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    <title>&quot;America, U.S.A.&quot;: Eddie Glaude on the 250th Anniv., Race &amp; &quot;Madness at the Heart of the Country&quot; - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2026-07-08T06:23:38+00:00</dc:date>
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    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["“I do not love America, and never have, especially now.” Those are the opening words of America, U.S.A.: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries, a new book from Princeton historian Eddie Glaude. Released ahead of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence on July 4, the book is a critical look back at how the United States has celebrated previous milestone birthdays, including what narratives were left out of the official commemorations. This comes as President Donald Trump has made himself the center of many events and celebrations for the 250th anniversary, while promoting a “storybook version” of U.S. history that elides the injustice that was baked into the very founding of the country, Glaude tells Democracy Now! in a wide-ranging conversation about race, inequality and the legacy of slavery.

“Donald Trump and his supporters, they want to be white without judgment,” says Glaude. “History is a battleground, because history, of course, holds them to account.”"

[transcript:
https://www.democracynow.org/2026/6/29/eddie_glaude ]]]></description>
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    <title>Abominations of Capital - by Hamilton Nolan</title>
    <dc:date>2025-12-25T16:36:42+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.hamiltonnolan.com/p/abominations-of-capital</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Forcing a price on priceless things."

...

"One of the best places to go on a slow weekday morning in Washington, DC is the basement of the Hirshhorn Museum, on the National Mall. There, in a dark corner gallery, you can find a small Basquiat exhibit, with one single crown jewel: “Boy and Dog in a Johnnypump,” a massive, 14-foot long canvas depicting a cartoonish dog and a wild skeletal boy with his hands splayed out, surrounded by swirls and smears of colors. It’s one of my favorite Basquiats—I have a print of it, which I bought for $30, hanging in my kitchen. In the Hirshhorn, you will often have the painting to yourself. You can stand one foot away from it and peer at the drips and feel the same gravity that held Basquiat to the earth when he painted it in 1982.

The painting that is hanging on that basement wall cost more than $100 million. It was bought by hedge fund founder Ken Griffin in 2020. He can afford it. His net worth today stands at over $50 billion. Indeed, the Basquiat is not even Griffin’s most expensive painting. In 2016, he reportedly paid $500 million for a pair of paintings, one by Pollock and one by de Kooning. He needs a lot of art to decorate his $238 million New York apartment and his $1 billion Palm Beach compound and the rest of his real estate portfolio in St. Tropez, Chicago, Aspen, and The Hamptons.

Griffin is one of the biggest Republican donors in America. He has spent a quarter-billion on political donations in the past decade. Though he preferred other Republican candidates in the 2024 primaries, he said that he voted for Trump, and declared triumphantly after Election Day that “America is open for business again.”

Now, I am just a simple man in Brooklyn with neither hedge fund nor art history degree, but I feel compelled to say that Ken Griffin owning that Basquiat is a moral perversion that disgusts me in the same way that Martin Luther was disgusted by the lavish papacy of Pope Leo X. Ken Griffin, a dead-eyed automaton who has spent his life piling treasure in a vault, rotely accruing power in order to accrue more capital in order to accrue more extravagant luxuries, seeking always to arrange the world in service of his own personal enrichment, may have the financial means to “own” the painted canvas that Basquiat made, but no amount of money will ever allow him to feel and understand why something is cool. He is not built like that. Nor can he buy that. I like to imagine that this causes him to be plagued at all times by a ferocious sense of inadequacy. But who knows.

To gaze at the amazing gift that Basquiat gave to the world in the form of art and then to reflect that one asshole can, if he chooses, light that artwork on fire for his own amusement, or stash it forever aboard a yacht, or sell it off to an even less appreciative plutocrat in order to fund the purchase of another penthouse apartment is to begin to understand the way that wealth inequality is disease of our collective soul. Democracy is an attempt to create some level of political equality, to mirror the inherent moral equality of all humanity. This is simply not possible in the presence of the level of wealth inequality that America now has. It is not possible. We can have our level of inequality or we can have a democracy but we cannot have both. The numbers, at present, tell us that we have chosen the inequality. We are just playing out the string on the rest right now.

Either we eradicate the billionaires or we will march steadily into dictatorship of capital so strong that everything else means little. Total spending on the last presidential election was about $5 billion, all in, on all sides. Ken Griffin is worth $50 billion, and Bloomberg and Bill Gates and Warren Buffett and the Waltons and the Google guys are each worth more than $100 billion, and Larry Ellison and Bezos and Zuckerberg are each worth more than $200 billion, and Musk is worth more than $300 billion. Of the 330 million people in America, these are the ones who will decide everything. Do you like that? Well, it doesn’t matter. You don’t get to decide. You don’t have $5 billion to buy a presidential election. These people do. For another $10 billion you could pay for every single Congressional election, as well. Ken Griffin could buy all of the above and still have enough to buy all the rest of Basquiat’s paintings, and hang them on his mansion wall, and cock his head like a golden retriever as he stares at them and wonders what they all mean.
Ken Griffin: The King of Soul.

People are naturally bad at interpreting very large numbers and therefore we all have a hard time conceptualizing just how insane wealth inequality has become, just how ludicrous the sizes of these people’s fortunes are, just how divorced from any intelligible concept of “work” and “deserve” this kind of opulence represents. There are various ways to try to make these big numbers more understandable—Jeff Bezos, for example, could give each of Amazon’s million American employees a bonus of $100,000 and still be worth more than $100 billion himself. If the absurd math of luxury purchases that these plutocrats could pull off doesn’t drive the point home, another useful method is simply to sit and meditate on the priceless cultural artifacts that these people have, in fact, put a price upon.

