S&Ls crashed, leading to a massive taxpayer bailout.)

The developers and the Chron dismissed supporters of an Office Housing Production Program, which would have mandated office developers to build housing for their workers, saying it would slow office construction and hurt the economy. The developers, who created the housing crisis by bringing tens of thousands of new workers to the city while not building housing for them (because it wasn’t profitable enough) were wrong. The progressives were right.

(In the 1970s and 1980s, the progressives were the ones demanding more housing. The developers made more money building offices, so that’s what was built. The much-maligned neighborhood downzoning of 1978 was Feinstein’s way of undermining the 1979 measure Prop. O, which would have limited downtown office development. Progressives opposed offices, not housing; The downzoning plan was sold as a way to protect neighborhoods from office creep, which was a very real fear back then.)

The mainstream at City Hall, and the major news media, said people who supported public power and said PG&E was an illegal monopoly that charged too much for bad service were crazy. The powers that be dismissed the Bay Guardian—a leading voice for public power—and tried to marginalize that paper as much as possible. Most of the city establishment (including at least one former PG&E lobbyist) now agrees public power advocates were, and are, right.

You look at San Francisco history over the past half century, and there’s a pattern: Over and over, everyone supported by PG&E and big business and the developers and the real-estate industry was wrong. The people who organized the neighborhoods, and the people on the economic left, were right. Today, we celebrate their victories.

As we enter 2026, I have to wonder: Ten, 20, 25 years from now, what will we say about the likes of Scott Wiener and the Yimbys—and what will we say about the progressives who have a different vision for San Francisco?"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HHYXFu7GWGg">
    <title>In Indian Country, the Future of Sovereignty Is Closer Than You Think | The Futurology Podcast - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-29T21:05:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HHYXFu7GWGg</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[also here:
https://open.spotify.com/episode/05wdNNP8tuhy2XDvIg5e3d
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-future-of-sovereignty-is-closer-than-you/id1821718921?i=1000742483803 ]

"The current world order seeks to make sovereignty simple. One map. One flag. One final authority. But in Indian Country, the borders break down. Tribal nations govern alongside the United States, and sovereignty overlaps in real, everyday ways. This isn’t a historical footnote. It’s the future, hiding in plain sight.

In this episode, Graham Brewer – the AP’s National Correspondent covering native lands and peoples – traces what sovereignty looks like when power overlaps and treaty promises from the 19th century adapt to the 21st. That negotiation is now playing out in the cloud: as languages are revived and culture moves onto servers. By its nature, the training of AI frontier models plunders native wisdom, but fully opting out risks another century of invisibility.

Chapters
Introduction - (0:00)
University of Oklahoma: Grant and Graham’s Shared Background - (3:48)
The Indigenous Journalists Association - (6:27)
Why Newsrooms Still Overlook Native Communities - (10:08)
What Oklahoma Schools Teach About Native History - (15:48)
Reporting on Oklahoma’s Prisons and Executions - (23:30)
Covering the Death Penalty: The Role of Witnesses - (27:51)
Clayton Lockett: The Execution That Caught National Attention - (34:49)
Journalism Today: Ethics, Media Distrust, and TikTok Journalists - (38:38)
Indigenous Journalism: Covering Native Communities Responsibly - (41:42)
Leonard Peltier and the Idea of “Aboriginal Sin” - (46:42)
Objectivity and Activism in Journalism - (51:01)
Imagining Indigenous Life Before Settler Colonialism - (59:20)
Treaties and Promises in Today’s Politics - (1:05:37)
State and Tribal Dual Sovereignty in Oklahoma - (1:07:33)
McGirt v. Oklahoma and Its Impact on Tribal Governance - (1:12:04)
Sovereign Internets and Indigenous Data Sovereignty - (1:19:10)
Large Language Models and Indigenous Languages - (1:29:18)
What Indigenous Worldviews Can Teach Us in a Climate Crisis - (1:33:58)
Closing: What Are We Wrong About Now? - (1:35:08)

Graham Brewer
https://apnews.com/author/graham-lee-brewer
https://x.com/grahambrewer

Subscribe to Futurology on your favorite listening platform
Apple Podcasts
https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/futurology/id1821718921

Spotify
https://open.spotify.com/show/2I38HvHP6KlXrD5ysfygxk?nd=1&dlsi=ac8cda6751834298

Anywhere you get your podcasts 
https://linkin.bio/futurology/

Resources
The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity — David Graeber & David Wengrow (Book, 2021) 
https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374157357/thedawnofeverything/

The Cherokee Nation and the Trail of Tears — Theda Perdue & Michael D. Green (Book, 2007)
https://www.amazon.com/Cherokee-Penguin-Library-American-History/dp/0143113674

Prison Writings: My Life Is My Sun Dance — Leonard Peltier (Book, 1999)
https://birchbarkbooks.com/products/prison-writings

Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) — U.S. Congress (U.S. law, 1990)
https://www.nps.gov/subjects/nagpra/index.htm

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) — United Nations General Assembly (UN declaration, 2007)
https://social.desa.un.org/issues/indigenous-peoples/united-nations-declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples

Music Modernization Act — U.S. Congress (U.S. law, 2018)
https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/1551

McGirt v. Oklahoma — Supreme Court of the United States (Supreme Court case, 2020)
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/18-9526_9okb.pdf

Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta — Supreme Court of the United States (Supreme Court case, 2022)
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/21-429_8o6a.pdf

Treaty of New Echota — Cherokee Nation and United States Government (Treaty, 1835)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_New_Echota "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.kqed.org/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a">
    <title>Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism | KQED</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T16:47:56+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.kqed.org/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Part 2:

Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'
https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b

See also:

Boomtown and Bust series:
https://www.kqed.org/news/series/boomtown ]]]></description>
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An uncollected essay suggests how, in The White Album, Didion revised her experience of the 1960s"]]></description>
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    <title>Newly Declassified Records Suggest Parents Collaborated With the FBI to Spy on Their Rebellious Teens During the 1960s</title>
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    <title>Sonic Kinships #5. Violeta Parra, Por la mañanita (1961) – KoozArch</title>
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...

"You can listen to ‘Por La Mañanita’ and the rest of the Sonic Kinships soundtrack here https://open.spotify.com/playlist/1VN82IJHfhN52qBdJbDGXW

Track 05, Violeta Parra, Por la mañanita (1961)

Violeta Parra was never just a singer. She built structures. Songs where people could gather, where solidarity could live. Through her Peña de los Parra, she created a community arts center where students, workers, and Indigenous musicians gathered to reclaim Chile’s folk traditions. This was an insurgent pedagogy. By placing Mapuche and other Indigenous voices at the heart of Chile’s identity, Parra confronted the silences of colonial erasure and neoliberal destruction. Her verses braided grief, activism, and love, ensuring that song could be a practice of collective survival. “Por la mañanita” is an everyday hymn — of mornings and awakenings, but also of vigilance and endurance.

The Chile that Parra sang into being was also the Chile of Salvador Allende that came after her death: socialism by transparency. One of its most daring projects was Cybersyn, or Proyecto Synco, a cybernetic network of telex machines, predictive software, and the Opsroom — a futuristic control centre designed by Stafford Beer, Jorge Barrientos, Gui Bonsiepe, Pepa Foncea, and Lucia Wormald among an extensive team of architects, engineers, and designers. Its aim was audacious: to make socialism efficient, adaptive, and accountable. Open to the whole population of Chile. Architecture here was political science. As Pedro Ignacio Alonso, Hugo Palmarola, and Eden Medina have shown, Cybersyn was not simply technology but scenography: hexagonal chairs arranged in a circle, information screens surrounding their users, a stage where knowledge was shared rather than hoarded. Accountability was performed spatially. To sit in the Opsroom was to inhabit an architecture that refused secrecy; one where flows of production, shortages, and worker reports became visible and actionable. Cybersyn, like the lives of Allende and thousands of Chileans, was cut short by the brutal regime of the dictator Augusto Pinochet, under neocolonial extractive powers that wanted to maintain and even accelerate the dispossession of the country.

But Parra’s song and Cybersyn’s design still pulsates, drawing one to the same challenge: how to dismantle opacity. The song illuminated what the previous and later governments tried to repress — memory, grief, dispossession. Cybernetics illuminated what capitalism would hide — data, flows, the collective pulse of production. Both enacted forms of accountability, through melody and through coding. Yet, as Marina Otero has argued, infrastructures of data are never innocent. Today’s data centres mourn not only the information they guard but also the bodies, ecologies, and energies consumed in their upkeep. Technology is extractive, fed by cobalt mines, rare earth minerals, and precarious labour. Cybersyn’s optimism, read against this horizon, reveals the double edge of data: its emancipatory promise and its material violence. To build a nervous system for society is also to expose the fragility and exploitation on which it depends.

This reckoning with technological infrastructures continued in Inteligencias Reflexivas, curated by Serena Dambrosio, Nicolás Díaz Bejarano, and Linda Schilling Cuéllar. Their project reframed artificial intelligence not as disembodied or immaterial, but as rooted in ecologies of extraction, cultural memory, and social struggle. It argues that intelligence — whether folk, cybernetic, or artificial — is always situated, collective, and entangled with relations of care and exploitation. In dialogue with Parra’s insurgent pedagogy and Cybersyn’s scenography, Inteligencias Reflexivas insists that to speak of intelligence is also to speak of accountability and mourning.

As in Octavia Butler’s Bloodchild, intimacy can be symbiosis, even to the point of parasitism: to survive, bodies must surrender autonomy and share vulnerability. Parra’s music, Cybersyn’s architecture, Otero’s reflections on data mourning, and the Inteligencias Reflexivas pavilion: all of these resonate in a similar key. They suggest that survival depends on porosity, on opening to others, on acknowledging dependence rather than denying it. “Por la mañanita” reminds us that mornings begin with exposure, with light falling across bodies. Cybersyn made Chile’s industrial body porous, visible, accountable; Otero reminds us that the infrastructures we inherit today are entangled with mourning, their very functioning haunted by the exhaustion of the earth; and Inteligencias Reflexivas reframes intelligence itself as a situated, fragile practice. They insist that accountability means not just making flows visible but reckoning with the cost of keeping them alive. To design is always to decide what becomes visible, what remains opaque, and what is sacrificed along the way.

[images: Albumn cover of Toda Violeta Parra: El folklore de Chile vol. VIII by Violeta Parra]

Tracklist: You can listen to the songs accompanying this column below and the complete Sonic Kinships soundtrack here https://open.spotify.com/playlist/1VN82IJHfhN52qBdJbDGXW

Por la mañanita, Violeta Parra
https://open.spotify.com/track/1Dq77dkp5HGVkscqbTQciq

El apagón, Bad Bunny
https://open.spotify.com/track/0UvZcEfpzVyx47QsRbjyBz

Puro Teatro, La Lupe
https://open.spotify.com/track/3Ov5KuLiPEqYMluzZTmS2M

Bio

Ivan L. Munuera is a New York-based scholar, critic, and curator working at the intersection of culture, technology, politics, and bodily practices in the modern period and on the global stage. He is an Assistant Professor at Bard College; his research has been generously sponsored by the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies and the Canadian Centre for Architecture. In 2020, Munuera was awarded the Harold W. Dodds Fellowship at Princeton University. Munuera has presented his work at various conferences and academic forums, from the Society of Architectural Historians and the European Architectural History Network to Columbia GSAPP, Princeton University, Het Nieuwe Instituut, CIVA Brussels and ETSAM, among many others. He has also published widely, from the Journal for Architectural Education (JAE), The Architect’s Newspaper to Log and e-flux."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.lucyparsonslabs.com/">
    <title>Against Tech Fatalism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-16T21:17:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.lucyparsonslabs.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["We are Lucy Parsons Labs

LPL explores technology's role in creating harm, and counters it through investigations, litigation, and education.

Mission

Lucy Parsons Labs is committed to challenging the harms created in our society by technology. Our methods integrates education, investigative journalism, and legal advocacy to confront systemic injustices. We are dedicated to promoting accountability and leveraging our expertise to transform technology into a force for positive change, protecting the rights of the most vulnerable from exploitation.

We shine light on police, power, & Corruption

Our investigations led to a dramatic decrease in asset forfeiture by the Chicago Police Department per year, since 2019.

We leverage public record laws to aggressively litigated cases to uncover novel and previously unknown surveillance technologies and their use by police.