Ken Griffin owns a copy of the Emancipation Proclamation signed by Abraham Lincoln. Bought it for $18 million. Ken Griffin also condemned Democratic officials in Illinois for not being tough enough on crime and moved his hedge fund headquarters to Florida and donated millions of dollars to Florida Republicans to help them wage their war against “wokeness” and abortion rights and diversity. From his walled 50,00-square-foot compound on 27 acres in Palm Beach, Griffin has done more than any other individual to create the political conditions that make Florida more hostile to black people, and LBTQ people, and women, and immigrants. Why? What is the reason for this? In order to ensure that political conditions are favorable for the success of Griffin’s hedge fund, and by extension for Griffin’s own net worth, so that he might buy grander estates, more expensive artworks, more exotic luxuries.

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In some ways I think that the basic abomination that is Ken Griffin’s ownership a copy of the Emancipation Proclamation, or of Basquiat’s art, is even more powerful than the numbers. This man should not be able to own these things. Not for $18 million, or $100 million, or at all. The grotesqueness of billions of dollars, the brute force of that tidal wave of capital, its ability to force a price upon things that are priceless—it is this quality that may be most effective in demonstrating why such fortunes, like biological weapons and killer robots, fall into the category of “Things we are capable of creating, but should not.”

America feels quite chaotic. The daily procession of political outrages can feel overwhelming. It is important, if you care about such things, to take a quiet moment as the year winds down and refocus on the one, big problem at the center of all these things: The fact that too few people have been allowed to have too much money. That is the underlying problem. The other problems are manifestations of this. We have to destroy the billionaires. Judge political policies on their likelihood to accomplish this. Use this as your guiding star. Don’t lose sight of this amid the swirling conflicts of personalities. We need to take away the fortunes. Otherwise, they will rule, and all of our angry words of protest will not matter much at all.

In that Basquiat exhibit at the Hirshhorn, on a separate wall from “Boy and Dog in a Johnnypump,” is one other, much smaller work. It’s a single scrap of white paper in a small frame. On it is a figure with a crown standing next to a bottle of milk, and the words:

<blockquote>MAN NEEDS MILK
OWNS 10,000 COWS</blockquote>

What was the artist trying to say here, Ken Griffin? Write your answer on the Emancipation Proclamation. Drink it with a glass of milk, and choke. "]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/erasing-history-how-fascism-works">
    <title>Erasing History: How Fascism Works (w/ Jason Stanley)</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-27T06:23:49+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/erasing-history-how-fascism-works</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Jason Stanley joins The Chris Hedges Report to give proper context to what fascism means and how the Trump administration’s second term could really mean the completion of the American fascist state."

]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/douthat-rauch-baumann-trump-january-6-religion">
    <title>Was January 6 a Providential Event? | Commonweal Magazine</title>
    <dc:date>2025-03-25T19:02:08+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.commonwealmagazine.org/douthat-rauch-baumann-trump-january-6-religion</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Ross Douthat seems to think so"

...

"Ross Douthat, a conservative columnist at The New York Times, and Jonathan Rauch, a senior fellow in Governance Studies at the liberal Brookings Institution, have both written new books endorsing religion. Douthat is a Catholic, and his book is titled Believe: Why Everyone Should Be Religious. Given Rauch’s former indifference to religion, his book’s title is more surprising—Cross Purposes: Christianity’s Broken Bargain with Democracy. Rauch calls himself a Jewish atheist who happens to be gay. But he now regrets what he wrote twenty years ago about the triumph of secularism, something he welcomed at the time as “apathy-ism.” “I believe the rise of apathy-ism is to be celebrated as nothing less than a major civilizational advance. Religion remains the most divisive and volatile of social forces. Apathy-ism is not a lapse, it is an achievement,” Rauch wrote back then.

Earlier this month, Douthat and Rauch spoke at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington D.C., where Rauch was once a fellow. Each gave a detailed synopsis of his book before answering questions. Rauch lamented the “unprecedented experiment in secularization, or as it’s been called, de-churching” in the United States over the past twenty years. The result, he claimed, has significantly contributed to the social isolation, economic inequality, and fierce political partisanship that has made the United States increasingly ungovernable. In praising secularism, he had not understood something the nation’s Founders knew: “Christianity is a load-bearing wall in our culture. When it buckles, all the institutions around it come under stress, and some of them buckle, too.”

While insisting on the separation of church and state, the Founders nevertheless counted on Christianity to “inculcate the civil virtues, as would family, community, schools,” Rauch said. As traditional forms of Christianity have weakened, often by embracing secular values and downplaying distinctive Christian teachings, Americans have increasingly turned to politics to define their identity. This has had dramatic results among white Evangelicals, 80 percent of whom now identify as Republican. Rauch quotes the political scientist Ryan Burge: “Evangelism just means I’m a conservative Republican.” As Trumpism has taken hold among Evangelicals, Rauch notes, the church has lost “those counter-cultural, counter-political elements that define it.” The teachings of Jesus Christ don’t align with MAGA, and Rauch hopes the churches will return to emphasizing how Jesus wants us to behave in civic life. Christian teachings are reflected in liberal secular values regarding how we treat the poor and marginalized and why we must not treat others merely as a means to an end. If democracy is to survive, Rauch warns, secular people like himself must recognize that they have a stake in Christianity. 