We educate the public by collaborating with journalists, offering expertise and insights on issues related to mass surveillance

Impacted Communities

We challenge the aggressive surveillance and technological control targeting Black, brown, and low-income communities. We arm these groups with the necessary tools to defend our rights through educational efforts, pressuring oppressive governments, and sharp journalism. These communities endure extreme breaches of our privacy and autonomy, and we are steadfast in our defense of our freedoms.

Our Commitment

We relentlessly expose  surveillance overreach by governments and corporations. We dive deep into the dystopian world of surveillance tech, revealing its impacts on our communities and the erosion of our freedoms. Join us as we uncover and resist these invasive practices.


At Lucy Parsons Labs, we relentlessly expose the surveillance overreach by governments and corporations. We dive deep into the dystopian world of surveillance tech, revealing its impacts on our communities and the erosion of our freedoms.

Mission

Lucy Parsons Labs (LPL) organizes safer communities by challenging the systemic domination accelerated by by both public and private institutions.

As technological advancements are increasingly used to exploit Black, brown, and low-income communities, LPL will continue to provide expertise to the growing network of communities defending our rights.

Over the last eight years, Lucy Parsons Labs has dramatically shifted public policy and public consciousness regarding governmental use of opaque and digital surveillance technologies.

The Crew

Freddy Martinez him/him/el
Co-Director, Research
Lucy Parsons Labs

Alejandro R.  they/them/elle
Co-Director, Operations
Lucy Parsons Labs"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yncu7A4NtSo">
    <title>The Secret Surveillance System Behind College Football - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T22:15:22+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yncu7A4NtSo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Department of Homeland Security has deployed a powerful surveillance tool at college football games, and that's not the only place where they're using it. If you were one of the thousands of people who attended the Old Miss vs Georgia game a few weeks ago, a DHS system could have been monitoring you. 
 
At that game and others schools have been using a little-known Department of Homeland Security platform called the Homeland Security Information Network (HSIN). FOIAball, a newsletter reporting on college football and public records, got a hold of documents related to this surveillance effort.  

All of this information and monitoring is now being fed into facial recognition systems, as those systems of surveillance expand. And, HSIN isn't just being used at concerts and game days, it's not being deployed against protesters, activists, and peaceful crowds."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/the-lexiconic">
    <title>The Lexiconic - Beautiful Eccentrics</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-14T05:57:58+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://pablohelguera.substack.com/p/the-lexiconic</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["(An introduction to an imaginary theory book)

For several years I have entertained the peculiar hobby of designing covers and writing introductions to books that I will never write. Each preface is a small act of wishful thinking—a threshold to a volume that will remain forever unwritten. The task suits me: it allows the pleasure of invention without the tyranny of completion. This text, then, belongs to that lineage of imagined prologues. It introduces not a finished theory but the promise of one, an unwritten book that might be called The Lexiconic, devoted to the porous border between words and images, where art and writing exchange their roles and lose their names.

If this essay functions as an introduction, it is because every introduction points toward an absence—a body of thought that is yet to come or perhaps never will. The Lexiconic remains, for now, an unwritten book, but also a provocation: an invitation to read art as language and to see language as art. What follows, in whatever form it may take, should not seek to resolve that tension but to dwell within it—to inhabit the space between the page and the picture, between what can be said and what insists on being seen.

Contemporary visual artists are often discipline intruders. We drift into territories that once seemed securely belonging to others—anthropology, activism, history, therapy, wellness—claiming them as raw material for our practice. I have sometimes felt ambivalent about these touristic forays, especially when they involve education. As I argued years ago in an essay titled Pretend Play, practices must be actual, not merely symbolic; and actual practice requires knowledge, skill, and the humility of apprenticeship. Yet I have rarely turned that same critical lens on my own incursions. Over the years I have never quite confronted, nor even attempted to define, my relationship to writing as an artistic practice.

It is a relationship as complex as it is essential—one that could easily be accused of the same dilettantism I often criticize in others. I am not a novelist, nor a poet, nor even a proper essayist. So what, then, is my position as a writer who operates through art, or as an artist who writes? This is the question I want to explore here, under the sign of what I call the Lexiconic.

The relationship between text and image has always been contentious. One is almost always made to serve the other: the image as illustration, the text as caption. The two have been kept in a hierarchy that privileges either the eye or the word, but rarely both. Early twentieth-century avant-gardes recognized and exploited this friction. The Surrealists blurred language and vision to destabilize meaning itself, turning captions into riddles and metaphors into traps. The Constructivists deployed words as weapons, instruments for social transformation rather than vehicles of description. Later, Minimalist and Conceptual artists reduced language to its barest material state, treating it as object, as matter, as art in itself. And the practitioners of institutional critique—figures such as Hans Haacke, Martha Rosler, or Barbara Kruger—weaponized text once again, this time to expose the ideological machinery behind the image and its circulation. Throughout, the struggle between word and image remained unresolved, a productive antagonism that continues to shape how we read art and how art reads us.

It is important to note that conceptual artists who incorporated text into their work rarely considered themselves writers or authors. In fact, many actively recoiled at the idea that their work could be construed as poetry or literature. Lawrence Weiner was explicit about this distinction when he said, “I’m not a poet. Poets use language to describe a state of mind. I use language to describe a relationship in the world.” From the 1970s onward, Weiner articulated a position in which words were not expressive vehicles but construction materials—elements to be arranged, displaced, or installed in space. This view proved profoundly influential for later generations of artists who wished to employ language without being subsumed by the interpretive frameworks of literary theory or criticism. For them, text was neither illustration nor metaphor, but an extension of the visual field—another means of composition and inquiry within the visual arts. By severing language from its traditional literary obligations, Weiner and his contemporaries made it possible to approach writing as sculpture, drawing, architecture, or site—thus opening the way for a practice in which the act of writing could be, paradoxically, visual.

A question that has long troubled me is how we determine the legitimacy of cross-disciplinary claims in art. I have often argued that when artists declare their work to be educational, it is fair—indeed necessary—to evaluate it through the parameters of education. If one claims to teach, then one should be accountable to the standards and responsibilities of teaching: rigor, continuity, care, and the production of actual learning. Art that merely illustrates or parodies pedagogy cannot be excused from those criteria if it also insists on calling itself education.

Yet when it comes to artists who use language, I find myself in a more uncertain position. Why am I comfortable invoking pedagogical criteria to assess art-as-education, but reluctant to use literary criticism to assess art-as-writing? Part of the reason, I suspect, lies in the kind of claim the work makes. Conceptual artists who employ words as material seldom claim authorship in the literary sense; they do not promise the reader a text, but rather propose a structure or situation in which language operates visually, spatially, or conceptually. Their accountability is to art, not literature. The same logic that obliges the “educational artist” to answer to pedagogy frees the “lexiconic artist” from answering to literary theory—unless, of course, they themselves claim to be authors.

When Miguel de Unamuno was criticized for his unconventional approach to the novel, he refused to defend himself within the inherited parameters of literary form. Instead, he coined a new word—nivolas—to describe what he was doing. The gesture was less about creating a new genre than about reclaiming the authority to name one’s own practice. I recognize something of that impulse in my own past attempts to define a “playformance,” a term I once used to avoid committing to either play or performance art. I wanted to acknowledge that what I was doing existed somewhere in between, in the untranslatable zone where form resists taxonomy. But such coinages are never entirely successful. They can be useful clarifications, yet they also risk being evasions—a way of sidestepping rather than confronting the interpretive frameworks that will, inevitably, be applied to the work. In the end, the world will read a piece through the vocabularies it already possesses.

Still, there is value in naming the territory, even provisionally. The Lexiconic, as I understand it, is not a genre but a field of operation: a way of locating artistic practices that use language neither as literature nor as pure visual form, but as an autonomous medium of thought and construction. To invoke the Lexiconic is not to escape judgment but to clarify the grounds upon which judgment can take place—to propose a lexicon for those works that dwell between reading and seeing, between naming and making.

I hope this book may serve as a guide for readers who, like myself, have often wandered through the uncertain borderlands between disciplines. I am reminded of an intellectual figure who loomed large in the Mexican cultural milieu of my childhood: Ramón Xirau. A Catalan philosopher exiled to Mexico during the Spanish Civil War, Xirau authored Introducción a la historia de la filosofía, one of the most enduring Spanish-language introductions to philosophy. His peers affectionately described him as “a poet among philosophers and a philosopher among poets.” My brother used to joke that the phrase was a double-edged compliment, implying that Xirau was never fully accepted as neither philosopher nor poet. Yet I have come to see that liminal space as a site of possibility rather than deficiency. Like Unamuno’s nivolas, it invites us to embrace ambiguity and heterodoxy—not as compromises, but as methods. In that spirit, I welcome the vibrant, unsettled practice of the Lexiconic."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/woke-symbolic-capital-scialabba-al-Gharbi">
    <title>Woke 2.0 | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-13T06:36:14+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/woke-symbolic-capital-scialabba-al-Gharbi</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Musa al-Gharbi goes in search of a ‘new elite’"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rYqOKo_7WUM">
    <title>&quot;Public opinion is vastly different than the elites&quot; with Mandy Turner - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T03:06:19+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rYqOKo_7WUM</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The brothers welcome Mandy Turner, a senior researcher with Security in Context, to discuss the world of think tanks, how they operate as hegemony factories, and the divergence between public opinion and elites on the Gaza genocide

Check out her article, "Hegemony factories or independent thinkers? Western think tanks on Israel and Palestine after October 7" 

https://www.securityincontext.org/posts/hegemony-factories-or-independent-thinkers "

[also here:
https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/38893280
https://sites.libsyn.com/495388/public-opinion-is-vastly-different-than-the-elites-w-mandy-turner ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.dukeupress.edu/acoustic-colonialism">
    <title>Acoustic Colonialism: Acts of Mapuche Interference</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-09T02:32:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.dukeupress.edu/acoustic-colonialism</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In Acoustic Colonialism, Luis E. Cárcamo-Huechante examines the role of sound in Chilean and Mapuche cultural production over the last two centuries. Cárcamo-Huechante theorizes sound as a territory of racial, patriarchal, and colonial hegemony as well as of Mapuche struggle, agency, and response to what he calls "acoustic colonialism." From the mid-nineteenth century to the present, Chilean literature, radio, and other media have exerted a historic role in disseminating distorted visual and sonic representations of the Mapuche. The enduring effects of what Cárcamo-Huechante defines as the colonial ear—the entry point for these misrepresentations—reflect the logic of the Chilean settler nation-state. In response to these aural and sonorous figurations, contemporary Mapuche writers, artists, and activists have produced their own literary, radiophonic, vocal, and musical expressions. The voices, sounds, and discourses of these Mapuche productions contest and disrupt the acoustic colonialism that has dominated the soundscape of the territory designated in present-day cartography as central and southern Chile.  

Book
Pages: 288
Illustrations: 11 illustrations
Published: October 2025
Author: Luis E. Cárcamo-Huechante

Subjects: Music > Sound Studies, Native and Indigenous Studies, Latin American Studies

---

Praise

“Luis E. Cárcamo-Huechante provides a radical critique of how to study indigeneity and sound, and their relation to literary and media history. With an approach that draws on Native American and Indigenous scholars from the North and South, he demonstrates the need to consider Indigenous scholarship as central to the interpretation of sound and voices in a settler colonial context while offering transformational readings of the Mapuche literary and media cultures Acoustic Colonialism is a crucial book.” - Ana María Ochoa Gautier, author of Aurality: Listening and Knowledge in Nineteenth-Century Colombia

“In this stunning book Cárcamo-Huechante makes audible the complex waves of centuries-long colonialisms affecting Mapuche Peoples and places and the consequent rise of Indigenous movements for autonomy across the sounded territories of poetry, radio, and music. By centering the rich particularities of Mapuche Peoples and the concept of allkütun (to listen attentively), Acoustic Colonialism offers capacious accounts of sonic forms of resurgence that resonate with Indigenous Peoples elsewhere working towards liberation.”
- Jessica Bissett Perea, author of Sound Relations: Native Ways of Doing Music History in Alaska

---

Author Bio

Luis E. Cárcamo-Huechante belongs to the Mapuche People. He is a founding member of the Comunidad de Historia Mapuche and Associate Professor of Spanish at the University of Texas at Austin.