Douthat’s book is about much more than the utilitarian case for Christianity as a load-bearing wall in our democracy, although he agrees with Rauch’s analysis on that point. “The New Atheists were wrong,” he said at the AEI event. “A more religious America had its flaws, and its problems, and its divisions. But all things considered, religion was doing something in American life that we miss.” Douthat makes an eloquent case for thinking religion is not just socially useful but also provides “very plausible descriptions of reality.” Given what science has revealed about the nature of the universe over the past seventy-five years, it is not unreasonable to think “the world [was] designed in some sense with human beings in mind.” Douthat claims that we are now experiencing a cultural moment in which a significant number of people are more open to religious possibilities, but his argument here is less persuasive than his apologetics for theism. He makes much of the current revival of interest in various ersatz spiritual practices and beliefs such as astrology, speculating that such interest may finally draw many people back to traditional religion. But that seems like wishful thinking based largely on his own family’s idiosyncratic experience.

Douthat takes issue with Rauch’s characterization of white Evangelicals. Evangelicals deserve more sympathy and understanding than Rauch offers because they have been the object of real “enmity” from secular elites. Over the past twenty years, Douthat said, American elites “went to war against the American past in profound ways, against their fellow elites who were insufficiently devoted to progressive orthodoxy.” That progressive orthodoxy involved “pretty striking metaphysical ideas about the nature of what it is to be a woman or a man. The nature of the human person and the human body suddenly being held up as defining views that are supposed to be adopted by all decent human beings.” Evangelicals (and many other Christians, including me) have found some of these developments to be deeply hostile to their faith and identity. Yes, Douthat concedes, the people who stormed the Capitol on January 6 deserve condemnation, but “it is important to recognize the larger dynamics at play.”

Perhaps. But claiming that the cultural oppression felt by white Evangelicals created a “dynamic” resulting in the violence at the Capitol seems like a stretch. The other dynamic on display was the sheer hatred the rioters felt for their perceived political opponents, including the Capitol police.

Douthat detects another dynamic at play in the Trump-inspired insurrection, and curiously it is a religious one. Asked to comment on the “strange parallels” between the spirituality of Abraham Lincoln and our current religious and political divisions, Douthat briefly discussed the providentialism of Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address. In that famous speech, Lincoln proposed that the slaughter of the Civil War was God’s judgment on both the South and North. “Both sides are at fault, and things happen that are sort of chastisements for not just one side or the other, but both,” according to Douthat. “You know, to be perfectly blunt, I think that’s a useful way to see the phenomenon of Donald Trump in our own time…. The resilience of Trump as a sort of agent of chaos in American and Western life should, from a religious perspective, prompt you to a theological reading of whatever God is up to by allowing this craziness to happen.” 

That pronouncement brought me up short. When it comes to this sort of theological reading of history, I belong to the school of the-less-said-the-better. “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” and the story of Job are, perhaps paradoxically, more reassuring to me than the idea that Trump is actually an agent of God’s chastisement for liberal overreach. And I say that as someone who agrees with most of Douthat’s characterization of “wokeism.” In suggesting such a reading of history, Douthat tiptoes up to the Evangelical conceit that sees Trump as a figure like Cyrus, the Persian king sent by God to punish the wayward Israelites. And how does this sort of providentialism work when the victims are innocent of the crimes for which they were punished, such as the Jews at the hands of the Nazis? Of course, Lincoln knew his Bible, but his beliefs are probably best described as a “political religion,” not orthodox Christianity. He never joined a church. He was determined to preserve the Union, and casting one side of the conflict as righteous and the other as wholly culpable would have made an almost impossible task even more difficult. The judgments of the Lord may be just, as Lincoln wrote, but they are also unfathomable in this life. Trump is bad enough without the thought that his rogue regime has been sent by God as some kind of punishment."]]></description>
<dc:subject>paulbaumann 2025 jan6 2021 rossdouthat catholicism religion politics donaldtrump culture christianity evangelicals ryanburge evangelism democracy newatheists atheism us secularism insurrection maga trumpism civilwar abrahamlincoln january6</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6E0X4YzjBTw">
    <title>The Origins of Islamophobia (with Peter Oborne) | The Chris Hedges Report - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-21T18:30:13+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6E0X4YzjBTw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Transcript available at https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-systemic-roots-of-western-islamophobia

Since the turn of the 21st century, the world has become deeply familiar with the global “war on terror.” Framed by the West’s ostensibly patriotic and “civilized” political narrative that conveniently expands their national security power and geopolitical interests, it also pins Muslims as savage, and Islam as a barbaric religion of people that want nothing but the destruction of the West.

This perception of Islam—and its followers—as wicked and violent, spread wide and far, especially in the United States, Great Britain and other allied countries. This doesn’t happen without the help of the media and influential public figures, who shape public opinion and reinforce stereotypes.

Peter Oborne, a renowned British journalist and author, has done much work throughout his career to challenge these myths that marginalize an already historically repressed group. He joins host Chris Hedges on this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his latest book, “The Fate of Abraham: Why the West is Wrong About Islam.”


(0:00) Intro 
(2:53) Racism against Muslims 
(7:42) Roots of Christian Zionism
(12:34) Western erasure of Islam 
(15:05) Manufacturing Islamophobia 
(18:56) British mandate of Palestine  
(20:43) Rise of the modern Middle East 
(23:53) Traditional conservatism  vs. Neoconservatism 
(38:18) The end of Peter’s career 
(41:08) The UK anti-immigrant riots 
(43:07) Gaza 
(47:14) Outro"]]></description>
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    <title>Chris Hedges: The Cost of Resistance - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2024-09-18T02:54:57+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpt28mQQRIw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["This video is a recording of a talk given by Chris Hedges at the Kairos Club London on September 11, 2024. Drawing on his intimate knowledge of resistance and repression, Hedges detailed the methods we need to adopt to defeat the powerful interests, including the fossil fuel industry and the animal agriculture industry, which have placed their profits above the protection of our species and all life on earth. 

Hedges’ talk is preceded by an audio intro from Roger Hallam. Hallam is part of the “Whole Truth Five,” who are five members of Just Stop Oil who were sentenced last month to the longest ever prison sentences for non-violent protest.

Following their conviction, the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst said “Today marks a dark day for peaceful environmental protest, the protection of environmental defenders and indeed anyone concerned with the exercise of their fundamental freedoms in the United Kingdom.”"

[transcript here:
https://chrishedges.substack.com/p/the-cost-of-resistance ]]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QB-xVXo_Fmw">
    <title>How to Defeat AIPAC and the Israel Lobby (w/ Ralph Nader) - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2023-11-17T05:32:55+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QB-xVXo_Fmw</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Consumer advocate & former Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader joins Bad Faith to weigh in on the revolving chairs of the Green Party's presidential candidates, the strategic value of Cornel West running as an independent, & how to decide between West and Dr. Jill Stein. Briahna also asks him to address recent reporting that he would "help Joe Biden win, how people power can beat AIPAC, and whether he, as perhaps the most prominent Arab-American politician in the US, has been able to connect with Rashida Tlaib since being censured by congress. Nader explains the immense value of his print media publication, Capitol Hill Citizen, and why every leftist looking to push left politics forward should pick up a copy."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ralphnader briahnajoygray cornelwest greenparty democrats republicans us politics policy democracy elections jillstein aipac israel gaza apartheid antisemitism westbank occupation warcrimes militaryindustrialcomplex congress organizing 2023 2024 election robertkennedyjr joebiden oligopoly medicareforall accountability power rashidatlaib zionism electoralcollege war brucefein benjaminnetanyahu operationalaqsaflood capitolhillcitizen citizenship congresswatch lobbyists healthcare medicine fossilfuels darrellissa thesquad ilhanomar alexandriaocasiocortez elizabethwarren berniesanders media press journalism ayannapressley progressives jamaalbowman coribush summerlee gregcasar government redress governance local genocide ethniccleansing maxmiller lindseygraham disavowel tomcotton racism civilrightsmovement davidben-gurion education censorship freespeech coroporations taxes taxevasion civics warrenbuffet bigtech google apple socialmedia gambling autoindustry regulation palestine universalhealthcare civilrights budg</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/12/adam-serwer-civility/600784/">
    <title>Reconstruction’s Failure Has Lessons for Today - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2019-11-17T21:59:10+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/12/adam-serwer-civility/600784/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Civility Is Overrated

The gravest danger to American democracy isn’t an excess of vitriol—it’s the false promise of civility.

Joe Biden has fond memories of negotiating with James Eastland, the senator from Mississippi who once declared, “I am of the opinion that we should have segregation in all the States of the United States by law. What the people of this country must realize is that the white race is a superior race, and the Negro race is an inferior race.”


Recalling in June his debates with segregationists like Eastland, Biden lamented, “At least there was some civility,” compared with today. “We got things done. We didn’t agree on much of anything. We got things done. We got it finished. But today, you look at the other side and you’re the enemy. Not the opposition; the enemy. We don’t talk to each other anymore.”

Biden later apologized for his wistfulness. But yearning for an ostensibly more genteel era of American politics wasn’t a gaffe. Such nostalgia is central to Biden’s appeal as an antidote to the vitriol that has marked the presidency of Donald Trump.

Nor is Biden alone in selling the idea that rancor threatens the American republic. This September, Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch, who owes his seat to Senate Republicans depriving a Democratic president of his authority to fill a vacancy on the high court, published a book that argued, “In a very real way, self-governance turns on our treating each other as equals—as persons, with the courtesy and respect each person deserves—even when we vigorously disagree.”

Trump himself, a man whose rallies regularly descend into ritual denunciations of his enemies, declared in October 2018, as Americans were preparing to vote in the midterm elections, that “everyone will benefit if we can end the politics of personal destruction.” The president helpfully explained exactly what he meant: “Constant unfair coverage, deep hostility, and negative attacks … only serve to drive people apart and to undermine healthy debate.” Civility, in other words, is treating Trump how Trump wants to be treated, while he treats you however he pleases. It was a more honest description of how the concept of civility is applied today than either Biden or Gorsuch offered.

There are two definitions of civility. The first is not being an asshole. The second is “I can do what I want and you can shut up.” The latter definition currently dominates American political discourse.

The country is indeed divided today, and there is nothing wrong with wishing that Americans could all get along. But while nonviolence is essential to democracy, civility is optional, and today’s preoccupation with politesse both exaggerates the country’s divisions and papers over the fundamental issues that are causing the divisions in the first place. The idea that we’re currently experiencing something like the nadir of American civility ignores the turmoil that has traditionally characterized the nation’s politics, and the comparatively low level of political violence today despite the animosity of the moment.