Table Of Contents
Back to Top
Author’s Note  ix
Mañumtun/Acknowledgments  xiii
Introduction  1
1. Disfiguring and Silencing of the Mapuche in the 1860s  34
2. Indio Pie: A “Mapuche” in the Mediascape  67
3. Listening Poetically: A Land That Resounds and Sings  94
4. Wixage Anai: Mapuche Voices on the Air  130
5. Enduring Listening and Sounds: The Contemporary Musics of Ngulu Mapu  168
Coda  211
Notes  219
References 245
Index  261"]]></description>
<dc:subject>mapuche indigenous indigeneity luiscárcamo-huecheante chile 2025 sound audio media acoustics colonialism colonization activism art writing howwewerite soundscape</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html">
    <title>Socialism vs Abundance: The Democratic Party’s Great Schism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-08T03:20:05+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/socialism-vs-abundance-bernie-sanders-aoc-mamdani-democrats-future.html</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Two visions fight for the Democratic Party’s soul as it searches for purpose, direction, and a modicum of popularity."

[archived:
https://archive.ph/fgvry

"Since last November’s election defeat, the Democratic Party has been subject to an endless battery of postmortems, and a shadow primary is already being fought over who’s got the formula to bring it back to life. Michigan senator Elissa Slotkin characterized the party’s image as “weak and woke” and in need of “alpha energy.” Pete Buttigieg grew a beard and blasted DEI-style training as “something out of Portlandia.” Not to be outdone on the regular-Joe front, Arizona senator Ruben Gallego explained that “every Latino man wants a big-ass truck.” Massachusetts congressman Jake Auchincloss countered that such gestures are derivative “Diet Coke populism” and won’t beat Trump at his own game, while California governor Gavin Newsom has overtly been trying to beat Trump at his own game with a new keyboard-warrior persona that speaks in all caps.

Tactically, there’s a different debate about whether to quietly bait the Republicans into unpopular overreach or to go on the offensive and do MAGA-style norm breaking, such as ultragerrymandering blue states or periodically letting the federal government run out of money as the Democrats ultimately did this fall. The chair of the Democratic National Committee pledged to stop bringing a pencil to a knife fight, while social media is full of progressive Substackers bemoaning the party’s weak-kneed acquiescence. Then came the shocking September assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, which sent the Trump administration vowing revenge on the radical left and put most Democrats in retreat from any posture that might connote violent confrontation.

So far, nothing the party has done has made a difference. Despite tariff-stoked market instability, paramilitary-style immigration raids, accusations of flagrant Republican bribe taking and quid pro quo graft, the demolition of the White House’s East Wing, and the president’s unshakable Jeffrey Epstein problem, the Democrats continue to languish. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll showed that respondents felt Republicans had better plans on the issues, including immigration, crime, foreign conflicts, gun control, political extremism, corruption, and the economy. Just when you think things can’t get worse for a party locked out of influence in Washington, a bleak new finding pops up. In August, the New York Times reported the Democrats were bleeding registered voters at such an alarming rate that an analyst concluded, “I don’t want to say, ‘The death cycle of the Democratic Party,’ but there seems to be no end to this.” Five days later came a forecast that population loss in blue states, including New York and Illinois, would start reducing the party’s Electoral College apportionment by the 2032 election, furthering the potential death cycle.

Within the broad liberal tent, only three forces have generated any momentum over the past year. The first two are connected: Senator Bernie Sanders’s roving “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, which has drawn around 300,000 frenzied people in more than 20 states, and Zohran Mamdani’s earthquake upset victory in the New York City mayoral primary, prompting his Obama-like ascent to political celebrity. Separated in age by 50 years, the subjects of these forces occupy the same left-populist lane, and tellingly, neither is chiefly associated with the Democratic Party. Sanders is officially an independent, Mamdani came up via the Democratic Socialists of America, and each possesses enough sui generis political talent to transcend the tarnished party brand. Days before New York’s general election, Sanders, Mamdani, and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez — who co-headlined the early stops of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour and is presumed to be running for Senate or the presidency in the near future — filled Forest Hills Stadium for one more rally, dubbed “New York Is Not for Sale.” The event reinforced the immense enthusiasm gap between Mamdani and his plutocrat-backed opponent, Andrew Cuomo, and further cemented the sense that theirs is the faction with the most political juice in this off-election year.

The third force is the “Abundance” movement, which is exciting not to the general public but to the political class and wonk intelligentsia. Popularized by the book of the same name by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, it argues that the United States has grown stagnant and unaffordable thanks to regulatory absurdities, NIMBY homeowners, infrastructure-blocking environmentalists, and other obstacles to “a liberalism that builds.” Like the populists on the left, Abundance partisans argue the system is broken. Yet their attitude toward Silicon Valley is more tech utopian than anti-monopolistic, and the targets of their critiques tend not to be billionaires but others in the Democratic coalition, which has led to a civil war between them and the Bernie-Zohran-AOC faction. The terms abundance and anti-oligarchy are too narrow to encompass all the people now associated with each camp, but they have come to represent a feverish grab for the steering wheel as the party searches for a direction.

Although both sides constitute a challenge to a dysfunctional, demoralized Democratic Establishment, Abundance has its ear and tentative support. LinkedIn founder and top Democratic donor Reid Hoffman — an opponent of literal fighter of oligarchs Lina Khan, Joe Biden’s aggressive Federal Trade Commission chair — said he was sending a copy of Abundance to everyone he knew. Facebook co-founder Dustin Moskovitz, another big Democratic player, created a $120 million Abundance fund at his philanthropy. Barack Obama gave Abundance a coveted spot on his summer reading list, and in July he told the audience at a private fundraiser in New Jersey, “I don’t care how much you love working people. They can’t afford a house because all the rules in your state make it prohibitive to build. And zoning prevents multifamily structures because of NIMBY. I don’t want to know your ideology because you can’t build anything. It does not matter.” This is basically the Abundance thesis in a nutshell.

Its enemies viewed Abundance as unacceptably market-friendly even before billionaires pledged fealty to it. The progressive journalist and former Sanders speechwriter David Sirota has been tearing into its supporters for months, framing the battle between Abundance and anti-oligarchy as zero-sum. “Feel like if the Abundance Bros were around during the Gilded Age, they’d tell us the big social problem was that there were too many health rules slowing down production at Chicago meatpacking plants, not the Rockefellers and Carnegies grinding workers into dust,” reads one of his countless anti-Abundance X posts.

It’s not just the posters who have dug in. When I asked the 84-year-old Sanders what he thinks about the Abundance agenda, he told me that while it is true that there’s annoying waste and bureaucracy in the public sector, this is a baffling thing around which to organize a political movement. “If anyone thinks that that is the major crisis facing American society, they are very much mistaken,” he told me. “The major crisis facing American society is that you have a small number of billionaires who have enormous economic and political power. They are very greedy. They want more.” The advocacy group Demand Progress even commissioned a poll on the subject that found voters preferred a hypothetical candidate who called corporations too powerful over one who railed against “bottlenecks” that impeded projects.

The left’s antipathy toward Abundance has been exacerbated by the perceived affinity between the most prominent pundits of the liberal-centrist class, such as Klein and Matthew Yglesias, whose technocrat-Obamian sensibilities birthed the modern political blogosphere, and the centers of power in Washington. In the run-up to a September Abundance conference in Washington, D.C., an anti-monopoly think tank and anti-corruption group teamed up to produce a 50-page report called “Debunking the Abundance Agenda” as well as a separate paper on its key figures appended with a corkboard-conspiracy-like diagram. As a result, Abundance has become a byword for a galaxy of triggering associations ranging from Elon Musk–style deregulation to environmental catastrophe. When Klein, one of the Times’ biggest stars, wrote a column lauding Kirk for “practicing politics the right way,” the progressive internet melted down, further convinced that Klein and his faction were at their core bent on appeasing, rather than confronting, powerful forces in American life.

“I think it’s important not to base too much of your thinking about these things on the terminally online poster class,” Klein told me, rejecting the binary of populism versus Abundance. “I have a lot of friends in the anti-monopoly world.” In his view, his left-wing critics are committed to a simplistic narrative. “The left populists want to say that there’s a cut to make in political life: ‘There’s the real people, and there’s the corporations and billionaires, and if we can just break their power, we will be able to achieve the society we want.’ Abundance has a more complex and shifting theory of power. As I always say in these conversations, the reason Texas builds more homes than California isn’t because Texas solved oligarchy and California didn’t.”

If anything, the Abundance heads imply it’s their project that could actually deliver something like Bernieism to the masses. The way they see it, Biden’s legislative record included major investments in clean-energy infrastructure and other big-government projects that hardly got off the ground because of red tape, which in turn doomed the Democrats, who had little to show for their labors on Election Day.

As Mamdani prepares to sweep aside his opponents in the purgative fire of unapologetic leftism, the party Establishment has made it clear it is reluctant to follow him. Jockeying for the 2026 midterms is already taking place from Maine to Michigan to California, pitting potential candidates against one another on what has hardened into the central axis of the party: the socialists vs. the moderates, the anti-oligarchs vs. the Abundance crew, the radicals vs. the squares. Each side is convinced theirs is the forward-looking one. What’s remarkable about this fight, as became evident over the past six months as I traveled to Sanders’s raucous rallies and took in the centrists’ pointy-headed slideshows, is how much the two sides have in common — and what they are both missing.

The first “Fighting Oligarchy” event I attended ended up being the most dramatic of the tour. It took place on a Saturday night in late June at a convention center in downtown Tulsa, Oklahoma. To try to reach beyond the liberal bubble, the tour was traveling almost exclusively to Trump country, and this particular event drew a respectable, for a red state, 5,500 people. A line for the rally formed hours before the start time, and helpful young Sanders people were running around in the heat handing out waters. Out there with them were merch vendors whose inventory ran the gamut of liberal messaging, as if they were hedging bets on who here in real America was going to show up. One guy sold mildly impolite pins that would have played well at a “No Kings” rally: a sombrero-wearing Trump next to the word PENDEJO, a rainbow one that read VAGITARIAN. Others were capitalizing on Sanders’s punk-curmudgeon appeal, selling T-shirts of the Black Flag logo with his name around it. It was hard to picture that shirt being made for another politician.

Everything here was slightly different from what it was on the coasts. For example, I met an influencer who goes by Katnaps5 and was livestreaming into her phone before one of the musical openers came on. She had been tasked by the Tulsa County chapter of Indivisible, a progressive organizing group, to run its social-media channels. “We desperately need some type of glimmer here. We’re the only state that voted red in every county. Depressing as hell,” she told me as both of us were suddenly on her feed. One of her projects was to convince fellow activists to let “ex-MAGA” people join the movement because otherwise how would they find enough people to do the work? A little later, I talked to Alexandria Weaver, 29, whose 7-year-old with special needs was on Medicaid. She was worried about what the slated federal health-care cuts might mean for her daughter’s insurance coverage. Weaver is a Democratic voter but not hardcore about politics. She attended with her mother, a teacher, and her boyfriend, Kyler Hibbs, a “Second Amendment guy” and “outdoorsy type of person” who said he “came to support her and be involved.”

Sanders delivered his thunderous nearly hourlong speech in a hangarlike auditorium. It was basically the same speech he delivered during his two presidential runs, full of appalling statistics about wealth inequality and indignation at the bottomless greed and political influence of the rich. This time around, Sanders’s specific point was that Trump is not merely corrupt and lawless but a tool of his tech-industrialist backers. In the early days of the tour, this meant underscoring Musk’s chaotic influence in Washington. Now, his focus had shifted to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which extended tax breaks for the rich while cutting safety-net spending for the poor. He summed it up as “really quite disgusting.”

As Sanders inveighed against the legislation, someone handed a sheet of paper to his senior adviser, Faiz Shakir, who was hovering to the side of the dais. The paper had a blown-up image of a Truth Social post that I couldn’t read from my vantage backstage. A moment later, a woman in the audience shouted, “We just bombed Iran.” Shakir ran up to the dais and handed Sanders the printout of the post, which turned out to be Trump announcing the conclusion of Operation Midnight Hammer, in which seven Northrop B-2 Spirit stealth bombers flew from a base in Missouri to drop 14 30,000-pound “bunker busters” on three Iranian nuclear sites, an attack augmented by submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles and 125 support aircraft.

Sanders read in silence, shaking his head, as the audience watched him. “This is a statement from Donald Trump,” he said finally. “Quote, ‘We have completed our very successful attack on the three nuclear sites in Iran …’” He stopped there, summarizing the rest with “et cetera.” The room broke into a sustained chant of “No More War.”