Americans should not fear tension. They should fear its absence.
Paeans to a more civil past also ignore the price of that civility. It’s not an unfortunate coincidence that the men Joe Biden worked with so amicably were segregationists. The civility he longs for was the result of excluding historically marginalized groups from the polity, which allowed men like James Eastland to wield tremendous power in Congress without regard for the rights or dignity of their disenfranchised constituents.

The true cause of American political discord is the lingering resistance of those who have traditionally held power to sharing it with those who until recently have only experienced its serrated edge. And the resistance does linger. Just this fall, a current Democratic senator from Delaware, Chris Coons, told a panel at the University of Notre Dame Law School that he hoped “a more diverse Senate that includes women’s voices, and voices of people of color, and voices of people who were not professionals but, you know, who grew up working-class” would not produce “irreconcilable discord.”

In his “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” Martin Luther King Jr. famously lamented the “white moderate” who “prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice.” He also acknowledged the importance of tension to achieving justice. “I have earnestly opposed violent tension,” King wrote, “but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth.” Americans should not fear that form of tension. They should fear its absence."]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/05/we-cant-walk-away-from-this-truth/527721/">
    <title>Mayor Mitch Landrieu's Speech on Confederate Monuments - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2017-05-27T20:07:48+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/05/we-cant-walk-away-from-this-truth/527721/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["A piece of stone. One stone.

Both stories were history.

One story told.

One story forgotten or maybe even purposefully ignored.

As clear as it is for me today—for a long time, even though I grew up in one of New Orleans’ most diverse neighborhoods, even with my family’s long proud history of fighting for civil rights—I must have passed by those monuments a million times without giving them a second thought.

So I am not judging anybody, I am not judging people. We all take our own journey on race. I just hope people listen like I did when my dear friend Wynton Marsalis helped me see the truth. He asked me to think about all the people who have left New Orleans because of our exclusionary attitudes. Another friend asked me to consider these four monuments from the perspective of an African American mother or father trying to explain to their fifth grade daughter who Robert E. Lee is and why he stands atop of our beautiful city.

Can you do it?

Can you look into that young girl’s eyes and convince her that Robert E. Lee is there to encourage her? Do you think she will feel inspired and hopeful by that story? Do these monuments help her see a future with limitless potential? Have you ever thought that if her potential is limited, yours and mine are too?

We all know the answer to these very simple questions.

When you look into this child’s eyes is the moment when the searing truth comes into focus for us. This is the moment when we know what is right and what we must do. We can’t walk away from this truth.

And I knew that taking down the monuments was going to be tough, but you elected me to do the right thing, not the easy thing and this is what that looks like. So relocating these Confederate monuments is not about taking something away from someone else. This is not about politics; this is not about blame or retaliation. This is not a naïve quest to solve all our problems at once.

This is, however, about showing the whole world that we as a city and as a people are able to acknowledge, understand, reconcile, and most importantly, choose a better future for ourselves, making straight what has been crooked and making right what was wrong.

Otherwise, we will continue to pay a price with discord, with division and yes with violence.

To literally put the Confederacy on a pedestal in our most prominent places of honor is an inaccurate recitation of our full past, it is an affront to our present, and it is a bad prescription for our future.

History cannot be changed. It cannot be moved like a statue. What is done is done. The Civil War is over, and the Confederacy lost and we are better for it. Surely we are far enough removed from this dark time to acknowledge that the cause of the Confederacy was wrong.

And in the second decade of the 21st century, asking African Americans—or anyone else—to drive by property that they own; occupied by reverential statues of men who fought to destroy the country and deny that person’s humanity seems perverse and absurd.

Centuries old wounds are still raw because they never healed right in the first place. Here is the essential truth: we are better together than we are apart. Indivisibility is our essence.

Isn’t this the gift that the people of New Orleans have given to the world?

We radiate beauty and grace in our food, in our music, in our architecture, in our joy of life, in our celebration of death; in everything that we do. We gave the world this funky thing called jazz—the most uniquely American art form that is developed across the ages from different cultures. Think about second lines, think about Mardi Gras, think about muffaletta, think about the Saints, gumbo, red beans and rice. By God, just think.

All we hold dear is created by throwing everything in the pot; creating, producing something better; everything a product of our historic diversity.

We are proof that out of many we are one—and better for it! Out of many we are one—and we really do love it!

And yet, we still seem to find so many excuses for not doing the right thing. Again, remember President Bush’s words, “A great nation does not hide its history. It faces its flaws and corrects them.”

We forget, we deny how much we really depend on each other, how much we need each other. We justify our silence and inaction by manufacturing noble causes that marinate in historical detail. We still find a way to say “Wait—not so fast,” but like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said, “wait has almost always meant never.”

We can’t wait any longer. We need to change. And we need to change now. No more waiting. This is not just about statues, this is about our attitudes and behavior as well. If we take these statues down and don’t change to become a more open and inclusive society this would have all been in vain.

While some have driven by these monuments every day and either revered their beauty or failed to see them at all, many of our neighbors and fellow Americans see them very clearly. Many are painfully aware of the long shadows their presence casts; not only literally but figuratively. And they clearly receive the message that the Confederacy and the cult of the lost cause intended to deliver.

Earlier this week, as the cult of the lost cause statue of P.G.T Beauregard came down, world-renowned musician Terence Blanchard stood watch, his wife Robin and their two beautiful daughters at their side. Terence went to a high school on the edge of City Park named after one of America’s greatest heroes and patriots, John F. Kennedy. But to get there he had to pass by this monument to a man who fought to deny him his humanity.

He said, “I’ve never looked at them as a source of pride … it’s always made me feel as if they were put there by people who don’t respect us … This is something I never thought I’d see in my lifetime. It’s a sign that the world is changing.”

Yes, Terence, it is—and it is long overdue.

Now is the time to send a new message to the next generation of New Orleanians who can follow in Terence and Robin’s remarkable footsteps.

A message about the future, about the next 300 years and beyond; let us not miss this opportunity New Orleans and let us help the rest of the country do the same.

Because now is the time for choosing. Now is the time to actually make this the city we always should have been, had we gotten it right in the first place.

We should stop for a moment and ask ourselves—at this point in our history—after Katrina, after Rita, after Ike, after Gustav, after the national recession, after the BP oil catastrophe and after the tornado: If presented with the opportunity to build monuments that told our story or to curate these particular spaces, would these monuments be what we want the world to see? Is this really our story?

We have not erased history; we are becoming part of the city’s history by righting the wrong image these monuments represent and crafting a better, more complete future for all our children and for future generations. And unlike when these Confederate monuments were first erected as symbols of white supremacy, we now have a chance to create not only new symbols, but to do it together, as one people.

In our blessed land we all come to the table of democracy as equals.

We have to reaffirm our commitment to a future where each citizen is guaranteed the uniquely American gifts of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

That is what really makes America great and today it is more important than ever to hold fast to these values and together say a self-evident truth that out of many we are one. That is why today we reclaim these spaces for the United States of America. Because we are one nation, not two; indivisible with liberty and justice for all, not some. We all are part of one nation, all pledging allegiance to one flag, the flag of the United States of America. And New Orleanians are in—all of the way.

It is in this union and in this truth that real patriotism is rooted and flourishes. Instead of revering a 4-year brief historical aberration that was called the Confederacy we can celebrate all 300 years of our rich, diverse history as a place named New Orleans and set the tone for the next 300 years.

After decades of public debate, of anger, of anxiety, of anticipation, of humiliation and of frustration. After public hearings and approvals from three separate community led commissions. After two robust public hearings and a 6-1 vote by the duly elected New Orleans City Council.

After review by 13 different federal and state judges. The full weight of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government has been brought to bear and the monuments in accordance with the law have been removed.

So now is the time to come together and heal and focus on our larger task. Not only building new symbols, but making this city a beautiful manifestation of what is possible and what we as a people can become.

Let us remember what the once exiled, imprisoned and now universally loved Nelson Mandela and what he said after the fall of apartheid.

“If the pain has often been unbearable and the revelations shocking to all of us, it is because they indeed bring us the beginnings of a common understanding of what happened and a steady restoration of the nation's humanity.”

So before we part let us again state the truth clearly.

The Confederacy was on the wrong side of history and humanity. It sought to tear apart our nation and subjugate our fellow Americans to slavery. This is the history we should never forget and one that we should never again put on a pedestal to be revered.

As a community, we must recognize the significance of removing New Orleans’ Confederate monuments. It is our acknowledgment that now is the time to take stock of, and then move past, a painful part of our history.

Anything less would render generations of courageous struggle and soul-searching a truly lost cause.

Anything less would fall short of the immortal words of our greatest President Abraham Lincoln, who with an open heart and clarity of purpose calls on us today to unite as one people when he said:

“With malice toward none, with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right; let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds … to do all which may achieve and cherish—a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.”"]]></description>
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<item rdf:about="https://newrepublic.com/article/141663/united-states-work">
    <title>The United States of Work | New Republic</title>
    <dc:date>2017-04-23T18:35:07+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://newrepublic.com/article/141663/united-states-work</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["how the discipline of work has itself become a form of tyranny, documenting the expansive power that firms now wield over their employees in everything from how they dress to what they tweet"

…

"both books make a powerful claim: that our lives today are ruled, above all, by work. We can try to convince ourselves that we are free, but as long as we must submit to the increasing authority of our employers and the labor market, we are not. We therefore fancy that we want to work, that work grounds our character, that markets encompass the possible. We are unable to imagine what a full life could be, much less to live one. Even more radically, both books highlight the dramatic and alarming changes that work has undergone over the past century—insisting that, in often unseen ways, the changing nature of work threatens the fundamental ideals of democracy: equality and freedom.

Anderson’s most provocative argument is that large companies, the institutions that employ most workers, amount to a de facto form of government, exerting massive and intrusive power in our daily lives. Unlike the state, these private governments are able to wield power with little oversight, because the executives and boards of directors that rule them are accountable to no one but themselves."

…

"they use the language of individual liberty to claim that corporations require freedom to treat workers as they like."

…

"These conditions render long-term employment more palatable than a precarious existence of freelance gigs, which further gives companies license to oppress their employees."

…

"Indeed, it is only after dismissal for such reasons that many workers learn of the sweeping breadth of at-will employment, the contractual norm that allows American employers to fire workers without warning and without cause, except for reasons explicitly deemed illegal."

…

"
A weak job market, paired with the increasing precarity of work, means that more and more workers are forced to make their living by stringing together freelance assignments or winning fixed-term contracts, subjecting those workers to even more rules and restrictions. On top of their actual jobs, contractors and temp workers must do the additional work of appearing affable and employable not just on the job, but during their ongoing efforts to secure their next gig. Constantly pitching, writing up applications, and personal branding on social media requires a level of self-censorship, lest a controversial tweet or compromising Facebook photo sink their job prospects."