At that point, nobody knew if the strikes signaled the start of U.S. involvement in a new Middle East land war. Sanders quieted the crowd. He had warned about such an outcome 20 minutes earlier, citing the funerals he’d attended in Vermont of young men who had died fighting in Iraq. As he spoke, he got quiet, then loud, then quiet again, like a Pixies song. “All over this country, the American people do not want MORE WAR, MORE DEATH,” he said. “You know, it MIGHT be a GOOD IDEA if we CONCENTRATED on the problems that exist in OKLAHOMA and VERMONT.”

The bombings diverted Sanders from the economic message that forms the heart of his sermon, but they also tapped into a deeper vein of populist anger. On the Iran strikes, as with the adjacent matter of U.S. military support for Israel’s war on Gaza, Sanders would find common cause not just with the anti-Establishment progressive left but betrayed America Firsters such as Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Representing the insider Democratic position, Biden’s secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote a Times op-ed in the following days titled, “Trump’s Iran Strike Was a Mistake. I Hope It Succeeds.”) A cross-partisan antiwar faction would solidify in the months ahead as the Trump administration, without congressional authorization, began bombing boats carrying alleged drug runners off the coasts of Colombia and Venezuela.

I thought back to one of the merch vendors outside. Steve Goodman, a middle-age Ohioan, had been selling gear at NASCAR races before glomming on to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. He was probably the kind of new recruit Sanders envisioned when plotting this tour: working class, male, disillusioned. When I asked Goodman what was on his mind, he wanted to talk about the president’s Middle East saber-rattling, which at that point — three hours earlier — was all talk. “This guy’s whole campaign was ‘Oh, I promise I won’t get this country in a war,’” he said of Trump. “And where we at? We’re on the verge of a war.”

For Sanders, the central divide in American life has never been between the two political parties but between the country’s ruling class and everyone else. In this way, it is his great handicap as well as his great genius that he can reduce anything in the world to one idea. “What the Establishment wants you to believe is that you have no power, that you can’t accomplish anything,” he bellowed near the end of his speech. “I don’t care if you are a progressive, a moderate, or a conservative. This country belongs to all of us. Not just the handful of billionaires.”

In this respect, the tour has been a proof of concept. Sanders has taken the show to Idaho and West Virginia and beyond to demonstrate that his muscular brand of class politics has appeal in the very places the flaccid coastal Democratic Party does not — and therefore that the way out of the wilderness and back into power is for Democrats to follow his lead. A few days after Tulsa, as if to twist the knife, Sanders appeared on an episode of the The Joe Rogan Experience. Wherever mainstream liberals dared not tread, there was Bernie.

Sanders wrapped his rally speech, looking gassed, then did handshakes and photos as “Power to the People,” by John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, played him off, as it does after every “Fighting Oligarchy” stop. I followed him out the back door onto a loading dock. He appeared genuinely shaken by the bombing news and tried to cancel our interview. “We got a war that started,” he told me in his clipped, indignant way. “I gotta find out what’s going on.” Eventually, he agreed to talk for a few minutes, and I found folding chairs for us to sit on.

After relaying his disgust with the Iran campaign for a minute, Sanders laid out his diagnosis of the Democrats’ problem. “Working people all over the country perceive quite correctly that while the Democrats have been quite strong on issues like women’s rights, gay rights, civil rights, environmental stuff, not bad, they basically turned their backs on the working class in terms of economic issues,” he said. “That’s what I think the election showed.”

If “Fighting Oligarchy” was 5,500 Oklahomans you had never heard of, Welcome Fest was your X feed come to life. One Wednesday over the summer, I headed to a hotel on K Street in Washington, D.C., for a daylong confab promoting what people used to call “vital center” liberalism and featuring numerous Abundance devotees. The conference attracted a lot of journalists, not only because it offered an easy opportunity to snark online about the lameness of “centrist Coachella” (no one thought of “Boring Man,” apparently) but because of its genuinely notable lineup including the most relevant thinkers and politicians of this wing of the party.

Those milling around the ballroom or speaking onstage, in no particular order: Substack writers Yglesias and Josh Barro, whose irreverent refusal to respect liberal pieties, and market-friendly blogging, deeply irritate the left; pugilistic Bronx congressman Ritchie Torres, another progressive bogeyman; Abundance co-author Thompson; cult data guru David Shor; Democratic congress-people Jared Golden (Maine) and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), who have earned devoted followings by managing to win in Trump country; Senator Slotkin, ditto; and many other smaller-bore pundits and X power users whose names mean little in the real world but everything to people in this room — from YIMBYs for Harris founder Armand Domalewski to bad-boy operative Sean McElwee, who was ousted from his polling firm in part for gambling on political races.

Welcome Fest was a production of Welcome PAC, a newish outside-spending group backed by donors including Hoffman, Michael Bloomberg, James and Kathryn Murdoch, Rory Gates, various Waltons, and Americans Together, a centrist organization founded by former West Virginia senator Joe Manchin and his daughter, Heather, a onetime pharma CEO. It seeks to identify and back Democrats who have demonstrated the ability to outperform average — i.e., “replacement level” — congressional candidates and therefore win purple-area swing seats. The theme of the event was “Responsibility to Win,” as opposed to righteously lose. Its general theory of how to do that is to empower candidates not to take doomed activist-y positions, as when Harris answered a now-infamous ACLU survey question in support of taxpayer-funded gender surgery for federal prisoners and detained immigrants. In her introductory remarks, Welcome PAC co-founder Lauren Harper Pope put the mission in appealingly simple terms: “to ensure Democrats are on the right side of public opinion.”

Befitting the D.C. setting, the proceedings had a pallid, laptop-class feel. In this environment, it was true that Yglesias needed no introduction, but he took it to an extreme, declining to say who he was or what he would be discussing before taking us through a slide deck. When Shor posed questions to Slotkin onstage, it was genuinely hard to tell if he was reading them off his phone or just checking his phone.

Still, there was an undercurrent of excitement to the event. Welcome Fest, despite its inclusive name, enjoyed goading the left. Expecting demonstrators, organizers had printed up OFFICIAL PROTESTER T-shirts and had Carly Simon’s “You’re So Vain” cued if any showed up. Indeed, ten or so people from a group called Climate Defiance charged in during a conversation between Barro and Torres, planting themselves at their feet and unfurling signs that read GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE and FIRE RITCHIE. (Torres and Barro are gay, and Torres is vocally pro-Israel.) “When you grow up in the hood, your astroturfed agitation has no effect on you,” Torres said placidly after the protesters had been dragged off. “I feel like the Achilles’ heel of most elected officials is a pathological need to be loved by everyone.”

Barro and Torres enjoyed the moment in part because it reinforced one of the day’s preoccupations: the need to disassociate from unrealistic “omnicause” groups that force one another to adopt everyone’s positions and therefore lead them into the kinds of politically impotent cul-de-sacs that helped sink Harris’s campaign. The protest also got at larger tensions. Which camp represents the elite consensus, and which represents the will of the people? Who really has power, and who are the outsiders?

Between panels, I struck up a conversation in a hallway with Liam Kerr, Welcome PAC’s other co-founder. He was trollishly dressed in a custom West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey with the name MANCHIN on the back. Kerr’s whole ethos is that despised centrist Democrats are preferable to Republicans and that in deep-red states like West Virginia, these are our choices. I asked him what links the various people he invited, many of whom actually held pretty different ideas. Gluesenkamp Perez is a critic of modern consumerism with protectionist economic leanings; Auchincloss, the Massachusetts congressman, is a suburban free trader who supports Abundance goals like upzoning and permitting reform; Slotkin is a pro-union, strong-on-defense ex–CIA official who advocates for universal health care via a public option.

“Centrists get protested,” Kerr decided. What he meant was that people in this room are okay upsetting various constituencies within their party as long as it helps them win over voters in the diverse range of places they represent. The other team, by implication, possesses urgency and sexiness but is safely preaching to the choir. I asked what he thought of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. “I don’t really know. They seem successful,” he said, before telling me what he really thought. “I think the thing that’s really cool is they’re going to places that sound super fucking Republican and they’re going just outside the city limits of the blue dot. They’re like, ‘We’re in Fucksberg County, Idaho!’ Which is right outside of Boise.”

Though the speakers at Welcome Fest were a motley ideological bunch and mostly shared a Bernieish disinclination toward identity politics and an appetite to reengage working-class voters, they tended toward suspicion of full-service democratic socialism. Kerr’s implication was that the Sanders wing of the party was, as ever, firing up downtown city kids and rural lefties alike with the anti-capitalist, Marxist-inflected language of the university and Bluesky and the media — the language, in other words, of the most despised elites in the country.

As part of its ongoing mission to drive this point home, Welcome would later release a 58-page manifesto that was vigorously screenshotted and promoted by the center-left, renewing hostilities between the party’s warring camps. Titled “Deciding to Win,” it admonished Democrats to “advocate for popular economic policies (e.g., expanding prescription-drug price negotiation, making the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour), rather than unpopular economic policies (e.g., student-loan forgiveness, electric-vehicle subsidies, Medicare for All).” The report stressed that “voters’ frustrations with the status quo are not the same as a desire for socialism.”

As the summer went on, the Abundance-y center continued to build intellectual capital via the new Substack publication The Argument and the new think tank the Searchlight Institute. Meanwhile, pretty much anyone grabbing energy on the left was appearing with the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour, from Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, called a “Democratic bro whisperer” for his sympathetic take on male alienation, to Maine’s Graham Platner, whose electric populist campaign was derailed by the revelation of politically incorrect Reddit posts from his past and an SS-like tattoo he got while in the Marine Corps. (Whether this dooms him or miraculously burnishes his outsider credibility remains to be seen. Platner covered the tattoo with a new one, prompting the columnist Jonathan Chait, another Abundance ally, to joke in an X post, “He needs an Abundance Agenda-themed tat.”)

Mamdani’s primary victory only intensified the debate about which wing of the party was ascendant. Progressive organizer Amanda Litman, the co-founder of Run for Something, posted on X that his campaign would be a harbinger of the 2026 midterm primaries, in which fresh-faced challengers would boot out hidebound boomer Democrats.

Kerr replied to Litman, “In the last 10 Years, there’s been a total of 2 young, attractive, elite-college socialists using spring races in NYC to become media darlings. That’s not a movement. That’s casting. Expect 1-2 breakout stars per decade, not a revolution.”

It escalated from there. AOC’s chief of staff, Mike Casca, chimed in, accusing Kerr of downplaying the congresswoman’s underdog roots and implying he was being sexist. Kerr came back with “I noted a talent like AOC comes along 1-2 times in a decade. And her chief of staff jumps off the top rope with SHE WAS A WAITRESS.”

Rather than seeing their people’s charisma as an unalloyed positive, many on the left are sensitive to coverage that makes them look as if they’re all style and no substance. The Welcome Fest people have the inverse worry. As Kerr and I chatted, Adam Frisch, a ski-bum finance guy and recent Colorado congressional candidate, walked up. Frisch nearly won his red-leaning district last fall, mounting a competitive-enough campaign to force incumbent Republican Lauren Boebert to switch districts before he eventually lost to someone else. He now works for Welcome PAC.

Frisch said he was not threatened by the popularity of “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies, but at the same time, he would kill for someone with the star power of Mamdani or AOC on his team. “All of us centrists are showing up with data and facts, and I think it’s all correct. But the problem is politics is an emotional conversation,” he said. “It’s like, how do we find these flaming centrists that actually have life?” In the New York mayoral primary, the preferred candidate of the Abundance set was State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a champion of housing density with little name recognition or personality.

The Welcome Fest audience got a preview of coming attractions during a discussion between Auchincloss and Thompson. “The case for MAGA, over four decades, is elites drove this country into the ditch and MAGA is going to overturn those elites,” posited the moderator, journalist Marshall Kosloff. “I really struggle to see center- and center-left-coded institutions also coming up with their own version of a story.” He challenged the pair to do so.

Thompson rejected Kosloff’s premise altogether: “What I would say in response to that is, yeah, stories are for children. Americans need a plan. Americans need solutions.”

The next time I saw Sanders, it was in mid-August in Asheville, North Carolina, his final rally on a five-stop swing through Appalachia and the Southeast. This iteration of his speech was about 15 minutes shorter than in Oklahoma and on the generic side. In Tulsa, Sanders at least pandered to the crowd, name-checking native son Woody Guthrie and the Oklahoma City Thunder. (“Maybe not as exciting as the NBA Finals, but maybe more important.”) Perhaps he was just tired, but I suspect Sanders gets more fired up trying to galvanize forgotten red areas — the whole point of the tour — while hippieish Asheville is nothing if not a bright-blue dot of a place. Looking out at the arena crowd, he would have seen people wearing GOOD TROUBLE and EVERYONE WATCHES WOMEN’S SPORTS T-shirts and other signifiers of creative-class progressivism not otherwise prevalent in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

The Asheville situation got at Kerr’s nagging insinuation that the tour wasn’t really reaching new voters. Shakir, Sanders’s adviser, said that a third of the people who sign up for these events are not registered Democrats and that 8 percent are registered Republicans. I have no reason to doubt these numbers; more than anyone on the left, Sanders has proved he can appeal to Trump supporters. Yet in the Q&As he staged in small-town West Virginia and Wisconsin, none of the questions I heard came from anybody with evidently right-leaning politics. It would seem, especially in a nonelection year, that most people checking out Sanders’s events are marooned, hope-seeking liberals rather than curious conservatives.

It’s not as though Sanders does this on purpose. His entire speech is designed to appeal to just about anyone who is not an oligarch. Indeed, an irony of the battle for influence in the Democratic Party is that the leading camps share the same preoccupation: the cost of living. In his speech, Sanders tends to rattle off a statistic about how 20 million U.S. households spend half their income on housing. This is exactly the kind of figure Abundance and its fans cite to bemoan the lack of housing supply. The desired solutions are different — Sanders would have the government subsidize 5 million new low-to-middle-income units, while YIMBYs would rezone cities and suburbs to unlock a flood of market-rate development — but they’re not in disagreement about the fundamental issue or the severity of the problem.

The Mamdani phenomenon has reinforced the primacy of affordability as a partywide organizing principle. Though his opponents have depicted him as intolerably radical based on his unwavering support for Palestine and his prior anti-NYPD stance, he campaigned on the difficulty of getting by in New York City. And while his central planks — free buses, universal child care, city-owned grocery stores, a rent freeze on stabilized apartments — may be niche or political long shots, they all point in the same relatable direction.

On the other side of the ledger, Abundance seems to have been misread, or not read at all, by some of its critics. Caricatured as an argument for government-shrinking neoliberalism, it’s essentially the opposite: a treatise for unlocking the power of big government, or “state capacity.” For example, Klein and Thompson hail Pennsylvania’s 2023 rebuild of I-95 after a fire from a fatal gas-tanker crash weakened a highway overpass, causing it to collapse. The state’s secretary of Transportation told them that, under ordinary circumstances, it would have taken one to two years to rebuild it and entailed hiring a design consultant, getting the design approved by the Federal Highway Administration, a lengthy bidding process, and other hurdles. Instead, Governor Josh Shapiro bypassed all that by declaring an emergency; the state hired contractors who were already doing work on the bridge or nearby. The rebuild ended up a kind of blue-collar fever dream, a no-bid union-labor project with environmental permits fast-tracked; the work was completed in 12 days.

It fell to a review in the socialist magazine Jacobin to point out that Abundance should have been embraced, not shunned, by the left. As the reviewers noted, the book begins with a lament over Jimmy Carter’s and Bill Clinton’s shrinkage of public-sector ambition and concludes by endorsing one of Karl Marx’s theories about private-sector risk aversion. In their view, Abundance had it right; governments shouldn’t just redistribute resources but successfully build things people need: “If our answer to every problem of capitalism is ‘public ownership’ or ‘nationalize it,’ how convincing can those proposals be without material demonstration of effective state capacity?” Or as Klein put it, “If Democrats are taxing people to build high-speed rail, that high-speed rail should exist.”

One reason the schism feels inordinately acute is that online discourse has turned “Abundance” into a bizarre shorthand for all manner of demons. Even on matters totally unrelated to the book, the word can be brandished in ways that make one’s factional allegiances clear. After Thompson criticized an essay by New Yorker staff writer Emily Witt for being flippant about male loneliness, Witt posted on X, “Abundance but homeboy racks up 2 million views from my writing and doesn’t even link to the article. Please enjoy my *book review* about *male supremacist ideology.*” (Thompson did in fact link to it.) “Before Abundance came out, I worried that its argument would be too agreeable,” Klein has written. “I didn’t foresee Ragnarok.”

All this controversy has started to resemble an intra-elite pissing contest. It also obscures an underrated development: the Democrats’ almost total turn away from divisive cultural issues and toward material concerns. The targets of the Abundance agenda — blue-state governors getting in the way of reform — have largely accepted the wisdom of that agenda’s proposals. Over the summer, Newsom overhauled California’s environmental-review law to spur housing development. The opponents of Mamdani’s campaign — blue-state power brokers allergic to socialism and any criticism of Israel — have jumped on his “affordability” message. Meanwhile, the identity-first progressivism of the past decade has been jettisoned and memory-holed in remarkably swift fashion with the left treating the era of personal pronouns and anti-racism as something briefly foisted on them by reputation-washing capitalists. As a dejected Cartman finds out in the new season of South Park, it’s harder than ever to find a social-justice warrior to offend.

But the flip side of the materialist turn is that you won’t see many prominent Democrats taking risky, let alone more conservative, positions on Republican-dominated issues unrelated to the economy. Instead, by emphasizing pocketbook issues, Democrats are hoping they can simply skate over the large cultural divide that remains between the party’s professional-class rank and file and the working-class voters it’s desperate to win back. Sitting on the loading dock in Tulsa, I’d asked Sanders how he planned to appeal to voters who had turned away from the Democrats over, say, their attitudes toward immigration or public safety, as many did in 2024. “What I have found is, politics is not just linear,” he replied. “It’s when people perceive that you are standing up and fighting for them, they will say, ‘You know what? I’m going to vote for Bernie. I disagree with him on the abortion issue, disagree with him on the gay-rights issues, disagree with him on this. But you know what? I think he’s on my side.’”

That may be the case for Sanders specifically, but it also conveniently argues for a politics that doesn’t require changing any of one’s positions. I asked Slotkin a version of the same question: to name an issue on which Democrats are “weak or woke,” as she’d described them. “Separately from any one policy, it’s a vibe check,” she told me.

A small but telling moment during Sanders’s Asheville speech spoke to this dynamic. Post-pandemic, that city has experienced a homelessness and street-disorder -problem set against a backdrop of inclusive-looking bookstores and New Age boutiques. Walking around downtown, one cannot ignore the struggling individuals screaming out, panhandling, sleeping in doorways, scavenging, or nodding off. Sanders might have noticed this because he made a reference to people sleeping on the street there — a problem he succinctly blamed on a shortage of low-income housing.

It is true that Asheville is one of the most expensive municipalities in the state. It’s also true that there’s more to the story. An award-winning nonprofit news outlet called Asheville Watchdog published a 12-part series documenting a number of factors exacerbating the issue: the local rise of meth and fentanyl, the inadequate treatment of mental illness, a recent police-force exodus, a weak form of city government. It is not incorrect to point to a lack of housing, which is also Abundance’s preferred diagnosis of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, but by talking about housing only, you don’t kill the mood at an arena full of progressives in the way you would if you started talking about investing in law enforcement.

Although Abundance is agnostic about the culture wars, Klein has lately been pushing for a big-tent-ism that embraces third-rail social issues. “I’d like to see us running pro-life Democrats again,” he said in a recent interview with The New Yorker. “When Obamacare passed, about 40 House Democrats were pro-life.” It should probably go without saying that Democrats who have managed to win or overperform in places Trump also won tend to occasionally upset other people in the party. Arizona’s Gallego recently questioned the fairness of trans girls playing with other girls in youth sports; Maine’s Golden voted for a GOP bill that would require proof of citizenship to vote and broke with Democrats to vote against shutting down the government, drawing a primary challenge soon afterward; and Slotkin was the only Senate Democrat who voted to block California’s electric-vehicle mandate designed to ban sales of gas-powered cars by 2035.

After the Asheville rally, I got to talking outside with Rena Branson, a 33-year-old composer and singer who told me her Brooklyn-born grandfather used to talk just like Bernie. I asked what she was feeling. “I feel a mix of heartbreak and awe,” she said. “Awe that this man is continuing to fight as hard as he is fighting in this climate. The fact that he’s traveling around and trying to convey a message of hope and a vision for what could be really different — it’s very inspiring. And at the same time, to be honest, I don’t see it happening.”

On a drenched, humid night in September, the Sanders and Mamdani shows merged into one. The senator brought “Fighting Oligarchy” to an auditorium at Brooklyn College, where it doubled as a campaign rally for the candidate. Being in the nation’s media capital, it had a different feel from the other rallies I went to. There were people I recognized: reporters, political operatives, at least one Saturday Night Live cast member. The event, billed as a town hall in which Sanders and Mamdani would take audience questions, had a torch-passing quality. Chairs were set up for the pair, and as they came out together, it wasn’t clear how they would share the stage. Mamdani took charge, delivering an opening salvo that lasted more than 15 minutes. Ostensibly, his purpose was to tell a story crediting Sanders — once a young mayor himself — for giving him the “language of democratic socialism” to describe his politics and laying the groundwork for his own campaign. I wasn’t sure Sanders, left to fiddle with a piece of paper as he waited his turn, was thrilled at being talked about in the past tense. Mamdani paced, the crowd in his hand, and the phrase alpha energy crossed my mind.

There are aspects of Mamdani’s success that cannot be copied by Democrats in other parts of the country. He’s an unusually gifted campaigner, quick-witted and infectiously confident. He also operates in a favorable environment: a true cosmopolitan appealing to the ultimate global citizenry as he faces a weak and scandal-tarred field of opponents. Mamdani’s socialist leanings presumably would not play as well in a Wyoming Senate race. Then there are the things about his campaign that probably can be emulated, such as finding candidates who promise a break from the status quo or appear to authentically stand for something beyond the generic party platform. Even as he moderated his stance on public safety, distancing himself from his old “Defund the Police” tweets, Mamdani never hesitated in his support for Palestine, a move that paid off as Israel’s war in Gaza ground on and public opinion increasingly came to match his own.

But the challenge for both the populist left and the wonky center is the same: to find ways to re-imbue the Democratic Party with a sense of purpose beyond material well-being. Sanders seemed to inaugurate the next phase of this discussion in a recent interview with the comic and podcaster Tim Dillon. “If you don’t have any borders, you don’t have a nation, right?” Sanders said, leaning back into the moderate immigration stance he had taken in earlier phases of his career. “Trump did a better job. I don’t like Trump, but we should have a secure border.”

After concluding that the party brand has become electorally toxic on a host of issues including identity, immigration, and the environment, the two most influential and talked-about factions of the Democratic Party have only just begun to envision a form of mass politics that both is popular and meets people at each aspect of their lives, from the quality of the schools their children attend to the antisocial technologies they carry in their pockets that have destabilized their livelihoods and mental health. That vision is also missing from the party at large, which hasn’t offered much more than a return to a pre-Trump America, as if the past ten years could be wiped clean, as if Trump hadn’t tapped into a deep dissatisfaction with the leading institutions in American society, through whose destruction he promised Americans nothing less than personal deliverance.

In many ways, resolving the raging debate over Abundance and populism is the simplest part. During the town hall, Mamdani delivered an unprompted mea culpa after an audience member asked a question about dysfunctional public transit. “I have been guilty in the beginning of my politics of thinking that if I were to admit the incompetencies, the inefficiencies, the failures of the public sector, I would be inviting a critique of the existence of that sector,” he said. It was his evolution on that exact front that helped his campaign garner attention. Last winter, one of his first viral campaign videos featured beleaguered street-cart vendors forced to pass burdensome permit-rental costs on to their customers, resulting in higher prices for a simple lamb-over-rice — a betrayal of a certain promise of New York street life. Except instead of calling for “permitting reform,” Mamdani coined the term halalflation.

Better than anyone else, Mamdani has shown how easy it is to mash up the respective economic agendas of the left and the center into something that sounds attractive to both. A few months ago, he told a rally at the music venue Terminal Five, “Government must deliver” — you can’t make it up — “an agenda of abundance that puts the interests of the 99 percent over the one percent.”"]]></description>
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    <title>Nick Fuentes, Neo Nazis and Groypers Have Taken Over the GOP</title>
    <dc:date>2025-11-01T23:25:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/nick-fuentes-neo-nazis-and-groypers</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Neo-nazi Nick Fuentes has emerged as one of the most influential young conservative voices in America, and his white nationalist politics are the present and future of the GOP."