…

"from Marx and Hegel to Freud and Lincoln, whose 1859 speech he also quotes. Livingston centers on these thinkers because they all found the connection between work and virtue troubling. Hegel believed that work causes individuals to defer their desires, nurturing a “slave morality.” Marx proposed that “real freedom came after work.” And Freud understood the Protestant work ethic as “the symptom of repression, perhaps even regression.”"

…

"In today’s economy, the demand for such labor is rising rapidly: “Nine of the twelve fastest-growing fields,” The New York Times reported earlier this year, “are different ways of saying ‘nurse.’” These jobs also happen to be low-paying, emotionally and physically grueling, dirty, hazardous, and shouldered largely by women and immigrants. Regardless of whether employment is virtuous or not, our immediate goal should perhaps be to distribute the burdens of caregiving, since such work is essential to the functioning of society and benefits us all.

A truly work-free world is one that would entail a revolution from our present social organizations. We could no longer conceive of welfare as a last resort—as the “safety net” metaphor implies—but would be forced to treat it as an unremarkable and universal fact of life. This alone would require us to support a massive redistribution of wealth, and to reclaim our political institutions from the big-money interests that are allergic to such changes."

…

"If we do not have a deliberate politics rooted in universal social justice, then full employment, a basic income, and automation will not liberate us from the degradations of work.

Both Livingston and Anderson reveal how much of our own power we’ve already ceded in making waged work the conduit for our ideals of liberty and morality. The scale and coordination of the institutions we’re up against in the fight for our emancipation is, as Anderson demonstrates, staggering."]]></description>
<dc:subject>work politics 2017 miyatokumitsu government governance labor corporatism liberty freedom la precarity economics karlmarx hegel abrahamlincoln digmundfreud care caregiving emotionallabor caretaking maintenance elizabethanderson jameslivingston</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="https://paulmullins.wordpress.com/2015/02/09/intimate-spaces-the-archaeology-of-pockets/">
    <title>Intimate Spaces: The Archaeology of Pockets | Archaeology and Material Culture</title>
    <dc:date>2015-03-01T07:19:20+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>https://paulmullins.wordpress.com/2015/02/09/intimate-spaces-the-archaeology-of-pockets/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["Few spaces could be more familiar yet more unremarked upon than pockets.  Clothing pockets are a presence of sorts, but like edges of an excavation unit their material definition may be made by their tangible boundaries and the things in them rather than the vacuum that is perhaps the actual pocket.  Pockets are distinctively intimate since they are stitched into our public garments yet conceal our bodies, and they hold a narrow range of small things like coins, keys, wallets, phones, makeup, lighters, and similar objects that for various reasons are held close to our bodies and accessible to our hands.  There are some idiosyncratic but illuminating insights into privacy, place, and self that can be made based on an “excavation” of pockets and the cargo that finds refuge in them.

Maybe our use of some pockets is largely functional, like a right-hander who habitually slides their key chain into their readily accessible right front pants pocket.  Yet many pocket use patterns are the complicated result of longstanding practices and the vagaries of fashion.  For instance, men’s back pants pockets often betray “billfold bulge,” which is even worse in the face of contour-hugging skinny jeans and similar cuts.  In 1977, the Palm Beach Post assessed increasingly lean European pants cuts and pocket-less pants and recognized pocket use was a force of habit, concluding that “most men just don’t feel comfortable unless everything is in the same place its been for years.”  Thirty years later Details advised that there “is absolutely no need for you to shove an engorged wallet in the pocket of your $400 jeans.”  They concluded that “the contemporary pocket-stuffer is one of three things: an oblivious creature of habit, a man too insecure to carry a shoulder bag, or someone lacking the organizational skills to pare down the clutter that sits like a benign tumor on his right cheek to a couple of $100 bills and an AmEx.”

Much of pocket use is rooted in ideological notions of gender, class, and sexuality, historical fashion styles, and unexamined pocket use habits.  Since the late 19th century masculinity ideologies and fashion have cast pockets as somehow distinctively “masculine” reserves.  In the 18th century women’s garments included concealed pockets, with expansive tie pockets under dresses and petticoats in use for roughly two centuries.  Garments began to include far fewer pockets in the late 19th century as dresses and coats became more streamlined and the handbag became the carry-all of choice for women.  In 1899 a New York Times commentator noted the gradual disappearance of women’s garment pockets and remembered that “our grandmothers . . . used to have big, deep pockets in their skirts which they could get at somehow and in which they usually carried the household keys, a ball of yarn with knitting needles stuck in it, a little smooth-worn gourd for darning operations, and very often a few doughnuts or cookies and apples and a pair of spectacles.”

[via: http://russelldavies.typepad.com/planning/2015/02/pockets.html ]]]></description>
<dc:subject>pockets archaeology everyday carrying inventories 2015 handbags backpacks contents objects history anthropology abrahamlincoln clothing wearables wearable gender georgelegrady jasontravis erintaylor lindaalstead rafaellozano-hemmer francoisrobert hannahsmithallen meredithbrickell</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2013/11/the-presidents-hand-written-response-to-the-gettysburg-address/281666/">
    <title>The President's Hand-Written Response to the Gettysburg Address - Robinson Meyer - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2013-11-20T17:27:17+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2013/11/the-presidents-hand-written-response-to-the-gettysburg-address/281666/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["President Obama didn’t go to Gettysburg today, which some critics, well, criticized him for. But, this evening, he did release a little, hand-written essay about the address. The speech’s solemn nature, its multiplicity of forms, seemed to demand something more than an electronic press release from him. It demanded hand-writing, which, in a digital age, underlines the sincerity of a message.