[on YouTube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bxggd1EJGMk ]]]></description>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://thebaffler.com/salvos/speak-and-sell-pinkham">
    <title>Speak and Sell | Sophie Pinkham</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-31T21:34:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://thebaffler.com/salvos/speak-and-sell-pinkham</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ms. Rachel and the disappearing world of books"]]></description>
<dc:subject>msrachel books sophiepinkham 2025 reading howweread children parenting rachelgriffinaccurso video youtube bluey mothers mothering tv television fredrogers innocence gaza palestine israel genocide ethniccleansing mahmoudkhalil activism mauricesendak care caring williamblake emilydickinson congo ukraine humanity humanism cocomelon mrrogers rachelaccurso rachelanneaccurso</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://organizingmythoughts.org/resisting-ice-building-worlds-care-and-survival-in-fascistic-times/">
    <title>Resisting ICE, Building Worlds: Care and Survival in Fascistic Times</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-30T18:01:25+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://organizingmythoughts.org/resisting-ice-building-worlds-care-and-survival-in-fascistic-times/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“It’s all hands on deck and we have to fight. This is the only way,” says Leanne Betasamosake Simpson."

[also here:
https://truthout.org/audio/to-stay-in-the-fight-we-must-navigate-trauma-and-find-the-healing-we-need/ ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>kellyhayes leannebetasamosakesimpson 2025 resistance indigeneity indigenous ice chicago capitalism colonialism colonization robynmaynard palestine gaza middlepassage blackfeminism pacificislanders pacificocean dougwilliams nishnaabeg sudan congo politics elonmusk jeffbezos spacecolonization separateness activism organizing land-basededucation land-basedlearning place-basedlearning place-basededucation</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iC79UnT6-kA">
    <title>The Irish Love Palestine – But Does Their Government? - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-14T18:54:43+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iC79UnT6-kA</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Is Ireland as pro-Palestine as you think? 

Despite its global reputation, Ireland is actually one of Israel’s biggest trading partners. And many Irish people are accusing their government of silent complicity in Israel’s occupation and genocide. Dena Takruri travels there to look into Ireland’s surprising ties to Israel and to meet the people fighting to end them.  

00:00 Intro 
2:17 Why are Irish people so pro-Palestine? 
3:25 Dena witnesses a boycott action 
4:52 Inside Ireland’s move to sanction trade with Israel’s illegal settlements  
5:52 Dena speaks with Independent Senator Frances Black 
6:49 The surprising truth about Ireland's trade with Israel 
7:56 How Ireland assists the U.S. military 
8:57 Dena meets Palestine Action Éire activists facing possible prison time
11:46 What Ireland has to do with Israeli “war bonds” 
13:10 Dena meets recent Gaza refugee Abubaker Abed 
15:25 Conclusion"]]></description>
<dc:subject>denatakruri ireland palestine israel protest protests 2025 bds boycott sanctions trade settlements occupation armssales warbonds abubakerabed zoelawlor francesblack genocide ethniccleansing colonialism colonization starvation marymanning apartheid government governance sudocrem zionism antizionism southafrica westbank gaza 2018 ukraine crimea airbnb intel multinationals corporations corporatism taxes taxation us geopolitics politics military waronterror afhganistan iraq demilitarization activism activists palestineactionéire weapons shannonairport uk palestineaction terrorism imperialism belfast dublin resistance</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.publicbooks.org/to-save-public-higher-ed-stop-revering-californias-tiered-system/">
    <title>To Save Public Higher Ed, Stop Revering California’s Tiered System - Public Books</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-14T02:59:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.publicbooks.org/to-save-public-higher-ed-stop-revering-californias-tiered-system/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["At San Francisco State University, 2023 marked the lowest enrollment in almost half a century. That is, until 2024, when SFSU enrollment dropped again: from the previous year’s 23,700 total undergraduate and graduate students to only 22,375 students. In fact, a steady decline had begun back in 2018, which was then accelerated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, according to SF State President Lynn Mahoney, this decline will extend into the foreseeable future (this is due to the demographics of the state—the majority of Californians live in the south—and the so-called demographic cliff—a decline in national birth rates attributed to the 2008 financial crisis).

However, across the Bay from SF State, the University of California–Berkeley enjoys booming admissions. One of the flagships of the entire UC system, Berkeley boasts an 11.7 percent acceptance rate, nearly 80 percent of whom are California residents. Clearly, neither tuition ($8,256 in-state for SF State and $17,478 for UC Berkeley), the application processes (while both systems no longer require standardized test scores, Berkeley’s holistic review takes into consider things beyond high school grades, like extracurriculars and high school rank), nor the exorbitant cost of living in the Bay Area are what’s keeping would-be college students from attending SF State rather than Berkeley.1

Resources and prestige are seemingly obvious reasons for the differing circumstances of these two institutions—and to a varying extent between the University of California System and the California State University System more generally. The accruing of both to the UCs at the expense of the CSUs and community colleges—as Andrew Stone Higgins argues in Higher Education for All: Racial Inequality, Cold War Liberalism, and the California Master Plan—was an intentional project of the much renowned Master Plan. Though often remembered through rose-colored glasses for its promise of free tuition for California residents, the Master Plan was lambasted by the student activists of the 1960s for enshrining institutional hierarchy into public higher education and thus exacerbating racial and economic inequality. Perhaps the most influential higher education policy of the 20th century, the Master Plan, and the critiques against it, offer important insights into our current crises of higher education.

Thus, long before U.S. News and World Report began to issue its asinine and insidious college rankings, the Master Plan created a tiered education system in the guise of public good by not only differentiating the function of each institution but also the students they should admit. Before the Master Plan, as Higgins recounts, “the UC had accepted the top 15 percent of graduating high school seniors from California, and the state colleges had taken on upward of the top 45 percent. After the Master Plan, the UC would begin to curb admissions to the top 12.5 percent of students, while the state colleges set a firm limit of 33 percent. The remaining 67 percent—up from 55 percent prior to the Master Plan—were consigned to community colleges.” Due to racial segregation, that meant California’s minorities students were by and large relegated to community colleges that received less funding. Though ostensibly the plan promised easy transfer from community colleges to the four-year institutions, the vast majority of community college students at the time never did—and today fewer than 10 percent do. And the UC system has only gotten more competitive: Today the UC Statewide guarantee only applies to the top 9 percent of California high school graduates—and not to their campus of choice.

Given this institutional baggage, it doesn’t inspire much confidence that the latest plan to save California state schools like SF State doesn’t target the real issues. Instead, to combat declining enrollment, SF State and a number of other struggling schools in the Cal State University System (CSU) have turned to a seemingly progressive solution, launching this fall 2025.

“Direct admissions” allow colleges to automatically admit students that meet minimum criteria. In the case of California, the state’s new pilot program—especially hoping to attract low-income, nontraditional, and Black and brown students—will offer direct, conditional admissions to 10 of the CSU’s 23 universities to qualified high school seniors in Riverside County, one of the fastest growing counties in the state. Cal State East Bay, located south of Oakland in Hayward, will launch a similar program for high school graduates of Hayward and neighboring San Leandro public schools. CSU is following in the footsteps of over a dozen other states, including Illinois, New York, Oregon, Tennessee, Georgia, and Idaho, the first state to implement direct enrollment in 2015.

The CSUs and many struggling regional public universities have turned to open admissions. Simplifying access for low income, nontraditional, and Black and brown students through direct admissions is an admirable goal, but the desire to increase enrollment is really a desire to increase tuition receipts, whether from students themselves or federal aid like Pell grants.

The CSU system boasts being “the nation’s largest four-year public university system, providing transformational opportunities for upward mobility to more than 450,000 students from all socioeconomic backgrounds” with over “one in every 20 Americans holding a college degree [from] CSU.” Their and other non-flagship public universities’ ability to continue to be the “the workhorse of social mobility” was jeopardized well before Trump—the result of a decades-long, bipartisan retreat at the state and federal level from funding public higher education, with California and the Master Plan at the vanguard. Neoliberal competition between colleges for funds has only exacerbated this trend.

Ronald Reagan made his political career, and the new right itself, during his successful gubernatorial campaign of 1966, by, in the words of Higgins, “focus[ing] his ire on the three key issues of race, the Vietnam War, and public higher education.” However, the student activists that he hoped to squash—the 1964–65 Free Speech Movement at UC Berkeley and later the Black Student Union and Third World Liberation Front 1968 strike at SF State—had largely emerged to protest the supposedly more liberal 1960 Master Plan for making public higher education a tool of the US war machine and racial segregation.

While the issue facing public universities in the 21st century is low enrollment and demographic declines, the Master Plan sought to prepare California’s institutions of higher education for the demographic boom and scientific arms race of the Cold War era. Though a number of California policymakers were involved, the plan was largely a compromise between Roy Simpson, Superintendent of Public Instruction and thus de facto head of the California State College (later university) system, and Clark Kerr, the president of the UCs. While Simpson sought to gain more prestige for the state colleges, Kerr wanted to maintain the UC’s monopoly on scientific research in the wake of the 1958 National Defense Education Act. When the Master Plan was sign into law in 1960, the community colleges were charged with “technical training,” the state colleges with “occupational training,” and the UCs with “professional training.” This division largely still holds, with the UCs monopolizing doctoral programs and the CSUs fighting to keep California’s community colleges from offering bachelor degrees.

Though Kerr has long been revered as the mastermind of the Master Plan, both he and Simpson held what Higgins cogently argues was an “instrumentalist vision of educational attainment above any consideration of the effects their system would have on California’s large and diverse minority population.” Neither California’s diverse population, nor the growing number of women entering higher education were concerns for the architects of the Master Plan. The Master Plan inaugurated many of the problems facing higher education today—the overemphasis on STEM education; the dependence on federal and private funding for questionable, warmongering and surveilling industries; and the funneling of public funds to the already privileged. While we can indeed blame Reagan and the new right for laying the groundwork for public universities’ dependence on tuition, the antidemocratic structure of the Master Plan laid the groundwork for public education as individual, private good and, in the words of Kerr, “‘a society much like a modern university—highly competitive, essentially undemocratic, effective.’”2 That sounds strikingly like Trump’s vision for higher ed.

The student activists at the time recognized this contraction of access for what it was. Higgins surveys a large sample of student movements throughout the state—from Berkeley’s famed Free Speech Movement and the Black Student Union and Third World Liberation Front Stike at SF State to the Chicano Master Plan for Higher Education at UC Santa Barbara. The Third World Liberation Front’s strike was as much a struggle for Black and ethnic studies as it was one for more diverse admissions and faculty hiring. Higgins opens his history of the Master Plan and student critique with a March 1971 article by UC Davis student-activist Fusha Hill published in the student paper, the California Aggie:  “Black students are attempting to show the academic community that the policies laid down in the Master Plan are inherently racist.” A month later excerpts from the piece were republished in Fresno State’s Daily Collegian because, as Higgins explains, “Hill’s critique could speak to the concerns of student activists at both the UC and state colleges, as well as California’s community colleges, because all three systems were regulated by the admissions standards that had been established by the 1960 California Master Plan for Higher Education.” Originally titled “Davis Campus Community Effort in Support of a Meaningful UC Budget,” the Daily Collegian  retitled the piece “Open Admissions Stop Institutional Racism” and signed it “the Third World.”

Unfortunately, as the dismantling of affirmative action makes clear, many Americans may not want to stop institutional racism. However, part of why the right’s campaign against affirmative action was so successful is that admissions criteria at selective universities, including public flagships, seem nebulous and arbitrary. And, coupled with rising costs, many Americans are beginning to question the value of a college education at all. In favoring selectivity over the public good, the Master Plan laid the groundwork for some colleges to be perceived as less worth attending than others. Rather than a means to bail out the budgets of cash trapped public regional universities, open admissions to all state-funded public universities—including prestigious flagships like UC Berkeley—could break the competitive concentration of prestige, increase affordability through more egalitarian institutional funding, and restore Americans’ faith in higher education as a public, rather than “highly competitive, undemocratic” good."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.storiedsf.com/">
    <title>Storied: San Francisco</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-09T14:30:23+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.storiedsf.com/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A podcast about artists, activists, and working people …"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.routledge.com/Radical-Mindfulness-Why-Transforming-Fear-of-Death-is-Politically-Vital/Rowe/p/book/9781032523361">
    <title>Radical Mindfulness: Why Transforming Fear of Death is Politically Vital, by James K. Rowe (2024)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-04T02:52:02+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.routledge.com/Radical-Mindfulness-Why-Transforming-Fear-of-Death-is-Politically-Vital/Rowe/p/book/9781032523361</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Radical Mindfulness examines the root causes of injustice, asking why inequalities along the lines of race, class, gender, and species continue to exist. Specifically, James K. Rowe examines fear of death as a root cause of systemic inequalities and proposes a more embodied approach to social change as a solution.