In an age of pretty fonts and easy publishing, the image of hand-writing gets about as close to speech as a text can get.

The President’s manuscript is below, followed by my transcription of it.

Whether or not he wrote it (I think it’s written by him), it is a little ode on the nature of language: the famous language of the speech, the commanding language of the law, and the language which makes action possible."]]></description>
<dc:subject>handwriting robinsonmeyer barackobama 2013 gettysburgaddress abrahamlincoln</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/02/mark-twain-and-grants-memoirs/253343/">
    <title>Mark Twain And Grant's Memoirs - Ta-Nehisi Coates - National - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2012-02-21T01:26:31+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/02/mark-twain-and-grants-memoirs/253343/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["…beautiful thing about writing is it has no real respect for credentialism. You can get various degrees in writing. (…my initial plan was to get MFA.) But a degree can't make you a writer in the way that JD can make you a lawyer.

Great writing comes from all classes people…all kinds of experience. Edith Wharton was raised rich. EL Doctorow was not. 

When I visit schools around country I consistently repeat this—not because I think school is worthless, but b/c, very often, there are kids in audience who are lost, just as I once was. I don't come there to contravene their education…to tell them to drop out. On the contrary, I try to reinforce the ethic of hard work. But they need to know that a grade in a class, is not who they are—and I would say that whether the grade is an A or F. I failed English in HS…then failed British Literature in college. For whatever reason, it simply wasn't my time. But had I taken those grades as an eternal mark, I doubt I would be talking to you now."]]></description>
<dc:subject>ulyssessgrant frederickdouglass civilwar abrahamlincoln eldoctorow marktwain learning readiness grading grades deschooling unschooling education credentialism credentialing credentials writing ta-nehisicoates</dc:subject>
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<item rdf:about="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yMFblowNjXc">
    <title>Diversity Lecture: Ta-Nehisi Coates - YouTube</title>
    <dc:date>2011-11-12T20:55:30+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yMFblowNjXc</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["As part of our Bob and Aliecia Woodrick Diversity Learning Center Diversity Lecture Series, Grand Rapids Community College presents Ta-Nehisi Coates speaking on "A Deeper Black: The Meaning of Race in the Age of Obama.""
]]></description>
<dc:subject>ta-nehisicoates civilwar 2011 martinlutherkingjr race barackobama identity dropouts learning education observation obsession blackhistory us abrahamlincoln slavery history africanamerican truth hemingway huckleberryfinn marktwain malcolmx acceptance understanding safety incarceration society bodyscanners airports convenience inconvenience comfort self-esteem justice challenge segregation success progress policy politics desegregation parenting books homeenvironment reading curiosity exposure youth adolescence teens adults moralauthority wisdom mlk ernesthemingway</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://snarkmarket.com/2011/6757">
    <title>Thrall « Snarkmarket</title>
    <dc:date>2011-03-23T07:48:41+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://snarkmarket.com/2011/6757</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["The last one is my favorite (so far)—not because it describes my own experience (it doesn’t) or because I agree with it (I don’t quite), but because it’s a great example of someone thinking out loud—working something out in words. And also because it seems to evoke this great line of Lincoln’s, from his Second Inaugural:

"As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country."

Yeah, I think that’s actually what I like about Bridle’s post: it seems to be about thrall and how to get out of it. It’s a concept I am always sometimes obsessed with and always sensitive to; there’s a lot of thrall out there and you have to be careful or it seeps into your clothes, your skin.

I think you can actually finish Lincoln’s line with a lot of different words—industry, company, family—and it stays true."]]></description>
<dc:subject>snarkmarket robinsloan thrall abrahamlincoln change lying deception yearoff stasis deschooling unschooling servitude bondage control freedom independence self-deception power</dc:subject>
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</item>
<item rdf:about="http://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2010/08/thoreaus-walden-is-156-years-old-today-but-relevant-as-ever/61169/">
    <title>Thoreau's Walden Is 156 Years Old Today, but Relevant as Ever - Science and Tech - The Atlantic</title>
    <dc:date>2010-08-13T13:38:35+00:00</dc:date>
    <link>http://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2010/08/thoreaus-walden-is-156-years-old-today-but-relevant-as-ever/61169/</link>
    <dc:creator>robertogreco</dc:creator><description><![CDATA["In a country where so many gamely adopt the latest new gadget, we need our Thoreaus, not to stop the profusion of technology, but simply to remind us to use them well. There are spaces shot through our massively complex society to find "Simplicity! Simplicity! Simplicity!" by simply deciding to look for it.

Take another grave and important personality of the time, Abraham Lincoln. His views on technology, delivered in a series of speeches on "Discoveries and Inventions" in the years directly after Thoreau's Walden, were more positive. For Lincoln, technology did not debase humanity, as Thoreau would have contended, but it also wasn't a magical staircase leading to a better world under the label of Progress."]]></description>
<dc:subject>alexismadrigal thoreau technology progress simplicity luddism abrahamlincoln walden luddites</dc:subject>
<dc:identifier>https://pinboard.in/u:robertogreco/b:1f44e3ee31a4/</dc:identifier>
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