Collecting insights from powerful thinkers across multiple traditions—including Black radicals, Indigenous resurgence theorists, terror management theorists, and Buddhist feminists— Rowe argues for the political importance of seemingly apolitical practices such as meditation and ritual. On their own, these strategies are not enough, but integrated into social movements that are combating structural injustices, mind–body practices can begin transforming the embodied fears that feed endless fuel to supremacist ideologies and yet are not targeted by most political actors.

Radical Mindfulness is for academics, activists, and individuals who want to overcome supremacy of all kinds but are struggling to understand and develop methods for attacking it at the roots.

Table of Contents

An Opening: A Conversation with Dylan Thomas (Qwul’thilum)
1. Introduction: Fear of Death as a Driver of Injustice
2. The Will to Supremacy
3. White Supremacy: James Baldwin on Death Denial and Whiteness
4. Class and Colonial Supremacy: John Mohawk on Oppression in the Western World
5. Human Supremacy: Ernest Becker and Terror Management Theory
6. Male Supremacy: Rita Gross and Hsiao-Lan Hu’s Buddhist Feminism
7. Practice for a Just, Liveable Future
Coda: A Contemplation on Basic Goodness
Appendix: How Activists Are Using Mind– Body Practices"]]></description>
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    <title>CITY LIGHTS LIVE! Chris Carlsson celebrate the 2nd Edition of &quot;Hidden San Francisco&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-03T04:42:12+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["City Lights and Shaping San Francisco celebrate the 2nd Edition of

Hidden San Francisco: A Guide to Lost Landscapes, Unsung Heroes, and Radical Histories
by Chris Carlsson
published by Pluto Press

Purchase the book at this link:
https://citylights.com/hidden-san-francisco-gt-lost-landscape

Hidden San Francisco is a guidebook like no other. Structured around the four major themes of ecology, labour, transit and dissent, Chris Carlsson peels back the layers of the city’s history to reveal a storied past: behind old walls and gleaming glass facades lurk former industries, secret music and poetry venues, forgotten terrorist bombings, and much more. Carlsson also delves into the Bay Area’s long prehistory, examining the region’s geography and the lives of its indigenous inhabitants before the 1849 Gold Rush changed everything.

This second edition includes new tours on the wild and natural parts of San Francisco that most tourists never visit, from Glen Canyon to Sutro Forest, as well as a new themed walk on the Summer of Love. There is also a new introduction examining the devastating impact of the pandemic, as well as a mini-history of tech in the city, from the Gold Rush to AI.

Chris Carlsson is a San Francisco historian and award-winning tour guide. He directs ‘Shaping San Francisco’ – an impressive archive of local history, and co-founded the urban cycling movement Critical Mass in 1992. He is the author of four books, including novels and histories about the city. He has lived in San Francisco since 1978. To learn more about Chris’ work visit his website: https://nowtopians.com/

This event was originally broadcast on Thursday, July 24, 2025.

Made possible by support from the City Lights Foundation."]]></description>
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    <title>Ursula Le Guin's Anarchist Alternative - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-10-02T16:10:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r73s-YMcNTI</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this Conversation on Anarres, we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the publication of Ursula K. Le Guin's classic novel, The Dispossessed. We talk with Dr. Alexis Shotwell who is working to spell out Le Guin's anarchist philosophy. Shotwell speculates as to the features of "Odoian anarchism"--what values it expresses and how it is related to other classical anarchist thinkers such as Emma Goldman and Peter Kropotkin-- and she envisions what lessons it might have for our political organizing today."]]></description>
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    <title>A Theory of the List - Boston Review</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-26T21:59:03+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/a-theory-of-the-list/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["From runaway slave lists to Canary Mission, the state has long deputized citizens to enforce its will."]]></description>
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    <title>Trump, I Do Mind Dying - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-25T23:59:51+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=55sjVjyIZk4</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA[[Also here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ri_UOH202pc
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AcVGlqL1uhg ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>jacksonrising 2025 kaliakuno northernireland thetroubles resistance civilrightsmovement uprisings democracyatwork identity solidarity song inperson communication society fascism occupation movements ira uk guerillawarfare ciaránmacgiollabhéin annemariequinn belfast edgetbetru joeguinan tommymckearney séannawalsh authoritarianism occuption donaldtrump onepartyrule us neworleans nola jackson oalkland baltimore nyc local communities violence defense massparticipation self-defense activism militarism media framing armedresistance oppression civilrights collectives cooperatives participation struggle organization information newspapers leaflets publishing radio massmovements</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QvtUMh-V6Ts">
    <title>Ghasan Kanafani, the right of return, and the perils of Palestinian statehood | with Hazem Jamjoum - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-23T17:14:26+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QvtUMh-V6Ts</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ghassan Kanafani wasn’t merely a writer. He was a revolutionary journalist. artist and editor whose immense volume of work continues to shape generations of Palestinian thinkers, journalists and activists. 

In this one on one with Hazem Jamjoum, a Palestinian writer and cultural historian, unpacks Kanafani’s legacy and the meaning of his work during a time of Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the recurring calls for Palestinian statehood."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ghasankanafani hazemjamjoum palestine literature righttoreturn unrwa publishing 2025 israel genocide ethniccleansing assassination statehood liberation palestinianauthority journalism activism rightofreturn</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/">
    <title>Luigi Mangione, Giuseppe Zangara, and the Forgotten History of Italian American Radicalism – The Abusable Past</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-22T18:56:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://abusablepast.org/luigi-mangione-giuseppe-zangara-and-the-forgotten-history-of-italian-american-radicalism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Before Luigi Mangione, there was Giuseppe Zangara."]]></description>
<dc:subject>2025 luigimangione giuseppezangara brianthompson unitedhealthcare radicalism fdr us politics activism capitalism luigigalleani corcolis via:javierarbona anarchism anarchy jenniferguglielmo anticapitalism labor work workers organizing nicolasacco government governance resistance politicalresistance soniagomez italianamericans 1930s 1940s 1933 1932 1954 1923 1900 gaetanobresci paterson 1927 newjersey marcellabencivenni bartolomeovanzetti saccoandvanzetti franklindelanoroosevelt</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.sup.org/books/anthropology/something-between-us">
    <title>Something Between Us | Stanford University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-20T20:29:12+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.sup.org/books/anthropology/something-between-us</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["An anthropologist's quest to understand the deep social and political divides in American society, and the everyday strategies that can overcome them.

In 2016, Anand Pandian was alarmed by Donald Trump's harsh attacks on immigrants to the United States, the appeal of that politics of anger and fear. In the years that followed, he crisscrossed the country—from Fargo, North Dakota to Denton, Texas, from southern California to upstate New York—seeking out fellow Americans with markedly different social and political commitments, trying to understand the forces that have hardened our suspicions of others. The result is Something Between Us: The Everyday Walls of American Life, and How to Take Them Down, a groundbreaking and ultimately hopeful exploration of the ruptures in our social fabric, and courageous efforts to rebuild a collective life beyond them.

The stakes of disconnection have never been higher. From the plight of migrants and refugees to the climate crisis and the recent pandemic, so much turns on the care and concern we can muster for lives and circumstances beyond our own. But as Pandian discovers, such empathy is often thwarted by the infrastructure of everyday American life: fortified homes and neighborhoods, bulked-up cars and trucks, visions of the body as an armored fortress, and media that shut out contrary views. Home and road, body and mind: these interlocking walls sharpen the divide between insiders and outsiders, making it difficult to take unfamiliar people and perspectives seriously, to acknowledge the needs of others and relate to their struggles.

Through vivid encounters with Americans of many kinds—including salesmen, truck drivers, police officers, urban planners, and activists for women's rights and environmental justice—Pandian shares tools to think beyond the twists and turns of our bracing present. While our impasses draw from deep American histories of isolation and segregation, he reveals how strategies of mutual aid and communal caretaking can help to surface more radical visions for a life in common with others, ways of meeting strangers in this land as potential kin."

[See also:

https://events.berkeley.edu/geog/event/301902-the-everyday-walls-of-american-life-and-how-to-take-t 

"Anthropologist and UC Berkeley alum Anand Pandian (Sociocultural Anthropology, 2004) will speak from a new book about the United States called Something Between Us. The book is based on fieldwork in more than a dozen states, with everyone from homebuilders and truck drivers to activists for gender and environmental justice. The book seeks to show how our social and political impasses in the United States stem from the everyday walls that Americans have come to live with and take for granted: in their homes and on the road, for the body and the mind. It also tries to show how movements for mutual aid and solidarity can break through these barriers, making possible a different kind of collective life in the country.

Anand Pandian is Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of Anthropology at Johns Hopkins University. His previous books include A Possible Anthropology: Methods for Uneasy Times, and Ayya’s Accounts: A Ledger of Hope in Modern India. Anand serves as President of the Society for Cultural Anthropology, and as a curator of the Ecological Design Collective, a community for radical ecological imagination and collaboration. He lives with his family in Baltimore, where he is currently working on a new book project on decay, waste, and the crafting of ecological futures."]]]></description>
<dc:subject>anandpandian 2025 us anthropology society politics divide division donaldtrump 2016 anger fear collectivism disconnection care caring climatechange climatecrisis globalwarming climate migration immigration refugees infrastructure filterbubbles fortresses everyday perspective struggle infividualism insularity activism isolation mutualaid via:javierarbona caretaking kinship disagreement empathy socialfabric</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek">
    <title>Against the New McCarthyism: Organizing Resistance in Higher Education - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-16T04:37:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AokV9UO14ek</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The Trump regime took advantage of the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement under the Biden administration to launch a full-scale assault on higher education. He has unleashed ICE on student activists, branded any dissent against Israel’s genocidal war “antisemitic,” bullied universities into cancelling programs on race and gender, and defunded entire institutions. Join us for this Spectre Live panel of activist educators to discuss how to resist Trump’s New McCarthyism.


--------------------------------------------------------------

Speakers:

Isaac Kamola is a professor of political science at Trinity College, Hartford, CT. He is author of Free Speech and Koch Money: Manufacturing a Campus Culture War (2021) and Making the World Global: US Universities and the Production of the Global Imaginary (2019). He currently directs the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom at the American Association of University Professors (AAUP).

Heba Gowayed is a writer and associate professor sociology at CUNY Hunter college and a current Carnegie Fellow. She is the author of Refuge: How the State Shapes Human Potential (2022).

Vineeta Singh is a fellow at AAUP’s Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom, an associate editor of Ethnic Studies Review, and a non-tenure track college teacher. She studies the history of US higher education as a site of racial contestation, so we can put contemporary confrontations about “diversity, equity, and inclusion” in the context of the four hundred years of racial capitalism. Her work for the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom is currently available as a limited run series on the podcast “AAUP Presents.”

Zoé Samudzi is a Postdoctoral Scholar in the Department of African-American and Africana Studies at The Ohio State University. She is also a Global Blackness Fellow with the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Studies at the University of Johannesburg, and a fellow with African Museums and Heritage Restitution (AFRIMUHERE)."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article/124/2/399/393162/Palestinian-Liberation-and-Zionist-Ideology-at-the">
    <title>Palestinian Liberation and Zionist Ideology at the Western University | South Atlantic Quarterly | Duke University Press</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-15T21:19:11+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article/124/2/399/393162/Palestinian-Liberation-and-Zionist-Ideology-at-the</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Israel's genocidal war on Gaza escalated in the fall of 2023 and sparked a mass student uprising across the world. This student intifada recentered universities as crucial battlegrounds and sites of mobilization for Palestinian liberation. Building on the liberated zones of the student movements of the 1960s and 1970s, students constructed their own “people's universities” through building encampments on their campuses. This essay traces the material and intellectual entanglements of the Western university with Zionism, profoundly contested by student organizers in recent months. It then shows how the current student uprising challenges long‐held ideas about the “crisis” of the university and unsettles the very administrative and violent structures formed by the university as it reconstituted itself in response to the demands of previous student occupations. Finally, it asks what we might learn from this student uprising, which the essays that follow further explore."]]></description>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:judepaulmatia"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://prismreports.org/2025/08/21/obedience-fascism-washington-dc/">
    <title>Another way out: Hiding and obedience won't stop fascism</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-13T20:51:50+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://prismreports.org/2025/08/21/obedience-fascism-washington-dc/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["By being obedient to the point of giving up all self-determination, we’re poised to return to conditions that many before us fought long and hard to overturn"]]></description>
<dc:subject>obedience 2025 hiding resistance self-determination socialmedia us enslavement slavery genoice ethniccleansing displacement colonialism colonization avoidance oppression disempowerement authoritarianism authority martiallaw fasciesm complicity collaboration liberalism consumerism self-care activism disengagement harrietjacobs johnswansonjacobs compliance law criminalization stevebannon donaldtrump trumpism maga power politics class autocracy erricomalatesta domination submission williamcanderson williamanderson</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:d7b7c558e33a/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_e_vrAUo9Ns">
    <title>ICE just got access to Israeli spyware - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-09-05T17:45:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_e_vrAUo9Ns</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["ICE agents will soon have access to one of the world’s most sophisticated hacking tools thanks to a government contract with Paragon Solutions, an Israeli spyware company that lets people hack into any mobile phone without the person even clicking a link or opening a document. 

The new agreement between Paragon and ICE gives ICE access to the Israeli spyware platform, Graphite. Once Graphite infects your phone it can see everything you do on your phone, even stuff on encrypted apps, and you wouldn't even know it's there. I break down what that means for activists, journalists, dissidents, and how Paragon is already rolling out in other countries across the world. I also discuss how to keep yourself as safe as possible from this new tech."]]></description>
<dc:subject>taylorlorenz israel spyware ice us police policing 2025 graphite paragonsolutions activism journalism dissent surveillance</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:dac16f1abb58/</dc:identifier>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AKevy6Bzkng">
    <title>the eminem sized hole in white america - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-31T21:10:24+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AKevy6Bzkng</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this video, let's yap about the decline of white subcultural expression and the pressure release valves keeping white america in check has created the perfect recipe for a MAGA co-opt. Welcome to the new America where history is irrelevant, truth is optional and ignorance is freedom.


00:00 Introduction: Eminem's Impact on White America
00:43 Eminem's Role in Suburban Culture
03:06 The Decline of Subcultures and Rise of MAGA
06:46 The Evolution of Teenage Identity
10:36 The Impact of Algorithms on Culture
16:41 Eminem's Class Consciousness and Licensed Transgression
24:22 Exploring American Hypocrisy & The Evolution of Trolling
26:09 The Privileged Paradox: Then vs. Now
29:45 White Allyship and Erased Histories
36:34 Manufactured Grievance vs. Authentic Rebellion
45:52 Rebuilding Authentic Subcultures"]]></description>
<dc:subject>dasiasade subcultures internet online alt algorithms web maga eminem grunge hiphop 2025 tiktok history culture ideology greatreplacementtheory racism whitesupremacy classconsciousness class donaldtrump transgression allyship grievance expression suburbia suburbs 4chan rebellion crudeness rageagainstthemachine nazis fascism nazism hate privilege scapegoating testingboundaries trolling 1990s 2000s power 2010s establishment popculture music films comedy brutality policebrutality police policing erasure norms mainstream altright rightwing farright race workers solidarity whiteprivilege punchingup punchingdown labor organizing acrtvism kukluxklan kkk awareness empathy reflection culturalamnesia denial victimhood truth reality cancelculture wokeness antiwoke grift capitalism classwar classwarfare culturewar culturewars art punk workingclass economics identity heritagefoundation politics policy centerforrenewingamerica americafirstpolicyinstitute trumpism conservatism jdvance grooming discrimination reactionaries co</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:7cdbc8c8fe21/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:economics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:identity"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:heritagefoundation"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:politics"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:policy"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:centerforrenewingamerica"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:americafirstpolicyinstitute"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:trumpism"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:conservatism"/>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Skdqe5e6Eo">
    <title>Inside Secret Democrat Influencer Funding Programs - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-30T02:32:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Skdqe5e6Eo</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["READ THE WIRED STORY: 

"A Dark Money Group Is Secretly Funding High-Profile Democratic Influencers
An initiative aimed at boosting Democrats online offers influencers up to $8,000 a month to push the party line. All they have to do is keep it secret—and agree to restrictions on their content."
https://www.wired.com/story/dark-money-group-secret-funding-democrat-influencers 

Statement from the Omidiyar Network (where I'm currently doing a reporting fellowship) on how they've never taken dark money from The Sixteen Thirty Fund: https://omidyar.com/update/omidyar-networks-approach-to-funding-independent-journalism/

After the Democrats lost in November, they faced a reckoning. It was clear that the party had failed to successfully navigate the new media landscape. While Republicans spent decades building a powerful and robust independent media infrastructure, maximizing controversy to drive attention and maintaining tight relationships with creators despite their small disagreements with Trump, the Democrats have largely relied on outdated strategies and traditional media to get their message out.

Now, Democrats hope that a new program, funded by a powerful liberal dark money group called The Sixteen Thirty Fund, might tip the scales. The program kicked off in June/July, and creators involved were told by Chorus that over 90 influencers were set to take part. 

Creators told WIRED that the contract stipulated they’d be kicked out and essentially cut off financially if they even so much as acknowledged that they were part of the funding program. Some creators also raised concerns about a slew of restrictive clauses in the contract.

After attempting to reach them for weeks, Chorus finally responded to our request for comment yesterday. Their lawyer shared a screenshot from a slideshow with WIRED  that offers several talking points if a member of the cohort wanted to discuss Chorus publicly. Their comments have been incorporated into the article, which can be read at the link above."

[also disussed here:

"Dark Money Dem Influencers EXPOSED with Taylor Lorenz & How to STOP Israel with Craig Mokhiber" (Katie Halper)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DInKWBqqQUo ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>2018 2020 donaldtrump 2024 democrats republicans reactionaries indluencers tiktok tiktokban covid-19 coronavirus pandemic progressivism progressive kamalaharris politics policy media cnn foxnews online internet echochamber warcrimes genocide disabilityrights alienation independentmedia culture society legitimacy money journalism centralism moderates consultants dnc culturalcapital benshapiro nelkboys theovon loganpaul joerogan makenakelly davidbrock dailywire milo yiannopoulos maga stevebannon russiagate pizzagate joebiden donors siliconvalley legacymedia newspapers msnbc mainstreammedia contentcreators socialmedia liberals liberalism left eliemystal twitter grassroots darkmoney influence elections israel palestine manufacturedconsent manufacturingconsent justice condescension socialjustice access chorus nonprofit nonprofits establishment katabughazaleh fundraising briantylercohen kenbensinger zionism shanegoldmacher nytimes pr journalist sixteenthirtyfund oliviajulianna lorenpiretra occupydemocrats barrettad</dc:subject>
<dc:source>https://pinboard.in/</dc:source>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:296751e75924/</dc:identifier>
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	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:2020"/>
	<rdf:li rdf:resource="https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/t:donaldtrump"/>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfjtP2QVsOQ">
    <title>Political Islam’s 120-year story - from anti-colonial struggle to now | John Esposito | UNAPOLOGETIC - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2025-08-10T21:26:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfjtP2QVsOQ</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In this episode of UNAPOLOGETIC Professor John Esposito — one of the world’s foremost scholars on political Islam — unpacks 120 years of modern Islamic movements. From Afghani and Abdu’s 19th-century reformist vision, through Hassan al-Banna and Maududi’s activism, to Sayyid Qutb’s radical turn, we trace the intellectual and political forces that shaped the Muslim world. We explore the Iranian Revolution, the Afghan war, democratic Islamists, authoritarian crackdowns, and how the West’s perceptions of Islamism were forged. This is a masterclass in the history, ideas, and global impact of political Islam.

UNAPOLOGETIC is hosted by Ashfaaq Carim

Chapters
 0:00 – Intro & episode setup
 2:33 – Esposito’s unlikely journey
 5:41 – Immersion in Muslim scholarship
 10:14 – Plan: 120 years’ history
 12:14 – Afghani & Abdu’s vision
 15:45 – Islam as civilization & faith
 18:09 – Abdu’s modernist reform ideas
 22:02 – Anti-colonial political Islam roots
 23:54 – Al-Banna & Maududi emerge
 26:44 – Movements spread transnationally
 30:58 – Ideas spread without media
 33:15 – Critique of elites & clerics
 38:58 – Sayyid Qutb’s radical turn
 43:39 – America through Qutb’s eyes
 47:14 – Nasser’s crackdown & prisons
 50:33 – Cross-pollination of movements
 52:47 – Iranian revolution reshapes politics
 55:03 – Authoritarianism fuels radicalisation
 57:12 – Gradualists vs violent factions
 1:04:05 – Revolution’s impact on perceptions
 1:09:58 – Shah, hostage crisis, US errors
 1:18:22 – Afghan jihad to al-Qaeda
 1:27:05 – Democratic Islamists in power
 1:35:48 – Post-Cold War Islamism shifts
 1:40:19 – 9/11 & war on terror
 1:49:15 – Arab Spring & Brotherhood
 1:53:32 – Egypt’s coup & repression
 2:02:08 – Islamism, democracy & inclusion
 2:07:39 – Misrepresentation in Western discourse
 2:12:22 – Closing reflections & lessons"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.thenation.com/article/activism/globalization-trade-climate-progressivism/">
    <title>Jerry Mander Was the Groundbreaking Activism-Adman | The Nation</title>
    <dc:date>2025-07-28T08:09:33+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.thenation.com/article/activism/globalization-trade-climate-progressivism/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jerry Mander died recently in Hawaii after a long illness, according to his wife, the filmmaker Koohan Paik-Mander.

Jerry was a groundbreaking activist-adman, a key figure in the anti-globalization movement, a trenchant critic of technology and capitalism, and a valued contributor to this magazine.

In 1966, the San Francisco advertising executive Howard Gossage invited Jerry to join his firm. The two of them created an ad that helped stop the US government from building two giant dams that would flood the Grand Canyon. The Bureau of Reclamation had claimed that the public favored the plan because small boats would then be able to float high up in the canyon, allowing visitors to touch its beautiful walls. The headline of Jerry’s full-page ad asked: “Should We Also Flood the Sistine Chapel, so Tourists Can Get Nearer to the Ceiling?” 

Jerry’s cheekiness resonated with Nation editor Victor Navasky, who enlisted him as a frequent contributor on Indigenous justice, media reform, militarization, and overweening corporate power.

After Howard Gossage’s death in 1969, Jerry opened his own agency, dedicated to advocacy advertising in the public interest. His clients included Earth Island Institute, Planned Parenthood, Greenpeace, and others. The Wall Street Journal called him “the Ralph Nader of advertising.” It was during this period that Jerry teamed up with Stewart Brand and others to create the iconic Whole Earth Catalog, During the 1970s Jerry became a frequent contributor to The Nation, on a host of issues, including corporate power run amok.

Jerry wrote several books, including Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television (Morrow) and In the Absence of the Sacred (Sierra Club Books). His conviction that “technology will not save us” made him a dissident voice during the meteoric rise of the Bay Area tech industry. His 1996 cover story for The Nation, “The Dark Side of Globalization: What the Media Are Missing,” criticized the new global economic order and its implications.

Jerry and friends called themselves the “International Forum on Globalization,” or IFG. Writing in The Nation, Naomi Klein called the IFG “the brain trust of the [anti-globalization] movement.”

All of the IFG’s warnings have come to pass. US jobs and manufacturing have disappeared (with the exception of the multitrillion-dollar arms industry) as corporations have outsourced to Asia and elsewhere. Environmental, labor, and safety standards have dwindled, even as the world faces unprecedented catastrophes of climate change, economic inequity, pandemics, and the Sixth Extinction. Authoritarianism has emerged in backlash, ratcheted up by new technologies.

Jerry would not have despaired. According to John Cavanagh and Maude Barlow, “Jerry’s charge to us: Don’t give up because you lost the first round. Educate movements and the public to fight back. He challenged us to stage teach-ins that would lead into massive protests on the streets in the cities where the World Bank, IMF, and WTO were gathering and corporate leaders. None of the 40–50 of us who became the core of the International Forum on Globalization thought this would work. But Jerry convinced us to try, and he marshaled the resources to make a dozen of them happen.”  

Of Jerry’s time on this planet, the author Stephanie Mills said it best: “The dear Earth could ask no more of anyone. It was a noble life’s work.”"

[See also:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jerry_Mander ]]]></description>
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